might both discourage his peope and bring diâ—…reputation to himselfe forbad any report to be made not only of the euent but of the iourney After this the French King leuied an army by lande wherewith marching towards Bulloine he tooke Blackenesse and Newhauen two fortes of the English neere vnto Bulloine This he did effect chiefly by the treason of one Sturton a bastard sonne of Lord Sturtons and by reuolt of diuers Almaines who serued in the garrisons who being meerely mercenarie did easily encline to the strongest From whence the French King marched towardes Bullaine vpon whose approach S t Nicholas Arnault captaine of Bullingberge holding the place not of strength to be held withdrew all the ordinance matters of worth into high Boullaine and with gunpowder blew vp the Forte So the French Kinge brought his armie before Boulline but because the plague raged amongst his souldiers the weather was vnseasonable by reason of much fall of raine he departed from his army and left Chastilion gouernor in his steed Chastilion bent his siege against the Pierre which was erected in Boulline haven and after batterie of 20000 shot or more the breach was thought reasonable and therevpon the assault was giuen But the same was so well encountred by the valour of the defendants helped with advantage of place that the obstinacy of the assailaÌ„ts did nothing but increase their losse so as the first fury being broken and spent The French resolued to attempt the peice no more by assault notwithstanding they continued the seige presented diuers skermishes false attempts but they spent both their labour shot without putting the defendants in any feare Then they planted their artillery against the mouth of the hauen to impeach supply of victualls to the towne Yet the English victualers surceased not at the Kings adventure to bring all things necessary vntill the end the souldiers of the towne set vpon the French suddainly by night slue many of them and dismounted their pieces Then the French applied their batterie againe wherein they sometimes spent 1500 shot in one day But finding this to be a fruitlesse fury they afterwards vsed it more sparingly and rather vpon a shew of hostility then vpon any hope thereby to prevaile In the meane season they charged a galley with grauel and stones and prepared to sinke it in the middest of the hauen But the English tooke the galley before it sunke and drew it to the shoare and vsed the stones to reenforce the Pierre After this they made faggots of light matter mixed with pitch tarre tallow rosin powder and wildfire with intention to fire the ships in the hauen but that enterprise was defeated by the Bullenois and their fagots taken from the French During these enterfeits diverse skirmishes passed betweene the English and the French about the frontires of Calleis which as they were but light so most of them ended with disadvantage to the French And now if all these troubles had not beene sufficient to trauaile the realme of England at once a great diuision fell among the nobility so much the more dangerous by how much the spirits were more actiue and high And albeit the heat thereof was much appeased for a timâ—… by the great iudgement and moderation of the King yeâ—… did it breake forth in the end to tragicall euents not vpon particular persons only but did much ouerslow and 〈◊〉 ouerwhelme the whole realme with disquiet and here of the most apparent originall was this The King had two vnkles brothers to Queene Iaue his deceased mother Edward D. of Somerset Lord Protector Thomas Lord Seymer Baron of Sudley high Admirall of England as the Duke was elder in yeares so was hee more staied in behauiour The Lord Sudley was fierce in courage courtly in fashion in personage stately in voice magnificent but somewhat empty of matter both were so faithfully affected to the King that the one might well bee termed his sword the other his target The Duke was greatest in fauour with the people the Lord Sudley most respected by the nobility both highly esteemed by the King both fortunate alike in their advancements both ruined alike by their owne vanity and folly whilest these two brothers held in amity they were like two armes the one defending the other and both of them the King but many things did moue together to dissolue their loue and bring them to ruine First their contrary disposition the one being tractable and milde the other stiffe and impatient of a superior whereby they liued but in cunning concord as brothers glued together but not vnited in graine then much secret enuy was borne against them for that their new lustre did dimme the light of men honoured with ancient nobility Lastly they where openly minded as hasty and soone moued so vncircumspect and easy to be minded By these the knot not only of loue but of nature between them was dissolued so much the more pitty for that the first cause proceeded from the pride the haughty hate the vnquiet vanity of a mannish or rather of a diuelish woman For the Lord Sudley had taken to wife Katharine Parre Queene Dowager last wife to King Henry the 8 th A woman beautified with many excellent vertues especially with humility the beauty of all other vertues The Duke had taken to wife Anne Stanhope a woman for many imperfections intollerable but for pride monstrous she was exceeding both subtle and violent in accomplishing her ends for which she spurned ouer all respects both of conscience and of shame This woman did beare such invincible hate first against the Q. Dowager for light causes and womans quarrells especially for that she had precedency of place before her being wife to the greatest Peere in the land then to the Lord Sudley for her sake That albeit the Q. Dowager dyed by childbirth yet would not her malice either dye or decrease But continually she rubbed into the Dukes dull capacity that the Lord Sudley dissenting from him in opinion of religion sought nothing more then to take away his life as well in regard of the common cause of Religion as thereby happely to attaine his place Many other things she boldly fained being assured of easie beliefe in her heedlesse hearer alwaies fearfull and suspitious as of feeble spirit but then more then euer by reason of some late opposition against him Her perswasions she cunningly intermixed with teares affirming that she would depart from him as willing rather to heare both of his disgraces and dangers then either to see the one or participate of the other The Duke embracing this womans counsaile a womans counsaile indeede and nothing the better yeelded himselfe both to aduise and deuise for destruction of his brother The Earle of Warwicke had his finger in the businesse and drew others also to giue either furtherance or way to her violent desires Being well content she should haue her minde so as the Duke might thereby incurre infamy
mixture of honest delight Vnder these teachers the Prince thrived so well that in short time he spake the French tongue perfectly In the 〈◊〉 tongue he could declaime vpon the suddaine no lesse both readily and purely then many who were reputed amongst the most learned of these times He attained not only commendable knowledge but speech in the Greeke Spanish and Italian languages having alwaies great iudgment in measuring his words by his matter his speech being alike both fluent and weightie such as best beseemed a Prince as for naturall Philosophie for Logicke Musicke Astronomie and other liberall sciences his perfections were such that the great Italian Philosopher Cardane having tasted him by many conferences and finding him most strongly to encounter his new devised paradoxes in Philosophie seemed to be astonished betweene admiration and delight and divulged his abilities to be miraculous These his acquirements by industrie were exceedingly both enriched and enlarged by many excellent endowments of nature For in disposition he was milde gracious and pleasant of an heavenly wit in body beautifull but especially in his eies which seemed to haue a starrie liuelynes and lustre in them generally hee seemed to be as Cardane reported of him A MIRACL'E OF NATVRE When he was a few moneths aboue nine yeeres of his age great preparation was made either for creating or for declaring him to be Prince of Wales Duke of Cornewall and Count Palatine of Chester In the middest whereof K. Henry his Father ended his life of a dropsie accompanyed with a spreading scaâ—…e of his thigh Herevpon Edward Earle of Hartford and S r Anthony Browne knight of the order and Master of the horse were forthwith dispatched by the residue of the counsâ—…ile to the young King then lying at Hartford These came vnto him and the next day brought him to Enfield neither with preparation nor traine any more then ordinarie Here they first declared vnto him and to the Lady Elizabeth his sister the death of K. Henry their father Vpon which tidings they both brake forth into such vnforced and vnfained passions as it plainely appeared that good nature did worke in them beyond all other respects Never was sorrow more sweetly set forth their faces seeming rather to beautifie their sorrow then their sorrow to clowde the beautie of their faces Their young yeares their excellent beauties their louely and liuely enterchange of complaints in such sort graced their griefe as the most yron eies at that time present were drawne thereby into societie of their Teares The next day following being the last of Ianuarie the young king advanced towards London The Earle of Hartford riding next before him and S r Anthony Browne behinde The same day he was proclaimed King and his lodging was prepared within the Tower He there was received by the Constable and Lieuetenant on horse backe without the gates and vpon the bridge next the Ward-gate by all the chiefe Lords â—…o his counsailo These attended him to his chamber of presence and there sware allegiance vnto him Here he remained about three weekes and in the meane time the counsaile appointed vnto him by his Fathers will dayly sate for ordering the affaires of the Kingdome Among these the Earle of Hartford was elected and forthwith proclaimed protector of the Realme and governour of the kings person vntill he should accomplish the age of eighteene yeares To this office he was deemed most fit for that he was the kings vnkle by the Mothers side very neere vnto him in bloud but yet of no capacitie to succeede by reason whereof his naturall affection and dutie was lesse easie to be over-carryed by Ambition A few daies after the Lord Protector knighted the king within the Tower and immediatly the king stood vp vnder his cloath of estate tooke the sword from the Lord Protector and dubbed the Lord Maior of London knight Herehence ensued diverse other advancements in honour For S r Edward Seymer Lord Protector and Earle of Hartford was created Duke of Somerset The Lord William Parre Earle of Essex was proclaimed Marquis of Northampton Sâ—… Thomas Seymer the kings vnckle was made Lord of Sudley and high Admirall of England S t Richard Rich was made Lord Rich Sâ—… William Willoughby Lord Willoughby of Parreham and Sir Edmund Sheffield Lord Sheffield of Buterwike And because high titles of honour were in that time of the Kings minority sparingly granted because dignity then waited vpon desert which caused it againe to be waited on by respect every of these testified for others that it was the pleasure of the Kings Father before his death that these titles should thus bee conferred During this time the body of King Henrie was with honorable solemnities conveyed from London to Sheene and thence to Windsore and there buryed within the Colledge All his officers brake their staues and threw them into the graue but at their returne to the tower new staues were delivered vnto them this solemnitie being finished the King vpon the nineteenth of Febr. 1547. rode in great state from the Tower to the Palace of Westminster and the day following was crowned by the Archbishop of Canterbury assisted with other Bishops and all the chiefe nobilitie of the Realme About the twenty-ninth yeere of the Empire of Charles the fifth and the 33 of the Raigne of Francis the first of France and in the fifth yeere both of the raigne and age of Marie Queene of Scotland The same day a generall pardon was granted to all persons as it hath beene vsuall at coronations But by some envious oppositions or for some other causes vnknowne fixe onlie were excepted The Duke of Northfolke Cardinall Poole Edward â—…e Courtney eldest sonne to the Marquesse of Exceter Doctor Pates Master Fortescue and Master Throgmorton But they overlived that envie and had their pardons afterwards in the first yeere of the Raigne of Queene Marie A few daies after the Earle of Southampton Lord Chancellor of England for being opinatiue as it was reported and obstinately opposite to the rest of the Lords in matters of counsaile was removed both from his office of being Chancellor and from his place and authority in counsaile and the great seale was delivered to Sir William Pawlet Lord S â— Iohn who was Lord great Master of the Kings houshold But this wound of disgrace never left bleeding vntill it was stopped by the Protectors fall It is certaine that from the first entrance of this King to his raigne never was King either more loving to others or better beloved generally of all The one whereof proceeded from the goodnes of his disposition the other from many graces and vertues illustrious in him for besides his excellent beauty and modestie beseeming a Prince besides his sweet humanity the very life of mortall condition besides a naturall disposition to all literature whereto he seemed rather borne then instructed many noble and high virtues sparckled in him especially Clemencie Courage Care and knowledge in affaires of
heare matters of greatest moment debated because in these high passages nothing was thought to be done truly with maiesty nothing agreeable to the dignity of the state but in the presence of the King Generally all the counsaile agreed that none of them should make suit to the King for land or forfeitures aboue xx l or for reuersion of leases or any other extraordinary matter vntill the state of his Reuenewes should be further knowen Besides these commissions another went forth to ouersee and order the Kinges reuenewes and to cut off superfluous charges to ouersee all courts especially those of new erection as the court of augmentation and of first fruits and tenths and to prouide that the reuenewes were answered euery halfe yeare another went forth for debts owing to the King and to take accompt of paiments since the 35 of K. Henry the 8 th and in what manner the King had beene deceiued either by not accompting or accompting falsely Another also for taking away needlesse Bâ—…ulwarkes by vertue whereof diuerse were dimolished vpon the sea coasts in peace chargeable and little seruiceable in warre And further for more orderly and speedy dispatch of causes the King deliuered to his counsaile these Articles following 1 That all suits ' petitions and common warrants deliuered to the priuy counsell be considered by them on mundaies in the afternoone and answered oâ—… saturdaies in the afternoone and that those daies and no other be assigned to that purpose 2 That such suits and petitions as pertaine to any courts of law be referred to those courts where properly they are triable others to be determined with expedition 3 That in making warrants for money it be forseene that they be not for such matters as may be dispatched by warrants dormant least by such meanes accompts should be vncertaine 4 That vpon Sundaies they intend publique affaires of the Realme dispatch answeres to letters for good order of the state and make full dispatches of all things concluded the wâ—…cke before Prouided that they be present at common praier 5 That on Sunday night the Secretaries or one of them deliuer to the King a memoriall of such things as are to be debated by the priuy counsaile and he to appoint certaine of them to be debated vpon seuerall daies viz. Munday afternoone Tuesday wensday Thursday and Friday beforenoone 6 That on friday afternoone they shall make a collection of such things as haue beene done the fower daies before what they haue concluded and what the time suffered not to peruse Also the principall reasons which moued them to conclude of such matters as seemed doubtfull 7 That on Saturday before noone they present this collection of the King and enquire his pleasure vpon all things which they haue concluded and also vpon all priuate suits 8 That none of the priuy counsell depart the court for longer time then two daies vnlesse eight of the counsell remaine behind and vnlesse the King haue notice thereof 9 That they make no assembly in counsell vnlesse they be to the number of foure at the least 10 That if they assemble to the number of fower and vnder the number of sixe then they may reason or examine the commodities or inconueniences of matters proposed and make things plaine which seeme diffused at the first opening and if they agree then at the next full assembly of sixe a perfect conclusion thereof shall be made 11 That if there be vnder fower and a matter arriseth requiring expedition they shall declare it to the King but not giue answere vnlesse it requires extraordinary hast 12 That if such matters shall arise as it shall please the King to heare the same debated warning shall be giuen that the more may be present 13 That if such matter arise as cannot be ended without long debating the counsaile shall not intermeddle with other causes vntill they haue concluded the same 14 That no priuate suit be entermedled with great affaires but shall be heard on Mundaies only 15 That when matters for scantnesse of time be only discussed and not brought to an end then it shall be noted to what point the businesse is brought and what haue beene the principall reasons that when it shall be treated againe it may the sooner come to conclusion 16 That in tedious or difficult matters two or three or more may be appointed to prepare and report the same that being lesse cumbrous and defuse they may the more easily be dispatched 17 That no warrant for reward aboue 40 l or businesse or affaires aboue 100 l passe but vnder the Kings signet 18 That if vpon aduertisements or other occasions matters of great importance appeare which require hast such matters shall be considered and determined notwithstanding those Articles which appoint businesse for seuerall daies so as this order be not generally or commonly broken Assuredly albeit the King declared both his iudgment and his diligence and care of affaires of the realme Yet is there one rule more and not by him neglected for all great officers which if it be not sufficient in itselfe to hold matters in order yet are no rules sufficient without it And this is to choose persons both for ability and integrity well reputed albeit happily they be not alwaies vsed For besides that these will be a rule to themselues it is a great satisfaction to the people and keepeth them both from murmuring and curious enquiring into counsailes of State which is neuer good and often dangerous when they know or at least suppose matters to passe vnder such mens iudgements In theese times it was conceiued by many that by erecting of a Mart in England the realme would be much enriched and made more famous and lesse obnoxious to other countries The time was then esteemed fit by reason of the warres betweene the Emperor and the French King The places deemed most meete were Hull for the east countries and Southampton for the South London was thought no ill place but Southampton was iudged most conuenient for the first beginning This matter detained the Lords of the counsell in a deliberation both serious and long with great strength and variety of reasons on both sides which because they may giue some light to the like question which in times ensuing may happily againe be set on foot I will here declare them in the same manner as they were collected by the King Against the Mart these octiections were made 1 That strangers could haue no accesse into England by land which they had at Antwerp where the Mart then was 2 That the ill working of English cloaths made them lesse esteemed abroad 3 That the great quantity of English cloathes in Flanders would make them lesse desired from hence 4 That the Merchants had then established their dwelling places at Antwerp 5 That other Nations would forbeare their resort into England for a while vpon commandement of the Emperor 6 That the deniall of the requests of the Merchants of the Stilliard
the French King had drawen the Turke into Christendome and therefore was to be resisted as a common enimy And further in case the Emperor vpon extâ—…emity should compose agreement with the French the danger to England would be double First vpon offence taken by the Emperor then vpon the French Kings old disposition edged by euery new displeasure wherein the deuotion of the Bishop of Rome would not be wanting And againe the English Merchants were so ill intreated in the Empire the Realme was so much engâ—…ged in honour and in wealth as some remedy was to be sought none better then by giuing aide Lastly the French Kings proceedings were no lesâ—…e doubtfull then fearfull not only in regard of Stukelies report not altogâ—…ther to be neglected but by reason of his breaking and firing diuers English ships the auncient strength and fortresses of the realme Others were of aduice that the Emperors demands of aide should be denied First for that it would be too chargeable and almost â—…mpossible for the English to performe Thâ—…n for that when the Emperor should die the whole weight of the warre would râ—…ule vpon the English And further the Germaine Protestants would be offended herewith conceiue some doubts of their owne estates Lastly there was hope that the amity with â—…rance would not long continue but aâ—…end that the â—…mbassadors then lately sent would repaire all harmes done by the French upon English shipps Betweene both these the King stroke a midâ—…ing iudgment so to aiâ—…e the Emperor against the French King as other Christian Princes should also adioine and that for no other cause but as a common enimy for drawing the Turkes forces vpon them That herâ—…by as the cause was common so would there be more parties to it And this also would moderate the charge of aiding the Emperor according to the treaty and whensoeuer the Emperor should die or breake off it was likely that some of those Princes and parties should remaine so as the King should not stand alone Moreouer this friendship would much advance the Kinges other affaires in Germany and finally it would be honourable to breake with the French King vpon this common quarrell Against this advise of the King two obiections were made one that the treaty must be entertained with so many that it could not be speedily or secretly concluded The other that in case the purpose should be discouered and not concluded the French might be prouoked thereby to practise the like confederation against the English All these the King did knit vp in this conclusion first that the treaty should be made only with the Emperor and by the Emperors means with other Princes Secondly that the Emperors acceptance should be well vnderstood before any treaty were either entered or entertained against the French Herevpon letters were dispatched to M r Morison the Kinges Embassador with the Emperor whereby he was directed to declare to the Emperor how the King touched with pitty at the invasion of Christian countries by the Turkes would willingly ioinâ—… with him and other States of the Empire in case the Emperor could bring it to passe in some league against the Turkes and against their confederats But caution was giuen that he should not once mention the French King nor answere any mention made of him only to say that his commission extended no further But if the Emperor would send a messenger into England he should happily know more Herewith and because time beateth out truth letters were sent to M r Pickering the Kinges Embassador in â—…rance to know whether Sâ—…ukely hâ—…d acquâ—…inted hiâ—… with any of those matters which he had disclosed in England And with what familiarity the French King vsed him or by what other circuâ—…stances he could conceiue his report to be true Herewith also the Lord Gray was chosen deputy of Calais the Lord Wentworth remoued as one whose youth want of experience was held vnfit to gouerne that châ—…rge in turbulent times On the other side S r Nicholas Wentworth was remoued from being Porter of the towne by reason of his old age but had an hundred pounds yeaâ—…ly pension assigned him for his life Also by abating needlesse expences to be the better enabled against charge the seuerall tables for young Lorâ—…s for the masters of Requests and for Sergeants at armes 〈◊〉 laid downe and diuerse extraordinary allowances weâ—…e taken away And further because the King was to make paiment of 48000 l beyond the seas and had but 14000 l towards the summe 300 of the chiefe Merchants aduenturers granted to him a lone of 40000 l for three moneths to be leuied from the cloaths which they were then to transport after the rate of 20 shillings for euery cloath But these Aduenturers went not vpon any aduenture because at that shipping 40000 broad cloaths were by them transported Whilest these matters were in action two Lawyers arriued in England with direction from the French King to declare what matters had beene determined against the English by the French Kings counsell and vpon what reasons and also what matters were then depending and what care and diligence was vsed in those dispatches They were much commended by all for their modest behauiour and their sweet eloquence much delighted the King who againe in a short speech first thanked the French King for his desire to giuâ—… him satisfaction then commended them for well performing their charge but for the substance of their businesse he referred them to London where some of his counsell should commune thereof fully with them Here M r Secretary Peeter and M r Watton and S r Thomas Smith laid before them the grieuances of the English merchants whose losses by the French exceeded the summe of 50000 l To this the Embassadors gaue little answere but said they would make report thereof at their returne into France affirming that they had no commission but only to declare the manner and causes of iudiciall proceedings Presently aâ—…ter their returne Mounsier Villandry was sent againe in post to the King to declare vnto him that albeit M r Sydneies and M r Winters matters went iustly against them yet because thâ—…y were the Kings seruants and one of them in place neere his person the French King was content freely to giue to M r Sydney his ship and all his goods in her and to M r Winter his ship and all his owne goods But this offer the King refused assuming that he required nothing freely but expected iustice and expedition Villandry shewed further that the King his master was desirous that the ordinances and customes of England and France touching Marine affaires might be reduced into one forme without any difference betweene them Wherto answere was made that the English ordinances for marine affaires were no other then the ciuill lawes and certaine auntâ—…ent additions of the Realme wherein they could conceiue no reason or conueniâ—…ncy of change hauing long continued without râ—…proofe After this Uillandry brought
MAIESTY THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING EDWARD THE SIXT Written by S â— Iohn Hayward 〈◊〉 D r. of Lawe London â—…inted for Iohn Partridge and are to 〈◊〉 sold at the signe of the Sunne in Paules Churchyard POWER Courteous Reader THis noble Prince whose Storie is here deliuered seemes to haue had the same aduersitie of fortune in his life and death which he had at his birth For as he was destituted of the helpes of nature at his entrance and was faine to haue his way made into the world with a knife so in his life was there continuall imployment of either Sword or Axe of that either at home against his Rebells or against his enemies abroad of this vpon his Nobles and particularly vpon his owne vncles by the mothers side of which the Duke of Somerset's case is very remarkable As his birth was violent and his reigne troublesome so was his death praemature not without suspicion of some practice of which besides vulgar rumour Cardan in calculating his scheme seemes to haue some iealous coniecture For whether he diuined it by his art in Astrology or apprehended it by the course and carriage of businesse hee made a dangerous praediction when hee foresaw that the King should shortly dye a violent death and as he reporteth fled out of the kingdome for feare of further danger Howsoeuer he was as noble a branch as euer sprung out of the Royall stocke worthy if so it had seemed good to God of a more fauourable birth a quieter reigne and a longer life But as the notable accidents in his tumultuous times doe deserue to be recorded so doth the King himselfe for his sweet condition for his minde as innocent as his yeares for his rare endowments well deserue to be commended to euerlasting memory that he may bee permanent so much the longer in the life of an history by how much the threed of his naturall life was cut shorter by the Fates And indeed as he had the birth of Caesar so had he beene worthy to haue had the fortune and fame of Caesar but a better conclusion This history is left vs from the pen of a worthy Author of whom we haue another essay in Henry the fourth This comes out into the world after the death of the father a Posthumus and is not like to finde any Patron but the loue and affection of thee fauourable Reader to which I commend it and thee to God THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF K. EDVVARD THE SIXTH EDWARD K. of England the sixth of that name of the Norman Race was borne at Hampton court the 17 of October 1537. being the only surviving sonne of K. Henry the 8. by Iane his third wife daughter to S r. Iohn Seymer Knight And because K. Henry did take her to wife after the death of Katherine his first wife from whom he had beene divorced no question nor conceit was cast but that this Issue betweene them had right to succeede All reports do constantly runne that he was not by naturall passage delivered into the world but that his mothers body was opened for his birth and that shee dyed of the incision the fourth day following After which sort men brought forth were by the ancient Romanes esteemed fortunate and commonly proved great enterprisâ—…rs with happy successe For so Plinie writeth Auspicatius enecta matre nascuntur sicut Scipio Africanus prior natus These were called Caesones and afterwards Caesares as Plime Festus Pompeius Solinus and Titius Probus affirme Quia caeso matris vtero in lucem 〈◊〉 In this maner was Caeso Fabius borne whom Livy reporteth to haue beene thrice Consull first with Lucius Aemilius next with Sp. Furius and thirdly with T. Uirginius Thus also was Scipio borne who by reason of his braue atchieuements in Africke was surnamed Scipio Africanus prior But in that Plinie affirmeth that he was the first who was called Caesar à caeso matris vtero he seemeth to haue made a slippe â—…or before him and somewhat before the warres with the Samnites one Claudius was surnamed Caesar because he was in that fashion brought into the world In ancient times these births were esteemed sacred to Apollo as Servius noteth out of these words in Uirgill Iâ—…de Lycham ferit exectum cum matre perempta tibi Phoebe sacrum And therefore Aesculapius because he was ripped from his mothers wombe was feigned to be the sonne of Apollo as Servius vpon another place of Uirgill hath observed For this cause also in the ancient state of Rome things consecrated to Apollo were kept by the familie of the Caesars That Iulius Caesar was so borne it is an vncontrouled Report But that he was the first of the familie of Caesars who was so either named or borne It is a thicke mistie error supported chiefly by some men of excellent iudgement in their owne professions but childishly vnskilfull in anything besides Plinie writeth that his Father was surnamed Caesar who having borne the office of Praetor determined his life by suddaine death What would haue beene either the fortunes or endeavours of K. EDWARD he never attained to yeares of proofe Assuredly both for the time of his age and raigne he is rather to bee admired then commended whereby he raised an high expectation for times to ensue In one point hee was like the like borne Iulius Caesar. For as Caesar in the middest of his greatest actions wrote an exact and curious Commentary of all his notable enterprises by Armes So this Edward during all the time of his Raigne but most especially towards the end kept a most iudicious Iournall of all the most principall passages of the affaires of his estate These memorialls written with K. Edwards hand which now shall be the ground of this historie were imparted vnto me by the great Treaserer of English antiquities S. Robert Cotton Knight Baronet who as he hath beene a most industrious both collector and conseruer of choice peeces in that kinde so is he most ingenuously free to communicate the vse of them to others This young Prince was brought vp among nurses vntill he arriued to the age of sixe yeares when he had passed this weake and sappiâ—… age he was committed to D r Coxâ—… who after was his Almoner M. Iohn Cheeke men of meane birth But so well esteemed for virtue and learning by reason of the place of their employment that they might well besaid to be borne of themselues These having equall authority for instruction of the young Prince and well agreeing bare equall stroake in divers faculties D r Coxe for knowledge of Divinity Philosophy and gravitie of manners M â— Cheeke for eloquence in the Latine and Greeke tongues But for other sufficiencies so farre as it appeares by the bookes which hee wrote Pedantique enough Others also were appointed to acquaint him with the vse of the most respected forraigne languages all iointly endevouring to infuse into him knowledge and vertue by some
furnished he should awaite occasion to sollicite the same Lastly that he should carry a nimble eare as well touching any variation in all these â—…atters as for other occurrences in France Spaine Italie Almaine and thereof advertise the king But notwithstanding all these cautions and preventions of peace or truce betweene the Emperour and the French the king of England finding the Emperour slow in his performances and much suspecting his secret ends entertained a treatie of peace with France but secretly and a farre off and to bee governed as occasions should vâ—…ry and in regâ—…rd hâ—…reof agreement was made that all ships and goods which had bin surprised at sea by the English vpon the French or by the French vpon the English since the beginning of that treatie should be freely discharged And albeit the English had great aduâ—…ntage in value of reprisalls as being alwaies both more strong and actiue at sea yet the king by his proclamation commanded that forthwith restitution should be made Hostility being thus suspended with France preparation was made for warres against Scotland the occasion whereof did thus arise MARY STYWARD sole daughter heire to Iames the 5. King of Scots began her raigne ouer the Realme of Scotland vpon the 18 of December 1542 being then not aboue 7 daies olde so as the Sunne no sooner almost saw her an infant then a Queene and no sooner was shâ—…e a Queene but she was desired of Henry then King of England to be assured in marriage to Prince Edward his only sonne being then not much aboue 6 yeares of age Vpon this ouerture the gouernor of Scotland assembled the nobility of the Realme at Edenburgh where after much debatement of the coÌ„modities or discommodities like to ensue they concluded in the end that in March then next ensuing a Parliament should be held to giue perfection and forme to that businesse In the meane time S. Ralph Sadler knight was sent embassador from England to the Gouernor and other Lords of Scotland who followed his charge with so good diligence and advice that in the same parliamenâ—… authority was giuen to William Earle of Glancorne S. George ' Douglasse S. William Hamilton S. Iames Leirmouth knights and to one of the secretaries of state to conclude this marryage These commissioners came into England with whom before the end of Iulie the same yeere all covenants were concluded instruments of the contract of marriage interchangeably sealed and sworne and a peace established for ten yeares which time expyred both the Prince and the Queene should be of age to consent The French King all this tiâ—…e was so enteartined with warres against the Emperor that he had no sence of these proceedings but when he vnderstood that these agreements were passed as well for marriage as for peace he bâ—…nt his best endeuour to dissolue them both First with intention to impeach both the greatnesse and strength of the English nation after with desire to winne this marriage for Francis who afterwardes was King of France To this purpose the French K. sent for Mathew Earle of Levenoxe who then serued vnder his pay in Italie and furnished him with mony forces and friends and aboue all with many encouragements to take vpon him brauely the honour of his house and Ancestors to remoue the Earle of Arraine from the Regency of Scotland and to reverse such pactions as he had made The Earle at his first arrivall in Scotland was ioyfully received as a man most engaged in domesticall factions He alwaies vsed curtesie and modestie disliked of none sometimes sociablenes and fellowship well liked by many generally he was honoured by his nation and well reputed by strangers in favour of him the Pope sâ—…nt the Patriarch of Apulia his Legat into Scotland who in the Popes nâ—…me did faithfully assure that both forces mony should be sent into Scotland to resist the English Heâ—… drew the greatest of the Cleargie on his side who were most powerfull to draw on others On the other side the king was not negligent to support his party with supplies wher by great troubles ensued in Scotland which fell not within the times that I hauâ—… in hand In the end the Earle of Arraine abandoned the king of England and applyed himselfe only to the French by reason whereof the Regencie was confirmed to him which otherwise he had bin vpon adventure to loose And as the Earle of 〈◊〉 did forsake the English and adioine to the French so the Earle of Levenoxe being forsaken by the French applyed his service wholy to the English which did not only continue but much encrease the calamities of Scotland during the time of king Henries raigne King Henrie at the time of his death gâ—…ue a spâ—…ciall charge to the Lords of his counsaile that they should omit no â—…ndevours whereby the said marriâ—…ge might be procured to take effect Herevpon they pursued this quarrell in the same stâ—…te the king left it But before they attempted any thing by Armes the Lord Protector assailed the Scottish nobility with a friendly letter Herein he remâ—…mbred them of the promises seaâ—…es and oathes which by publike authority had passed for concluding this marriage that these being religious bonds betwixt God and their soules could not by any politike act of state be dissolved vntill their Queene should attaine vnto yeares of dissent Hee farther added that the providence of God did then manifestly declare it selfe in that the male princes of Scotland failing the kingdome was left to a daughter and in that King Henry left only one sonne to succeed That these two princes were agreeable both for yeares and princely qualities to bee ioyned in marriâ—…ge and thâ—…reby to knit both Realmes into one That this vnion as it was like to bee both easily done of firme continuance so would it be both profitable and honourable to both the Realmes That both the easinesse and firmnâ—…s might be coniectured for that both people are of the same language of like habit and fashion of like qualitie and condition of life of one climate not only annexed entirely together but sevâ—…red froÌ„ all the world 〈◊〉 For as these are sure arguments that both desâ—…ended from one originall and had bin vnder one governement so by reason that likenes is a great cause of liking and of loue they would be most forceable meanes both to ioine and to hold them in one body again that the profit would rise by extinguishing warres betweâ—…ne the two nations by reason whereof in former times victori sabroad haue bin impeachâ—…d invasions and seditions occasioned thâ—… confines of both Realmes laid wâ—…st or else made a nurserie of rapines robberies and murthers the inner parts often deepely pierced and made a wretched spectacl to all eies of humanity and pittie That the honour of both Realmes would enerease as well in regard of the countries sufficient to furnish not only the necessities but the moderate pleasures of this life as also of the people
and intentions of the Scots wholly vpon them The Lord Wharton and the Earle of Leuenoxe entred Scotland on the west marches with 5000 men and hauing marched two miles they wonne the church of Anan a strong place and alwaies much annoying the English there they tooke 62 prisoners fired most part of the spoyle and ouerthrew the fort with powder passing 16 miles further they tooke the castle of Milke which they fortified strongly and planted a garrison therein and after much spoile and wast of the country returned safely into England These successes did strike such a terror into many of the Scots that the Earle Bothwell and diuerse cheife gentlemen of 〈◊〉 and Meers supposing to finde more easy conditions by yeelding then by striuing submitted themselues to the King of England and were receiued by the Lord Generall into protection But it is most cerraine that the English made not their best improuements of these fortunate euents and that especially by two miserable errors â—…unctation in prosecuting and haste in departure But doubtlesse the vnion of these two realmes was a worke most proper to Gods omnipotent arme which afterwards effected the same as by milder meanes so in a more durable manner then they could haue bin vnited by Armes This high appointment of God we must reuerence and admire but not omit to obserue the errors committed First therefore after the retreit the English lodged the same night in the place where the battaile had bin fought Where and in the villages not farre distant they soiourned fiue daies without doing any thing in the meane time the English searched the riuers and hauens whether the Scottish ships were retyred in such sort as they left few ships of war vnspoiled or vntaken the army also gathered the spoile of the field whereof 30000 iacks and swords 30 peices of great artillery were shipped for England The English hauing thus long breathed and thereby giuen breathing to their enimies fired Lieth tooke S t Colmes Broughticragge Rockesborough Humes castle Aymouth Fial castle Dunglasse Kilnecombe and diuers other small pieces whereof parte they ruined parte they enlarged and fortified and furnished them with able souldiers accustomed with often and prosperous successe Herewith as if they had beene weary of their faire fortunes they suddainly brake off the enterprise and returned another way into England hauing staid not aboue 25 daies in Scotland and lost vnder 60 men The pretence of their departure was worse then the departure it selfe namely for that the yeare and their prouisions were far spent and the country afforded little forrage Assuredly as nature taketh least care for those things which she formeth in hast so violent and storm-like fortunes how terrible so euer are seldome durable Now the Lord Gouernor of Scotland being of great courage and sober iudgement as a man might well read in his face as he had amply performed his duty both before the battaile and in the field so especially after the fight he declared himselfe to be of a stout and vnbroken spirir For first he assembled the dispersed forces of the Scottish army albeit not in sufficient manner to giue a fresh battaile by reason that much of their armor was lost yet able to keepe the English from ranging at largâ—… Then hee presented the English with diuers offers of â—…reaty touching matters in difference vntill the country was dischargâ—…d of them lastâ—…y knowing right well that counsels are commonly censured by euents and that in matters of armes albeit the praise of prosperous successe is shared amongst many yet the blame of misadventures is charged vpon one And fearing hereby mutinies amongst his owne people and contempt of others hauing first assured the young Queene in place of good defence he assembled the Scottis nobility and vsed words to this effect I assure my selfe that many of you my Lords and more of the vulger are much displeased with me for that I haue advised this warre whereof so sad euents haue followed for this cause I haue assembled you together to reduce you to a better opinion or to blame you deepely either if you remaine offended or if you cast downe your courage throw feare the betrayer of all succors which reason can afforde for tell me if you are discontented with me for aduising this warre doe you not condemne your selues for following the aduice It is certaine that at the first you were all of my opinion and that I did nothing without your approuement If now vpon one misadventure you change your iudgements and charge the fault only vpon me you doe me wrong and discouer your owne weaknesse in being vnable to endure those things which you knew were casuall and which you were resolued to endure But I make no doubt but the same reasons which induced you to entertaine this warre will induce you also to prosecute the same howsoeuer sodaine and vnexpected euents dismay your iudgments for the present Touching my selfe I was alwaies of opinion and shall never change that it is better the kingdome should be in good estate with particular losse to many of the people then that all the people should be well and the state of the kingdome altogether lost or dishonourably impaired euen as it is better that a ship should be preserued with some discommodity to the sailers then that the sailers being in health the ship should perish or as it is lesse dangerous when diuerse parts of a tower are decaied and the foundation firme then when the foundation is ruinous albeit the parts remaine entire For the common estate is but weakned by calamities of particular persons but the ruine of the state inâ—…olueth all in a generall destruction And therefore they are to be blamed alike both who moue and who decline warre vpon particular respects the comeither honour or necessity must bee the true measure of both But the cause of this warre is no other then that wee will not incontinently submit our selues to doe what our neighbours require That is because at the first word wee are not forward to thrust our necks vnder the girdles of our enimies yea our old enimies yea our only enimies of any accompt for many years who in their gluttenous hope haue devoured our kingdome who by the bloody execution of their late victories haue shewen what curtesie wee may expect at their hands In doeing whereof wee shall abandon our ancient and approved friends who as they neuer failed vs in our extremities so are they now prepared with large aides to relieue vs who will not feare or pause at the least before he leap vpon this sodaine changeâ—… who will forsake long tryed friends to rely vpon those who alwaies haue beene ready by Armes to infest vs. Not at all times vpon desire either of revenge or spoile but to bring vs vnder their ambitious dominion which of vs had not rather dye this day then see our enimies in our strongest castles and yoakes of garrisons cast vpon our necks Who
Westminster wherein one Act was made against spreading of Prophecies the first motiue of rebellions and another against vnlawfull assemblies the first apparant acting of them But for feare of new tumults the Parliament was vntimely dissolued and gent. charged to retyre to their country habitations being furnished with such forces and commissions as were held sufficient to hold in bridle either the malice or rage of reasonlesse people yea so great grew the doubt of new insurrections that Trinity terme did not holde least gentlemen should by that occasion be drawen out of the country where they were esteemed to doe good seruice by keeping the Commons from commotions All these mouements seemed to be pretended by mouing of the earth in diuerse places of Sussex The affaires of England beyond the seas all this time were caried with variable successe S r Thomas Cheynie was sent to the Emperour to treat with him that his forces might ioine with the forces of England against the common enimies of them both according to the Articles for merly cōcluded These articles had bin well obserued for a time esp◅eially against the French But afterwards the emperour being diuerted about other preparations and therewith much solicited by the Scots not to be a helpe to ruine their kingdome fell by degrees from the K. of England filling his Embassadors with emptie hopes at the first wherein also he daily fainted and failed in the end In France the King placed the Rhenegra◅e with diuers Regiments of Almaine Lancequenots and certaine ensignes of F◅ench to the number of 4 or 5000 at the towne of Morguison midway betweene Bouline and Calais to empeach all entercourse betweene those two places wherevpon the King of England caused all the strangers that had serued the yeere against the rebells to the number of 2000 to be transported to Calais to them were adioined 3000 English vnder the command of Francis Earle of Hunting don S r Edward Hastings his brother to dislodge the French or otherwise to annoy them But the French perceiuing that the troubles in England were perfectly appeased and that the King thereby was much strengthened in his estate for that the vicious humors against him were either corrected or spent finding also that he daily grew rather into admiration then loue aswell for that it was apparant that hee had so well improued that little stocke which his father left as he was like to proue a thriuer in the end also weary in maintaining warres with Scotland as well in regard of the charge as for that his people were nothing desirous of seruice in that distant country Lastly hauing tried aswell the strength as curtesy of the English nation and doubtfull of the estates of the empire and of Spaine by whom not only the wings of his Kingdome had beene clipped on euery side but the whole body thereof dangerously attempted he resolued to fasten peace with England if he could Herevpon he dispatched to the English court Guidolti an Italion borne in Florence who made many ouertures to the Lords of the counsaile but all as from the Cunstable of France and espying with a nimble eye that matters of consaile were chiesly swayed by the Earle of Warwicke by great gifts and gretter hopes he wrought him to be appliable to his desires In the end it was concluded that foure Embassadors should be sent from the King of England into France and foure from the French King to treat with them that the English commissioners should come to Guisnes and the French to Arde and that their meeting should be chiefly at Guisnes The English yeelding to all with sincerity of minde the French accepting all but with intentions reserued to themselues The Lords appointed by the English were Iohn Earle of Bedforde William Lord Paget St William Peeter and Sr Iohn Mason Secretaries of State on the French side were appointed Mounsier Rochpott Mounsier Chastilion Guillant de Mortier and Rochetele de Dassi◅ in short time after the Earle of Warwicke was made Lord great M ◠another feather to his mounting minde The day wherein the English Embassadors arriued at Caluis Guidolti resorted vnto them with a letter from Mounsier Rochpot whereby he signified that the French intended not to come to Arde but desired that the English would goe to Bouline and that the meeting might be besides the Towne For this he alleadged that he was so weakly disposed in health that he could not trauaile farre and that he being Gouernor of Picardie and Chastilion of Newhauen they might not depart such distance from their charge and further that there must be much wast of time if the English should lye at Guisnes and the French at Ardes and that the equality would be more and the dishonour to one of the sides lesse if the enterview should be vpon the Frontires then if one part should be drawen into the territory of the other Vpon this rubbe the English Embassadors thought fit to demurre and so sent into England to receiue directions from the Lords of the counsaile They againe referred the matter wholly to the iudgement of the Embassadors affirming that it was a circumstance not much to bee stood vpon in case it were not vpon some sinenesse but for ease and commodity of them and their traine which indeed they might better finde neere Bouline then at Ardes in case also they could discerne no deepe inconuenience which might hinder the good issue of the good busines in hande which they esteemed sufficient if in substance it might be effected albeit in all points they had not so much of their mindes as they then desired and as at another time they would expect and so the English Commissioners went to Bouline and the French came to one of their forts neerest to Bouline Not long before the Emperour had beene assailed by the King of England to aide him in defence of Bouline against the French which he expresly refused alleaging that he was not bound so to doe by conditions of the league For that Bouline was a piece of new conquest acquired by the English since the league was made then the King offered to yeelde the Towne absolutely into his hands in case he would maintaine it against the French which offer also he refused to accept At the arriuall of the English embassadors the souldiers were sharply assailed with wants There was not one drop of beere in the Towne The bread and breadcorne sufficed not for six daies Herevpon the souldiers entred into proportion and to giue them example the Lord Clinton being Lord Deputie limited himselfe to a loafe a day The King was indebted in those parts aboue 14000 l besides for the Earle of Hunting dons numbers which were about 1300 foote besides also the increases daily rising for the monethly pay of English and strangers amounted to 6000 l besides allowance for officers Hereof the band of horsemen out of Germany tooke little lesse then 800 l the moneth and the Almains