London had to fomer those jealousies that that Common-wealth had of this that it was the Kings cause which this Republick by meanes of the Orange Family had espouses and what assistance Spaine which first publickly acknowledged that Common-weath would afford them c. And when we were both engaged how the Spanish drew their Forces towards our Frontiers as if they also would fall upon us and when we declined withdrew them againe to encourage us both to continue the War And in our second War if France had not a great hand both in contriving and continuing it wisemen are much deceived and the French misrepresented to the World By what inducements they perswaded both sides to a willingnes to that War I list not mention nor is there much necessity thereof they being so well knowne to severall of both Nations What a hand they had in its continuation we may easily perceive if we recollect but what passed therein When the English in the first Battel had bearen us France being onely a Spectator to ballance England becomes our Second and Monsieur the Kings onely Brother and his Lady Englands onely Sister were not permitted to use any publick expressions of joy by Bonefires or otherwise for their Brother the Duke of Yorks Victory over Opdam Their Fleet under de Duke of Bauford shall come to our assistance which occasiond the dividing of the Englishe's by which meanes and Monks precipitancy who would needs fight contrary to the advice of the cheif and best Commanders in the Fleet as Ascough told us in the Hague the English are beaten by us And to boye up England againe a private League is made betweene the two Crownes as I have formerly declared from an honourable Author So that these tricks of State are usuall though not discerned by every eye nor dare I censure them allwayes for sinfull except I see manifestly foule play because I know not the Reasons of State which are the Grounds of their proceedings Having thus shewne and I thinke sufficiently that the friendship of England and France is sick at heart I shall now proceed to shew that it cannot live long but if France goes on will and must die quickly 1. Englands intrest will perswade them to this which they cannot but discerne clearly prompts them to put a stop to France's progres If any think that they are so blinded with Passion That to be revenged of us they will ruin themselves I am not of their opinion for many Reasons which I think I am cleare in allthough I shall not mention them now but onely appeale to the issue whether they or I be in the darke and deceived 2. The many tricks that France playes them some whereof I have hinted and severall others might be mentioned That I know they have attempted but been disappointed in cannot but alienate the English from them 3. A Treaty being the game as I have said we shall play at which the sooner and better for us I foresee plainly that such Cards will be played as will make it apparent that the Pack was neither fairly shuffled nor delt and that the French meane to play at la bete with us both and if we continue to play shall come to losâ—ing loadam at last So that though the French have more of Clubs and Spades in their hands by which they hope to win the Diamonds we shall have more of the Hearts between us and so perhaps save some of our stock at the stake 4. If England come to receive satisfaction the spirit of the Nation will turne the scales For suppose that should be now Lib. 6. c. 2. that Comines tells us was heretofore which yet is sooner said than proved yet we must needs thinke that if France deales unfairely with them they will not onely have a faire occasion to desert them but the King and his Court the Parliament and People will be more irritated against them then they are now against us as is usuall in such cases and be readier to joyne with us and fall upon them then they were to joyne with them against us for the conservation both of their Religious and Civil Concernements 5. The Necessity of keeping up the ballance between France and Spaine will necessitate England to breake with France or at least hold them to keepe more within their bounds as we shall more fully shew hereafter 6. Nay the very defence of these Countries which we thinke they seeke to ruine will cause them either to bring France to a peace with us or themselves to help to defend us against them For they will never suffer France to have them all no nor the greatest part of these maritime Provinces nor the strongest as Holland if they can possibly hinder it though they may permit them some part of the Superior for having themselves a share of the Inferior as I have formerly shewne So that our intrest is so far Englands and is the greatest security we have next to Gods protection and our owne strength that we shall not be wholly overrun and brought under the French Yea this is so highly their concernement that I perswade my selfe if all the strength of the 3 Kingdoms under the Crowne of England and all the power of Spaine with them can hinder it France shall never gaine them or if he doe never quietly posses them And these things I thinke are sufficient to free us from our foolish feares of England and to perswade us to a compliance with them seeing we are both so greatly concerned to comply We shall now proceed to shew the quite contrary of the friendship between Spaine and England that it is sound at heart and will recover Wherein we need not be so large because that which shews that the friendship of France and England must die proves that of England and Spaine will live That this friendship is sound on the side of Spaine none questions this being the great motive though not the onely I confess that hath kept them from breaking with France And that it is allso so on the side of England I thinke is as cleare to those that considers 1. Their declared intention of maintaining the Treaty at Aix la Chapelle or Aken in their Declaration of this War 2. Allthough a provisionall clause unles provoked to the contrary in the close thereof gives them a latitude of breaking with Spaine yet notwithstanding they have been provoked severall wayes by them as all know that have observed the War yet they will not breake with them we see which is a cleare demonstration their friendship is firmer then we imagine 3. The importunities of France which we know have been great that England would engage with them against Spaine allso hitherto we see have prevailed nothing therein 4. The assurance we know England hath given the Court of Spaine both there and at Bruxels concerning the Spanish Netherlands makes us not doubt of their intentions allthough we doe of France's by reason both of
France's sister to support them And indeed so he was for the Ambassadors and Agents of the Crowne of England had become Caution to those of the Religion for the King of France's performance with them He therfore sends 150 sayle of ships and an Army of 10000 men under the Command of the Duke of Buckingham to take off that odium which was upon him in England for what was formerly done under K. Iames. Who published a Manifesto in the K. of Englands name July the 21. 1627. declaring that though there were other grounds sufficient for a War as the abuse of the English Merchants their ships and goods seized on and the extraordinary equipping for Sea in France yet that the sole cause of the War was the Crowne of France's not performing of Articles with those of the Reformed Religion This expedition and the causes of its miscarriage is writ by a learned pen * Expeditio in Ream Insulam authore Edovardo Herbert Baronc de Cherbury and well knowne from the moderne Histories of both Kingdoms The French and English both proceed the former in carrying on the latter to prevent if possible their designes For which end K. Charles sent the Earle of Denbigh with another Fleet which was able to effect nothing and the Earle of Linzey with the last Buckingham being assasinated by Felton the day before he was to embarke But before Linzey came such stupendous workes were raised of which Bertius hath writ a particular booke and so pallisadoed that the Cardinall sent to the English Admirall that he should have a pasport with 6 of his ablest Commanders to come a shore and view the works and if they thought Rochel relievable he would raise lost Rochel upon which followed the Duke of Rohan and the rest of the Reformists compliance the dismantling of their remaining Garrisons above 40 whereof Mantauban was the last and a peace with England and those of the Reformed Religion in France Since which time what mighty dessignes have been contrived and carried on by the two Cardinalls Richelieu and Mazarine for that Kingdome abroad whose plots they are still pursuing is not unknowne to those that are curiously inquisitive How the former wrought the revolt of Portugal the Rebellion in Catalonia the carrying on the Wars in these Countries to bring downe Spaine set on foot and fomented the distractions of Great Britaigne first by the Scots and afterwards by other means to give England worke at home tamperd with Wallesteyne for betraying the Imperiall Army for whose death he most pastionately wept failing thereby of his hopes of France's speedy comeing to the Empire engaged Sweden to serve their ends in Germany tooke Pignerol to keep Italy in aw Lorraigne is taken the Dukes of Savoy Mantua and Modena are wholly at France's service and the Princes Electors especially the Ecclesiasticall rather courting the favour of that Crown then the Imperiall This was the true State of France at the death of Richelieu in 42 and the King his Master who quickly followed him May 14. 1643. the same day of the yeare his father died and wherein he was Crowned Which I have beene the larger in first because t is for the most part the same now and in severall things greater than then especially by their alliance with England and success against these and the Spanish Netherlands and 2. that it might appeare how far they have overgrowne Spaine in power that so the world may be awakend and see to lop off their superfluous bowes lest they grow in time like Nebuchadnezars tree so great that they overshadow us all For Mazarine succeeding Richelieu as Minister of State who was his onely Scholler that proved his paralel to which two Clergy-men let me say it for it is a truth though I know the Laity may stomack it France owes their present greatnes the first 5 yeares after till 48 that tumultuous Nation was never wiselier governed in the non-age of their Soveraigne and though in the next lustre or five yeares following till 53 they had some aguish fits that shaked them in their civill wars yet they soone recovered thereof and have ever since growne stronger and stronger So that it was high time for the Neighbour Nations no longer to dance after the fidle of France And the States saw this and therefore made peace as I have said but England herein offended againe and prevaricated in the common intrest of Europe Let me shew how briefly because it may satisfie perhaps the curiosity of some that have wondred at it as much as my selfe in regard they have been ignorant of the true grounds thereof When Cromwel the Hanibal of the English Common-wealth and immortal enimie and Terror to Rome came to have the power of those three Kingdoms in his hands he saw it necessary to engage those Nations and imploy his Armies in a forreigne War for without an Army he could not maintaine the power he had got and without imploying them he could not quietly enjoy it Armies being like raised them and besides this necessity of intrest his own inclination strongly carried him and perhaps some extravagant hopes to pull downe the Pope for he once said to Lambert were I as young as you I should not doubt to knock at the gates of Rome before I died Spaine and France both courted him knowing what mettal his sword was made of and his Iron-sides wore of which competition he made his advantage obteining such conditions of France as were a wonder to all that understood the maxims of their Government That which most inclined him to the French was that he judged Spaine and Austria the two strongest Hornes of Antichrist whose fall was come as one of his Prophets whom I could name inspired him and that France might be brought to renounce Rome intending withall to get such places in Flanders and over against the coast of England that he might keep the Dutch in aw and with a few of his Ships command a toll for the passage in the Channel as the Dane did in the Sound A League thereofore is made with France March 23. 1657 for a yeare and renewed the next by Lockard his Ambassador who for his parts and sagacity was so acceptable to Mazarine that he had more acces to him and busines with him then all the Ambassadors at Paris besides These two Cromwel and the Cardinal the stronglier to carry on their designes take in the King of Sweden for a third into their confederacy Christina having resigned that Crowne and wandring about like a blazing Comet and these three Leagued together made the Triumvirate of those times Sweden was to pluck the plumes of the Roman Eagle when he had clipt the wings of his Neighbours that they might not fly upon the prey he left behind Wherein Oliver so concerned himself that when the Dane had got the Dutch for his second he sent Montague to boye up Swedens sinking intrest in the Sound and they were so neere
whether it be my Melancholly temper only or my fears and cowardise if you please to call it so or my fancy from my observation that the third War as this is with England hath ever proved fatal to the one side as is apparent by many examples or what ever other cause it is I must profess freely that I am of another sentiment this War having so black a visage to mine appearance that I fear we are rather in the midst of a Tempestuous Sea of Troubles then discovering of Land much less a safe Harbour of rest I am not ignorant upon how many pins men hang their hopes Some upon the advancement of his Highness the Prince of Orange hope all will be redrest and well at home and that his relation to the Crown of England and the Elector of Brandenburgh will capacitate him to remedy all abroad Others upon conjectures of his marrying with the Duke of Yorks Daughter or some nearly related to the Crown of England or France which hath been an usual way I confess especially among absolute Princes of accomodating differences Some upon our sufficient numbers of Men and Moneys to defend our selves Othersome upon the Assistance of the Emperor and the German Princes Brandenburgh especially And others upon their opinion that now the Pensionary de Wit and his party are broken so that England can confide more in our friendship that the King will break with France and afford his Nephew and these Netherlands assistance especially because they judge that it is the Interest of England and Germany as well as Spain not to see us fall into the French hands for fear they have only Polyphemus his courtesie to be last devoured But yet all these grouds and divers others which are variously discoursed of prevail not so far with me as that my hopes can ballance my fears For although I grant the strength of the remaining Provinces to be considerable both by Sea and Land and the greatest foundation to build our hopes upon next under God Almighties Protection yet if we duly consider the state and condition we are in there is not that just ground of confidence which may free us from fears as many are apt to imagine He is very short sighted that observes not 1. That there are two different parties amongst us and that a Commonwealth muchless then a Kingdom divided cannot stand 2. That we might do much more then we do or for any thing I yet see will or shall do for our own defence 3. That we are destitute of succours from abroad for the present except from Spain which we may happily pay dear enough for if we should be drawn into a League Offensive and Defensive with them in a long and tedious War And 4. that we are full of tumults and distractions at home which is to me a greater presage of approaching ruine then all our Enemies weapons of War and makes me fear that as tumults was the occasion of our rising so they will be of our ruine Hist Gal. l. 2. And that Priols observation of two only Nations that have stood firm by defection the Helvetians at the rise and the Hollanders at the fall of the Rhine those founding and defending their Liberty by the Mountains their Poverty and Equality these by the Waters their Riches and the States with a Captain General may shortly be contradicted in the latter if we be not more unanimous and perhaps ere long in the former also I grant likewise That it is very considerable to have so wise a Conductor as the Prince of Orange is for his years and one of such near Relation to two such great Potentates as his Uncles of England and Brandenburgh But yet if we rightly consider we cannot but conclude 1. That it must be Power as well as Policy that can relieve us and that in the Affairs of the World Interest is preferred above all Relations the whole World turning upon the Hinge of Self-interest and all Princes States Families and Persons eagerly pursuing that which they apprehend their Interest although often mistaking it and oftner the means to obtain it no wonder if they miss thereof 2. And that his Civil Dignities come rather to him by Popular Tumults than Regular Proceedings Which is found an easie way to rise by but a hard way to stand by yea Morally impossible if not backed by power For as it is with sick Persons so with sick States if all things be not quickly redressed that is grievous to them they presently cry Turn me again and think they have power to undo that which they themselves have formerly done It being a true Character which Livy gives the Common People Lib. 24. Plebs aut humiliter servit aut superbè dominatur 3. And that though the de Wits be dead their party lives and if things succeed not well under his Highness will have no small advantage not only from the horrid murder of those two Pillars of their party but from the declining of Affairs to cry him down with the people and make him an Insignificant Cypher of State 4. And lastly There are so many Papists and other Sects of Religion and Malecontents who watch for opportunities to Flieblow the Common People and set them upon Sedition that I much question whether that fresh gale of Affection to the Prince which hath blown so briskly through all these remaining Provinces will last long For if they see that his Highness cannot make Peace as they expected and they feel more miserable effects of a stubborn and cruel War and be forced to greater Taxes the Common People being always covetous what ever the cause or necessity be and find their Trade still obstructed and Land drowned to the impoverishing both of Cities and Countrey I fear we shall find the People so restless and unquiet that they will neither know what to do themselves nor be willing to be guided by their Governors that do but when Extremities press upon us bring all into Confusion and consequently Ruine For besides the Jealousies which many have of his Highness which Bentivoglio long since foresaw and foretold That these Jealousies betwixt the State and their Stadtholder would become the cause of our Ruine the needy multitude which are alwaies enemies to good order and Government when distressed will seek occasion to prey upon the richer whom they constantly envie And the midle sort which are the true Basis of a State whose principal aime is Liberty and Plenty when they see these indangered grow jealous of their Governours upon whom all misfortunes are constantly laid and seeke to pull them downe and set up themseves one after another to the ruine of all For the pompe of Government so dasles the eyes of those that know not the Weight of it that when there is any seeming access thereto all are apt to contend for it and every one to thinke himself as capable as his neighbor and vy with one another without end till they
that were formerly good passengers now turning Pilots in a Storm through their continuall contentions and unskilfulness shipwrack the Common-wealth whilst they sincerely desire and endeavour to save it I shall therefore conclude that although we have a good Head yet except the members be at unity and unanimously resolved to give assistance to their Head and Governours it is in vaine to thinke we can be secured from such potent enemies except any be so mad as to expect miracles or that the Princes name or waying of his Flag upon our Towers can defend us For his marrying his Highness the Duke of Yorks Daughter we may speak of it here and those in England of the King of Sweden and both be mistaken I can see little certainty thereof and therefore can say less therein but this I can say that if a Relation would effect our desires there is that which is very near already yea which many perhaps will thinke too neer if it conduce no more to the procuring our Peace For our assistance from the Emperor and Germain Princes which is so much talkt of the Brandenburgs especially if I were assured they designed to serve us and not themselves of us I should have more hopes then I have I know the Germains are a great and warlike Nation and that none almost have warred with them that have not repented it And when we see them warr with France though they directly assist us not further such a diversion to our enemie will be a considerable advantage to us But at present we see no more of their intentions than to defend themselves The Emperor is not onely continually kept waking by the Turk but at present diverted also by the distractions of Hungary And the fears of Poland will necessitate Brandenburg to have an eye to Prussia The Princes of the Empire are many and divided several of them declaring for France others wavering and waiting opportunity to close with the prevailing side which makes their Counsels slow and more subject to be discovered the raising men and bringing them together more difficult the commanding of them more lyable to discord which hath often proved fatal in their Armies and the providing for them very uncertaine And I might ad hereunto for it is well knowne that some of the Germain Princes have so run out their revenues that though they have men far more then their proportion yet have not money to pay the half of their rate So that it is well if what was said of old of the Britains prove not true of the Germans Tacitus in vita Agricolae Dum singuli pugnant omnes vincuntur As for the Interest of England which we think should incline them to hinder rather than further Frances growing greatness and consequently to Peace with us I shall only say this That as we allow all men liberty to judge of their own Interests so must we much more to Kings and Rulers And it is but reasonable to think that they understand their own Interest better then we that are strangers to their designs except we think of our selves as the Persians who say that they have two eyes and others but one I may think that the same Reason of State should prevail now that did formerly with the English in the first War To humble us but not ruine us and shall make it apparent that they cannot rationally have a thought of our ruine without thinking to follow after yet circumstances are so different and the passions of men so various that I am not certain to what extent and degree of Humiliation they measure their Interest or how far England is ingaged with France for effecting of this We may think and the English Nation may be jealous as I know they are that France will couzen them at last and serve them now as Comines tells us they have formerly l. 3. c. 8. l. 4. c. 9. Bodin de Rep. l. 5. c. 1. When usually they beat the French in their Wars but then what they had got by their Swords they lost by their Treaties even as Bodin tells us the French were serv'd by the Spaniards but if they will adventure that who can hinder them Should I speak my private apprehension 't is briefly this England hath been long jealous of the growing greatness of this State by Sea and find it an error of Policy in former Governors to suffer us to arrive at this height of contesting with them From whence they have met with several inconveniences in regard of Trade and also been put to vast expences to maintain constantly a Fleet to cope with us These things they would willingly ease themselves of which they know cannot be done but by the Sword The first War which was occasionally begun was no time to effect their designs in regard the Kingdom was harrast and exhausted by a long Civil War and Oliver the Protectors cheif design was to settle himself and therefore made Peace The second War advantaged them nothing for the French countenancing us though secretly in League with them before the War was ended they were not able to effect what they designed having lost their opportunity which they had after the first battel in their hands That being often verified of the English which was said of Hannibal by whom matters not for the Learned Historians Livie and Plutarch differ therein Vincere scis Hannibal victoria uti nescis A Peace is concluded at Breda but the War had a sting in the tale of it the work at Chattam Maâ—et alta mente repostum and makes them more eagerly wait for an opportunity both to revenge themselves and pursue their former designs And now France taking occasion to quarrel with us they take the opportunity to oppress us and bring us under that they may free themselves from those present inconveniences in Trade and Expences and will see how they can make it with France for the future They know well that if we be broken there is no Nation else is able to match them at Sea and being in an Iland fear not invasion by Land Forces I might parallel this with the Peloponnesian War the cause whereof was the Athenians growing greatness and particularly in Power at Sea Lib. 1. upon whom therefore the Lacedemonians made War as Thucydides tells us who hath accurately writ the History thereof And yet though Interest be the moving cause of most Wars Hist lib. 3. c. 6. what ever the pretext be for Polybius hath long since taught us to distinguish these two by sundry Examples yet I am far from asserting it alone a justifieable cause of any War If any desire satisfaction what is I refer them to Grotius de Jure Belli Pac. lib. 2. cap. 1. 22. seqq for my design permits me not such a digression These thoughts of the present Interest of England leads me to conclude 1. That in their League with France they have made provision for these so that
their preparations and opportunities as we have formerly shewne But if France should fall upon them as we have reason to feare that will prove both our Assertions the stronglier making the friendship of England and France die immediately and that of Spaine and England quickly recover And if this save not those Provinces for the present there 's nothing so far as I see under Heaven that can as I have formerly said We perceive then the pulse of this friendship beates both strong and orderly enough to secure us from all feares of its dying le ts visit the patient once more and we shall find no further need of such Physitians advise as the Author of la France Politique in his Avis important à l'Angleterre pag. 471. and that the distemper was onely a fit or two of an Ague the last Spring and therefore so far from being dangerous that it may prove rather physicall according to the Proverb An Ague in the Spring is Physick for a King And that the Body Politick of Spaine in their friendship with England is recovering as well as the King of Spaine personally is recovered 1. If we consider the Common intrest of Europe wherein the English not onely are but allso profes themselves concerned And for this I need not any other proofe but the Triple Alliance * Jan. 23. 1668. and the Declaration of this War both which whosoever reads must needs acknowledge this for truth 2. The great Intrest of Trade which the English have in the Spanish Dominions The very effects the Merchants had standing out there were computed at the beginning of this War at sixteen Millions And can we thinke the King will easily forgoe his Customs and the Kingdome their Commerce with those Dominions Which in my calculation is equall with that they have with all Europe besides 3. We know that they have lately made a peace in the West Indies and how peremptory they are in the observance thereof so that the Governor of Jamaica upon complaints of him was sent prisoner to London clapt up in the Tower c. And shall we thinke then that they will breake into War at home 4. England cannot but be sensible of the greatnes of France and cannot be so senseles but they must needs thinke that it is their concernement that he grow not so great that he become their Master allso at last And the whole World knowes that Spaine not onely hath been now for many yeares the ballance for them but still must be so upon the Continent or none The Princes of the Empire being now so divided between the Imperiall and French Crowne What wise man therefore can thinke now that Spaine declines but that the Empire and England are highly concernd to support them And shall we thinke then that in stead of this either should help forwards their downfall For my part were there no other reason of state but this I should not fear Englands breaking with Spaine and especially now that they see what progres France hath made amongst us 5. This hath been a fundamental Maxim in the Governement of England to keep the ballance even betwixt the two Crownes of Spaine and France ever since Lewis the Elevenths time who seised on Burgundy which was formerly the usual Confederate with England against France In place whereof Austria first and after Spaine obteining the rest of the Provinces that were under Charles last Duke of Burgundy by marriage of his daughter England after still had an eye to them in reference to France And when the Civil Wars in these Provinces broke out and England was jealous of France's being our Protector Q Elisabeth would not permit it still having respect to the House of Burgundy as Thuanus and Cambdâ—n in the forecited places shew And thus you have my Conjectures with such Reasons of State whereon they are grounded as are publick and may therefore be publâ—shed I having industriously declined all reflections on private Transactions Treaties and Articles whatsoever that so no side may have any just occasion of being offended with my writing Sect. 12. France's Ambition Crowing greatnes The cause thereof We and England in the fault The Common Intrest of Europe to oppose France particularly declared of the Empire Spaine England Denmarke and this Republick and Hans Townes Yea of Sweden Savoy and Switzerland The ballance of Europe to be kept even and by whom To those that know the World the ambition of France cannot be unknown Le ts but look a litle about us and we shall see the French Intrest is every where driven on To set this forth in its right-colors would require Volums rather then Pages We shall therfore doe as the Painter that instead of drawing the Giant at length drew onely his Thumb or as Geographers that set forth great Countreys in small Maps And for this we shall not looke far backwards to former times but onely our owne since France recovered of those strong Convulsions by the Civil Wars and Dissentions in Mazarines time in the minority of his present Majesty And we shall find sufficient to awaken the most part of Princes and States in Europe to looke to themselves The Invasion of the Spanish Netherlands the taking the French Comte though after restored to the Spanish and Lorreigne which they still keepe the engageing a strong party of the Electors and Princes of the Empire for their Intrest the worke they have made in Poland and Hungary that that Crowne might be at their disposal and this diverted their taking the Swede off the Triple Alliance and obliging him to give the Emperor worke in Germany and Brandenburgh in Prussia with a great sum of Money some say and Print allso 60 Tun of Gold or 600000 l sterling the endeavours they have used with Portugal to give Spaine a diversion though that Kingdom is not in a capacity to serve their designes the worke allso they have made in Italy their intresting themselves in all Treaties allmost in Europe the Pensions they allow to Ministers of State in most Princes Courts and many other wayes they take to enlarge their Empire Those that are desirous to see their designes may consult the late Author of La France Politique ou ses desseins executez à executer And especially the ingenious discours of the Baron of Isola in 's Bouclier d'Estat de Justice Article 6. where he shows France's aspiring to the Vniversal Monarchy and by what maxims and means they advance apace towards it and as their ambition is great so their pretentions are boundles Who knows not how they pretend not onely to the Spanish Netherlands but the whole Empire Des justes pretentions du Roy sur l'Empire par le Sieur Aubery Advocat au Parliament aux conseils du Roy. Printed at Paris 1667. And there are Aubery's or at least Advocates enow in Paris to draw up pretensions to the Crowne of England and so of one Kingdome and State after another according as their Swords
1590 and continually upon all occasions supported him and the intrest of the Reformed Religion in those Kingdoms so that she was publickly prayed for by the Hugonots as their Protectoresse No sooner was this great Princesse dead whose glory yet will never dye Lib. 129. being accounted by her very enemies the Guisians the most glorious that ever swayed Scepter gloriosissima omnium quoe unquam sceptrum gestarunt foelicissima famina as Thuanus tells us adding many great elogiums of her and conluding none ever was or will be like her of that sex and King James called in to succeed in that Crowne but the French though they had underhand opposed the conjunction of those two Kingdoms all they could having still made use of Scotland formerly in their Wars with England for a diversion to them by setting them upon entring that Kingdom at the back doore betwixt them and as loath allso that such an accession of power should accrew to their old enemies the English yet now they are the first that come with a splendid Embassage to welcome him to his new Crownes This King if he had had as much of the Lions courage as he had of the soxes cunning and Kingcraft as he called it how happy had it bene both for his owne family and his Kingdoms But as he was the occasion of the sad disasters that happend to both as is shewne not only by the Historians but particular Authors in the English tongue Rushworth Welden Osburne c. so I shall now briefly shew how he occasioned many and great irreparable losses to the Protestant intrest abroad especially by his pusillanimity How he perswaded this Republick to a 12 yeares Truce with Spaine and how prejudiciall it was to these Provinces is well knowne How earnestly he was prest to assist his son the Palsgrave both by forreigne Princes abroad and his Parliaments at home I need not mention nor how he spent more in Embassies their traines and Treaties then would have done his worke with men of Armes and traines of Artillery I shall onely speak of that relating to the French Protestants as the proper subject of my discourse When Lewis the 13 set upon reducing the Cautionary Townes which the Protestants had in his Kingdome by the grants of severall Kings as we have said and the distressed sought to the Crowne of England for Reliefe K. James according to his usuall custom onely imployes Embassadors the Lord Herbert once and againe whom the French delayd with words till they had done their worke For knowing King James's temper too well Luynes the High Constable of France Howels Hist of Lewis 13. A. 1621. being appointed to give Herbert audience first sets a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion behind the hangings that being an eare-witness of what past might relate to the Reformists what small grounds of hope they had of having succors from the Crowne of England and then in stead of hearkning to his Embassage in a most insolent manner affronted both his Master and himself with menaces which when he could not brooke but roundly replyed His Master then knew what he had to doe and offered the Constable who was chollerick thereat the satisfaction of his Sword the French Embassador misrepresents what past to K. James and procures Herbert to be called home and the Earle of Carlile is sent in his place to as little purpose as before Nor was this the worst for the Duke of Guise obteined 8 English sayle of men of War to joyne with him against the Rochellers and them of the Religion to distres them by Sea as the Count of Soissons did by Land for which the Duke of Buckingham was after questioned in Parliament and thus the greatest part of the Protestants power was broke downe and had been wholy but that the French had not then time by reason of the Spanish worke in the Valtolin so that a peace was skind over for a small time till they had leisure to open the wound againe and make the poore Patients bleed their last These things caused great complaints of England every where amongst them of the Reformed Religion and occasioned Deodate's saying that King Jame's sins of omission were greater then all his Predecessors sins of Commission Though the pacification was published at Montpellier yet Richelieu being made Minister of State and chief Director of affaires in France A. 1624 he made it his first worke to go on with the designe of destroying the Protestants power in that Kingdome and though the King was against it at first yet the Cardinal carried it on at last so that afterwards he said He had taken Rochel in spight of three Kings meaning his owne England and Spaine For the accomplishing this worke the Eagle-eyed Richelieu foreseeing that England and these States might stand in his way and obstruct him he resolves to charme us both to a compliance For which end France makes a stricter league with these Vnited Provinces affords us 1600000 franks yearly for the two next following to be repaid the two next years after our peace with Spain agrees for ships for their service c. And for England though they knew K. James would not disturb their designes yet not knowing what the Prince of Wales might doe there were meanes used to ingage him by a Match with Henriette the onely Daughter then unmarried of Henry the 4. K. Iames who was desirous to match his onely son Considerably had for 9 or 10 year beene Courting of Spaine to this purpose that so with one he might have the Palatinate restored to the Palsgrave and the Prince of Wales having past through France incognito into Spaine to make love personally to the Infanta and see with his owne eyes if fame belied not her beauty and being there still delayed but not denyed the Spanish desiring to see all the Daughters of France first matcht to prevent an alliance betwixt England and that Kingdome and the busines of the Palatinate still kept in suspence he is commanded home by his Father K. James But having seen the Lady Henriette at a maske in his passage through France under the notion of an English Gentleman and being taken with her beauty more then the Infanta's overtures are made of a Marriage with her and though some in the French Council were rather for her matching to Lorraigne that so those Territories might be gained to France which had been long troublesom to them yet this reason of State of obliging him not to interrupt their designe of ruining the Protestants and prevent his marrying with Spaine prevailed and in 9 moneths time a Match is concluded Richelieu thinking France secure of these two they most feared falls to worke to reduce the Hugonots Cautionary Townes Upon which Soubeze and Blankart goe for England to implore K. Charles his Father K. Iames being then dead his assistance This good King thinks himselfe obliged in conscience and honour notwithstanding his marriage with the King of