Earl much benefited the King and people whiles he lived Algarus his son succeeding him in the Earldom of Mercia in the year 1058. was banished the second time by Kiâ—g Edward but by the assistance of Griffin King of Wales and help of the Norwâ—y fleet which beyond expectation came to assist him he suddenly recovered his Earldom again by force of which he conceived himself unjustly deprived against Law Griâ—fin King of Wales having contrary to his former league and agreement invaded infested England slain the Bishop of Hereford burnt the City â—arrowed the Country and twice assisted Earl Algarus against King Edward thereupon Anno 1063. Duke Harold by King Edwards command marched hostilely into Wales with his forces to infest Griffin who having notice of his comming took Ship and hardly escaped his hands Hereupon Harold raised a greater Army and likewise provided Ships and furniture after this his brother Tosti and he joyning their forces together by the Kings command began to depopulate Wales and invaded it both by Sea and Land whereupon the Welshmen compelled by necessity gave them Hostages and promised That they would thenceforth pay a Tribute to K. Edward as their Soveraign and banish their King Griffin whom they expelled accordingly that year and An. 1064. they cut off their King Griffins head and sent it unto Harold who presently transmitted it to K. Edward whereupon the King made Griffiâ—s Brothers Blethagent and Redwallo Kings over the Welshmen to whom he gave that land who sware Fealty to King Edward and Harold et ad imperium illorum mari terraque se fore paratos ac omnia quae prius de terra illa Regibus anterioribus fuâ—rant pensa obedienâ—er se pensuros responderunt as Wigorniensis Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis and others record their Oath The next year Tosti Earl of Northumberland moved with envy against his Brother Harold in the Kings own presence at Winsore took Harold by the hair as he was drinking wine to the King and violently struck the Cup out of his hand using him most dishonourably all the Kings Houshold admiring at it Upon which Harold provoked to revenge taking Tosti between his arms and lifting him up on high threw and dashed him violently against the pavement At which sight the Souldiers round about ran in on all â—ides and parting the began fray perforce between these Brothers and stout Warriers severed them one from the other But the King upon this predicted that the destruction of these two Brothers was now near at hand and that their deadly feud was not long to be deferred For all the sons of the Traytor Earl Godwin were so ungracious covetous oppressive and so extremely unjust that if they had seen any fair Manner or Mansion place they would procure the owner thereof to be slain in the night withall his posterity and kinred that so they might get possession thereof for themselves Who notwithstanding which their soft and honied speeches although they were but swords did so circumvent the over-credulous simplicity of King Edward that after many enormous wickednesses committed by them he made them Râ—gni Iusticiarios Regni Rectores Dispositores both Justices Rulers and Disposers of the kingdom and likewise Generals and Admirals of his forces both by Land and Sea The many acts of Injustice committed by the sway of power and passion by Earl Godwin and his sons proportionate greatness and the Kings weakness did much blacken that bright time of Peace and made a good man not by acting but induring ill held to be a bad King Tosti after this contest and quarrel with his brother Harold departing in a rage from the Kings Court and comming to the City of Hereford where his Brother Harold had provided a great intertainment for the King slew and cut all his Servants in pieces and put either a legg arm or some other member of their bodies thus mangled into every vessel of wine meade bear and other sorts of liquors he there found wherin they lay steeping stopping up the Vessels again Which done he sent word to the King that when he came to his Farm at Hereford he should find his flesh well powdâ—red and that he would provide him sweetmeats The King being informed of this his barbarous villany and scoff commanded that he should be banished for this detestable wickedness which he abhorred Soon after Tosti departing into Northumberland about the 5. of October divers Gentlemen and others of that Country assembling together came with about 200â— armed men to York where Tosti then resided both to revenge the execrable murder of some Noble Northumberlanders servants to Goâ—patriâ— whom Queen Egitha in the cauâ—e of her brother Tosti had commanded treacherously to be slain on the 4th day of the precedent Christmass and of Gamel the son of Orâ—e and Ulfe son of Delfin whom Tosti the year before had commanded to be treacherously murdered in his chamber at York under pretext of making a Peace with them necnon pro immanitate Tributi quod de tota Northimbria injuste acceperat as also for the excessiveness of the Tribute which he had unjustly received out of all Northumberland without their common consent and grant These chasing the Earl himself out of the Country pro contuitu Ducatus occidendum non rati slew and cut off the heads of all his Servants and Courtiers as well English as Danes being above 200. on the North part of the river of Humber then breaking up his Treasury they took away all his Treasures Horses Armes houshold-stuff and all things that were his The rumor whereof being brought to the King and the Country in an uproar almost all the Northumberlanders met together and elected constituted Morchar Earl Algarus son for their Earl in the place of Tosti who marched with them into Lincolnshire Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire wasted and pillaged those Counties slew many of the Inhabitants and carryed many thousands of them away captive leaving those Counties much impoverished many years after Hereupon Harold was sent against them to revenge those injuries to prevent further mischiefs and to mediate a reconciliation between them and Tosti Upon this the Northumberlanders met Harold first at Northampton and afterwards at Oxford and although they were more in number than he yet being desirous of quietness and peace they excused the fact unto him saying Se homines liberè natos liberè educatos nullius Ducis ferociam pati pâ—sse A majoribus didicisse aut Libertatem aut Mortem c. That they being men freely born freely educated could not suffer the cruelty of any Duke That they had learned of their ancestors either to enjoy Liberty or death Therefore if the King would have them his Subjects he must set another Earl over them even Morchar who had had experience how sweetly they knâ—w to obey if they were sweetly handled But all of them unanimously refused any reconciliation at all with Tosti
whom they Outlawed together with all those who had incited him to make an unjust Law and impose an illegal Tribute upon them Harold hearing these things and minding more the Peace of the Country than his brothers profit recalled his Army and the Kiug having heard their answer confirmed Morchar for their Duke Tosti hateful to all men by the assistance of Earl Edwin was expelled out of England by the Northumberlanders and driven with his wife and children into Flanders whence returning about two years after and joyning with the Danes he entred with the Danes into Northumberland miserably harrowed the whole Country slaughtered the inhabitants and at last was there slain with most of his Souldiers by his own brother King Harold Anno 1066. King Edward as Abbot Ingulphus living in that age records Anno 1065. being burdened with old age perceiving Prince Edgar Atheling his Cosen Edwards son lately dead to be unfit for the royal throne tam corde quam corpore as well in respect of minde as body and that Earl Godwins many and wicked progeny did daily increase upon the earth set his mind upon his Cosen William Duke of Normandy et eum sibi succederâ— in Regnum Angliae voce stabili sancivit and decreed by a stable vote that he should succeed him in the Realm oâ— England For Duke William was then superiour in every battel and a triumpher against the King of France and his fame was publickly blazed abroad amongst all the Earls of Normandy who were next him being invincible in the exercise of Arms Iudex justissimus in causarum judiciâ— a most just Iudge in the judging of causes and most religious and most devout in the service of God Hereupon King Edward sent Robeâ—t Archbishop of Canterbury to him as his Legate a Lâ—tere or special Embassador illumque designatum sui regni Successorem tam debito cognationis quam merito virtutis suae Archipraesulis relaâ—u insinuavit and intimated unto him by the relation of his Archbishop that he had designed him to be the Successor of his Realm as well by the debt of kinred as by the merit of Virtue Moreover Harold the Major of the Kings Court comming into Normandy not only swore that he would conserve the Kingdom of England for Duke William afâ—er the Kings death but likewise promised upon Oath that he would take the daughter of Duke William for his wife and upon these promises returned home magnificently rewarded After which â—e subjoins Edwardi pâ—issimi Regis cujus cognatione et consanguinitate inclytus Rex noster Willelmus fundat conscientiam suam regnâ—m Angliae invadendi caeteris Regibus de Danorum sanguine quasi nullius authoritatis ad allegandum interim intermissis William of Malmsbury who flourished in oâ— near that very age thus seconds him After the death of Edward his son Edgar was Neque promptus mâ—nu neque probus ingenio Rex itaque defuncto cognato quia spes prioris erat soluta suffragii Willielmo comiti Normanniae successionem Angliae dedit Erat ille hoc munâ—re dignus praesâ—ans animi juvenis qui in supremum fastigium alacri labore excreverat Praeterea proxime consanguineus filius Roberti filius Richardi seâ—undi quem fratrem fuisse Emmae matris Edwardi non semel est quod diximus Ferunt quidam ipsum Haroldum a Rege in hoc Normanniam missum alii secretioris coâ—silii conscii invitum venti violentia illuc actum quo se tueretur invenisse commenâ—um quod quia propius vero videtur exponam Harold comming to his farm at Boseam going for his recreation into a fisher-boat and putting forth into the Sea in sport was by a sudden contrary storm arising driven with his companions into the Village of Ponthieu in France where he was stripped and bound hand and foot by the rude Country people and carried Prisoner to Guido their Earl who detained him in Prison to gain a ransom from him Whereupon Harold being of a subtil wit studying how to relieve himself by large promises procured a Messenger to inform Duke William that he was sent by the King into Normandy that what lesser Messengers had but muâ—tered touching his Succession to the Crown of England he might perform by his presence especially that he was detained in bonds by Earl Guido wherby he was hindered to deliver his message notwithstanding his appeal to him which was a great diminution to his honor and if his captivity were to be redeemed with monie he would willingly give it to him and not to Guido Upon which he was by Duke Williams command released brought by Guidâ— into Normandy and there nobly feasted by the Duke where by his valour and policy he gained great reputation with Duke William and that he might more indear himself in his favour he there voluntarily of his own accord confirmed to him the Castle of Dover which belonged to him of right and the Kingdom of England after King Edwards decease whereupon the Duke espoused him to his daughter Adeliza then a child and bestowed her whole ample portion upon Harold and then honourably dismissed him Matthew Westminster Anno 1057. relating this Story of Harolds driving into Ponthieu by storm against his will as hapning in that year and that to ingratiate himself with Duke William Post mortem Regis Edwardi ei Regnum Angliae Sacramento firmavit subjoyns thereâ—o Tradunt autem aliter alii quod videlicet Haroldus a Rege Edwardo fuerat ad hoc in Normanniam missus ut Ducem Gulihelmum in Angliam conducerâ—t qnem idem Rex Edwardus Haeredem sibi constituere cogitavit Roger de Hoved. Annal. pars prior p. 499. Radulph de Diceto Abbr. Chron. col 480 481. Eadmerus Hist. Novorum l. 1. p. 4 5. Sim. Dunel Hist. col 195. Io. Bromton in his Chronicle col 947. Hygden in his Polychron l. 6. c. 27. with others record the matter somewhat different from our other Historians That Harold after his Fathers death craving leave of King Edward to goe into Normandy to free and bring into England his Brother Wulnoth Nephew Hake there detained Hostages the King would not permit him to goe as senâ— by him but yet left him free to do what he pleased of himself therein Adding Praesentio tamen te ad nihil aliud tendere nisi in detrimentum totius Anglici regni et opprobrium tui nec enim ita novi Comitem mentis expertem ut eos aliquatenus velit concedere tibi si non praescierit in hoc magnum proficuum sui Harold notwithstanding taking ship to go into Normandy upon this occasion was driven by storm into Ponthieu and there imprisoned as aforesaid and by Duke Williams means and threats after two denials released who honourably entertaining him for some dayes to advance his own designs by him at last opened his minde thus to him Dicebat itaque Regem Edwardum quando secum invene olim juvenis in Normannia demoraretur
sibi interposita fide sua pollicitum fuisse quod si Rex Angliae foret Ius regni in illum Iure Haereditario transferret subdens ait tu quoque si mihi te in hoc ipso adminiculaturum sposponderis et insuper castellum Dofris cum puteâ— aquae ad opus meum te facturum sororemque tuam uni de Principibus meis dederis in uxorem te ad mâ— tâ—mpore quo nobis conveniet destinaturum nec non filiam meam in câ—njugem accepturum promiseris tunc et modo nepotem tuum et cum in Angliam venero regnaturus fratrem tuum incolumem recipies in quo regno si tuo favore confirmatus fuero spondeo quod omne quod à me rationabiliter tibi postulaveris obtinebis Hereupon Harold perceiving danger on every side and not knowing how to escape unless he condescended to Williams will in all things he thereupon consented to his requests But he that all things might be ratified bringing forth the reliques of Saints brought Harold to this That he should swear upon them that he would actually perform all things which they had agreed between them These things thus done Harold receiving his Nephew returned into his Country where he related to the King upon his demand what had happened and what hee had done Who said Did I not tell thee I knew William and that many mischiefs might happen to this kingdom in thy journey I foresee in this thy deed that great calamities will come upon our Nation which I beseech God of his infinite mercy to grant that they may not happen in my dayes Mr. Fox relating this story more briefly concludes thus Whereby it may be â—athered That King Edward was right willing that Duke William should reign after him and also it seemeth not unlike but that he had given him his promise thereunto before The same Hoveden Annalium pars posterior p. 608 609 610. reciting the Laws of King Edward confirmed by King William after he got the Crown records these passages intermixed with them That King Edward retained his Cosen Edwards son Edgar with him and nourished him for his Son and because he thought to make him his Heir he named him Adeling which we call a Little Lord. But King Edward so soon as he knew the wickednesse of his Nation and especially the pride of the Sons of Godwin of Harold who after invaded the Kingdom Estigurt Lefwin and others of his Brothers imagining that what he had purposed concerning Edgar could not possibly be stable Adoptavit Willielmum Ducem Normannorum in regnum adopted William Duke of Normandy to succeed him in the Râ—alm William I say the bastard the son of Robert his Uncle a valiant warlike and stout man Who afteâ—wardâ— by Gods assistance by vanquishing the foresaid Harold son of Godwin victoriously obtained the Reâ—lm oâ— England To which he subjoyns That Edward wanting issue sent Râ—bert Archbishop of Canterbury to his Cosen William Duke of Normandy de Regno eum constituit Haeredem and made him heir of the Kingdom yea after him he sent Earl Harold and He invaded the Realm He further Records That when King William would have altered the Laws of England presented to him upon Oath in the 4th year of his reign but in one point Universi compatriotae qui leges edixerant tristes effecti c. tandem cum prosecuti sunt deprecantes quatenus pro anima Regis Edwardi qui ei post diem suum concesserat Coronam et Regnum et cujus erant Leges that he would not alter the Laws herein whereupon he consented to their request Thomas of Walsingham thus registers the fact Edwardus Rex Anglorum prolis successione carens olim miserat Duci Robertum Archiepiscopum Cantuar. statuens illum haeredem Regni a Deo sibi attributi Sed et Haroldum ipse postmodum destinavit qui fuit maximus Comitum regni sui in honore dominatione et divitiis ut ei de Corona sua fidelitatem faceret ac Christiano more Sacramentis confirmaret Qui dum ob hoc negotii venire contenderet velificato freto Porti Pontnium appulit ubi in manus Widonis Abbatis villae S. Abvile Comitis incidit quem idem Comes captum cum suis conâ—estim in custodiam trusit Quod ut Dux comperit missis Legatis violenter illum extorsit quem aliquandiu secum moratâ— facto fidelitate de regno pluribus Sacramentis cum muneribus multis Regi remisit Denique Rex Edwardus completo termino foelicis vitae c. migravit a saeculo Cujus regnum Haroldus continuo invasit ex fidelitate pejuratus quam Duci Iuraverat Ad quem Legatos direxit protinus hortans ut ab hac vesania resipisceret fidem quam Iuramento sposponderat cum digna subjectione servareâ— Sed ille hoc non solum audire contempsit veruâ— omnem ab illo Anglorum gentem infideliter avertit c. Chronicon Iohannis Bromton Col. 945. relates That King Edward purposed to make Edgar whom he had nourished as his Son heir of England Sed ut quidam aiunt Rex gentis suae mâ—litiam et praecipuè superbiam Haroldi filii Godwini â—t aliorum divina demonstratione praevidens percepit quod proposiâ—um suum quoad ipsum Edgarum cognatum suum de regno post eum obtinendo minime potuit adimplere unde Willielmo cognato suo Normannorum Duci Regnum post eum optinendum per solennes nuncios assignavit And Col. 957. he adds Some say that King Edward before his death had appointed William to succeed him according tâ— the promise which the said King had made him when he was a young man living in Normandy that he should succeed him in the Kingdom concerning which as some write he had sent solemn Messengers to him into Normandy The like is affirmed almost in the saâ—e words by Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c 15. col 2238. and by Fabian Câ—xton Cambden Holinshed Grafton Speed Daniel Stow Vestegan and other modern Historians Matthew Paris in the beginning of his History of England p. 1. relates Harolds driving into Pountoisâ— by storm as he was taking his pleasure at Sea his presenting to Duke William his espousals to his daughter under age which he ratified by Oath taken upon the reliques of Saints adding Iuravit insuper se post mâ—â—tem Regis Edwardi qui jam senuit sine liberis Regnum Angliae Duci qui in Regnum jus habuit fideliter conservaturum Consummatis igitur aliquot diebus cum summa laeâ—itia amplis muneribus ditatus in Angliam reversus est Haroldus Sed cum in tuto constitueretur jactabat se laqueos evasisse Hostiles Perjurii crimen eligendo And Anno 1257. Writing of the Lay Peers of France whereof the Duke of Normandy is first he hath this passage Rex Angliae Dux est de jure Normanniae sanguinis derivatione geneali Rex ex
or Orencester not Winchester the 4th year of his reign wherin by the Counsel of Queen Emma and of his Bishops and Barons he placed Monks in the Monasterie of Bederichesiorthe where St. Edmund was interred and endowed the Monastery of St. Edmond with so many farmes and other goods as made it one of the richest in all England as those Historians witness Whose Name and date the ignorant comâ—iler oâ— this Manuscript mistook whose Antiquitie and reputation is very suspiâ—ious as Sir Henry Spelman informs us First because Sir Henry could never gain the sight of it from Sir Edward Cook though he oft-times promised to lend it him to peruse for his satisfaction And that which dares not abide the sight and test of such a judicious learned Antiquary when desired may justly be deemed an Imposture 2ly Sir Henry Spelman conceives the Author of this Manuscript writ not before the end of King Henry the 3d if so soon seeing he calls the Great Council of the Realm so frequently a Parliament which Title was not given it in Manuscripts or Historians till the end of King Henry the 3d. or aâ—ter his reign And Wigorniensis Matthew Westminster Hoveden and Simeon Dunelmensis all stile it onely CONCILIUM not Parliamentum 3ly Because he certainly mistakes in his Chronology in making Aegelnoth Archbishop of Canterbury in the reign of King Hardecnute when as he died and Eadsi was made Archbishop thereof two years before Hardicnuâ—es reign which Eadsi crown'd him King as Matt. Westminster An. 1038. together with Matthew Parker and Godwin attest And therefore he might as grosly mistake in other things 4ly It appears by the recital it self that it was writ above 130 years at least after this Council under Cnute because it recites it preceeded the Decrees made so long after under Pope Eugenius An. 1150. 5ly The form of the Prologue Haec sunt Statuta c. coupled with ad suum convocans Parliamentum in suo publico Parliamento and aliis Episcopis ipsorum Suffraganeis prove it not to be written before King Edward the first his reign when such phrases came first in vse Sir Edward Cooke himself informing us in his Epistle that in Cnute his reign such State-Assemblies were stiled Uenerandum Concilium Sapientum sic enim apuâ— majores Parliamentum illud Latine redditur 6ly Becauâ—e it â—ubjoins cum quamplurimis gregarâ—s militibus ac cum populi multitudine copiosa as if â—hey had been personally present in this Parliamentary Council as well as the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Dukes and Nobles of which there is not one syllable in our four antient Historians which mention this Council at Cirencester Neither can these Gregarii milites be intended Knights of shires nor populi multitudine copiosa Commoners or Burgesses elected to serve in Parliament by and for the people as Sir Edward Cooke and others fancy there being no mâ—ntion of any such chosen Kngihâ—s of Counties Citizens Burgesses or Commons in that or succeeding ages till about the reign of King Hâ—nry the 3d. but only ordinary Souldiers and the Vulgar sort of people admitted to be present in the Council at the reading and passing of the Charter to St. Edmond as they are now admitted into the Lords House together with the Knights and Burgesses at the beginnings and ending of our Parliaments and upon publike Trials Conferences and Occasions at which times there are more common people ten to one usually present to see and hear what is acted who are no members then there are Members of the Commons House which never sate together with the Lords for ought appears much less in this Parliament as some confidently inferr â—rom this Spurious Aâ—tiquity which Sir Edward Cooke little versed in Antiquities and oft mistaken in them so much magnifies and insists on In the year of Christ 1021. King Cnute uppon occasions and offences taken by him banished Duke Turkell to whom he had formerly committed East England with Edgitha his wife and Hirc Duke of Northumberland out of England Turkell no sooner arived in Denmark but he was there slain by the Dukes of the Country by divine vengeance he being a chief inciter of the death of St. Alphege The English Danes An. 1022. in Colloquio apud Oxoniam celebrato de Legibus Regi Edwardi prâ—mitenendis coucorâ—es facti sunt Unde â—isdem Legibus jubente Rege Cnutone ab Anglica lingua in Latinam translatis tà m in Dania quà m in Angliaâ— propter earum aequitatem à Rege praefato observari jubentur as Mat. Westminster relates Anno 1022. So as he imposed no New Laws on them nor revived old but only by common consent in a Parliamentary Council both of English and Danes King Cnute in the year 1023. did so carefully endeavour to reform all things wherein himâ—elf or his Ancestors had offended as he seemed to wipe away Prioris Injustitiae Naevum the Blot of his former Injustice as well with God as with men And by the exhortation of Queen Emma studying to reconcile all the English to himself he bestowed many Gifts upon them et insuper bonas Leges omnibus et placentes promisit and moreover promised good and pleasing Lawes to all The best means to win and knit the peoples hearts Anno 1024. Cnute leading an Army of English and Danes against the Swedes whereof he lost many in the first battel the next day when he appointed again to fight with them Earl Godwin General of the Enlish Militia without King Cnutes privity resolved with his English forces alone to invade the Swedish Enemies in the night Whereupon using this Speech to his Souldiers ut pristinae gloriae memores robur suum oculis novi Domini assererent c. they alâ— valiantly assaulted the Enemies at unawares put them all to flight slew an innumerable multitude of them and compelled the Kings of that Nation Ulf and Eglaf to yield to terms of Peace Cnute preparing to fight very early the next morning thought the English had been either fled away or revoâ—ted to the Enemies but marching to the Enemies tents and finding nothing but the bloud and carcasses of those the English had slain he thereupon ever after had the English in great esteem who by this their Victory Comitatum Duci sibi laudem paraverunt writes Malmsbury Cnute returning joyfull of this Victory into England and bestowing an Earldom on Godwin for this Service In the year 1027. Cnute hearing that the Norwegians disesteemed Olaus their King by reason of his simplicity bribed his Nobles with great sums of gold and silver to reject Olaus and elect him for their King which they promising to do the next year he failed into Norwey with 50 ships thrust Olaus out of his kingdom by consent of his Nobles and subdued his Realm to himself wheâ—ce returning into England An. 1029. Hâ—conem Danicum Comitem quasi Legationis causa in Exilium misit
them on Guild-down and there seised upon Prince Alfred and retained him in close Prison when he was hastning towards London to conferr with King Harold as he had commanded And apprehending all his followers he ransacked some of them others of them he put in chains and afterwards put out their eyes some of them he tormented and punished by pulling off the skin from their heads and cutting off their hands and feet many of them he likewise commanded to be sold and slew 600 men of them at Gildeford with various and cruel deaths whose Souls are believed now to rejoyce with the Saints in Paradice seeing â—heir bodies were so cruelly slain in the fields without any fault which Queen Emma hearing of sent back her son Edward who remained with her with greatest haste into Normandy After which by the command of Earl Godwin and some others Prince Alfred being bound most straitly in chains was carried Prisoner to the Isle of Ely by ship where he no sooner arived but his eyes were most cruelly pulled out and so being led to the Monastery was delivered to the Monks to be kept where he soon after died and was there interred Some add that after Alfreds eyes were put out his belly was opened and one end of his bowels drawn out and fastened to a stake and his body pricked with sharp needles or poyneyards forced about till all his intrails were extracted in which most savage torture he ended his innocent life Ranulphus Cistrensis in his Polychronicon l. 6. c. 21. relates that Godwin used this strange cruelty towards those Normans that came over with Alfred whom he twice decimateâ— at Gildeford that he â—ipped up their bellies and fastned the ends of their guts to stakes that were reared and pyght in the ground and laid the bodies about the stakes till the last end of the guts came out The Author of the Book called Encomium Emmae and Speed out of him writes That Harold was no sooner established King but that he sought meanes how to rid Queen Emma secretly out of the way and maliciously purposing took counsel how he might train into his Hay the sons of Queen Emma that so all occasions of danger against him might at once for all be cut off Many projects propounded this lastly took effect that a Letter should be counterfeited in Queen Emma's name unto her sons Edward and Alfred â—o instigate them to attempt the Crown usurped by Harold against their right The Tenor of which Letter you may read in Speed This Letter being cunningly carried digested by Alfred as savoâ—ing of no falshood he returned answer he would come shortly over to attend his Mothers designs which Harold being informed of forelayes the coasts to apprehand him Upon his comming on shore in England Earl Godwin met him and binding his assurance with his corporal Oath became his Leige-man and guide to Queen Emma but being wrought firm for Harold treacherously led these Strangers a contrary way and lodging them at Guildford in several Companies there tithed and murthered them as aforesaid Henry Huntindon the Chroâ—icle of Bromton William Caxton in his Chronicle and another Historian mentioned by Mr. Fox record that this murther was after the death of King Harde-Cnute When the Earls and Barons of England by common assent and counsel sent into Normandy for these two Brethren Alfred and Edward intending to crown Alfred the elder Brother and to make him King of England and to this the Earls and Barons made their Oath But Earl Godwin of West-Sax sought to slay these two brethren so soon as they came into England to the intent he might make Harold his own son by Cnutes daughter or sister maried to him King as some of these affirm Others of them relate that he intended only to destroy Alfred being an Englishman by the Father but a Norman by the Mother whom he foresaw to be a person of such honour and courage that he would disdain to mary his daughter or to be swayed by him and then to mary his daughter Godith to Edward the younger Brother and to make him King as being of a more milde and simple disposition apt to be ruled by him Hereupon Godwin went to Southampton to meet with the two Brothers at their landing It fell out that the Messengers sent into Normandy found only Alfred there Edward being then gone into Hungarie to speak with his Cosen Edward the Outlaw Ironsides son When Alfred heard these Messengers tydings he thanked God and in all hast sped him to England ariving at Southampton with some of his Mothers kinred and many of his fellow-Souldiers of like age who were Normans Whereupon Godwin intimated to the Nobles of England That Alfred had brought over too great a company of Normans with him and had likewise promised the lands of the Englishmen to them and therefore it would not be safe to instirpate such a valiant and crafty Nation amongst them That these ought to undergoe exemplary punishment lest others by reason of their alliance to the King should presume to intrude themselves amongst the English And then posting to Southampton welcomed and received Alfred with much joy pretending to conduct him â—afe to London where the Barons waited for to make him King and expected his comming and so they passed forth together towards London But when they came to Guild-down Godwin said to Alfredâ— Lock round about thee on thy right hand and left and behold what a kingdom shall be subjugated to thy Dominion Upon which Alfred giving thanks to God presently promiâ—ed that if iâ— happened he should be crowned King He would constitute such Laws as should be pleasing and acceptable both to God and Man Which words were no sooner uttered but the Traytor Godwin commanded all his men to apprehend Alfred and to slay all the Normans that came with him in his company and after that to carry Alfred into the Isle of Ely and there to put out both his eys and to pull out his bowels which they accordingly executed as aforesaid And so died this innocent Alfâ—ed right heir to the Crown through the Treason of wicked Godwin When the Lords of England heard thereof and how Alfred that should have been their Kingâ— was put to deathâ— through the false Treason of Godwin against their wills 〈◊〉 were â—onderâ—ull sorrowâ—ull and wrâ—th and swore before God and Man that he should die a worser Death than did Edric which destroyed his Lord Edmond Ironside and would immediately have put him to death but that the Traytor fled and escaped into Denmark and there continued 4. yeares and more and lost all his Lands Rents Goods and Chattels in England confiscated in the mean time for this his Treason These Historians though they somewhat vary in the time and occasion of Prince Alfreds death yet they all agree in the substance of his and of his Norman Souldiers and Campanions treacherous barbarous murders by the joynt or separate
King himself 7. That no Subject could then by law wage battel against the King in an Appeal 8. That the murther of Prince Alfred then heir to the Crown in the time of Harold an actuall King by usurpation without any good title by his command was reputed a treasonable offence in Earl Godwin for which he forfeited his lands and was forced to purchase his pardon and lands restitution with a great fine and summe to the King 9. That though the Author of the Chronicle of Bromton Caxton out of him â—tâ—le this Assembly PARLIAMENTUM a Parliament not a COUNCIL yet it is onely according to the style of the age wherein he writ being in the reign of King Edward the third as Mr. Selden proves not according to the dialect of the age wherein it was held to which the term Parliamentum was a meer stranger and CONCILIUM MAGNUM c. the usual name expressing such Assemblies King Edward Anno 1643. immediately after his Coronation came suddenly from Glocester to Winchester attended with Earl Godwin Siward and Leofric and by their advice forcibly took from his Mother Queen Emma all her gold silver jewels and precious stones and whatever rich things else she possessed commanding onely necessaries to be administred to her there The cause of which unjust act some affirm to be Godwins malice towards her others affirm it to be her unnaturalnesse to King Ethelred her first husband and her own sons by him Alfred and Edward In loving and marrying Cnute their enemy and supplanter when living and applauding him when dead more then Ethelred In advancing Harde-Cnute her â—on by him to the Crown and endeavouring to deprive Alfred Edward thereof In refusing to give any thing toward Prince Edw his maintenance whiles in exâ—le and distresse although he oft requested her to supply his necessities In having some hand in the murther of Prince Alfred and endeavouring to poyson King Edward himself as the Chronicle of Bromton relates After which by the instigation of Robert Archbishop of Canterbury a Norman born he againe spoiled her of all she had and shut her up prisoner in the Abbey of Werwel upon suspition of incontinency with Alwin Bishop of Winchester from which false imputation she purged her self and the Bishop by passing barefoot over nine red hot ploughshares without any harm Whereupon the King craved mercy and pardon from her for the infamy and injury done unto her for which he was disciplined and whipped by his Mother and all the Bishops there present Anno 1044. There was GENERALE CONCILIUM CELEBRATUN a General Council held at London wherein Wolmâ—r was elected Abbot of Evesham And this year King Edward DE COMMUNI CONCIDIO PROCERUM SUORUM as Bromton and others write moâ—t likely when assembled in the Council at London married Edith daughter of Earl Godwin in patrocinium regni sui he being the moâ—t potent man in all the Realm there being in her breast a magazine of all liberall vertues And this same year most probable by this same Councils Edict Gunilda a noble Matron King Câ—ute's sisters daughter with her two sons Hemming and Thurkell were banished out of England into Flanders from whence after a little stay they departed into Denmark King Edward in the year 1045. assembled together to the port of Sandwich a very numerous and strong Navy against Magnus King of Norway purposing to invade Engl. But Swane King of Denmark then warring upon him hindered his voyage for Englaâ—d The next year 1046. Osgodus Clapa was banished out of England Swanâ— King of Denmark Anno 1047. sent Ambassadours to King Edward desiring him to send a Navy to him agaiâ—st Magnus King of Norway Hereupon Earl Godwin counselled the King to send him at least fifty ships furnished with souldiers Sed quia Leofrico comiti ET OMNI POPULO id non vidâ—batur consilium CAETERI PROCERES DISSUASERUNT nullum ei mittere voluit But because that Council seemed not good to Earl Leofric and all the people and the rest of the Nobles disswaded him from it he would send no ships to him Magnus furnished with a great Navy fought with Swane and after a great slaughter on both sides expelled him out of Denmark reigned in it and compelled the Danes to pay him a great Tribute Harold Harvager King of Norwey Anno 1048. sent Ambassadours to King Edward offering peace and friendship to him which he embraced Also Swane King of Denmark sent other Ambassadours to him this year requesting a naval assiâ—tance of ships from him But although Earl Godwin was willing that at least fifty ships should be sent him yet none were sent because Earl Leofric OMNISQUE POPULUS UNO ORE CONTRADIXERUNT and all the people contradicted it with one voice Abbot Ingulphus records That Wulgat Abbot of S. Pâ—ga whose Abbey was quite destroyed and burnt to the ground by the Danes had a long suit in the Kings Court with three Abbots of Burgh concerning the seat of his Abbey especially with Abbot Leofric with whom he most strongly contended Sed Regis curia nimium fav â—nte potentiori contra pauperem sententiante tandem sedem monasterii sui perdidit Tanta fuit Abbatis Leofrici pecunia tanta Comitis Godwini potentia which he thus repeats Illo in tempore venerabilis Pater Wulgatus Abbas Pegelandiae diutissimam calumniam passus ab Abbatibus Burgi Elfrico Arwino Leofrico Abbatiae suae sedem amittens tandem succubuit proâ— nefas totum situm monasterii sui JUDICIO REGALIS CURIAE PERDIDIT Tantum tunc potuit super Iustitiam pecunia contra veritatem versutia in CURIA regis Hardecnuti Godwini potentia After which he addes that in the year 1048. when the said Abbot Wulgat having lost the site of his Monastery had laid the foundation of a new Monastery in his Manor of Northburt next adjoyning to the old intending to translate his Abbey thither and diligently laboured to reedifie a Church Dormitory with other claustral offices there being assisted with the alms of many believers Fernoâ—us a K t. L d. of Bosworth openly shewd out of the Abbots own writings that the said Manour of Northburt was given by his progenitors to the Monastery of S. Pâ—ga and to the Monks there serving God whence by consequence he alâ—edged That seeing Abbot Wulgat and his Monks did not serve God and S. Pega from thâ—t time forwards in that place where the old Monastery stood that they ought not from henceforth to enjoy the said Manour Acceptatum est hoc A REGIS JUSTITIARIO ET CONFESTIM ADjUDICATUM EST dictum manerium de Northburt cum omnibus suis pertinentiis praedicto militi Fernoto tanquam jus suum haereditariuÌ„ de monachis ecclesiae sanctae Pegae alienatuÌ„ perpetuo sublatum Quod tum per universum Regnum citius â—uisset cognitum scilicet Abbatum de Peikirk
conquestis dicitur tamen quod beatus Edwardus eo quod haerede caruit Regnum legavit Willielim Bastardo Duci Normannorum Sed hoc robore asseruitur caruisse quiâ— hoc fecit in lecto Lethalf et sine Baronagii sui commnni consensu By all which Testimonies as likewise by the express relations of Mr. Cambden in his Britannia p. 144 145. Richard Verstegan his Restitution of decayed Antiquities Matthew Parker his Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britanniae p. 88. Mr. Seldens Review of his History of Tithes â— p. 482 483. it is apparent that King Edward whiles he was in Normandy before he was King upon Duke Williams repairing into England to him after he was King by several Messengers and Hostages sent to him in his old age and in his very death-bed appointed Duke William to be both his successor and heir to the Crown of England and that Harold either voluntarily as purposely sent by King Edward or craftily upon pretence he was sent by him to work his own enlargement and his Nephews or upon Williams motion to him voluntarily swore that he would faithfully preserve the Crown and Realm of England for him after King Edwards death who had appointed him to succeed him as his heir next kinsman by the mothers side and that he intended to dishinherit his Cosen Edgar Atheling of it though nexâ— heir to it by reason of his minority unfitness and indisposition both of body and minde to sway the Scepter of the Realm King Edward having finished his Abby of Westminster and endowed it with ample lands and privileges by three several Charters by the advice and assent of all his Bishops and Nobles as aforesaid Anno 1066 caused it to be solemnly consecrated on Innocents day with great solemnity but falling sick in the midst of these festival Solemnities of its dedication he betooâ— himself to his bed where continuing speechlesse for two days space together on the third day giving a great groan and arising as it were from the dead he related to those then about him a Vision he had seen touching the State of England Namely that two religious Monks he had formerly known in Normandy dead many years before were sent unto him with this message declaring the Corruptions and Vices both of the Clergy Nobility Gentry and People of England and the judgements ready to fall upon them for the same Which Matthew Westminster thus relates Quoniam Primores Angliae Duces Episcopi Abbates non sunt Ministri Dei sed Diaboli tradidit Deus hoc regnum uno anno et die uno in manu inimicâ— Daemonesque terram hanc totam pervagabunt Abbot Ailred thus records it Impletum dicunt Anglorum nequitiam iniquitaâ— consummata iram provocat accelerat vindâ—ctaâ— Sacerdotes praevaricati sunt pactum Domini polluto pectorâ— manibus iniquitatis sancta coâ—â—rectant non Pastores sed Mercenarii exponunt lupis oves non protegunt lac lanam quaerunt non oves ut detrusos ad inferos mors pastores depascat et oves Sed et Principes terrae infideles Sociae surum PRAEDONES PATRIAE quibus nec Deus timori est NEC LEX HONORI quibus veritas oneri JUS CONTEMPTUI CRUDELITAS DELECTATIONI Itaque NEC SERVANT PRAELATI JUSTITIAM nec subditi disciplinam Et ecce Dominus gladium suum vibravit aroum suum tetendit et paravit illum ostendeâ— deincâ—ps populo hinc iram indignationeÌ„ immissiones insuper per Angelos malos quibus traditi sunt anno uno diâ— uno igne simul et gladio puniendi The King groaning and sighing for this calamity that was ready to fall upon his people demanded of the Monks Whether if they repented of their sins upon his admonition to them God would not pardon them and remove his judgements as he did from the Ninivites They replied That God would by no means receive them into his favour because the heart of this people was hardned and their eyes blinded and their ears deafned that they would not hear reproof nor understand admonition nor be terrified with threatnings nor provoked with his late benefits The King thereupon demanded Whether God would be angry for ever Wheâ—her he would be any more intreated and when they might hope for a release of so great calamities To which they replyed That if a green tree cut in the midst and carried a great space from the stock could without any help reunite it self to the root and grow again and bring â—orth fruit then might the remission of such evils be hoped for The veritie of which Prophecy add our Historians the Englishmen experimentally felt namely That England should be an habitation of strangers and a Domination of Foreiners because a little space after scarce any Englishman was either a King a Duke Bishop or Abbot neither was there any hope also of the end of this miseâ—y King Edward after his relation of this Vâ—sion to the Nobles and Prelates then about him yielded up the Ghost and died without issue on Epiphany Eve An. 1066. and was solemnly interred the next day in Westminster Abbey the royal line of the Saxon Kings ending in him which had continued from Cerdic the first King of the West-Saxons for 571. years without interruâ—tion except by some Danish Usurpers who for the Sins of the English reigned for some years over them with rigour and were soon cut off by death CHAPTER 6. Comprising the Historical Passages relating to the Parliamentary Councils Lawes Liberties Properties Rights Government of England Anno 1066. under the Short reign of the Usurper King Harold till the Coronation of King William the First falsly surnamed The Conquerour though never claiming the Crown by Conquest but Title KIng Edward deceasing without any issue of his body to succeed him refusing all carnal copulation with his Queen either out of a vowed virginity as most Historians conclude or out of a detestation of Earl Godwins Trayterous race quod Rex Religiosus de genere proditoris haeredes qui sibi succederent corrupto semine Regio nolueâ—rit procreari as Ingulphus Matthew Wâ—stminster and others record thereby exposed the kingdom for a prey to the ambitious Pretenders aspiring after it Upon which consideration praesentiebant plures in ejus morte desolationem Patriae Plebis exterminium totius Angliae Nobilitatis excidium finem libertatis honoris ruinam as Abbot Ailred informs us The English Prelates and Nobles being then all assembled at Westminster to the solemn consecration of the Abbey were much perplexed and the generality of the people exceedingly grieved at his death For although he were Vir propter morum simplicitatem parum Imperio idoneus yet he was Deo devotus ideoque ab eo directus Denique eo regnante nullus tumultus domesticus qui non cito comprimeretur nullum bellum forinsecus omnia domi forisque quieta omnia tranquilla quod eo magis stupendum
of the Nobles and common Souldiers were so incensed that detesting the covetousness of their Prince they unanimously deparâ—ed from his service and refused to march wiâ—h him against the Normans This triumphant victory so puffed up Harold that he thought himself secure in the Throne beyond the fear or reach of any adversity and instead of a King became a TYRANT Whilst Harold with all his Land and Sea forces were thus buâ—ied in the North of England Duke VVilliam in August assembled all his Land Army and Navy consisting of 900 ships at the Port of S. Valerie to invade England in the South then wholly destitute of all Guards by Land and Navy by Sea to resist his landing And to satisfie his Souldiers and all others of the justice of his undertaking he alleged these three causes thereof which Henry de Knyghton devides into four The first was to revenge the cruel murther of his Cousin Prince Alfred King Edmunds brother and of the Normans who came with him to assist him to recover the Crown of England to which he was right heir whom Godwin and his Sons had shamefully dishonoured treacherously betrayed and barbarously murdered which fact he ascribed principally to Harold The second was because Godwin and his Sons by their cunning had injuriously banished Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Earl Odo and all the French and Normans out of England which wrong he would revenge on Harold as done principally by his means and labour The third and chief ground was because Harold falling headlong into perjury had without any right usurped the Crown and Realm of England which of due belonged unto him both by right of Kinred to and gift by King Edward his Nephew and by Harolds own solemn Oath and promise made to him in Normandy to preserve the Kingdom for his use after King Edwards death without children according to King Edwards command While Duke William with his ships and Army lay many days together at S. Valerie expecting a fair gale for England the winds being cross many of the common souldiers there lying in Tents thus muttered one to another That the man was mad who would by force invade and make another mans Country and Realm his own That God did fight against them in withdrawing the winds That his Father attempted the same thing in the same manner and was hindered and inhibited therein That it was fatal to his family that aspiring to things above their power they should find God opposite to them These speeches bruted abroad which might enfeeble the strength and abate the courage even of valiant men The Duke thereupon taking Counsel with his Senators caused the Corps of St. Valerie to be brought forth to procure a wind presently a prosperous gale filling their sayles the Duke himself first took ship and launched forth and all the rest after him then casting Anchor till the Fleet came round about him they all sailing with a gentle course landed at Hastings and Pevemsy The Duke stepping forth of the ship upon the shore one of his feet slipped so that he fell down into the mud one of his hands being filled with sand whch he interpreted as an ill omen and sinister event But one of his Souldiers who stood next him lifting him up from his fall whiles he held the mud in his hand changed this event into a better interpretation saying Most happy Duke thou already possessest England and plowest it up Behold the land is in thy hand Lift up thy self with good hope thou shalt be King of England ere long No sooner was the Army landed but the King strictly charged them to forbear pluâ—dering and take no booties seeing they ought to spare the things that should be his own nor to wrong any of their persons who should ere long become his Subjects Richard Vestegan records out of a French Historian that Duke VVilliam the same day he landed in England caused divers of his chief Officers and Friends to dine with him and chancing at dinner to talk of an Astrologer who by the conjunction of the Planets had assured him at St. Valerie That Harold should never withstand him but submit himself unto him and yeeld him faith and homage willed now that the said Astrologer should be brought unto him whom he had caused to be imbarqued for that voyage But it was told him that the Ship wherein the said Astrologer sailed was cast away at Sea anâ— he drowned in it Whereunto the Duke replyed That man was not wise who had more regard â—o the good or ill fortune of another than unto his own I am now thanks be to God come over I know not how the rest will succeed How false this Star-gazers prediction proved the sequel will manifest Duke VVilliam after his arrival rested quietly 15. days without acting any thing as if he minded nothing less than war After which to cut off all occasion or hopes of return from his Souldieâ—s he fired all his ships or as some write drew them all a shore and intrenched them as others erecting only a Castle on the shore for a retiring place for his Souldiers if need were From Pevensy he marched to Hastings where he built another Fort. Henry de Knyghton records that the first night he lodged in England in his Pavillion there came a voice unto him saying William William be thou a good man because thou shalt obtain the Crown of the Realm and shalt be King of England and when thou shalt vanquish the enemy cause a Church to be built in the same place in my name so many hundred foot in length as in number of years the seed of thy bloud shall possess the Government of the Realm of England and reign in England an 150. years But Matthew Westminster writes this voice was after the battel with Harold not before it and the subsequent words in Knyghton touching his march to London import as much Harold residing in the North after his great victory there when he deemed all his Enemies totally broken in pieces received certain intelligence that Duke William was safely arived at Pevensey with his Fleet and an innâ—merable company of valiant Horsemen Slingers Archers and Footmen whom he had hired out of all France Whereupon he presently marched with his army in great haste towards London and although he well knew that most of the valiant men in all England were slain in the two late Battels against Tosti and the Danes that many of the Nobility and Common Souldiers had quite deserted him refusing to march with him in that necssity because he permitted them not to share with him in the great booties they had won with their bloud and that half his Army wâ—re not come togetherâ— yet he resolved forthwith to march into Sussex against the Enemy and fight them with those small forces tired he then had being most of them Mercenaries and Stipendiaries except those English Noblemen Gentlâ—men and Freemen who
victoribus suis participarunt de caeter is in â—orum mores transeuntes Sed haec mala de omnibus generaliter Anglis dicta intelligi nolim Scio clericos multos tunc temporis simplici via semitam sanctitatis trivisse Scio multos Laicos omnis generis conditionis in hae eadem gente Deo placuisse facessat ab hac relatione invidia non cunctos pariter hâ—c involvat calumnia Verum sicut in tranquillitate malos cum boâ—is fovet plaerumque Dei sereniâ—as ita in captivitate bonâ—s cum malis noâ—nunquam ejusdem constringit sevâ—ritas I have insisted more largely upon the Historical part of Harolds usurpation perjury short and troublesom reign tragical death Duke Wâ—lliams claims to and manner of acquiring the Crown of England for this reason especially To refute the common received Error of some ignorant Historians of many illiterate Statists and Swordmen of this age and of fundry temporizing Ignoramusses of my own robe who publickly averr in their Pamphlets Speeches Charges and Discourses that Duke William claimed and obtained the Crown of England only as a Conqueror and thereupon altered the antient Laws Customs of the Realm and gave New Laws unto it by his own absolute power as a Conqueror thereof Upon which false Ground they inferre That those in late and present Power coming in by the same Title of Conquest may lawfully give new Laws to impose what Taxes Government they please upon the English as well as Scotish and Irish as a meer conquered Nation by their own inherent authority seeing by the Laws of Warr regularly all Rights and Laws of the place and Nation conquered be wholly subject to the Conquerors will And hereby they justifie all their late Impositions Taxes Excises Sequestration Seisures Sales of all the publike revenues of the Nation and many thousand private mens Estates by their Westminster and White-Hall Ordinances Edicts with the changes of our Government new-modellings of our Parliaments and all other irregular proceedings destructive to our Fundamental Rights Laws Liberties Government which they formerly covenanted inviolably to maintain without grant or consent by any free full lawfull English Parliaments Now to demolish all these their superstructures by subverting their â—alse Foundation of D. Williams pretended Title to the Crown of England only by Conquest It is most apparent by the premised Historical Authorities 1. That King William alwayes claimed the Crown of England both before at and after his Coronation as of right belonging to him by the promise gift contract gift and bequest of Edward the Confessor and as his heir and next kinsman by the Mothers side 2. That he alleged this gift and grant of the Crown to him to be made with the consent of the Archbishops of Canterbury Earls Godwin Syward and other Nobles of the Realm ratified by special Messengers sent unto and Hostages delivered him for its performance and by Harâ—lds own solemn agreement and Oath sent to him by King Edward for that purpose as himself at least suggested to him which designation and grant of King Edward to William was no fiction but a truth confessed by all our Historians and Harold himself who by his answers never denyed but only endeavoured to evade it and voluntarily acknowledged by all the Nobles of England both at his Coronation and in Parliament it self in the 4. year of his reign 3. That after King Edwards decease divers of the Nobles would have elected William King in pursuance hereof but that Harold perjuriously usurped the Crown by meer force and power without the least right unto it or any election by the Lords or people setting the Crown on his own head the very day King Edward was interred and thereby prevented Williams election to it 4. That hereupon divers of the Nobles Prelates and other English sent private Messengers to William into Normandy to come and demand his right to the Crown as due unto him promising hostages and their assistance to recover it 5. That thereupon he sent Embassadors twice or thrice to Harold one after another before his landing insisting on his meer right and Title to the Crown to gain it by parly without effusion of bloud 6. That upon Harolds obstinacy he appealed to the Pope and to all his Nobles assembled in a Parliamentary Council for the justice of his Title and Right to the Crown who declared his Title Lawfull and Just and thereupon encouraged assisted him all they could to regain it by force of arms from the Usurper Harold who would not otherwise depart from it 7. That immediately after his landing he made claim unto it only by the foresaid Right Title and thereupon prohibited his Souldiers to plunder the Country or hurt any of the Inhabitants as being his by right 8. That very few of the English Nobility or Nation would march or engage with Harold against William and sundry withdrew themselves from the battel as conscious of Harolds usurpation perjury and Williams just cause against him however other causes were then pretended and amongst the rest his own Brother-in-laws the greatest Peers of the Realm Earl Morcar and Edwin deserted him in the fight 9. That after the first battel won and Harold slain all the Prelates and Clergy generally except Abbot Frederick appeared for him and would not consent to set up Edgar though right heir 10. That after good deliberation all the Nobles Prelates Loâ—doners and others who first appeared for Edgar with the greatest pâ—rt of the Clergy people of the English Nation without the least fight or resistance or before any siege or summons from him together with Prince Edgar himself voluntarily went out and submitted themselves sware faith and allegeance to him as their Soveraign at Berkhamsted and after that joyfully received him with highest acclamations as their lawfull King at his entry into London 11. That all the Prelates Clergy and Nobility soon after without any coercion upon his foresaid right and Title freely elected and solemnly crowned him as their lawfull King in a due and accustomed manner and then did Homage and swore new Allegiance afresh unto him as their rightful Soveraign 12. That he took the Ordinary Coronation Oath of all lawfull Kings to maâ—â—â—tan and defend the rights persons of all his people to govern them justly c. as became a good King which a King claiming by meer conquest would never do All these particulars are undeniable Evidences that Duke William never made the least pretence claim or title to the Crown and Realm of England only as an absolute Conqueror of the Nation but meerly by Title as their true and lawfull King by designation adoption and cognation seconded with the Nobles Prelates Clergy and peoples unanimous election And although it be true that this Duke ejected Harold and got actual possâ—ssion of the Throne and Kingdom from him by the sword as did Aurelius Ambrosius and others before and King Henry the 4. Edward the 4. Henry the 7. with others
and other Officers nor burâ—hened with unjust Exactions or Contributions Yea by his large Aâ—mes and Giâ—â—s he â—ent to Rome â— he procured the English School to be fréed from all Taxes and Tributes by the Popes special Bull. And we never read he imposed the least publick Tax upon his Subjects during all his wars and Exigences by his own Regal Power upon any pretext of publick Necessity Danger Defence or Safety of the Realm against the Numerous Invading plundering Danish forces both by Sea and Land Which our late and present Aegyptian Tax-masters may do well to consider In the year of our Lord 894. this King Alfred and Guthurn the Dane gave to the Church of St. Cutbert in Durham all the Lands between Weor and Tyne for a perpetual Succession free from all Custome and secular Services with all Customes Saca and Socua and infaugtheof thereunto belonging with sundry other Privileges which they ordained to be perpetually observed Non solum Anglorum sed et Danorum consentiente et collaudante exercitu by the consent and approbation of the ARMY not only of the English but Danes also Has Leges haec Statuta which proves that it was done by a Parliamentary Counsell then held in both their Armies Quicunque quolibet nisu Infringere praesumpserint eos in perpetuum nisi emendaverint Gehennae Ignibus puniendos anathematizando Sententia omnium contradidit I pretermit the Welsh Synods held under the Bishops of Landaff during King Alfreds Reign as Sir Henry Spelman conjectureâ— in whom thâ— Reader may peruse them wherein the Bishop of Landaff and his Clergy excommunicated some of their petty Welsh Kings for Murder Perjury violating the Churches Patrimony and Injuring the Bishops family who upon their Repentance and Reconciliation gave all of them some parcels of Land to the Church of Landaff The rather because I conceive them fabulous there being no such form of Excommunication used in those daies as Sir Henry Spelman proves nor any such Episcopal Synods held in England under King Alfred himself The barbarous Danes having throughout all England with fire and sword utterly wasted and destroyed all Cities Towns Castles Monasteries Churches put most of the Bishops Abbots Clergy to the Sword and almost quite deleted the knowledge of Learning and Religion out of the whole Nation insomuch that there were very few spiritual persons on this side Humber who could either understand the Common prayers in the English tongue or translate any writing out of latine into English yea so few that there was not so much as one man on the South-side of the Thames that could do it till King Alfred after his Conquest of the Danes in the latter part of his Reign restored Learning and Religion â—gain by Degrees as this King himself records in expresse terms in his Epistle to Bishop Wulsug by way of Preface to his own Translation of Gregories Pastorals into the English Saxons Language King Alfred deceasing his Son Edward surnamed the Elder succeeding his Father in the year of Christ 901 thereupon Prince Aethelwald his Uncles Son aspiring to the Crown without the consent of the King and Nobles of the Realm seised upon Oxlie and Winburne whereupon King Edward marching with his Armie against him to Bath he fled from Winburne to the Danes in Northumberland for assistance who being glad thereof they all make him King and Prince over all their Kings and Captains Whereupon they invading Essex and Mercia King Ed. raised a great Army chased them into Northumberland and harrowed the whole Country to the Lakes of Northumberland where the Kentishmen remaining contrary to the Kings Command and Messengers sent to them after the retreat of the rest of the Army The Danish Army upon this advantage setting upon them they gallantly defending themselves slew their new King Aethelwald with King Eorit and sundry of their chief Commanders and many of their Souldiers though they lost the field This King and Edelfled his Sister Queen of Mercians to prevent the frequent eruptions plunders the Danes repaired many old ruinated Towns and built many new ones in convenient places which they replenished with Souldiers to protect the Inhabitants and repell the Enemies whereby the Common people weâ—e so incouraged and became such good Souldiers that if they heard of the Enemies approach they would fight and rout them Rege etiam Ducibus inconsultis in certamen ruerent eisque semper numero scientia praeliandi praeâ—â—arent it a hostes contempâ—ni militibus Regi risui erant as Malmesbury writes The Country people themselves sighting with the Danes at Ligetune put them to flight recovered all the prey they had takenâ— and likewise the Danes Horses as they likewise did in some other parts Amongst other places this King repaired the walls of Colchester put warlike men in it certum eis stipendium assignavit and assigned them a certain stipend as Matâ— Westm. records neither he nor other our Historians making mention of assigned wages to any other Garrisons or Souldiers in that age At last the Danes in most places throughout England perceiving King Edwards power and wisdom submitted themselves unto him elected him for their King and Patâ—on and swore homage and fealty to him as likewise did the Kings of Scotland Northumberland and Wales In the year of Grace 905. This King Edward assembled a Synod of the Senators of the English Nation as Malmesbury or a great Council of Bishops Abbots and faithfull people as Matthew Westminster and others sâ—ile it in the Province of the Gewisii which by reason of the Enemies incursions had been destitute of a Bishop for 7 years space Whereupon the King and Bishops in this Council taking good advice made this wholsom constitution That instead of 2 Bishops whereof one had his Sea at Winchester the other at Schireburn 5 Bishops should be created ne Grex Domini absque cura Pastorali luporum incursionibus quateretur Whereupon they in this Council elected 5 Bishops to wit Frithstan for Winchester Athelin for Schireburn Aedulâ—e for Wells Werstan for Crideton and Herstan for Cornwal assigning them their several Sees and Diocess and two other â—ishops â—or Dorchester and Cirencester all consecrated by Archbishop Plegmond at Câ—nterbury in one day Wil. of Malmesb. and some others write that this Council was summoned upon the Letter of Pope Formosus who excommunicated king Edward with all his Subjects for suffering the Bishopricks of Winton and Scireburn to be void for 7 years space together But this must needs be a great mistake since Pope Formosus was dead ten years before this Council and before these Bishopricks became void and his pretended Epistle to the Bishops of England makes no mention at all of the king as Sir Henry Spelman well observes In the year 906. king Edward made a Peace and firm agreement with the Danes of Northumberland and east-East-England at Intingford when as some think he and
confidimus quod pax nostra melior erit quam antea fuit As these passages demonstrate the proceedings of the Parliamenrary Councils in that Age unknown to most for which end I have transcribed them at large so they clearly prove that Theeves or Felons much lesse other English Freemen could not be imprisoned killed put to death fined or ransommed but by special Acts and Laws made in General Parliamentary Councils nor any Laws made enacted or altered in such Coâ—ncils but by the Kings Royal Assent thereto who then frequently summoned thâ—m and all the Members of them by writ and nomination without the Peoples Election Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 5. anâ— some other fabulous Authors relate that in the eighth year of King Aethelstans reign Olaus King of Denmark Golanus King of Norwey and the Duke of Normandy with 8 Dukes and 5 hundred thousand Souldiers arived in England bringing with them out of Africa A Giant called Colybrand the strongest and most famous at that time throughout the World Whereupon King Aethelstan hearing of their comming Congregavit Magnates assembled his Noblemen at Winchester to advice with them how they might resist the Enemies and fight with them in Battel Thaâ— whiles king Aethelstan vacaret tali Coneilio et congregatione poâ—uli sui in Wintonia the foresaid kings came upon him with their Army and besieged him Cum Baronia sua with his Batons in that City for two years space Neither durst the English fight with them by reason of their multitude and Power In the mean time they made this Agreement that king Aethelstan should find out one Champion to fight a single Duel with Colybrand that in all future times the Realm of England should be held of the King of Denmark under a Tribute and if Colybrand were conquered by Aethelstans Champion rhen Olaus should forfeit and disclaim the Realm of England for him and his Heirs for ever and no King of Denmark should afterwards lay claim to the Realm of England nor yet molest it That the king in near one whole years space could not find out a Champion to encounter Colybrand whereupon he and his Nobles were very much troubled At lasâ— God by an Angel from Heaven directed the King to find out Guy of Warwick comming thither as a Pilgrim who undertook to encounter Colybrand and after a sharp battel with him in the view of both kings and their Armies cut off one of his hands and after that his head By which Victory the whole Land of England enjoyed the unviolated privilege of rest and Liberty from the Danish king untill Cnute king of Denmark gained the Realm of England from Edmund Ironside But this Relation being contrary to the truth of History and the Stream of all our Historiographers I shall repute it meerly fabulous though I could not well omit it for that Relation it hath to this my Theame anâ— precedent Propositions William of Malmesbury and others out of him record that Elfrid a Noble man who opposed Aethelstans Title to the Crown though in vain intended to have seized on him at Winchester and put out his eyes but his Treason being discovered before it came to the Accomplishment he was taken and sent to Rome to purge himself by Oath where before the Altar of St. Peter and Pope Iohn the 10 th he abjured the fact and thereupon fell suddainly down dead to the Earth and being carried from before the Altar by his Servants to the English School he there died within three daies after Upon this the Poâ—e â—ent to â—he king to advise what he should do with him and â—hether he should allow him burial with other Christiaâ— Câ—rps The king hereupon assembling a Council of his Nobles to advise about it Optimates Regionis â— the Nobles of the Realm with a great Company of Elfrids kindred earnestly requested of the King with great humility that his body might be committed to Christian Burial The King consenting to their Request acquainted the Pope therewith who granted him Christian Burial though unworthy Hereupon the Nobles adjudged all his Lands and Possessions great and small to the King who by their consent granted and confirmed them all to the Abby of Malmesbury by his Charter wherin he recites Sciant Sapientes regionis Nostrae non has praefatas terras me injustè Rapuisse Rapinamque Deo Dedicasse sed sic eas accepi Quemadmodum judicaverunt omnes Optimates Regni Anglorum Insuper et Apostolicus Papa Romanae Ecclesiae Johannes After which reciting the Treachery perjury and death of Elfred with his Condescention to his Nobles and friends request aforesaid he concludes thus Et sic Adjudicata est mihi tota possessio ejus in magnis et modicis Sed et haec Apicibus praenotamus literarum ne quamdin Christianitas regnat aboleatur unde mihi praefata possessio quam Deo et Sancto Peiro dedi donatur nec Justius novi quam Deo et sancto Peiro hanc possessionem dare qâ—i aemulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt et mihi prosperitatem Regni largiti sunt To which Malmesbury subjoyns In his Verbis Regis sapientiam et pietatem ejus in Dei rebus suspicere par est Sapientiam eo quod animadverterat juvenis presertim non esse Dei Gratiosum de Rapinâ Holocaustum Pietatem eo quod Munus ultione divinâ— collatum Deo potissimum non ingratus rependeret From whence I shall only observe that Elsrid being a Pâ—er of the Realm dying perjured as aâ—oresaid was adâ—udged to forfeiâ— all his Lands for Treason after his death only by his Peers in a Parliamentary Council and that iâ— the king had seized on them without their judgâ—ment it had been an unjust Rapine by his own Confession but being legally confiscated to him by their Judgement it was no Rapine but Iustice for him to seizeâ— and Piety to dispose of them at his pleasure to this Church What Churches and Monasteries he built and repaired throughout the Realm What Lands he restored to St. Augustines Church at Canterbury on the day of his Coronation by the Assent of his Bishops and Nobles though long detained from it and how he gave the Lands of Folcastan in Kent eâ—cheated by the Danes destruction of the Nunnery there to Christ-church in Canterbury you may read in the Marginal Authors William of Malmesbury informs us that Baldwin Earl of Flanders sent Embasâ—adour by Hugh King of France to King Ethelstan to demand his Sister for his Wife brought over with him divers rich presents and Reliques Amongst others the Sword of Constantine the Great the Lance of Charls the Great and one of the 4 Nails that pierced our Saviours body set in plates of Gold A piece of our Saviours Cross inclosed in a Christal Case c. all which he presented to the King and Lady cum in Conventu Procerum apud Abindonium proci postulata
what was done therein Sir Henry Spelman out of an old Saxon Note calls it A great Council affirmes it was held after Eastâ—r and that Sideman Bishop of Devonshire died in it That King Edward and the Archbishop therein ordained That every man should goe in pilgrimage to the Church of St. Mary at Abendune out of Devotion And Matthew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury in the life of Dunstan superaddes Dunstanus ibi cum Monachorum labenti conditioni succurrete voluit nihil profecit Itaque hoc dissoluto Concilio aliud in Regia Villa Wilteria quae Calne vulgo appellatur coegit This Great Council held at Calne some stile it Cleve was purposely called the same year 977. to end the long continued Controversie between the Monks and married Priests which the feigned Oracle of the Crucifix at Winchester and the Council of Kerding could not determine All the Senators and Nobles of England sitting together at this Council in an Upper room the King being absent by reason of his tender age or sickness the business being debated with great conflict and controversie and the strongest wall of the Monkish Church Archbishop Dunstan being assaulted with the Darts of many revilings remained unshaken The Disputants of both parties and orders defending their sides with greatest industry in the midst of the dispute the whole Floor with the Rafters and Beams of the Room wherein they disputed suddenly brake in peeces and fell to the ground with all the people in it except Dunstan who escaped without any harm standing firm on a beam that remained of which he took hold-fast the rest being either slain outright or very much hurt and bruised with the fall so as they languished ever after hardly escaping present death This miracle as our Monkish Authors stile it gave peace to Archbishop Dunstan from the assaults of the English Clerks and others who thereupon from thenceâ—orth submitted to his sentence and judgement if William of Malmesbury and Mat. Westminster may be credited Whereas Florentius Wigorniensis Iohn Bromton and others out of them assure us that there was not long after another Parliamentary Synod or Assembly held at Ambresbery upon the same occasion without recording the Proceedings or Event thereof Some conjecture that this fall was only a fiction of the Monkish VVriters to adde reputation to their languishing cause as well as that of the Crucifix Speech forecited Others conceive it was wrought by Duustans sorcery or Policy Others that it was casual by reason of the weight of the People But Henry Huntindon Hist. l. 2. p. 357. Bromton col 876. and Sir Henry Spelman out of them p. 496. record That this fall of the Nobles at Calne was not a Divine Judgement on them for their Opposition against and injury to the Monks as some interpreâ—ed it but signum videlicet Dei excelsi fuit quod Proditione et Interfectione Regis sui ab amore Dei Casuri essent et diversis gentibus digna contritione conterendi as they were soon after broke in pieces by the invading conquering Danes and Normans And whether the late violent falls and ruptures of our Parliaments and Nobles portend not the like fate to England by some other forein Invasions for the like Treachery Apostacy Regicide or far worse let those who are guiltiest of it and others determine at their leisures King Edward imitating the footsteps of his Fathers Religion and Piety was so circumvented by the flattering speeches of his Mother-in-law Queen Elfrida that although she opposed his Title Election Coronation all she could to advance her own Son to the Crown yet retaining only the name of a king to himself he soon after permitted her and his Brother Ethelred his Competitor to order all affairs of the Realm as they pleased VVhereupon as the Chronicle of Bromton relates she began to plot how to dethrone this Man of God King Edward and advance her own Son Ethelred to the Throne Which when she had a long time meditated upon she opened the Secrets of her heart to some of her chief Counsellours advising with them concerning it and earnestly intreating yea conjuring them to assent to her therein and to find out some means to effect it Cui protenus in necem illius omnes conseuserunt who all forthwith consented to his Murder and contrived how they might most speedily accomplish it by some fraudulent device which they soon after executed in this manner King Edward hunting for his disport in the Forest near VVarham hearing that his Brother Ethelred whom he intirely loved was near that place residing then with his Morher at Corph-Castle some stile it Cornesgate rode thither to visit him with very few attendants who either casually or of set purpose lingring behind him sporting in the way he came alone to the Castle gate Queen Elfrida who had a long time waited for such an opportunity being informed thereof went presently to meet him with her bloody Assassinate s and welcoming him with flattering Speeches and a pleasant countenance importuned him to lodge there that night which offer he with thanks refused saying he desired only to see and speak with his brother but would not alight from his horse Whereupon she commanded a Cup of Wine to be speedily brought him to drink appointing one of her boldest Souldiers to kill him whiles he was drinking VVho kissing the king like another Iudas under a pretext of love to take away all suspition so soon as the Cup was at his mouth stabbed him presently into the Bowels with a knife King Edward feeling himself wounded set spurs to his Horse thinking to escape to his own faithfull followers but the wound being mortal he fell from his Horse dead and one oâ— his feet hanging in the Stirrop he was dragged up and down through the Mire and Fields and at last left there dead near Cerf Gate VVhâ—ch his wicked Stepmother hearing of commanded her most wicked Servant to drag him by the Heels like a beast and throw him into a little Cottage hard by that the fact might not be discovered After which she commanded his Corps to be privily taken from thence lest this her most execrable work of darkuess should be discovered and buried in an obscure bushy morish place where it should no more be found by any Most of our Historians write that he was obscurely buried at VVearham without any Royal State Ac si cum Corporâ— paritèr Memoriam sepellissent invidentes ei sespidem cui vivo inviderunt decus Regium So Malmsbury or as Maâ—thew Westminster delcants on itâ— Invidebant enim mortuo Ecclesiasticam concedere Sepulturam Cni videnti decus Regium auferebant And not content herewith they made an â—dictâ— than which nothing could be more cruel That no Man should lament or speak of his death thinking thereby utterly to delete his memory But contrary to their expectation God by a supernatural light from heaven shining on the place and sundry Miracles there wrought
pace brevissima pensionem 16 millium librarum persolvere compulsus est VVhich fell not out till the year 994. as himself and others record Malmesbury referrs it to the Tax of 10 thousand pounds paid by him to the Danes Anno 991. In this year 986. Alfric Duke of Mercians son of Duke Alfere was banished England crudeliter cruelly without just cause as Bromton recites which made him afterwards prove treacherous to the King he being one of those English quos nullis causis extantibâ—s exhaeredabat Rex et affecto crimine opibus emungebat which Malmesbury taxeth him for His oppression and injâ—stice being the chief causes of his miscarriage and expulsion by the Danes Anno 988. The Danes invading VVecedport thereupon Goda Earl of Devonshire Strenwild a most valianâ— Knight and many others in defence of their Native Country and Liberties fought with them and were slain by them And Anno 891. Brithnoth the most valiant Duke of the East English and his forces fought a set battle with the invading Danes who wasted Ipswich and the parts adjoyning In which battel an innumerable multitude were slain on both sides and this valiant Duke with many thousands of the English in defence of their Country against these Invaders After which by the Counsel of Syricius Archbishop of Canterbury Duke Aethelward Alfric and other Nobles assembled no doubt in a Parliamentary 〈◊〉 as Malmesburâ— his Duces et Proceres si quando in Concilium venissent pars hic 〈◊〉 illud 〈…〉 and Henry de Kayghton his Proceres Regni si quando ad Concilium congregati c. imâ—ort A Tribute of ten thousand pounds was given to â—he Danes that they might desist from their frequent rapines and slaughters of men which they frequently exercised about the Sea-coasts pacemque firmam cum iis tenerent and might hold a firm peace with them Some of our Historians stile this Infaustum Concilium an unlucky Council Eadmerus gives this verdict of it Regis desidia circum circa innotuit Et ideo extevorum cupiditas opes Anglorum quam mortes affectans hac illac per mare terram invadere primo propinquas mari villas urbes deinde remotiores ae demum totam Provinciam miserabili depopulatione devastare Quibus cum ille nimio pavore perculsus non armis occurrere sed data pecunia pacem ab eis petere non erubuisset ipsi suscepto pretio in sua revertebantur ut numero suorum adaucto fortiores redirent ac praemia iteratae irruptionis multiplicata reciperent Unde modo decem millia modo sedecim millia modo viginti quatuor millia modo triginta millia librarum argenti consecuti sunt omnia illis largiente praefato Rege Edelâ—edo et gravi exactione totum Regnum opprimente VVilliam of Malmesbury passeth this censure on it and the unhappy consequence of it Danis omnes portus infestantibus levitate piratica ubique infestanâ—ibus dum nesciretur ubi eis occurrere debent decretum à Syriaco Archiepie piscopo c. ut repellerenâ—ur argento qui non poâ—erunt ferro Ita decem millia libraâ—um soluta cupiditatem Danorum expâ—â—â—ere Exemplum Infamiae et Uiris indignnm libertatem pecunia redimere quam ab invicto animo nulla violentia possit excutere Et tunc quidem paâ—isper ab incurâ—bus ceâ—â—arunt mox ubi vires oâ—io resumpserunt ad superiora reâ—iâ—um Tantus timor Anglos invaserat ut nihil de resistendo cogitarent Si qui antiquae glorâ—ae memores obviare â—â—gna colligere tentassent hostium multitudine sociorum defectione destiâ—â—ebantur whereby they became Vassals and Tributaries to the inâ—ulting Danes Cujus Siricii consilio in gestis Regum dixi Ethelredum Regem animi libertatem Danis pretio â—endicasse Ut eoâ—uâ— pacem argento redimerent quod ferro repellere possetâ— nisi corde carâ—ret Unde Importabilis Tributi pensio imposita Angliae fortunas provincialium ad solum usque destruxit Henry Huntindon and the Chronicle of Bromton pass this verdict against and deduce this memorable observation from this Tribute Edelredi Regis Anno 13. Primo statuerunt Angli which intimates it to be 〈…〉 a Parliamentary Council Concilio infausto Siricii Archiepiscopi quod ipsi censum Dacis persolverent quatenus à rapinis caede 〈…〉 â—ederum eis decem mille libras Hoc autem malum usque in hodiernum diem duravit et diu nisi Dei Pietas subveniat durabit Regibus namque nostris modo persolvimus ex consuetudine quod Dacis persolvebatnr ex ineffabili terrore To which Bromton Ranulphus Censtrensis and Hâ—nry de Knyghton immediately subjoyn Dacis Tributum annuum solvunt Primo anno 10 milia librarum Secundo anno 16 millia librarum Tertio anno 20 millia librarum Quarto anno 24 millia Quinâ—o anno 40. millia librarum donec tandem pecunia deficiente iterum tenderent ad Rapinas Et tunc Norâ—â—â—â—briam depraedantesâ— et Londoniam obsidente Coegerunt regem tributum dare Mat. Parker Arcâ—â—ishop of Caâ—terbury thus censures this ill advice of his Predecessor Siricius pacem Christianis ab inâ—idelibus Dacis 10. librarum millibus redemit Ad ignominiam sane peneque perniciem totius Regni Mr. Iohn Fox informs us That King Ethelred being glad to grant the Danes great sums of money for peacâ— gave himself to polling of his Subjects and disinheriting them of their possessions and caused them to redeem the same agâ—iâ— with great sums of money For that he paid great Tributes to the Danes yearly which â—as calleâ— Danegelt Which Tribute so increased that from the first Trâ—bute of 10000 l. it was brought at last in pâ—ocesse of 5. or 6. years to 40000 l. The which yearly Tribute until the coming of St. Edward and after was levied of the people of the Land Moreover for lack of Iustice many Theeves Rioters and Bribers were in the land with much misery and mischief To which sorrow moreover was joyued hunger and penury besides a bloudy flux feavers mortality murrain amongst catâ—el c. amongst the Commons insomuch that every one of them was constrained to pick and steal from others So that what for the pillage of the Danes and what by inward Theeves and Bribers this Land was brought into great affliction Albeit the greatest cause of this affliction as it seemeth to me is not so much to be imputed to the King as to the dissention among the Lords themselves who did not agrée one with another but when they assembled in Consultation together either they did draw divers wayes or if any thing were agreed upon any matter of peace between tâ—e parties soon it was broken again or else if any good thing were devised for the prejudice of the Enemy even the Danes were warned thereof by some of the same Council Iohn Speed in his Hist of Great Britain
Duke Leofsi was sent to the Danes â—ho coming to them importuned them that they would accept of a Stipend and Tribute They gladly embracing his Embassy condescended to his request and determined how much Tribute should be paid them for to keep the peace Whereupon â—oon after A Tribute of 24000 pounds was paid them pro bono Pacis for the good of Peace In this Assembly and Council as I conjecture King Ethelred informed his COUNSELLERS who instructed him both in divine and humane things with the sloathfulness negligence and vicious lives of the Secular Priests throughout England and by their advice thought meet to thrust them out and put Monks in their places to pour forth prayers and praises to God for him and his people in a due manner Whereupon he confirmed by his Charter the ejection of the Secular Priests out of Christs-Church in Canterbury and the introduction of Monks in their places and ratified all the lands and privileges formerly granted them exempting the Monastery and Lands thereof from all Secular services except Expeditione Pontium operatione et Arcium reparatione Beseeching and conjuring all his lawfull Successors Kings Bishops Earls and people that they should not be Ecclesiae Christi Praedones sed sitis Patrimonii Christi defensores seduli ut vita et gaudio aeternis cum omnibus Dei sanctis in aeternum fruâ—mini Which Charter was ratified by the Subscriptions of the King Archbishop Bishops Abbots and of several Aeldermen Nobles and Officers and the sign of the Cross. This year Duke Leofsi slaying Esric a Nobleman the Kings chief Provost was judicially banished the Realm by the King for this offence After this Peace made with the Danes Anno 1002. Emma ariving in England received both the Diadem and name of a Queen whereupon King Ethelred puffed up with pride seeing he could not drive out the Danes by force of arms contrived how to murder and destroy them all in one day by Treachery at unawares either by the sword or by fire because they endeavoured to deprive him and his Nobles both of their Lives and the Realm and to subject all England to their own Dominion The occasion time and manner of whose sudden universal Massacre is thus related by Mat. Westminster An. 1012. though acted An. 1002. as all accord and by Mr. Fox and others Huna General of King Ethelreds Militia a valiant warlike man who had taken upon him the managing of the affairs of the Realm under the King observing the insolency of the Danes who now after the peace made with them did so proudly Lord it through all England that they presumed to ravish the wives and daughters of Noblemen and every where to expose them to scorn by strength caused the English husbandmen to soyl and sow their land and doe all vile labor belonging to the House whiles they would sit idely at home holding their wives daughters and servants at their pleasure and when the husbandmen came home they should scarcely have of their own as his servants had So that the Dane had all at his will and fill faring of the best when the owner scarcely had his fill of the worst Thus the common people being of them oppressed were in such fear and dread that not only they were constrained to suffer them in their Doings but also glad to please them and called every one of them in the House where they had rule LORD DANE c. Hereupon Huna goeth to the King much perplexed and makes a lamentable complaint to him concerning these things Upon which the King being not a little moved by the Counsel of the same Huna sent Letters or Commissions unto all the coasts of the Realm commanding all and every of the Nation that on one day after to wit on the Feast of St. Brice the Bishop all the Danes throughout England should be put to death by a secret Massacre that so the whole Nation of the English might all jointly and at one timâ— be freed from the Danish Oppression And so the Danes who by a firm covenant sworn unto by both sides a little before ought to have dwelt peaceably with the English were too opprobriously slain and the women with their children being dashed against the posts of the houses miserably powred out their souls When â—herefore the sentence of this decree was executed at the City of London without mercy many of the Danes fled to a certain Church in the City where all of them were slain without pity standing by the very Altars themselves Moreover that which aggravated the rage of this persecution was the death of Guimild Sister of King Swain slain in this manner in England she was lawfully maried to Count Palingers a Noble man of great power who going into England with her husband they both there received the faith of Christ and Sacrament of baptism this most prudent Virago being the mediatrix of the peace between the English and Danes gave her self with her husband and only son as Hostages to King Ethelred for the security of the peace she being delivered by the King to that most wicked Duke Edric to keep that Traytor within few days after commanded her husband with her son to be slain before her face with four spears and last of all commanded her to be beheaded She underwent death with a magnanimous minde without fear or change of countenance but yet confidently pronounced as she was dying That the shedding of her bloud would bring great detriment to England Henry Huntindon thus relates the story of this Massacre In the year 1002. Emma the Jewel of the Normans came into England and received both the Diadem and name of a Queen with which match King Ethelred being puffed up with pride bringing forth perfidiousness caused all the Danes who were with peace in England to be slain by clandestine Treason on one and the same day to wit on the feast of St. Brice concerning which wickedness we have heard in our infancy some honest old men say that the said King sent secret Letters into every City according to which the English on the same day and hour destroyeâ— all the Danes either cutting off their heads without giving them warning with swords or taking anâ— burning them suddenly â—ogether with fire Vbi fuit videre miseriam dum quisque charissimos hospites quos etiam arctissima necessitudo dulciores effecerat cogeretur prodere et amplexus gladio deturbare writes Malmsbury The News of this bloudy Massacre of the Danes being brought into Denmark to King Swain by some Youths of the Danâ—sh Nation who eâ—caped and fleâ— out of England in a ship moved him to tears Uocatisque cunctis Regni Principibus Wâ—o calling all the Princes of his Realm together and relating the whole series of what was acted to them he diligently enquired of them what they would advise him to do Who all crying out together as with one mouth DECREED That the
bloud of their Neighbours and Friends was to be revenged Where upon Swain a cruel man prone to shed bloud animated to revenge by his Messengers and Letters commanded all the Warriers of his Kingdom and charged all the souldierâ— in â—orein Regions greedy of gain to assist him in this expedition against the English which they cheerfully did he having now a fairer shew to do foully than ever wrong having now made him a right of invasion who had none before Anno 1003. King Swain ariving with a great Navy and Army in England by the negligence and treachery of one Hugh a Norman whom Qâ—een Emma had made Earl of Devonshire took and spoyled the City of Exeter rased the wall thereof to the ground and burnt the City to ashes returning with a great prey to his ships leaving nothing behind them but the ashes After which wasting the Province of Wiltshire a strong Army congregated out of Hamshire and Wiltshire went wiâ—h a resolution manfully and constantly to fight with the Enemy but when both Armies were in view of each other ready to joyn battel Earl Edric their General a constant Traytor to his Country and secret friend to the Danes feigned himself to be very sick and began to vomit so that he could not possibly fight Whâ—re upon the Army seeing his slothfulness and fearfullness departed most sorroâ—full from â—heir Enemies without â—ighting being disheartned by the Cowardise of their Captain Which Swane perceiving he marched to Wilton and Sarisbery which he took pillaged and burnt to the ground returning with the spoil to his Ships in triumph The next year Swane to whom God had designed the kingdom of England as some old Historians write sailing with his Fleet to Norwich pillaged and burnt it to the ground Whereupon Ulfketel Duke of east-East-England â— man of great valour seeing himself surprized and wanting time to raise an Army to resist the Danes cum Majoribus East-Angliae habito Consilio taking Counâ—el â—ith the Great men of East England made peace with Swane which he treacherouâ—ly breaking within three weeks after suddenly issuing out of his ships surprized pillaged and burnt Thetford to the ground and covering the Câ—untry like Locusts spoyled all things and slaughtered the Country-men without resistance Which Duke Ulfketel being informed of commanded some of his Country-men to break his ships in pieces in his absence from them which they not dared or neglected to do and he in the mean time raising an Army with as much speed as he could boldly marched against the Enemy retuâ—ning with great booties to their Ships where after a long and sharp incounter on both sides the English being over-powered by the multitude of the Danes were totally roâ—ted and all the Nobles of East-England there slain in their Countries defence who fought so valiantly that the Danes confessed they had never an harder or sharper battel in Eâ—gland than this The great loss the Danes sustained in it though they got the â—ield and an extraordinary â—amine in England the year following greater than any in the memory of man caused Swane to return into Denmark to refresh and recruit his Army King Ethelred quit of these Enemies Anno 1006 deprived Wulfgate the Son of Leonne whom he had loved more than all men of his â—ossessions and all his honours propter injusta judicia for his unjust judgements and proud works and likewise commanded the eyes of the two Sons of that Arch-Trait or Edric Streona to be put out at Cocham where he kept his Courâ— because Edric had treacherously inticed a bloody Butcher Godwin Porthound whom he corrupted with great gifts to murder the Noble Duke Althelin at Scoborbyrig as he was hunting whom Edric purpâ—sâ—ly invited to a Feast that he might thus treacherously murder him While these things were acting in the month of Iuly the Danes returning with an innumerable Navy into England landing at Sandwich consumed all things with fire and sword taking great booties sometimes in Sussex sometimes in Kent Whereupon King Ethelred gathered a great Army out of Mercia and the West-parts of England resolving valiantly to fight with the Daâ—es who declining any open fight and returning to their Ships landed sometimes in one place sometimes in another and so pillaging the Country returned with the booty to the Ships before the English Army could encounter them which they vexed all the Autumn in marching after them from place to place to no purpose The English Army returning home when Winâ—et began to approach the Danes with an extraordinary booty sayled to the Isle of Wight where they continued till the Feast of Chriâ—ts Nativity which Feast they turned into sorrow For then they marching into Hampshire and Berkeshire pillaged and burnt down Reading Wallingford Colesey Essington and very many Villages Quocunque enim peragâ—bant quae parata erant hilariter comedentes cum discederent in retribuâ—ionem procurationis reddebant hospiti caedem hospitio flammam as Huntindon Bromton and others story As they were returning another way to their ships with their booty they found the Inhabitants ready to give them battel at Kenet whom the Danes presently fighting with and routing returned wiâ—h triumph to their ships enriched with the new sâ—oils of the routed English King Ethelred lying all this time in Shropshire unable to resist the Danes Anno 1007. cum Consilio Primatum suorum as Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Polycâ—ronicon and others express it by the Counsel of his Nobles sent Messengers to the Danes â— commanding them to tell them quod sumptus et Tributum illis dare vellent that they wouâ—d give â—hem Coâ—ts and Tribute upon this Condition That they should desist from rapines and hold a firm peace with them to which request they consentedâ— and from that time Costs were given them and a Tribute paid them of thirty six thousand pounds out of aâ—l England Henry Hunâ—iâ—don Brâ—mton thus relaâ—e the business Rex et Senatus Anglorum dubii quid agerent quid omitterent communi deliberatione gravem conventioneÌ„ cum exercitu fecerunt ad pacis observationeÌ„ 36000 mil. librar ei dederunt A clear evidence that this Agreement and Peace was made and money granted and raised in England by common advice consent in Parliament or Council Inâ—renduit Anglia toâ—a velut arundinem Zephiro vibrante collisum Unde Rex Ethelredus confusione magna consternatus pecunia pacem ad tempus quam armis non potuit adquisivit writes Matthew Westminster Rex Anglorum Ethelredus pro bono pacis Tributum 36 mil. librarum persâ—lvit Dacis as Radulphus de Diceto words it After which the King this year made Edric aforementioned Duke of Mercia and that by the Providence of God to the destruction of the English a man of base parentage but extraordinary crafty eloquent witty and unconstant surpassing all of that age in envy perfidiousness pride cruelty and Treason who
censerent faciendum Si maneant plus a Civibus cavendum quam ab Hostibus forsitan enim crucibus suis novi domini gratiam mercarentur eâ— cerâ—è occidi ab hoâ—te â—iâ—uâ—atur fortunae prodi a Cive addicetur Ignaviae Si ad exteras gentes â—â—giunt gloriae fore dispendium si ad notas metuendum ne cum fortuna colerent animum Plaerosque enim probos et illustres viros hac occasione caesos experiendum tamen sortem et tentandum pectus Richardi Ducis Normannorum qui si Sororem et Nepotes non ingrato animo susceperit se quoque non aspernanter protecturum Vadabitur enim mihi meam salutem conjugi et liberis impensus favor Quod si ille adversum pedem contulerit non deerit mihi animus plaâ—è non deerit hic gloriosè occumbere quà m illic ignominiosè vivere Hereupon he sends Emma his Queen and her children in the moneth of August into Normandy accompanied with the Bishop of Durham and Abbot of Burgh where they are joyfully received by Duke Richard who invites Ethelred himself to honour his Court with his presence who thereupon in Ianuary following passeth over into Normandy and there solaceth his miseries with the curteous entertainment he there found King Swane in the mean time provokes invaded England with ruines and slaughters playes the absolute Tyrant commands Provisions to be abundantly provided for his Army and Navy et Tributum fere importabile solvi praecepit and likewiâ—e commanded an insupportable Tribute to be paid And the like in all things Earl Turkell the Dane commanded to be paid to his Navy lying at Greenwich hired by King Ethelred to defend the English from Foreiners yet both of them as often as they pleased preyed upon and pillaged the Country besides first polling the inhabitants of their goods and then banishing them Provincialium substantiae prius abreptae mox proscriptiones factae In this sad oppressed condition under their New Soveraign to whom they had submitted themselves both Nobles and people knew not what to do Haesitabatur totis urbibus quid fieret si pararetur rebellio assertorem non haberent si eligeretur subjectio placido rectore carerenâ— Ita privatae et publicae opes ad naves cum obsidibus deportabantur Quo evidenter apparet Swanum naturalem et legitimum non esse Dominum sed atrocissimum Tyrannum â—s Malmesbury Matthew Westminster and others record But God who is propitious to people in their greatest extremities suffered not England to lye long fluctuating in so many calamities For this barbarous Tyrant Swane after innumerable evils and cruelties perpetrated in England and elsewhere added this to the heap of his further damnation that he Exacted a great Tribute out of the Town of St. Edmondsbury Anno 1014. which none ever before presumed to doe since it was given to the Church wherein the body of the precious Martyr St. Edmond lieth intombed all the lands thereof being exempted from Tributes Beginning to vex the possessions of the Church and threatning to burn the Town and destroy all the Monks unless they speedily paid him the Tribute he exacted and using reproachfull speeches against St. Edmond as having no holiness in him he was suddenly struck dead and ended his life on the Feast of the Purification of the blessed Virgin Anno 1014. Our Monkish Historians record That on the Evening of the day whereon he held a general Court at Geâ—gnesburgh â—eiâ—erating his menaces against the Town and ready to put them in execution for not paying the Tribute demanded he saw St. Edmond comming alone armed against him whiles he was invironed in the midst of his Danish Troops whereupon he presently cried out with great affright and a lowd voice Help O fellow Souldiers help behold St. Edmond comes to slay me and whiles he was thus speaking being grievously wounded with a spear by the Saint he fell off from his horse and continued in great torment till night and so ended his life with a miserable death Swane being dead the whole Navy and Nation of the Danes Elected and made Cnute his son their King and Lord Majores Natu totius Angliae The Nobles and Senators of all England â—iking nothing â—eâ—s than bondage especially under such new tyrannizing forein Intruders thinking it now or never the time to shake ofâ— their new yoak pronounced their Natural Lord to be dearer to them than any Foreiner Si 〈◊〉 se quam consueverat ageret Whereupon with unanimous consent and great joy and speed they sent mâ—ssengers into Normandy to Ethelred to inform him Nullum eo libentius se in Regem recepturos si ipse vel rectius gubernare vel mitius eos tractare vellet quam prius tractaverat and to hasten his return unto them Who thereupon presently sent over his son Edward qui fidem Principum favorâ—mque vulgi praesens specularetur who together with his Embassadors assured both the Nobles and Commons of the English Nation That he would for time to come be their mild and devout Lord consent to their wills in all things acquiesce in their Counsels and if he had offended in any kinde he would reform it according as they should think â—it and with a ready mind pardon whatsoever had beed contemptuously or disgraceâ—ully spoken or acted by them agaiâ—st him or his if they would all unanimously receive him again as their King into the Kingdom To which they all gave a favourable and satisfactory answer Whereupon a plenary reconciliation was ratified between them on both sides both bâ— words and comâ—act Moreover The Nobles unanimously and fréely agreed and voted That they would never more admit a Danish King into England to reign over them Theâ—e things concâ—uded King Ethelred speedily returns into England where he was honourably and joyfully received by the English And that he might seem to caâ—t off his former sloathfulness he hastned to raise an Army against Cnute who remaining with hiâ— Navy in Lindesey made an agreement with the inhabitants exacting men and horses from them that he might surprise Ethelred at unawares and threatning grievously to punish all such as revolted from him But Cnute being taken in his own craft Ethelred marching thither with a strong army before he was proâ—ided to receive him fled from thence with his Hostages Army and Navy to Sandwich whereupon Ethelred depopulated all Lindesey wasting the Country wiâ—h fire and sword slaying all the Inhabitants as Traitors to him and â—heir Naâ—ive Country Cnute â— by way of revenge humano et divino Iure contempto in insontes grassatus cuts oâ—f the hands and ears and â—â—its the Noses of all the most Noble and beautiful Hostages throughout England given to his father and so dismissing them sailed into Denmark to settle his affairs and augment his forces resolving to return the year following After his departure King Ethelred this very yearâ— Super haec omnia mala Classi quae
of their Native Country King Laws Liberties Properties Estates Lives against forein Invaders and â—â—urpers 2ly Because they more or less relate to my forementioned Propositions touch-the fundamental Rights Liberties Properties of the English Nation 3ly Because they shew forth unto us the true original grounds causes motives necessities and manner of granting the very first Civil Tax and Tribute mentioned in our Histories by the King and his Nobles in their General Councils to the Danish invaders to purchase peace and the true nature use of our antient Danegelt and rectifie some mistakes in our common late Eâ—glish Historians Immediately after King Ethelreds decease Episcopi Abbates Duces et quique Nobiliores Angliae in unum congregati as Wâ—gornienâ—â—s Hoveden Sâ—meon Dunelmeâ—â—is Radulphus de Diceto Bromton â— Or Maxima pars Regni tam Clericorum quam Laicorum in unum congregati as Matthew VVestminster â— Or Proceres Regni cum Clero as Knâ—â—hton expresses iâ— Pari consensu in Dominum et Regem Canntum eligere All the Bishops Abbots Dukes and Nobles of England and the greatest part of the chief Clergy and Laity assembled together in a kind of Parliamentary Counciâ—◠〈◊〉 unanimous consent elected Cnute for their Lord aâ—â— King notwithstanding their solemn Vow and Engagement but the year before never to suffer a Danish King to reign over them Whereupon â—heâ— all repaired to Cnute to Southampton omnemque Progeniem Regis Ethelredi coram illo abhorrentes et abnegando repudiantes aâ— Wigorniensis Huntindon Knyghton and others record and there in his presence abhorring and utterly renouncing and abjuring all the Progeny of King Ethelred they submitted themselves and swore fealty to him as to their only King and Soveraign he reciprocally then swearing unto them That he would be a faithfull Lord unto themâ— both in things appertaining to God and the World which our Historians thus express Quibus ille juravit quod secundum Deum secundum seculum fidelis illis foret Dominus Only the City of London anâ— part of the Nobles then in it unanimously chose and cryed up Ed. Ironside King Ethelreds 3. son by Elgina his first Wife Daughter to Duke Thored as Speed and oâ—hers relate though Matthew Westminstâ—r and others register his birâ—h Non ex Emma Regina sed ex quadam ignobili foemina generatus qui utique matris suae ignobilitatem generis mentis ingenuitate corporis streuuit te redintegrando redemit After Edmonds election he was crowned King by Liuing Archbishop of Canterbury at Kingston upon Thames where our Kiugs in that age were usually crowned No sooner was he thus advanced to the Regal dignity but he presently marched undauntedly into VVest-Sex and being there receiâ—ed by all the People with great gratulation and joy he moâ—t speedily subjâ—cted it to his Dominion Which being divulg'd in other parts many Counties of England deserting Cnute voluntarily submitted themselves unto him such is the fickleness of â—he People unconstancy of worldly power and affairs Cnute in â—he mean time to be revenged of the Londoners for making Edmond King marched to London with his whole Army and Fleet besieged and blocked up the City with his Ships drawn up the Thames on the West-side of the Bridge and then drew a large and deep trench round about the City from the Southside of the River whereby he intercepted all ingress and egress to the Citizens and others whom he shut up so close that none could go in or out of the City and endeavoured by many strong assaults to force it but being still repulsed by the Citizenâ— who valiantly defended the walls he left off the siege with great confusion and loss as well as dishonor Thence he marched with his Army into Dorsetshire to subdue it Where King Edmond meeting him with such forces as he could suddenly raise gave him battel at Penham near Gillingham where after a blâ—udy and cruel encounter he put Cnute and his Army to flight and slew many of them Not long after they recruiting their forces both Armies meeting at Steorstan King Edmond resolving there to give Cnute battel placed the most expert and valiantest of his Souldiers in the front and the rest of the English who came flocking in to him he kept for a reserve in the rear Then calling upon every of them by name he exhorted and informâ—d them That they now fought for their Country for their Children for their Wives for their Houses and Liberties inâ—laming the minds of his Souldiers with his excellent Speeches in this battel with the Enemy he exercised the Oâ—fices of a valiant Soldier and good General charging very couragiously But because that most perâ—idious Duke Edric Almar and Algar and others of the great men who ought to have assisted him with the Inhabitants of Southampton VViltshire and innumeâ—able other English joyned with the Danes the battel continued all day from morning to night with equal fortune till both sides being tiâ—ed out and many of each party slain the night constrained them to march one from another But their bloud not being cold the next day they buckled together again with no less courage than before till at last in the very heat of the battel the most perfidious Duke Edric perceiving the Danes like to be totally routed and the English in great forwardness of victory cut off the head of a Souldier named Osmeranus very like to King Edmund both in hair and countenance and shaking his bloody sword with the half gasping head in his hand which he lifted up on high cryed out to the English Army O ye Dorsetshire men Devonshire men and othâ—r English flee and get away for your head is lost beâ—old here is the head of your King Edmund which I hold in my hand therefore hasten hence with all speed and save your lives Which when the English heard and saw they were more affrighted with the atrocity of the thing than with the belief of the Speaker whereupon all the more unconstant of the Army were ready to fly away But Edmond having present notice of this treacherous stratagem and seeing his men ready to give over the fight hasted where he might be best seen and posting from rank to rank encouraged them to fight like Englishmen who thereupon resuming their courage charged the Danes more fiercely than beâ—ore and bending their force against the Traytor had shot him to death but that he retreated presently to the Enemy the English reviving and manfully continuing the battel again till the darkness of the night caused both Armies voluntarily to retreat from each other into their Tents When much of the night was spent Cnute commanded his men in great silence to break up their Camp and marched to his Ships and soon after whiles King Edmond was recruiting his Army in West-Sex besieged London againâ— whereupon Edmond marching to London with a select company of Souldiers chased Cnute and his Army to their ships removed the
siege and entred the City in manner of Triumph Cnute and Edric perceiving the valour and good success of Edmond conspired together to overcome him by Treason whom they could not vanquish by Armes for which end Edric before King Edmonds march to London as some or soon after as others relate feignedly revolted â—rom Cnute and submitted himself again to Edmond as his natural Lord and renewing his peace with him fraudently swore that he would continue faithfull to him only that he might betray him Edmond two days after he had chased the Danes from the siege of London pursuing his victory passed over the Thames at Brentford where though many of the English were drowned in passing over the River through their carelesness yet he there fought with the Danes the fourth or â—ather fifth time routed them and won the field After which Edmoâ—d by the advice of Edric marched again into West-Sex to raise a more numerous Army to supply those who were drowned and slain in this last battel Upon which advantage the Danes again returned to the siege at London invironing and fiercely assaulting it on every side but being valiantly repulsed by the Citizens they retired from thence to their ships and sailed into the River of Arewe where leaping out of their ships theyâ— went about pillaging in Mercia killing all they met and burning the Villages returning to their ships with a great booty Another company of their foot sailing up the River of Meadway pillaged Kent their Horse marching thither by Land to meet them doing the like wasting all places with fire and sword King Edmond having in the mean time raised a strong Army out of all England passed over with them again at Brentford to fight the Danes and giving them battel near Oteford routed the whole Danish Army not able to endure his fierce charge and pursued them as far as Ilesford slaying many thousands of them in the pursute and had he followed the pursute further it was conceived that day had put an end to the war and Danes for ever But perfidious Duke Edric by his most wicked Counsel the worst ever given in England caused him to give over the chace Whereupon the â—lying Danes escaped into the Isle of Shepy Edmond returning into VVest-Sex to observe Cnutes motion he thereupon transported his forces into Kent who began to plunder and wast Mercia far worse than ever they had done before VVhereupon King Edmond marching with his Army against them gave them battel the sixt time at Esesdune or Assendune now Ashdune in Essex whereafter a long and bloody fight with equall valour and great loss on both sides King Edmond seeing the Danes to fight more valiantly than ever before leaving his place which usually was between the Dragon and Standard ran into the very front of the battel and breaking in like thunder uâ—on the Enemy brake their ranks pierced into the very midst of them and made way for others to follow him forcing the Danes to give back VVhich the ever traiteroâ—s Edric perceiving â—led with the whole Squadron of Souldiers which he commanded unto Cnute as was formerly agreed between them whereupon the Danes becoming the stronger made an extraordinary slaughter of the Eâ—glish as Matthew VVestminster and his followers sâ—ory Henry Huntindon relates That Edric seeing the Danes going to ruine cryed out to the English Army Fly O Englishmen â—ly Englishmen for Edmond is dead being not seen in his wonted place and crying out thus he and his Brigade first began the flight whereupon the whole Army of the English following them fled likewise VVigorniensis informs us that King Edmond before this battel riding about to every Company admonished and commanded them that beâ—ng mindfull of their pristine valour and victory they should defend themselves and the Realm from the avarice of the Danes being now to fight with those they had formerly conquered â—hat perfidious Duke Edric seeing the Danish army inclining to flight and the English about to gain the victory began to fly with the VVagesetensians and that part of the army which he commanded as he formerly promised to Cnute that circumventing his Lord King Edmond and the English army with deceits he gave the victorie to the Danes by his treacherie and by the consent of all our VVriters he here gave the greatest wound to the English Nobility and Nation that ever they receâ—â—â—d in any former battel Duke Alfric Duke Godwin Dâ—â—e Ulfketel Duke Aethelward Ailward son of Duke Alke and all the flower of the English Nobility together with Eadnoth Bishop of Lincoln and Abbot VVulfius qui ad exorandum Deum pro milite bellum agente convenerunt with an infinite number of coâ—mon Souldiers being there slain in this fight and slight qui nunquam ante in uno praelio tantam cladem ab hostibus aâ—ceperunt Ibi Cnuto Regnum expugnavit ibi omne decus Anglorum occubuit ibi flos patriae totus emarcuit VVrites Malmesbury Cnute likewise on his side sustained an irreperable loss both of his Dukes and Nobles After this lamentable loss wherein so many Nobles fell Cnute marching to London in triumph took the Royal Scepters whence deparâ—ing into Glocestershire in pursute of Edmond who retreated almost alone to Glocester and there recruited his broken forces he wasted and pillaged the Country in his march King Edmond resolved to give him another battel in a place called Dierhurst where Edmond with his army being on the VVest-part of the River Severn and Cnute on the Eastside with his army both set in battel array ready manfully to encounter each other wicked Duke Edric magnatibus convocatis calling the Nobles of both parties together â—pake unto them as followeth as Matthew VVestminster and others accord before any incounter but Abbot Ethelred records that both Armies then fought a most bloudy batâ—el for one whole day from morning to night an innumerable Company being slain on both sides without any Victory the night only causing them to reâ—ire ad similem ludum eundemque exitum die craestina reversuri Both Armies being wearied with this bloudy sport when they saw King Edmonds forces daily increasing and Cnutes company likewise augmented out of foreign parts by constant recruits which he caused to be sent from thence Uterque Exercitus Proceres ad colloquium cogunt both armies compelâ—ed their Nobles to a Conference where one of them being elder than the rest which others affirm to be Duke Edric requiring silence spake thus unto them as Abbot Ethelred records his words I desire O wise men in these our dangers to give advice who verily am inâ—eriour to you in wisdom but superiour to you in age as these gray hairs testifyâ— and peradventure what wisdom hath not use hath taught me and what science hath denied experience hath conferred Many things verily we have seen and known many things moreover our Fathers have toâ—d us and not without cause we require audience that we may utter no doubtful sentenâ—â— of things
to be preserved and educâ—ted Cnute having thus through the flattery perjury and treachery of the Euglish Prelates and Nobles â—ained the intire Monarchy of Englandâ— slew or banished all those perfidious English Sycophants temporizers who had the chiefest hand in this false testimony abjuration treacherous bloudy advice against the Saxon Royal Family â—y whose Couâ—cel he slew or banisheâ— all the blood-royal of the Realm of England that so he mighâ— Iure Haereditario reserve and perpetuate the kingdom to his own Posterity by an hereditary right Duke Edric the principal of them for this and his other Treasons forementioned was deprived of his Dukedom of Mercia and exemplarily executed as a most perfidious Traytor by Cnutes command the first year of his reign and many of his Captains and followers were slain with him of which at large before Morâ—â—m Proditoriâ— pro demeritis accepit laqueo suspensus et in Tamesin fluvium projectus Cum quo plurimis sattellitum suorum similiter occisis eâ—iam inter eos praecipuus et primus Normannus occisus est writes Abbot Ingulphus Turkell Duke of east-East-England and Hirc Duke of Northumberland were both banished the Realm Duke Norman and Bridric slain and a heavy Tax of 82 Thousand pounds besides 10000 pounds imposed on London alone imposed and levied on the whole Nation Quoniam igitur proprii sanguinis proditores adulantes Regi mentiâ—i sunâ— in caput suum gladiuâ— eorum intravit in cor eorum et à Cnutho quem naturalibus Dominis praetulerunt confractus eâ—t arcus eoruâ— Cum 〈◊〉 Monarchiam Insulae favenâ—ibus illis obâ—inuiâ—â—eâ— Omnes qui primi in illo fuere consilio exterminavit et qâ—oâ—quoâ— de regio Semine â—uperstites reperit vel regno repulit vel occidit as Abbot Ethelred records to posâ—eâ—ity To which Henry Huntindon and Henrâ— de Knyghton subjoâ—n Posteà vero Rex justo Dei judicio dignam retributionem nequitiae Anglis reddidit Ipse namque Rex Cnuâ—e Edricum occidit quia timebat ab insidiâ—s ab eo aliquando circumveniri sicut Domini sui priores Ethelredus Edmondus frequenter sunt circumventi quorum diutina proditione alterum vexavit alterum interfecit add â—lorentius Wigorniâ—nsis Simeon Dunelmensis Roger de Hoveden and Radulphus de Diceto Turkellum exulavit Hirc fugere compulit Praeterea summos Procerum aggressus Normannum Ducem interfecit Edwi Adeling exterminavit Adelwoldum detruncavit Edwi Churleging exulavit Birdric ferro vita privavit Aethelwardus filius Agelmari Ducis et Brihtricus filius Alphegi Domnaniensis Satrapae sinâ— culpa interfecti sunt Fecit quoque per Angliam mirabilem Censum reddi scilicet 82. some write 72. mille librarum praeter undecies mille libriâ— quas Londinensis reddiderunt Dignum igitur exactorem Dominus Iustus Anglis imposuit for rejecting their own Hereditary Soveraign Line Radulphus Cestrensis englished by Trevisa Fabian and Grafton thus second them Also they swore that they would in all wise put off Edmonds kinn They trowed thereby to be great with the King afterward but it fared farr otherwise For many or the more part of them specially such as Canutus perceived were sworn beâ—ore to Edmond and his heirs he mistrusted and disdainâ—d ever after Therefore some of them were slain by Gods rightfull dome and some banished and exiled and put out of the land and some by Gods punishment died suddenly and came to a miserable end which other of our Historians likewise register I shall desire all such who are guilty of the like Treachery Flattery Practice or Advice against their lawfull Sovereigns royal Posterity advisedly to ponder this sad domestick President in their most retired Meditations for fear they incur the like divine retaliation by Gods rightful doom when and by whom they least â—uspect or fear it King Cnute thus quit of all King Edmonds Sons Brethren kinred and likewise of the greatest English Dukes and Nobles who might endanger his Life Crown and new-acquired Monarchy in the next place contrived how to secure his Empire against Prince Alfred and Edward Edmonds Broâ—hers then in Normandy with Queen Emma their Mother and their Uncle Richard Duke of Normandy a person of great valour power and interest the only person likely to attempt their restitution to the kingdom and Crown of England For which end he by gifts Ambassies and fair promises procures Earl Richards consent to bestow his Sister Queen Emma upon him for his wife who ariving in England in July 1018. was presently maried to this Invader of her former Husbands kingdom his sons royal throne and murderer banisher dishinheriter of his and her royal Posterity whereby her Brother Duke Richards thoughts were wholly diverted from ayding his Nephews to recover their right in England Ex hinc cum Câ—utoni omnia pro voto cessissent timens Ne Haeres legitimus Regnum quod sibi de Iure debebatur aâ—â—quando Normanica fretus virâ—uâ—â— Reposceret â—t Ducis sibi arctius colligaret affectum Emmam â—efuncti Regis relictam duxit uxorem Whereupon De illorum Elfredi Edwardi restitutione RicharduÌ„ avunculum nihil egisse comperimus quia et sororem suam Emmam hosti et invasori nuptam collocavâ—t Ignores majori illius dedecore qui dederit aâ— fâ—minae quae conseâ— serat ut thalamo illius câ—leret qui viâ—um infestaverit filios effugaverit is Malmesbury his observation and censure thereupon Only their Uncle Robert attempâ—ed their â—estitution Congregatis navibus et impositis militibus profectionem paravit subinde jactitans se pronepotes suos coronaturum et proculdudio fidem dictis explesset nisi quia ut à majoribus accepimus semper â—i ventus adversabatur eontrarius per occultum scilicet Dei judicium in cujus voluntate sunt potestates omnium regnorum Reliquiae navium multo tempore dissolutarum Rothomagi adhuc nostra aetate visebantur writes Malmsbury By this match with Queen Emma as Cnute took off Duke Richard from yielding any assistance to his Nephews in hopes his sister might have issue by him to inherit the Crown of Eâ—gland it being agreed between them on the marriage that the issue of Cnute begotten on her should inherit the Crown so it much obliged the English to him and made them more willing to submit to his Government ut dum consuetae Dominae deferrent obsequium minus Danorum suspirarent Imperium the rather because they much honoured and affected her for her manifold vertues of which they had long former experience and likewise because they hoped it might be a meanes to restore Ethelreds issue by her to the Crown again in case she had no issue by Cnute to inherit it which in truth it effected by Gods providence contrary to Cnutes design After this mariage this politick Forein Intruder to establish his Monarchy over England endeavoured to reconcile the English to him by all other
disclaiming all Danish subjection that especially for the contâ—mpts which the English had very often received from the Danes For if a Dane had met an Englishmâ—n upon any bridge the Englishman must not be so hardy to move a â—oot but stand stâ—ll till the Dane was passed quiâ—e over it And morâ—over if the Englishmen had not bowed down their heads to doe reverence to the Dâ—nâ—s they should presently have undergoâ—e great punishments and stripes Whereupon King Harde-Cnute being dead the English rising up against them drove all the Danes being then without a King and Captainâ— out of the Realm of England who speedily quâ—tting the land never returned into it afterwards And here we may justly stand still a while and contemplate the admirable retaliating justice of God upon our Danish usurping Kings and their Posterity King Cnute as you heard before caused the temporizing English Bishops Nobles and Barons assembled in a Parliamentary Council against their oaths of allegiance to King Ethelred Edmund Ironside and their heirs no less then twice one after another to renounce cast off and abjure their regall Posterity to make them incapable of the Crowne of England and settle the inheritancâ— of iâ— upon him and his Danish blood Anno 1016. and 1017. And now in little more then twenty years after all the English Prelates and Nobles assembled in Council of their own accords by a solemn Decree aâ—d Oath abjure renounce and eternally disinherit all the Danish blood-royall of the Crown of England and restore the Saxon English royall line to that soveraignty which they had formerly disclaimed such are the vicissitudes of divine â—ustice and providence worthy our observation in these wheeling times wherein we live when no man knoweth what changes of like nature one day or year may bring forth The English putting their Decree for cashiering all the Danes in execution turned the mout of all the Castles Forts Garrisons Cities Villages thâ—oughout England as well those of the Royall and Noble blood â— as the vulgar sort and forced them to depart the Realm as they had formerly banished the English Princes and Nobles Procâ—reâ— igitur Anglorum jam DACORUM DOMINIO LIBERATI The Nobles therefore of Engl. being thus freed from the Danes dominion for so much of God of his mercy and providence who is the maker of heirs thought good after the woâ—ull captivity of the English Nation to grant them some respite of deliverance in taking away the Danish Kings without any issue left behinde them who reigning here in England kept the English people in miserable subjection about the space of 28 years and from their first landing in the time of King Brictricus wasted and vexed this land for the space of 255 years their Tyranny now coming to an end by the death of Harde Cnute they thereupon assembling together in a great Council with a generall consent elected Prince Edward surnamed the Confessor the youngest and onely surviving son of King Ethelred for their King who ANNUENTE CLERO ET POPULO LONDONIIS IN REGEM ELIGITUR as Mat. Westminster relates whereupon Edward being then in Normandy where he had long lived in exile being a man of a gentle and soft spirit more appliable to other mens counsels then able to trust his own naturally so averse from all war bloodshed that he wished rather to continue all his life long in a private exiled estate then by war or blood to aspire to the Crown the Lords sent messengers to him to come over and take pâ—aceable possession of the Kingdome of England they having chosen him for their King advising him to bring with him as few Normans as he could and they would most faithfully establish him in the throne Edward though at first he much doubted what course to stear somewhat mistrusting the treachery and inconstancy of the fickle headed English yet at last upon the importunity of the messengers who informed him melius esse ut vivat gloriosus in Imperio quà m ignominiosus moriaâ—ur in exiliâ— JURE EI COMPETERE REGNUM aevo maturo laboribus defaecato scieâ—ti administrare principatum per aetatenâ— severè miserias Provinciâ—lium pro pristina aequitate temperare c. and upon putting in sufficient pledges and an oath given for his security he came into England with a small train of Normans where he was joyfully received by the Nobles and people Nec mora Gilingâ—am or rather Lâ—ndoniam â— CONGREGATO CONCILIO rationibus suis explicitis regem effecit Dominio palam ab omnibus daâ—o as Malmsbury or electus â—st in Regem ab omni populo as Huntindon and others expresse it After which on Easter day Apr 2. 1043. he was solemnly crowned King at Winchester with great pomp by Eadsi Arch-bishop of Canterbury by the unanimouâ— consent of the Archbishops Bishops Nobles Cleâ—gie and people of Englaâ—d to their great joy and content without the least opposition war or blood-shed after 25 yeares seclusion from the Crown by the Danish usurpers Our Historians generally record that Bryghtwold a Monk of Glastenbury afterwards first Bishop of Wilton when King Cnute had banished and almost extinguished thâ— whole royal issue of the English race almost pâ—st any possibility or probabiâ—ity of their restitution to the Crown which he had forcibly invaded by the sword on a certain night fell into a sâ—d deep contemplation of the forlorn condition of the royall Progeny of the English nation then almoâ—t quite deleted by the Danes and of the miserable condition of England under these forraign usurpers After which falling into a deep sleep he saw in a vision the Apostle S. Peter himself holding Prince Edward then an exile in Normandy by the hand and anointing him King in his sight who declared to him at large how holy this Edward should be that his reign should be peaceable and that it should continue for 23 years After which Bryghtwold being yet unsatisfied who should succed him and doubting of Edwards off-spring demanded of S. Petâ—r who should succeed him whereunto S. Peter returned him this answer REGNUM ANGLIAE EST REGNUM DEI ET IPSE SIBI REGES or REGEM as some render it PROVIDEBIT The Realm of England is Gods Kiâ—gdome and he himself shall provide Kings or a King for himself according to his good pleasure Yea the golden legend of King Edwards life informs us THAT HE WAS CHOSEN KING OF ENGLAND BY CONSENT OF PARLIAMENT WHILES HE WAS YET IN HIS MOTHERS WOMB as well as after Hardâ—-Cnute's death Take the relation of it in Abbot Ailreds words and of Brigâ—twolds vision likewise Cum igitur gloriosus Rex Ethelredus ex filia praeclarissimi comitis Thoreti filium suscepisset Eadmundum cognomento Ferreumlatus ex Regina autem Emma Aluredum beatus Edvardus inter Viscera materna conclusus utrique praeferiur agente â—o qui omnia operatur secundum concilium voluntatis suae qui dominatur in
Danicos solidarios imposuerat as Brompton renders it in another place Roger de Hunedon Annalium pars 1. p. 441. Rodolphus de Diceto Abbreviatione Chronicorum col 145. â—â—e the same words Ailredus Abbas Rievallis de vita miraculis Edwardi Confessori Col. 383. thus relates it Insuper Tributum illud gravissimum quod tempore patris sui primo classi Danicae pendebâ—tur Postmodum vero fisco regio Annis singulis inferâ—batur regia liberalitate remisit et ab onere hoc importabili in perpetuum Angliam absolvit Vnde sancto huic regi non inconvenienter aptatur quod scriptum est Bâ—â—tus vir qui inventus sine macula qui post aurum non abiit nec speravit in pecuniae thesauris Post aurum non abiit quod potius dâ—spersit nec speravit in thesauris quos in Dei opere non tam minuit quam consumpsit Matthew Westminster records it in these words Anno gratiae 1051. Rex Edwardus A vectigali gravissimo Anglos absolvit quod patre vivente Danicis stipendâ—ariis Triginto octo millia librarum solvi consuevit Henry de Knighton De eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 9. fol. 233 1â— and Higden in his Polychronicon lib. 6. c. 24. f. 254. thus relate it Rex Edvardus absolvit Anglos a Gravi Tributo quod paâ—ur ejus Ethelredus Danicis solidariis solvi fecerat jam per 40. annos duraverat which Fabian in his Cronicle part 8. c. 210. p. 282. Graâ—ton in his Cronicle p. 170. Speed in his History p. 410. Holinshâ—ad and others thus expresse This King Enward discharged English men of the great and most heavy Tribute called Danegeld which his Father Ethelred had made them pay to the Souldiers of Denmark and had then dured 40. years So that after that day it was no more gathered Abbot Iuguphus Historiae pag. 897. thus records it more at large Eodem etiam Anno 1051. cum terra non daret solitâ fertilitate fructus suos sed fames plurimos habitatores devoraret in tantum ut bladuum carentia panis inopia multa hominum millia morierentur miserecordiâ motus super populum piâ—ssimus Rex Edwardus Tributum gravisimum quod Danigelo dicebatur omni Angliae in perpetuum relaxavit Ferunt quidam regem sanctissimum cum dictum DANIGELD cublcularii sui collectum in regis cameram infudissent ad videndum tanti Thesauri cumulum ipsum adduxissent ad primum aspectum exhorruisse protestantem Se daemonem super acervum pecuniae saltantem nimio gaudio exultantem prospexisse unde pristinis possessoribus jussit statim reddere de tam fera exactione ne jota unum voluit retinere quin in perpetuum remisit anno scilicet 38. ex quo tempore Regis Ethelredi patris sui Suanus Rex Danorum suo exercitui illud solvi singulis annis imperavit This History of the Devils dancing upon this Mony is thus more fully related by Roger de Honeden Annaliâ—m pars prior pag. 447. Item de eodem Rege Edvardo quadam die contigit quod cum praedistus Rex Anglorum Edwardus Regninâ comite Haraldo deducentibus aerarium suum intravit ut pecuniam videret magnam quam Regina Comes Haraldus Rege ipso nesciente colligissent ad opus Regis scilicet per singulos comitatus totius Angliae de unaquaque hida terrae quatuor denarios ut Rex inde contra natale Domini pannos emeret ad opus militum servientium suorum cumque Rex intrasset aerarium suum comitantibus Regnia Comite Haraldo videt diabolum sedentem inter Denarios illos ait illi Rex quid hic facis cui daemon respondit custodio hic pecuniam meam dixit Rex conjuro te per Patrem Filium Spiritum sanctum ut indices mihi Quamobrem pecunia ista tua est respondens dixit ei daemon Quia injuste accquisita est de substantia pauperum Illi autem qui illum comitabantur stabant stupefacti audientes quidem illos loquentes neminem autem videntes praeter solum Regem ait illis Rex Reddite denarios istos illis a quibus capti sunt fecerunt sicut praecepit illis Rex which is likewise remembred by Capgrave Surius Ribadeniera and others in the life of King Edward the Confessor From all which relations compared together it is apparent First That Dangeld was a great most heavy and intolerable Tribute first imposed in King Ethelreds reign to pay the Danish Navy and Souldiers then invading England to keep them from plundering and spoiling the people 2. That King Swane the invading and usurping Dane after he had gotten the power of this Realm imposed it annualy on the English and made it any early Tribute to pay his Army 3. That the Danish succeding Kings continued and made it a kind of annual revenue to cloath and pay their Souldiers and Marriners for sundry years together 4. That it was yearly paid unto the Kings Exchequer and reduced to a certainty to wit four pence a year out of every Hide or plough land thorowout England or else twelve pence or two shilings a year as the laws of Edward the Confessor the black Book of the Exchequâ—r and Sir Henry Spelman in his Glossaryâ— Title Danegold affirms 5. That King Edwards Officers after the Danish Kings expired reignes did collect it of the English Subjects without his privitie to cloath and pay his Souldiers and followers 6. That he out of mercy piety conscience and justice to his people not only restored it to them when collected and brought into his Exchequer without retaining one farthing of it but likewise for ever released it to them so that it was no more collected during his reign 7. That Taxes unjustly leavied upon the poor oppressed people are very pleasing and acceptable to the devill himself who claimes the money so collected for his own and that the Collectors and exacters of such Taxes though for the payment of Armies and Souldiers are really but the devils agents and instruments who will one day pay them their deserved wages 8. That heavy oppressions and taxes though for pretended publike necessities continued for many years together ought not onely to be eternally remitted but restored when collected by all conscientious piouâ— righteous mercifull Saintlike Kings and Governours 9. That illegall heavy Taxeâ— imposed by or for invading Usurpers if once submitted to and not strongly opposed by the generality of the people wil soon be claymed lâ—avied as a customary early legall revennue both by the imposers and their successors and hardly be laid down and discontinued again for the peoples ease 10. That this tax of Danegeld amounting but to thirty eight or fourty thousand poâ—nds in one whole year was in truth an heavy and intolerable burden and grievous oppression to the whole Nâ—tion fit to be abolished aâ—d released especially in times
cheating imposture of later daies as in truth it is 6. That all delinquents of what quality soever justly or unjustly accused ought to appear and justify themselves before the King and his Nobles in their Parliamentary Councels without armed Guards forces Tergiversation or resistance upon due suÌ„mons to appear before them by the Laws of that time 7. That Kings and great mens coming to Parliamentary Councels with Armies strong armed Guards and holding them with power or under Armies is inconsistent with their Liberty Priviledges and are an occasion of civill wars disturbances much mischief to the Nation as then they proved 8. That English Peers then were and ought to be tried banished judged by their Peers both in Parliamentary Councels and other Courts 9. That no English Peer or Freeman could then be lawfully and judically banished the Realme but in and by sentence and judgement of a Parliamentary Councel for some contempt or offence demeriting such a punishment 10. That Peers and great men obstinately refusing to submit themselves to the triall and judgement of Parliamentary Councels or to appear in them or the Kings Courts to justify themselves without hostages fiâ—t given for their securiy may justly be sentenced and banished by our Parliaments for such contempts and affronts to justice 11. That the subjects were bound to ayd and assist their Kings as wel against Traitors Rebels Pyrates as against forreign enemies under our Saxon Kings 12. That forreigners are usually the greatest occasioners and fomenters of civil wars That such Incendiaries deserve justly to be banished the Nation And that civill wars between King and subjects English and English and their shedding of one anothers blood in such wars was then deemed most unnatural odious execrable by all prudent means and councels to be timely and carefully prevented and not to be begun or undertaken but by good advice and common consent in great Parliamentary Councelâ— upon weighty urgent inevitable necessities 13. That the abolishing of ill and enacting of good Laws the removing of ill Counsellors and Instruments about Kings ordering matters of war and defence by Land and Sea and setling of peace were the antient proper works businesses imployments of our Saxon Parliaments 14. That the English Freemen have been always apt forwards cordially to joyn with such Nobles and Great men who are most cordial and active to defend their just Liberties Laws Rights against foreiners and others who invade them Soon after the forementioned agreement between the King and Godwin King Edward according to his forementioned promises to make good Laws for all his people out of all the former British and Saxon Laws by Order of his Wisemen compiled an universal common Law for all the people throughout the whole Realm which were called King Edwards Laws being so just and equal and so securing the profit and wealth of all estates that the people long after as Mr Fox and others record did rebel against their Lords and Rulers to have the same Laws again when suspended or taken from them or dis-used and prescribed this Oath to William the Conquerour himself and every of our Kings since to be solemnly taken at the time of his Coronation for the further ratificationâ— and better inviolable observation of these Laws and perpetuating them to all posterity SIR will you grant and keep and by your Oath confirm to the people of England the Laws and Customs granted to them by antient Kings of England rightfull men and devout towards God namely the Laws and Customs and Franchises granted to the Clergy and to the Peopie by the glorious King Edwardâ—â— to your power To which the King must answer I will doe it before he be anointed or crowned King Now because these Laws of King Edward made by his Wisemens Counsel and advice as this Clause Sapientes caeperunt super hos habere consilium et constituerunt in the Chapter De illis qui has Leges despexerent implyes are so famous and fundamental most of our Common old Laws being founded on or resulting from them I shall give you this brief account of them out of our Historians as most pertinent to my subjâ—ct matter and usefull for those of my profession to be informed of being generally not so well versed in Antiquity History and Records as were to be wished for the honour and lustre of their honourable publike calling pretermiting the grosse Forgery and Imposture of Modus tenendi Parliamentum so much cryed up by Sir Edward Cooke for its Antiquity and Authority as made and observed in Edward the Confessors reign when as it is a meer counterfeit Treatise and Spurious Antiquity scarce antienter than King Richard the 2. as I have proved in my Levellers levelled and Mr. Selden manifests in his Titles of honour pars 2. p. 713 738 to 745 yea it s own mentioning the Bishop of Carlisle which Bishoprick was not erected til the year 1132 or 1134. the Mayors of London which had no Mayor til the year 1208 and of other Cities with Knights and Burgesses usual wages all instituted long after the Conquerours reign the not mentioning of this Modus in any of our Records Histories or judicious Antiquaries and its difference from all the Modes and Forms of Parliaments and Great Councils of that or later ages held in England or â—reland with the many falshoods and absurdities in it will sufficiently evidence it to every intelligent Peruser to be a late Bastard Treatise and no such Antient Record as Sir Edward Cooke most confidently averrs it upon groundless Reasons and bold false averments void of Truth Which Modus if really made and observed in his reign and after ages no doubt our Hisâ—orians would have mentioned it as well as his Laws of which they give us this following account Henry de Knyghton records That King Edward after his Coronation Consilio Baronum et caeterorum Regni received established and confirmed the good Laws which for 68 years lay as it were asleep among the sleepers and buried in Oblivion These Laws are called the Laws of St. Edward not because he had first invented them but because they being as it were put under a Bushel and laid in oblivion from the time of his Grandfather King Edgar he put to his hand first to find them out and then â—o establish them Wâ—l of Malmesbury thus writes of these Laws Omnes Leges ab antiquis Regibus maximâ— ab antecessore suo Ethelredâ— latas sub interminatione Regiae mulctae perpetuis temporibus observari praecepit in quarum custodia etiam nunc tempore bonorum sub nomine Regis Edwardi Iuratur non quod ille statuerit sed observaverit The Author of the antient Manuscript Chronicle of Litchfield and Mr. Selden out of him together with Roger Hoveden and Bishop Usher inform us concerning these Laws Ex illo die magna autoritate veneratae et per universum regnum
Realm against Law and right by his power and often attempted to incline the Kings minde to his Injustice At last his subtilty proceeded so farr that by fraud deceit and circumvention he banished out of the land almost all the Kings kinred and friends whom he had either brought with him or called out of Normandy as well Bishops as Clerks and Laymen of other dignities believing that all things would succeed according to his desires if the King deprived of all his friends should make use only of his Counsels But Edward dissembling all things in regard of time place and out of religion addicted himself wholly to divine duties sometimes predicting That divine Iustice would at some time or other revenge so great malice of the Earl and telling Godwin himself so much Whereupon on a certain day when the King was celebrating the Feast of Easter at Winchester as most or at Windsor as some or Hodiam as others relate which feast was famous among the people the King sitting at his royal Table at dinner the Kings Cup-bearer Harold Godwins own Son as some record bringing the Kings cup filled with Wine towards the Table striking one of his feet very hard against a stumbling block on the pavement fell almost to the ground but his other foot going straight on recovered him again and set him upright so that he had no harm nor shed any of the wine Upon which many discoursing touching this event and rejoycing that one foot helped the other Earl Godwin who customarily sate next to the King at Table being his Father-in-law laughing thereat said by way of merriment Here a brother helped a brother as some or So is a Brother helping to a Brother and one assisting another in necessity as others report his words To whom the King upon this occasion ironically answering said Thus my Brother Alfred might have assisted me had it not been for Godwins Treachery who would not permit him Which Speech of the Kings Godwin taking over-grievously was sore afraid and with a very pale and sad countenance replied I know O King I know it hath been often reported to thee that I have sought to betray thee and that thou O King dost as yet accuse and suspect me concerning the death of thy Brother Alfred neither yet doest thou think that those are to be discredited who call me either his or thy Traytor or betrayer But let thy God who is true and just and knoweth all secrets judge between us and let him never suffer this piece of bread I now hold in my hand to pass down my throat without choaking me if I be guilty of any Treason at all against thee or had ever so much as a thought to betray thee Or if I be guilty of thy Brothers death or if ever thy brother by me or my counsel was nearer to death or remoter from life And so may I safely swallow down this morsel of bread in my hand as I am guiltlesse of these facts When he had thus spoken the King blessed the piece of bread whereupon Godwin putting it into his mouth swallowed it down to the midst of his throat where it stuck so fast that he could neither get it down nor cast it up by any means till through the cooperation of divine vengeance he was so choaked with it that his breath was quite stopped his eyes turned upside down his arms grew stiff being conscious to himself of what he thus abjured and so he fell down dead under the Table Deus autem justus et verax audivit vâ—cem Proditoris et mox eodem pane strangulatus mortem praegustavit aeternam writes Radulphus de Diceto The King seeing him pale and dead and that divine judgement and vengeance had thus passed upon him said to those who stood by Dragg out of this dog this Traytor and bury him in the high way for he is unworthy of Christian burial Whereupon his Sonnes there present beholding this Spectacle drew him from under the Table into a Bedchamber ubi debitum proditoris sortitus est finem and immediately after they buried him privily in the old Monastery at Winchester without honour or solemnity Abbot Ingulphus thus briefly relates the story of this his death Anno Domini 1053. cum Godwinus Comes in mensa Regis de nâ—ce sui fratris impeteretur ille post multa Sacramenta tandem per buccellam dâ—glutiendam abjuravit buccella gustata continuo suffocatus interiit As this judgement of God upon Earl Godwin for murdering Prince Alfred right heir to the Crown and the Normans who accompanied him 17 years after the fact was most exemplary so Gods justice upon his posterity is remarkable which to omit their forementioned exiles troubles are thus epitomized by Will. Malmâ—b Godwin in his younger years had the Sister of Cnute for his wifeâ— on whom he begat a Son who having passed the first years of his childhood whiles he was riding on a horse given to him by his Grandfather in a proud childish bravado giving him the spurr and â—ains the horse carried him into the swift stream of the River of Thames where he was drowned His Mother also was slain with the stroke of a thunderbolt receiving the punishment of her cruelty who was reported to buy whole droves of slaves especially beautifull maides in England and to send them into Denmark that she might heap up riches by their deformed sale After her death he maried another wife on whom he begot Harold Swane Wulnoth Tosti Girth and Leofwin Harold after Edward was King for some Moneths and being conquered by William at Hastings lost both his life and kingdom with his two younger Brothers there slain in battel Wulnoth sent into Normandy by King Edward because his father had given him for an hostage was there detained a Prisoner without any release during all King Edwards life and being sent back into England in Williams reign continued in bonds at Sarisbury till his old age Swane of a perverse wit treacherous against his King revolted oftentimes both from his Father and his Brother Harold and becomming a Pyrate polluted the vertues of his ancestors with his maritime Robberies and murder At last going barefoot to Ierusalem in pilgrimage out of conscience to expiate the wilfull murder of his Cosen Breuno and as some say his Brother in his return thence he was circumvented and slain by the Saracens Tosti being advanced by King Edward to the Earldom of Northumberland after the death of Earl Syward ruled the County near two years which being expired he stirred up the Northumbrians to a Rebellion with the asperity of his manners for finding him solitary they chased him out of the Country not thinking â—it to slay him by reason of his Dukedom but they beheaded all his men both English and Danes and spoiled him of all his horses arms and houshold-stuff whereupon being deprived of his Earldom he went with his wife and children into Flanders and at
last invading Northumberland and joyning with the Danes against his own brother King Harold was there slain by him in battel with all his forces His daughter Queen Egitha besides her forementioned repudiation by King Edward and the imprisonment and disgraces put upon her by him for her Fathers sake was never carnally known by him as his wife out of a detestation to her Father Godwin because he would not ingender heirs to succeed him in the royal Throne out of the Race and séed of such a Traytor as many Historians assert â—ven so let all other such like perfidious Traytors their Posterities perish who imitate him and them in their Treasons Perjuries Rebellions and will not be warned nor reclaimed by his or their sad examples The same year Earl Godwin thus perished Rheese brother of Griffin King of Southwales was slain by King Edwards command and his head brought to Glocester to the King on the Vigil of Epiphany for his manifold Treasons rebellions and frequent depredations upon his English Subjects King Edward Anno 1054. commanded Sywarâ— the valiant Duke of Northumberland to invade Scotland with an Army of horse and a strong Navy to remove Mackbeoth K. of Scots to whom he had formerly given the Realm of Scotland to hold it of him and make Malcolm the King of Cumberlands Son King in his place Who thereupon entring Scotland with a puissant Army fought a set battle with Mackbeoth slew many thousands of the Scots and all the Normans who went to him out of England chased him out of Scotland then totally wasted and subdued by Syward and deprived him both of his Life and Realm Which being effected King Edward gave the Realm of Scotland to Malcolm to be held from and under himself Not long after Duke Syward being likely to die of a flux when he saw death approaching said What a shame is it that I who could not die in so many battels and warrs should be reserved to die with disgrace like a Cow Wherefore put upon me my impenetrable coat of male gird me with my sword set my helmet upon my head put my buckhandler in my left hand and my gilt battel-ax in my right hand that being the strongest of all Souldiers I may die like a Souldier Whereupon being thus armed as he commanded he said Thus it becomes a Souldier to die and not lying down in his bed like an Ox and so he most honourably gave up the Ghost But because Waltâ—of his Son was then but an inâ—ant his Earldom was given by the King to Toâ—ti son of Earl Godwin â— whose Earldom after Godwins sudden death was bestowed on Harold and Harolds Earldom given to Algarus Earl of Chester Earldoms in that age being only for life not hereditary In the year 1055. King Edward Habito Londoniae Concilio holding a Parliamentary Councill at London banished Algarus Son of Earl Leofric quia de Proditione Regis in Concilio convictus fuerat because he had been convicted in the Council of Treason against the King as Henry Huntindon Bromtons Chronicle and Hygden record Yet Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Hoveden Henry de Knyghton and others write He was banished sine culpa without any crime Whereupon passing over into Ireland he soon after repaired with 18. piratical Ships to Griffin King of Wales requesting him to give him aid against King Edward Who thereupon forthwith assembling a very great Army out of all his Realm commanded Algarus to meet him and his Army with all his forces at a certain place where uniting their forces together they entred into Herefordshire to spoil and depopulate it Against whom timorous Earl Ralph King Edwardâ— Sisters Son raising an Army and meeting them two miles from the City of Hereford commanded the English to fight on horseback contrary to their custom But when they were about to joyn battel the Earl with his French and Normans fled away first of all which the English perceiving followed their Captain in flying whom the Enemies pursuing slew four or five hundred of them and wounded many more and having gained the Victory took the City of Herford slew some of the Citizens carried away many of them captives annd having burnt and pillaged the City returned enriched with great booties The King being infoâ—med of it commanded an Army to be presently assembled out of all England which meeting together at Glousester he made valiant Earl Harold their General who devoutly obeying his commands diligently pursued Griffin and Algarus and boldly entring into the coasts of Wales encamped at Straddle But they knowing him to be a valiant man not daring to fight with him fled into South-wales Upon which Harold leaving the greatest part of his Army there commanded them manfully to resist the Enemies if there were cause and returning with the rest of the multitude to Herâ—ford he enviroâ—ed it with a broad and deep trench and fortified it with gates and barrs At last Messengers passing between them and Harold they made a firm Peace betweeâ— them Whereupon Earl Algarus his Navy returning to Chester there exacted the wages he had promised them but he repairing to the King received his Earldom from him again This same year Herman Bishop of Salisbury requested of the King and almost obtained leave to remove his See from Ramesberg to the Monastery of Malmsbury sed Rege juxta Consilium Procerum id nolente he thereupon resigned his Bishoprick went beyond the Seâ—s and took upon him the habit of a Monk but repenting of his rashness he returned into England three years after and held the Bishopricks of Salisbury and Sherborne united together till the 9th year of King William the Conqueror In the year 1057. Prince Edward son of Edmond Ironside came out of Hungary where he had long lived an Exile into England being sent for thence by his Unkle King Edward who had decreed to make him heir to the Crown after himself but he died at London soon after his return leaving onely Edgar Athelin his son very young and two daughters Margaret and Christiana under the Kings custody and tuition This same year Earl Leofric at the request of his devout Noble Countess Godina freed the City of Coventry from a most grievous dishonest servitude and heavy Tribute wherewith he had formerly oppressed the Citizens being very much offended with them which though frequently importuned by her he would remit upon no other condition but this That his Lady Godina should ride naked through the street of the City from the one end of the market to the other when the people were there assembled Which she to obtain their Liberties from this Servitude and Tribute performed covering her self so with her long fair hair that she was seen and discerned by no body Whereâ—pon the Earl her husband by his Charter exempted the Citizens of Coventry for ever from many payments which he formerly imposed and exacted from them the wisdom of which
to his Oath and promise to him had without right or Title invaded the Crown and being secretly invited by some of the English Nobles to challenge his own right thereunto by Kings Edwards designation sent Messengers to Harold who mildly reprehending him for his breach of Covenant added by way of menace that he would before the year expired exact his due from him by force of arms in case he refused voluntarily to yield up the kingdom to him But Harold growing secure contemning his threats as never likely to be put in execution both because the Dukes daughter to whom he was espoused was dead and himself involved in wars with his Neighbour Princes returned his Messengers to him with this answer Harold King of England sends you this answer That true it is when he espoused your daughter in Normandy being compelled by necessity He sware that the Realm of England should belong to thee But against this he asserts That a forced Oath is not to be kept For if a vow or oath which a Virgin had knowingly made concerning her body in the house of her Father without her parents consent was revocable and void much more the Oath which he being under the Scepter of the King had made without his knowledge by compulsion ought to be nâ—lled and made voyd as he asserted Moreover he afâ—irmed Nimis praesumptuosum â—uisse quod absque generali Consensu Regni Haereditatem vobis juraverat alienandam Addidit etiam Injustum esse petere ut e regno discedat quod tanto Principum favore susceperat gubernandum That it was overmuch presumption in him that without the general consent of the Realm he had sworn the inheritance thereof should be alienated to him That King Edward being then living he câ—uld neither give away the Kingdoms succession to him nor grant it to any other without his consâ—nt et â—ine populi consensu Senatus Decreto et nesciente omni Anglia de toto Regno necessitate temporis coactus impegerit and without the consent of the people and decree of the SENATE or Parliament he could not promise to him the whole Realm of England without the knowledg of all England being compelld therto only by the necessity of the time Adding moreover that it was unjust to demand that he should dâ—part from that kingdom which he had undertaken to govern with so great favour of the Nobles Eadmerus Radulphus de Diceto and some others record this to be his Answer then returned to Duke William Soror mea quam juxta condictum expetis mortua eâ— Quod si corpus ejus quale nunc est vult Comes habere mittam ne judicer Sacramentum violasse quod feci Castellum Dofris et in eo puteum aquae licet nescâ—am cui ut vobis convenit explevi Regnum quod necdum fuit meum quo Iure potui dare vel promittere Si de filia sua quam debui in uxorem ut asserit ducere agit Super Regnum Angliae mulierem extraneam inconsultis Principiâ—us me nec debere nec sine grandi injuria posse adducere noverit The Norman who till then thought England sure to be his and had devoted his hopes from a Duke to a King stormed to see himself thus frustrated on a sudden and instead of a Crown to have such scorns heaped on his head therefore nothing content with this â—light and scornfull answer returnd his Ambassadors again to Harold by whom he â—aid his claim more at large As that King Edward in the Court of France had faithfully promised the Succession unto him and again ratified the same unto him at his being in England and that not done without consent of the State but confirmed by Stigand it should be Robert Archbishop of Canterbury the Earls Godwin and Siward yea and by Harold himself and that so firmly assured that his Brother and Nephew were delivered for pledges and for that end sent to him into Normandy that he being no way constrained to swear as he pretended he appealed to Harolds own Conscience who besides his voluntary offer to swear the succession of the Crown unto him contracted himself to Adeliza his daughter then but young upon which foundation the Oath was willingly taken But Harold who thought his own head as fit for a Crown as any others meant nothing less than to lay it down upon parâ—y and therefore told Williams Embassadours plainly That however Edward and he had tampered for the Kingdom yet Edward himself coming in by election and not by any Title of Inheritance his promiâ—e was of no validity for how could he give that wherein he was not interested nor in the Danes time was likely to be and tell youâ— Duke that our Kingdom is now brought to a setled estate and with such love and liking of the English as that they will never admit any more a stranger to rule over them That the Duke himself well knew that the Oath he made him was only for fear of death or imprisonment and that an Oath so extorted in time of extremity cannot bind the maker in Conscience to perform it for that were to joyn one sin with another With which and the like Speeches he shifted off the Dukes Embassadours without any Princely entertainment or courteous regard who returned home without reply vel veris vel veresimilibus argumentis perstricti Some of our Historians record That the Dukes Messengers upon their second Embassy admonishing him how religiously he had bound himself by Oath and that perjured persons should be sure to find perdition from Gods hands and reproachfull shame with men waived all other demands of the Crown and insisted only upon this That Harold should marry his Daughter which he had espoused according to his promise else he should certainly know he would by force of Armes challenge the succession of the Kingdom promised to him But this seems improbable because our other Historians conclude that his espoused Daughter was dead before this Embassie and Williams preparations and future Messages claiming the Crown resolve the contrary Abbot Ingulphus flourishing at that time gives us this sum of their Negotiation and Harolds answer thereunto Wiâ—lielmus auâ—em Comes Normanniae Legatos mittit foedera facta dicit pacta patefecit promissa petit aliquod justum medium confici requirit At Rex Haroldus Legatos vix auscultat foedera fracta negat pacta recusat promissa excusat omnia â—ustamedia oblata sufflat subsannat Cumque haec intermedia quotidie agerentur ac solum nunciorum cursus ac recursus tota aestate sine fructu consumerarentur The Embassadours returned empty bringing only Harolds unsatisfactory and scornfull Answers with them Wherewith Duke William being much inraged cast about how to recover that by right of armes which he could not gain by Treaty providing Ships Souldiers Mariners and all things necessary for an invasive war making choice of the tallest skilfullest and
goodliest Souldiers he could select and of such Captains and Commanders as both in the Army and elsewhere seemed all of them to be rather Kings than Nobles And to set the better colour upon his pretended enterprise he sent to Pope Alexander acquainting him with the justice of his cause and the war he had undertaken his Embassadours setting them forth with all the strength of eloquence which Harold neglected to doe either through sloathfullness or diffidence of his Title or for fear William who strictly watched at Ports should intercept his Messengers The Pope having weighed the Tiâ—le of both parties sent a consecrated Banner to William as an Omen of his right to the kingdom and good success taken in the enterprise Which having received Conventum magnum Procerum apud Lislibonam fecit super negotium singulorum sententias scissitatus Duke William called a Great Council of Nobles at Lillâ—bon demanding every one of their opinions concerning this business Cumque omnes ejus voluntatem plausibus excipientes magnificis promissis animassent Commeatum Navium omnibus pro qnantitate possesionum indixit Henry Huntindon Hygden Radulphus de Diceto Speed Daniel and others relate That the Lords of Normandie in this great Parliamentary Assembly taking Counsel amongst themselves what was best to be done in this expedition VVilliam Fitz-Osbert counselled to leave and forsake the war both for scarcity of â—ighting men and by reason of the strength valour fierceness and cruelty of the Enemies Whereof the other Lords being glad put their answer into his mouth resolving they would all consent to what he should say Who comming before the King said That he and all his men were ready and devoted to assist him in that enterprise and so were all the other Lords Whereupon all the Nobles of Normandy being thus unexpectedly surprized and bound by his words and promise provided themselves for the expedition In this Assembly of the Norman States a subsidy being propounded as the sinews to carry on this great undertaking it was answered That a former war with the French had impoverished much of their wealth That if new wars were now raised and therein their substance spent to gain other parts it would be there so missed as it would hardly be sufficient to defend their own That they thought it more safe for him to hold what he had than with hazard of their own to invade the territories of others That though the war intended were just yet it was not necessary but exceeding dangerous Besides by their allegiance they were not bound to milâ—tary services in forein partsâ— and therefore no payments could be assessed upon them Whereupon the wealthiest of all the people were sent for by the Duke and severally one by one conferred with shewing them his right and hopes of England where preferments lay even for the meanest of them only money was the want which they might spare â—either should that be given but lent upon a plentifull increase With which words he drew them so on that they strove who should give most and by this means he gaâ—hered such a masse of money as was sufficient to defray the war Besides Fitz Osburne promiâ—ed to furnish 40 ships at his own charge the Bishop of Bayon 40. the Bishop of Mauâ— 30. and so others accordingly beyond their abilities And divers neighbour Princes upon promises of fair possessions in England assisted him both with Ships and Souldiers On the other side Harold to prevent his and the Danes invasions who likewise laid Title to the Crown provided ships and forces to oppose them both by Sea and Land and repairing to the Port of Sandwich appointed his Navy to meet him there which being there assembled he failed with it to the Isle of VVight and there watched the coming of VVilliam into England with his Army all the Summer and Autumn placing likewise his Lanâ— forces of Foot in fitting places about the Sea coasts But at last the victuals of the Navy and land Army being spent they both returned home about the Feast of St. Mary Soon after Divine Providence to make the easier and speedier way for Harolds overthrow stirred up his own Brother Tosti the banished Earl of Northumberland to recover his Earldom and avenge himself of Harold who exiled him some think by Duke VVilliams advice they marrying two Sisters Who coming with 60 some write 40 ships out of Flanders forced Taxes and Tribute out of the Isle of VVight took booties and Mariners to serve in his Navy on the Sea coasts of Kent whence he hoising â—ail fell â—oul on Lincolnshire where Morcar and Edwin Earls of Chester and Yorkeshire incountring him with their forces by Land and Harolds Navy by Sea with some loss of their men routed and drove him from thence into Scotland Where after some stay Harold Harfager King of Denmark after his conquest of the Orcades by Tosti his solicitation came into the River of Tine with 300. others write 500 ships where they both united their forces intending to subdue and conquer England then landing their Souldiers in Northumberland they wasted and spoiled the Country where ever they came Whereupon Earl Morcar and Earl Edwin with the inhabitants of the Country raised all the forces they could against them and giving them battel in a tumultuous manner were routed by them many of them being slain in the field and the rest inforced to fly into York for shelter which the Enemies besieging was presently surrendred up to them and hostages delivered them after the slaughter of many Citizens Nobles and Clergy-men Upon this King Harold recollecting his disbanded Army and Navy marched with all speed towards York against the Danes Norwegeans and his brother Tosti but coming to Hamford Bridge one valiant Dane with his Battle Axe â—lew 40 of his men and made good the Bridge against the whole Army for a long space till at last some going under the Bridge in a Boat slew him with a spear Both Armies joyning battel after a long and bloudy fight Harfager and Tosti with may other of Note were slain their whole Army routed all their Ships taken with the loss of many of the bravest English Souldiers and 20 of their Ships only permitted to depart into Denmark with their wounded men and Oâ—aus Harfagers Son who to save his life took an Oath never from thence forth to attempt any hostility or invasion against the English This victory Abbot Ailred ascribes to the merits of Edward the Confessor who promised to be the Captain and Protector of the English Nation against those Enemies who invaded the Realm contrary to right and Law and promised them the victory over them But Harold ascribing it to his own valour instead of rewarding his Souldiers with the spoils of the vanquished enemies as the price of their bloud out of a base unworthy avarice converted all the spoils and booty to his own private use giving no part of them to any other Wherewith many
enflamed with the love and liberty of their Native Country voluntarily engaged themselves with him in the defence thereof against the common dangerous invading Enemy raâ—her than to support his usurped Diadem and Royalty over them of which number there were very few Immo vero pauci et manu promptissimi fuere qui charitati corporum renunciantes Pro patria animas posuerunt Nam praeter Stipendiarios et Mercinarios milites paucos admodum ex comprovincialibus habuit Praecipitabant â—um nimium fata ut nec auxilia convocari vellet nec si vellet multos parituros invenerat Ita omnes ei erant infensi quod solus manubiis Borealibus incubuerat Unde cum suis quos ductabat astutia Gulielmi â—ircumventus fusus est levi videlicet belli negotio sed occulto et stupendo Dei consilio quod nunquam posteâ— Angli Communi praelio in libertatem spiraverint quasi cum Haraldo omne robur deciderit Angliae quae certe Potuit et debuit etiam per inertissimos solvere paenas perfidiae Yet Thomas of Walsingham and some others write that Harold had gathered together an innumerable company of Englishmâ—n against Duke William and the multitudes of the Nobility Gentry and Commons of England slain in the Battel besides those who fled from it and could not come to fight manifest his Army not to be so small as these Authors would make it only to augment the Englishmens valour and ecclipse the Normans as overcomming them more by stratagem and multitude than true fortitude Whiles Harold was in his march towards William within 9 miles of his Fort in Sussex he sent out Scouts before him to discover the forces and numbers of the Enemy who being intercepted and brought to William he caused them to be led about his tents that they might well view his Army and then being bountiâ—ully feasted he commanded them to be sent back to their Master without any harm Who returning to Harold commending the Dukes magnificence martial prowess and clemency seriously affirmed that all his Souldiers seemed to be Priests because their faces and both their lips were shaven which kind of shaving none of the English then used but their Priests only Upon which Harold smiling at the Scouts simplicity replied They were not effeminate Priests but Souldiers of great and valourous minds invincible in arms Whereupon Girth Harolds younger Brother a man of great knowledge and valour beyond his years taking the Speech out of his mouth said Seeing you commend the valour of the Normans to be so great I hold it unadvised rashnesse for you to fight with them to whom you may be reputed inferiour both in merit and valour Neither are you able to gainsay bâ—t that you took an Oath to William to reserve the Crown to his use voluntarily or unvoluntarily Wherefore you shall doe more advisedly to withdraw your self out of the field in this instant necâ—ssity ne si perjurus decertans vel fugam vel mortem incurras lest fighting perjured you incurre either flight or death and the whole Army perish for your sin of Perjury seeing there is no fighting against God Therefore expect the issue of the battel without danger For we are altogether free from any Oath justum suscipimus bellum pro Patria pugnaturi and have undertaken a just warr to fight for our Country If we fight alone without thee thy cause shall prosper better and thou shalt be more safe whatâ—ver befalls us For if we fly thou maist be able to succour and restore us and if we be slain thou maist revenge us But such was Harolds unbridled rashness that he would not give a pleasing ear to this admonition esteeming it inglorious and a great dishonour to his former life and valour to turn his back to any Enemy or danger Whiles these discourses passed between them in comes a Monk sent by Duke William claiming the kingdom as his Because King Edward had granted it to him by advice of Archbishop Stigand and of the Earls Godwin and Siward and had sent the Son and Nephew of Godwin hostages thereof into Normandy But to avoid effusion of Christian bloud the Monk brought him these three profers Either to depart with the Realm to William aâ—cording to his Oath and agreement Or tâ— hold the Kingdom from and reign under him Or finally to determine the controversie between them two by a single Duâ—l in thâ— viâ—w of both their Armies But Harold out of a strange imprudence impudence pride of heart as one whom the heavens would depresse accepting neither domestick counsel nor the Nâ—rmans ofâ—er would neither vouchsafe to look upon the Messenger with a good countenance nor discourse with him in milde terms but sending him away with indignation prayed only thus That God would judge between him and his Master William To whom the Monk boldly replying required that if he would deny the right of William he should either referr it to the Iudgement of the Seâ— Apostolick or else to battel if he had rather by which he asserted that William was ready to triâ— his Title But Harold answering nothing to those his Proposals but what he had done before went within little of laying violent hands upon the Embassador commanding William with violent terms and menaces to depart his kingdom By which he whetted the minds of the Normans to fight and gave them hopes of Victory by his Injustice After which both Armies provided to give battel the next morning being Harolds birth-day 4. October 1066. his Souldiers as men whose Heads were sure to be crowned with lawress of Victory spent the whole night in licentious revels riot drunkennesse clamours shouts but the Normans more Christianly and seriously demeaning themselves spent it in confessions of their sins prayers and Vowes to God for victorious successe No sooner did the morning appear but the Norman Army was prepared for battel Then Duke William making an elegant oration to them minded them of the extraordinary valour the manifold victories and conquests of their ancestors and themselves which he exhorted them now tâ— second concluding his Speech with this exhortation To avenge the injury of Harold and the treachery of him and the English in murdering Prince Alfred and the Noble Normans who accompanyed him Nonne pudet Regem Haroldam contra me in praesentia vestri perjuram faciem suam vobis ostendere ausum fuisse Mihi tamen stupor est Quod eos qui parentes vestros cum Alfrido cognato meo proditione nefanda excapitaverunt oculis vestris vidistis et eorum capita adhuc humeris eorum superâ—int Erigite vexilla viri nec sit irae promeritae modus vel modestia Ab oriente ad occidente videatur fulmen gloriae vestrae audiatur tonitrum impetus vestri Uindicesque generosissimi sanguinis At which words all the Normans were so incensed against the English that they left their Duke alone speaking to himself befoâ—e he had ended his Speech
and presently charged the English with unspeakable violence before the third part of their army could be set in battel array as Wigorniensis Sim. Dunelmensis Radulphus de Diceto Hoveden Bromtom and others write One Taillefer running before the rest slew three English Ensigns one after another and then was slain himself before the rest of the Souldiers encountred The English by reason of the narrownesse of the place were unable to bring up above one third part of their men to fight in an orderly manner For which cause and out of hatred to Harold many of them deserted both the field and him and very few continued with him with a constant heart Yet the battel was so manfully fought by Harold and the English remaining with him with various successe sometimes one side prevailing sometimes the other that in continued from the third hour of the day even till dark night The English stood so thick and close together and fought so valiantly that the Norman assailants could no waies break their array and were upon the point to recoyl Which William perceiving politickly sounded a Retreat the Normans retiring in good order the English supposing them to flie and themselves to be Masters of the field thereupon began disorderly to pursue them breaking their ranks and files but on a sudden the Normans having their wished opportunity charged them afresh being scattered and disordered so as they were not able to recover their battel and so were beaten down and slain on every side none of them by flight seeking to escape the field but to maintain their honour in arms chusing rather manfully to dye fighting in the cause and defence of their Country than to foâ—sakâ— their Kings Standard Who performing the Office both of an expert Commander and valiant Souldier all the day after many wounds received and fighting very manfully was at last slain with an arrow shot through his brain in at his left eye and falling dead from his horse to the ground was slain under his own Standard when he had reigned only 9. Moneths and S. dayes and his two Brothers Girth and Leofwin with most of the English Nobility Gentry there present were slain together with him Upon Harolds death most of the common mercenary Souldiers fled being without that head for whom they fought and were pursued and slain by the Normans till night Sed generosi malentes mori quam probrose fugere videntes exhaeredationem suam imminere et jugum intolerabile donec nox certamen divideret in certamine immota pectora praebentes prestiâ—erunt pulchram mortem pro patria ultione meruere Some of our Historians write that there were slain of the English in this battel no lesse than sixty thousand nine hundred twenty four men which could not be if Harolds Army were so small as some report it the Normans losing not above six thousand in the fight Eadmerus Roger de Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis Radulphus de Dicâ—to Bromton and others ascribe this Victory only to a divine Miracle and Gods Justice upon Harold for his detestable perjury from the Testimony of the French who were present in it De hoâ— praelio testantur adhuc Franci qui interfuerunt quoniam licet varius casus hinc inde extiterit tamen tanta strages et fuga Normannorum fuit ut victoria quâ potiti sunt vero et absque dubio soli miraculo Dei ascribenda sit qui puniendo per hanc iniquum perjurii scelus Haroldi ostendit se non dominum esse volentem iniquitatem Which Abbot Ailred thus seconds Gulielmus Dei judicio to which Harold appealed ipsum Haroldum Regno simul et vita privavit for invading the Crown against right and his Oath belonging to William jure consanguinitatis antiquae inter ipsum et Edwardum conventionis The most of our Historians do the like Thomas of Walsingham imputes the great slaughter of the English in this battel by the Normans as a just Judgement of God upon them for their treacherous murder of Prince Alfred and the Normans that came with him Referuntur illo conflictu pugnae multa millia Anglorum corruisse Christo illis vicem reddente ob Aluredi fratris Edwardi Râ—gis necem ab eis injuste perpetratus With whom Mr. Iohn Fox concurrs in his forecited passage and Duke Williams Speech to his Souldiers before the battel implies as much he making it the chief ground of his invading England This battel writes Abbot Ailred Anglicae Libertati finem dedit initium Servituti to which Malmsbury subjoyns Illa dies fuit fatalis Anglis funestum excidium dulcis patriae pro novorum dominorum commutatione Hanc autem regni subversionem sanguinis redundantis effusionem cometa ingens sanguinea atque crinita in exordio illâ—us anni apparens minace fulgore praeâ—ignavit unde quidam Anno millesimo sexageno quoque seno Anglorum metae flammas sensere Cometâ— Quod Regni mutationem magnam populi Stragem multam terrâ—e miseriam portendit Ut enim Philosophi dicunt quo dirigit crinem illiâ— diriget et discrimen as Abbot Ingulphus Mat. Westminster Matthew Paris Huntindon Hoveden Wigornienfis Simeon Dunelmensis Hygden Knyghton and others observe In this Battel Duke William had three Horses slain under him and often acknowledged that Gods divine hand did more protect him than mans seeing his Enemy amidst so many showers of darts and arrows which they shot against him could not draw so much as one drop of hiâ— bloud though they frequently hit him with them Morcar and Edwin Earls of Yorkeshire and Cheshire Harolds Brother-in-laws withdrawing themselves and their forces from their battel either for want of room to fight as was pretended or rather for former discontents retreated to London where consulting with Alfred Archbishop of York and other Peers and with the Citizens and Mariners of London they all resolved to crown and set up Edgar Atheling the true heir for their King promising to march under him with all their forces against Duke William and to try another field for which end they posted abroad Messengers to levy new forces and raise up the hearts of the dejected English from a despairing fear But before Edgars Coronation whiles many were preparing themselves for a new battel Morcar and Edwyn whom this fearful estate of their native Conntry would not disswade or restrain from disloyalty and ambition to gain the Crown to themselves as some record secretly hindered that noble and prudent design by withdrawing themselves from Edgar and marched home with all their forces and their Sister Algitha or Agatha Harolds wife into Northumberland conjecturing out of their simplicity that Duke William would never come so farr Upon their departure though the rest of the Nobles would still have elected and crowned Edgar King if the Bishops would have assented thereunto yet the Prelates struck with the fear of the Popes thunderbolt from abroad
and with the consideration of the divisions distractions of the Nobility and people and the imminent danger at home would no wayes concurr with the Nobles Londoners Sea-Captains and others to crown Edgar but resolved to go forth and submit themselves to the victorious Duke and elect and crown him for their Soveraign The Nobility discerning this wavering inconstancy of the Bishops and considering that they were nobly born and must have a King that not to â—ake him who was of power to make himself King would shew more of passion than discretion distrusting each others faith began to strive and runn headlong who should be the first to preoccupate the Grace of Servitude and intrude them into forein subjection The Commons like a strong Vessel that might have been for good use were hereby left without a stern and could not move irregularly without apparent shipwrack So that all estates in generall either transported with sordid fear or corrupted with new hopes forsook Edgar themselves and their distressed Country resolving all to become Williams sworn Vassals without any further contest Ita Angli qui in unam coeuntes sententiam potuissent Patriae reformare ruinam dum nullum â—x suis volebant induxâ—runt aliâ—num During this their Consultation at London Duke William after his victory marched with his army through Oxfordshire Buckinghamshire and Hartfordshire towards London so farr as Berkhamsted without the least opposition wasting the Country burning the Villages and slaying the people as Hoveden Cambden and others write notwithstanding his former inhibition of plunder to force them more readily to submit unto him Hereupon Aldred Archbishop of York Wulstane Bishop of Worcester Walter Bishop of Hereford yea Prince Edgar himself all the English Nobility the chiefest of the Londoners and many others repaired to the victorious Duke at Bâ—rkhamsteed where giving him hostages for their fidelity they resigned themselveâ— up unto him as his subjects and swore allegiance to him with whom he reciprocally made a Covenant of Peace nihilominus exercitui suo villas cremare rapinas agâ—re permiâ—it adds Hoveden When the feast of Christs Nativity approached Duke William resolved to march to London with all his Army and there to be crowned King but being on his way he found all the passâ—ges blocked up with many great trees which Frederick Abbot of St. Albans descended from the Saxons noble bloud had caused to be cut down and cast in the waies to secure his Monastery from the destruction of the Normans whereat the Duke both wondering and fretting sent for the Abbot under assurance of his safe return and demanding the cause Why his woods were thus felled and the wayes blocked up he returned him this stout answer I have done saith he both the duty of my birth and profession and if others of my rank had performed the like as they wâ—ll might and ought to doe it had not been in thy power to have pierced the land thus farr William hearing his bold answer and knowing it was now a fitter time to pacifie than exulcerate the English Spirits gave way to the present necessity and marched to London with his Army where he was joyfully received by the Prelates Nobles and Generality of the People and by them all elected and crowned King on the day of Christs Nativity Anno 1066. In magna exultatione a Clero et Populo susceptus et ab omnibus Rex acclamatus Thomas of Walsingham records that Williams Vantguard marching into London before him found many Rebels against him in the streets of the City with whom they encountring forthwith brought no small grief and lamentation to the City by reason of the many funerals of the Citizens and their Sons whom they slew â—t last the Citizens perceiving they could no longer resist them put in hostages subjecting themselves with all theirs to their Conqueror and Hereditary Lord. After which writes he the Duke on Christmass day was elected King by all the Nobles as well of the Normans as English and anoynted with sacred oyl and crowned with the royal Crown by the Bishops of the Realm at Westminster He receiving the Crown from the hands of Aldred Archbishop of York refusing to be crowned by Stigand Archbishop of Canterbury by reason of the many euils and horrible crimes reported of him and because he had unlawfully invaded that See during the life of Robert for which he was suspended by the Pope ne maledictionem videretur induere pro benedictione as most of our Historians accord though the Chronicle of Bromton and Mat. Parker assert that Stigand peremptorily reâ—used to crown him being a man of bloud and an invader of anothers right Cumque Willielmus Dux Normanniae Conquâ—stor Angliae Tyranni nomen exhor resceret et nomen Legitimi Principis induere vellet à Stigando Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo in regno petiit consecrari Ille vero ut quidam dicunt cruenti viro et alieni Iuris invasori manus imponere formidans nullatenus adquievit Unde licet ipse Willielmus eundem Stigandum ut noverat multis modis blandè honoravit ipâ—um tamen nunquam cordialiter amavit Thomas Sprot William Thorne and out of them Matthew Parker Mr. Lambard Mr. Cambden Godwin Stow and Speed record this Story which none of our other antient Historians mention That after Duke William had slain Harold and the City of London with the generality of England had submitted to his power being struck with the â—ear and terror of Harolds death and the Englishmens great slaughter except Kent alone William marched with his forces towards Dover Castle the lock and key of the Realm the better to command the Seas and awe the Kentishmen to subject it and the other parts of the County to his power Archbishop Stigand then lyiug close in that County either to renew the warr or to obtain more honourable and just conditions of subjection for his Kentishmen than any others effected for his Kentish people that which none in his Country did besides For perswading all his Kentish men to keep at home and not stirr out of their confines when he heard of Williams approach advising with Eglesine Abbot of St. Augustinet they two being the chiefest Lords and Governours of Kent and the principal men of Kent they considered that the whole Realm was in a very sad and ill condition for whereas before the comming of the said William none of the English was a Servant that now all indiffeâ—ently as well Noble as Ignoble were subjected to the perpetual Servitude of the Normans And out of the dangers of their neighbours assuming matter for their own and their Counties preservation they assembled all the Commons of Kent to Canterbury where they represented to them the imminent dangers of the Country the misery of their neighbours the insolency of the Normans and the calamity of a servile condition all which now were too apparently seen The
English till then were frée-born and the name of bondage never heard among them and they amongst the rest but now nothing but servitude attended them in case they unworthily yielded as others had done to the insolency of this griping Enemy Whereupon by common advice all the people decreed and declared to meeâ— Duke William et cum eo pro Patrâ—is Legibus certare and to fight with him for the Lawes of their Country chusing rather to end an unhappy life by fighting for them in the field than to undergoe the unaccustomed yoak of bondage or to be reduced from their accustomed liberty to an unknown and unsure Slavery The Archbishop and Abbot chusing rather to die in battel than to behold the miseries of their Nation after the example of the holy Maccabees became the Captains of the Kentish Army resolving to die in defence of their Country and Laws whereupon they all resolved to meet together at Swanscomb two miles from Gravesend at a set time Where assembling accordingly they secretly kept together in the woods watching the Dukes approach all joyntly agreeing to block up his passage on all sides and to surround the Duke and his Army on a sudden that they might not escape them every one of the Horse and Footmen carrying a green bough in his hand that they might not be discovered and wherewith if need were they might impeach and hedge up the Normans passage The Duke marching the next day through the fields near Swanscomb the whole multitude of the Kentishmen like a moveable wood surrounded him approaching nearer and nearer to him with a loâ—t pace Which stratagem so daunted the Duke even with the very sight of their approach who being as he thoughâ— free from all Enemies was now suddenly beset on all sides with these moving woods that he knew not but all the other vast woods he saw might be of the like nature neither had he time to avoid the danger The Kentishmen having thus enclosed him round about casting down their boughs bended their bowes drew out their swords shaked their pikes held forth their other arms displayed their banners and sounded their trumpets in token of battel The Duke and his Army being herewith astonished though so puffed up with their former late victory that they had even now to their seeming the whole Realm of England in their hand were so extraordinarily terrified herewith that they stood in danger not only of the losse of the Victory and Army but he even of his own life Whereupon he desired a parley with the Kentish before the battel was joyned Upon this Stigand and Egelsine their Generals were sent Embassadors to the Duke on the behalf of the rest who spake thus to him in their Kentishmens names Most Noble Duke behold the people of Kent are come forth to meet thee as thy friends and are ready to receive and obey thee as their Liege Lord if â—hou shalt grant their most just requâ—stâ— demanding only such things as make for peace and such as only tend to retain the Liberty received from their Ancestors and preserve the Laws and Customs of their Country Neither will they be reduced under Bondage never yet felt by them nor tolerate any new Lawes For they can bear Royal Authority but not Lordly Tyranny Wherefore receive the Kentishmen not as thy Servants but as thy loyal loving and affectionate Subjects Yet upon this condition That all the People of Kent may for ever enjoy their antient Liberty without diminution and use the Laws and Liberties of their Country But if thou endeavourest to take away their Liberty and the Immunity of their Laws thou shalt likewise take away their Lives together with them they being all ready at present to give thee and thine battel and to try the uncertain chance of Warr Being fully resolved rather to die in the field than in any sort to depart with their Countries Laws and Customs or to live under strange Laws or servile Bondage the name and nature whereof is and ever shall be strange unto us For although the rest of the English can submit themselves to Slavery yet Liberty is the proper badge of Kentish men The Duke astonâ—shed with this Oratâ—on and his new troubles with a perplexed troubled mind advised hereupon with his Counsellors and wisely considering that the event of the battel would be very doubtfull that if he should depart without accomplishing his designe or if he should suffer any repulse or inconvenience from this warlike people that it would not onely redound to his great infamy but that it would endanger the loss of his new-acquired kingdom undo what ever he had hitherto effected and turn all his hopes and security into danger if he should not joyne Kent the key of the whole Realm to the rest of the Kingdom and retain it more by friendship and compact thus offered to him than by force And considering likewise that their demands were not unreasonable he thereupon not so willingly as wisely rather out of necessity than voluntarily granted to the Kentish men that they should live freely according to their antient Laws and Customes Whereupon there being a League made between William and the Kentishmen and Hostages given on both sides for performance of it they thereupon laid down their arms and the joyful Kenâ—ish men conducted the joyous Normans to Rochester where they resigned up to Duke William both the County of Kent and noble Castle of Dover And thus the antient Liberty Laws Usage and Custom of the English called Gavelkind in the municipal English Laws which was frequently and equally used throughout the whole Realm of England before the comming of Duke William afterward taken from others continued more inviolable even till these our dayes in Kent alone by the industry courage intercession and earnest vehemency of Stigand and Egelsine Which thing is sufficiently proved out of antient Writings concerning the customs of Kent wherein it is thus recorded Dicit Comitatus quod in Comitatu isto de jure debâ—t de ejusmodi gravamine esse liber quia dicit quod â—omâ—tatâ—s iste ut residuum Angliae nunquam fuit Conquestus sed per pacem factam se reddidit Conquestioris dominationi Salvis sibi omnibus Libertatibus suis et liberis consuâ—tudibus primo habitis et usitatis And from this valour and prowesse of the Kentishmen in standing thus manfully for the Laws Cnstoms and Liberties of their Country both against Duke William and the Danes before him when as the other English basely submitted their necks to their Vassalage they first obtained and for many years after claimed enjoyed this special priviledge That in all Armies and Baâ—taliaes of the English they had the honour of the Van and foreward and were worthily placed in the front in all conflicts with the Enemy they above all other Englishmen retaining still the badges of their antieut worthinesse and Liberty Duke William having thus rather reconciled than subdued Kent to
since his reign yet that neither did nor could make him a King by conquest only no more than these other Princes seeing the end of this warr was not against the whole English Nation the greatest part whereof secretly abbetted his interest but only against the unjust Usurper and Intruder King Harold and his adherâ—nts not to create a Title to the Realm by his and their Conquest but to remove a Uâ—surper who invaded it without and against all right and to gain the actual possession thereof by armsâ— from which he was unjustly withheld by force against those pretended lawfull Titles which he made So that he got not the Right Title but only the actual possession of the Crown by his Sword not as a universal Conqueror of the Realm without right or Title but as if he had been immediate heir and lawfull Successour to the Confessor who designed him to succeed him For â—uller confirmation whereof I shall here subjoin these ensuing proofs 1. King William himself at his very Coronation in London as Mr Cambden informs us said That the kingdom was by Gods providence appointed and by vertue of a gift from his Lord and Cosen King Edward the glorious granted unto him and that this most bounteous King Edward had by adoption ordained him his hâ—ir in the kingdom of England 2ly In his Charter to the Church of Westminstâ—r he resolves as much in direct terms where he recites In ore gladii Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum devictâ— Haroldo rege Cum suis complicibus qui mihi Regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum bâ—neficio concessionis Domini Cognati mei gloriosi Edwardi CONCESSUM conati sunt auferre c. So that his Title was from Edward though his possession by the sword 3ly In the very Title of his Laws published in the 4th year of his reign which he was so far from altering that he both by Oath and Act of Parliament ratified confirmed all the Laws and Customs of the Realm used in the Confessors time and before presented by a Grand Enquest unto him out of every County of England upon Oath without any alteration praevarication or diminution he stiles himself or is stiled by the Collector of these Laws HEIR AND COSEN TO Edward the Confessor even in the ancient Manuscript which Sir Henry Spelman hath published Incipiunt Leges S. Edwardi Regis quas in Anglia tenuit quas WILLIELMUS HAERES cognatus suus POSTEA CONFIRMAVIT To which I shall likewise subjoyn the words of the Charter of his Sonn King Henry the 1. Anno 1108. translating the Abbey of Ely into a Bishoprick wherein he gives his Father William the self-same Title Ego Henricus providente divina clementia Rex Anglorum Normannorum Dux Willielmi magni Regis filius â— QUI EDWARDO REGI HAEREDITARIO JURE SUCCESCIT Iâ— REGNUM renouncing all Title by conquest and claiming only as Heir to King Edward by Hereditary right 4ly Earl William himself in none of his Charters Writs Speeches Writings ever stiled himself a Conquerour of England nor laid claim to the Crown and Realm of England by Conquest after his inauguration which Title of Conqueror was afterwards out of the flattery or ignorance of the times given unto him by others Therefore the words which the History of St. Stephens in Caen in Normandy reports he used at his last breath The Regal Diadem which none of my Predecessors ever wore I got and gained by the Grace of God only I ordain no man heir of the Kingdom of England which all our Historians unanimously contradict affirming that he ordained VVilliam Rufus his second son particularly to succeed him in it at his death upon which Title only he enjoyed it but I commend the same to the eternal Creator whose I am in whose hands are all things For I became not possessor of so great honour by any hereditary right but by an humble conflict and with much effusion of blood I took it from the perjured King Harold and after I had either slain or put to flight his favourits and Servants I subdued the kingdom to my self must either be reputed false and fabulous as most esteem them or else have this construction that he gained the actuall possession of it against Harold and his adherents only by the Sword and that he had not an hereditary right thereto as next heir by descent to the Crown but only by adoâ—tion from and as heir by donation to King Edward as next of kin by the Mothers side which he made his only Title 5ly Those antient English Historians who first gave him the name of Conquerour did it not in a strict proper sence as if he were a meer universal Conquerour of the Nation disposing of all mens Estates persons and the Laws of the Realm at his pleasure for that he never did but only as one who gained the actual possession thereof from a perjured Usurper and his forces by strength of arms conquering them by open battel in the field but still claiming it by gift conâ—ract and designation from King Edward as his Kinsman as an heir who forcibly outs a disâ—eisor and intruder comes in by Tiâ—le and Inheritance only though he gains the possession by force This is evident by the forecited words of Mathew Paris and this passage of Henry de Knyghton not extant in Hygden out of whom he seems to transcribe it Et sic quia Normannus Iure haereditatis tenuit Normanniae Ducatum ideo Dux Regnum vero Angliae mero Conquestuâ— in respect of actual possession et clameo subscripto in respect of Title by claim by gift from King Edward Ideo Rex which claim and Title being backed by the unanimous election of the Prelates Clergy Nobilityâ— People and right heir to the Crown himself who all submitted and sware homage fealty and allegiance to him as their lawfull Kingâ— infallibly demonstrate him to be no Conquerour in respect of Title in a strict legal military sense even in the judgement of those antient and modern Historians who give him that Title but only in regard of Harold and his party and the actual possession which he got by conquest And in this sense alone is that Distick in the Chronicle of Bromton to be understood Dux Normannorum Willielmus vi validorum Rex est Anglorum Bello Conquestor eorum 6ly Our Great Antiquary Richard Vestegan in his Restitutions of dâ—cayed Aâ—tiquities learned Mr. Iohn Selden in his Review of the Hist. of Tithes p. 482 483. Sir Iohn Hayward in the liâ—e of King VVilliâ—m the first Mr. Nathaniel Bacon in his first part of his Historical Discoursâ— of the uniformity of the Governmeâ—t of England chap. 44 45 46 55 56. to omit others most fully prove and assert That the entry of William the first into the royal Government of England neither was nor properly could be by Conquest but by Title and by the free
election of the Nobles Clergy and People That although the several Titles he Pretended were perhaps if curiously examined not sufficient to give him a true legal Title and Right to the Crown of England à parte ante because not agreed unto and confirmed by the general consent of the Nobles Kingdom and Nation in a Parliamentary Great Council but only by the King and some particular Prelates and Nobles out of Parliament as Harold in his answers alleged yet being ratified ex parte post both by the subsâ—quent consent agreement submission election Oath homage and fealty of all the people Nobles Clergy by their legal free crowning of him aâ— first by Edgar Atheling his own submission fealty and resignation of his royal right and Title thereby unâ—o him and ratified by succeeding Parliamentary Councils it became an inâ—uhitable Right and Title both in Law and Iustice to him and his Posterity against all others who could lay no legaller Title thereunto he continuing confirming all the antient fundamental Laws Liberties Customs and Government of the English Nation without any alteration both by Oaths and Edicts I shal therefore conclude this point with the words of Shard a learned Lawyer in King Edward the third his reign who when the Kings Counsel in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough would have made a Charter of king Edgar void because they allegedâ— all Franchises were devolved to the Crown by the Conquest replyed thereâ—o The Conquerour came not at all to â—ut any who had lawfull possession out of their rights but to dispossess those who by their wrong had seised upon any land in dis-inherison of the King and his Crown And with the words of our judicious Hiâ—â—orian Sa. Daniel concerning this king VVilliam Neither did he â—ver claim any power by conquest but as a regular Prince submitted himself to the orders of the Kingdom desiring to have his Testamentary Title howsoever weak to make good his succession rather than his sword And though the stile of Conqueror by the flattery of the time was after given him he shewed by all the course of his Government he assumed it not introducing none of those Alterations which followed by violence but by a mild gathering upon the disposition of the State and the occasions offered and that by way of reformation And although Sir Hen. VVotton gives this verdict of them VVe do commonly and justly stile him the Conquerour For he made a general conquest of tâ—e â—â—ole Kingdom and People either by Composition or Armes c. Yet he addes He was Crowned on Christmas day 1066. at which time he would fain have compounded a Civil Title of I know not what Alliance or Adoption or rather Donation from Edward the Confessor As if hereditarie kingdoms did pass like Newyears gifts The truth is he was the heir of his Sword Yet from these pretences howsoever there sprang this good That he was thereby in a sorting aged to cast his Government into a middle or mixed nature as it were between a lawfull successor and an Invader though generally as all new Empires do savour much of their beginning it had more of the Violent than of the Legal If any domineering Souldiers or others upon this false surmise of Duke VVilliams right to the Crown and Realm of England by meer conquest â— shall henceforth presume to claim and exercise a meer arbitrary absolute tyrannical and despotical power over our English Nation Laws Liberties Parliaments Estates Persons as over a meer conquered Nation against all Commissions Trusts Oaths Engagements Declarations and the rules both of Law and War it self being raiâ—ed waged commissioned only to defend and preserve us from conquest by the opposite party Let them know that they are far greater worser Enemies to their own Native Country than this Norman Duke or any of our former British Saxon Danish Norman or English Kings who never claimed the Crown by meer conquest in any age but only by some real or pretended Title of Inheritance or at least by a free and general election both of the Nobility Clergy and people as this King William did From the former Historical Passages concerning Harold Tosti Duke William and the Kentishmen I shall deduce these legal Observations 1. That no Tax Subsidie or Imposition whatsoever could in that age be imposed on the English or Norman Subjects by their Kings or Dukes but by their common consentâ— in their Parliamentary Councils where they were denied when inconvenient to the publike as well as granted when convenient 2. That no English or Norman Subjects were then obliged to aid and assist their Soveraigns with their persons arms estates or subsidies granted in any foreign invasive war but only left free to contribute what private assistance they thought fit in such cases 3. That no publike wars in that age were ever undertaken but by common advice and consent in great Parliamentary Councils 4. That the Kings of England in that age however they came to the Crown by right or wrong held it both their bounden duty interest safety to defend and preserve the Laws Rights Liberties of the Church and people to enact and maintain good Laws and abolish all evill Laws Rapines Exactions Tributes and to govern them justly according to their Coronation Oaths and not arbitrarily or tyrannically according to their pleasures 5. That no Freemen in that age could be justly imprisoned banished or put to death but for some hainous misdemeanors and that by a legal trial and conviction 6. That the Subjects of England then held it their bounden duties in times of forein invasion to defend the Realm their Lives Liberties Properties both by Land and Sea against forein Enemies yet they held themselves dis-obliged and were generally averse to defend the person or Title of any Usurper of the Crown against any forein Prince or other Person who had a better right and title to it 7. That our English Ancestors in that age esteemed their hereditary Liberties good antient Laws and Customs more dear and pretious to them than their very lives and would rather die fighting for their Laws and Liberties like freemen than live under slavery or bondage to any Soveraign whatsoever 8. That the Kings of England in that age could neither give away nor legally dispose of their Crowns Kingdoms or Crown Lands to others without the privity and free consent of their Nobles and Kingdom in general Parliamentary Council as is evident by Harolds answers to VVilliams Embassadours the recited passage of Matthew Paris upon that occasion and this of Samuel Daniel p. 34. So much was done either by King Edward or Harold though neither act if any such were was of power to prejudice the State or alter the course of right succession as gave the Duke a colour to claim the Crown by a donation made by Testament which being against the Law and Custom of the Kingdom could be of no validity
at all For tâ—e Crown of England being held not as patrimonial but in succession by remotion which is a succeeding to anothers place it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositive and Testamentary Will the right descending to the next of blood only by the Laws and Custom of the Kingdom For the successor is not saâ—d to be the Heir of the King but of the Kingdom which makes him so and cannot be put from it by any Act of his Predecessors 9. That the Nobilities Clergies and peoples free-Election hath been usually most endeavoured and sought aâ—ter by our Kings â—especially Intruders as their best and surest Title To these Legal I shall only subjoyn some Political and Theological Observations naturally flowing from the premised Histories of King Edward Harold and William not unsuitable to nor unseasonable for the most serious thoughts and saddest contemplations of the present age considering the revolutions and postures of our publike affairs 1. That it is very unsafe and perillous for Princes or States to intrust the Military and Civil power of the Realm in the hands of any one potent ambitious or covetous person who will be apt to abuse them to the peoples oppression the kingdoms perturbation and his Sovereigns affront or danger as is evident by Earl Godwin and his Sons 2. That devout pious soft-natured Princes are aptest to be abused and their people to be oppressed by evil Officers 3. That it is very dangerous and pernicious to heditary kingdoms for their King to die without any certain known and declared right Heirs or Successors to their Crowns yea an occasion of many wars and revolutions as is evident by King Edwards death without iâ—sue or declared right heir 4. That right heirs to Crowns who are of tender years weak judgement or impotent in Frienâ—s and Purse are easily and frequently put by their rights by bold active and powerfull Intruders as Edgar Atheling was both by Haroâ—d and William successively Yet this is remarkable in both these Invaders of his royal Right 1. That Harold who first dethroned him to make him some kind of recompence and please the Nobles of his party created Edgar Earl of Oxford and held him in special favour 2 ly That King Willam the first to whom he submitted himself and did homage and fealty used him very honourably and entertained him in his Court not only at first buâ— even after he had twice taken up armes against him joyning first with the English Nobilitie then with the Danes and Scots against his interest For Edgar coming to him into Normandy Anno 1066. out of Scotland where he lived some years where nihil ad praesens commodi nihil ad futurum spei praeter quotidianam stipem nactus esset he not only pardoned his fore-past offences but magno donativo donatus est pluribusque annis in Curia manens Libram Argenti quotidie in stipendio accipiebat writes Malmesb. receiving a great donaâ—iâ—e from him and a pound of silver for a stipend every day and continuing many years in his Court. After which Anno 1089. He went into Apulia to the Holy wars by King Williams licence with 200 Souldiers and many Ships whence returning after the death of Robert son of Godwin and the loss of his best Souldiers he received many benefits from the Emperours both of Greece and Germany who endeavoured to retain him in their Courts for the greatness of his birth but he contemning all their proffers out of a desire to enjoy his Native Country returned into England and there lived all Kings Williams reign In the year 1091. Wil. Rufus going into Normandy to take it by force from his brother Robert deprived Edgar of the honour which his Brother with whom he sided had conferred upon him and banished him out of Normandy whereupon he went into Scotland where by his means a peace being made between VVilliam Rufus and Malcholm king of Scots he was again reconciled to Edgar by Earl Roberts means returned into England being in so great favour with the king that in the year 1097. He sent him into Scotland with an Army Ut in ea consobrinum suum Eadgarum Malcholmi Regis filium patruo suo Dufenoldo qui regnum invaserat expulso Regem constitueret Whence returning into England he lived there till after the reign of king Henry the first betaking himself in his old age to a retired life in the Country as Malmesbury thus records Angliam rediit ubi diverso fortunae ludioro rotatus nunc remotus tacitus canos suo in agro consumit Where most probably he died in peace since I find no mention of his death No less than 4 successive kings permitting this right heir to their Crowns to live both in their Courts and Kingdom of England in peace and security such waâ— the Christian Generosity Charity and Piety of that age without reputing it High Treason for any to relieve or converse with him as the Charity of some Saints in this Iron age would have adjudged it had they lived in those times who have quite forgotten this Gospel Lesson of our Savior they then practised But I say unto you love your Enemies do good to those that hate you c. Wherefore if thine enemy huâ—ger give him meat if he thirst give him drink c. Bâ— not overcome of evil but overcome evil with goodness 5. That base carnal fears and cowardize oft cause both Prelates Nobles and People to desert their own best interest and lawfull Princes and to act vote and submit to meer unrighteous Usurpers against their primitive resolutions judgements Consciences as here in the case of Edgar and Rich. 3. since 6. That Generals puffed up with victorious successes and having the command of the Land and Sea Forces in their power are apt to aspire after the royal Crown and Soveraignty and forcibly to usurp it upon the next occasionâ— even with the disinheriting of the right heir and hazard of the whole Realm of which Harold is a most pregnant example 7. That ambitious aspirers after the royal Crown and Throne will make no conscience to violate all sacred and civil Oathes Obligations Contracts and find out any evasions to elude them rather than goe without themâ— or part with them when injuriously usurped â—y them and will adventure to crown themselves with their own hands than not wear the Diadem witnesse Harold 8. That Usurpers of Crowns without right though they Court the people with Coronation Oaths and fair promises of good Laws Liberty Immunity from all Taxes and Grievances yet usually prove the greatest Tyrants and Oppressors to them of all others as Harold and William in some sort did That Invaders of Crowns and Soveraign power without any right title or colour of Justice being once in possession will never part with them to those who have better right upon any verbal Treaties but rather
Guthurn the Dane reconfirmed the Civil and Ecclesiastical Laws formerly made and ratified by his Father King Alfred and Guthurn But Guthurn dying in the year 890 full eleven years before this Edward was king could not possibly ratifie these Laws at the time of this Accord being 16 years after his decease as the Title and Prologue to those Laws in Mr. Lambard and Spelman erroneously affirm wherefore I conceive that this confirmation of these Laws was rather made in the year 921. when all our Historians record that after king Edward Anno 910. had sent an army into Northumberland against the perfidious and rebellious Danes slain and taken many of them Prisoners and miserably wasted their Country for 4 days space for breaking their former Agreement with him after his Sister Aegelfled An. 919. had forced the Danes at York to agree and swear that they would submit to her and her Brothers pleasure in all things and after Edward had vanquished the other Danes Scotch and Welsh in many Battles thereupon in the year 921. the king of Scots with alâ— his Nation Stredded king of Wales with all his people et Regnaldus or Reginaldus Reginald King of the Danes with all the English and Danes inhabiting Northumberland of which Reginald then was King comming to King Edward An. 921. submitted themselves unto him elected him for their Father and Lord and made a firm Covenant with him â— And therefore I conjecture that Guthurnus in the Title and Preface of these Laws is either mistaken or else mis-written for Reginaldus then King of these Northern Danes who had no King in the year 906 that I can read of in our Historians Abbot Ethelred gives this Encomium of this Kings transcendent modesty and justice Rex Edwardus vir mansuetus et pius omnibus amabilis et affabilis adeò omnium in se provocabat affectum ut Scotti Cumbri Walenses Northumbri et qui remanserant Daci eum non tà m in Dominum ac Regem quam in Patrem eum omni devotione eligerent Tanta dehinc Modestia regebat Subditos tanta Justitia inter proximum et proximum iudicabat ut contra veritatem non dico nihil velle sed nec posse videretur unde fertur quibusdam iratus dixisse dico vobis si possem vicem vobis redidissem Quid non posset Rex iu Subditos Dominus in Servos Potens in infirmos Dux in milites Sed quicquid non dictabat aequitas quicquid veritati repugnabat quicquid non permittebat Justitia quicquid Regiam mansuetudinem non decebat Sibi credebat impossibile I wish all our modern domineering Grandees would imitate his presidential Royal Example Yet I read of one injurious Act done by him After the decease of his renowned Sister Elfleda Queen of Mercia Anno 920. he dis-inherited her only Daughter Alfwen or Elwyn his own Neece of the Dominion of all Mercia who held that Kingdom after her Mother seising and Garrisoning Tamesworth and Nottingham first and then disseising her of all Mercia uniting it to his own Realms and removing her thence into West-Sex Magis â—eurans an utilitâ—r vel inutilitèr Quan an justè vel injustâ— Writes Henry Huntingâ—oâ— which inâ—rious action Si violanda sit fides regni caâ—sâ violandae will not excuse The Chronicle of Bromton records that King Edward as he inlarged the bounds of his Kingdom more than his Father So Leges condidit he likewise made Laws to goveâ—n it which are there registred to Posterity in two parcels as made at several times but in what year of his Reign this was it informs us not The first of these Laws declaring his zeal to publick Justice according to the Laws then in Force is this Edwardus Rex mandat et praecipit omnibus Praefectis et Amicis suis ut Justa â—udicia judicent quam rectiora possint Et in judicialâ— Libro stant â— nec parcant nec dissimulent â—pro aliquâ Re Populi Rectum et jus publicum recitaâ—e et unumquodque placitum terminum habeat quando peragatur quod tunc recitabitur The first Chapter of the second part of his Laws intimates that they were made by his Wâ—se men assembled in a Parliamentary Council at Exeter witness the contents thereof Edwardus Rex admonuit Omnes Sapientes quando fuerunt Exoniae ut investigarent simul et quaererent quomodo pax eorum melior esse possit quà m anteà fuit quia visumest ei quod hoc impletum sit aliter quam deceret et quam ante â—praecepisset Inquisivit itaque qui ad emendationem velint redire et in societate permanero quâ ipse sit et amare quod amat et nolle quod nolit in Mari in Terrâ Hoc est tunc Ne Quisquam rectum difforceat alicui Siquis hoc faciat emendet sicut supra dictum est In his first Laws then either made or rehearsed prima vice 30 s. secundâ fimilitèr ad tertiam vicem 120 s. Regi The last Chapter being the VIII in Bromtons translation but the XI in the Saxon Coppy is this Volo ut omnis Praepositus habeat Gemotum an Hundred Court semper ad quatuor hebdomadas et efficiat ut omnis homo rectum habeat et omne placitum capiat terminum quando perveniat ad finem Siquis hoc excipiat emendet sicut antè dictum est King Edward deceasing Aethelstan his eldest Son designed by his Fathers Will to succeed him was elected King at Winchester in the year 924. Magno Optimatum consensu et omnium favore and soâ—emnly Crowned at Kingston only one Alfred and some factious ones opposed his election pretending he was illegitimate and born of a Concubine whereupon they would have set up his Brotheâ— Edwin being legitimate and next heir as they pretended whom the Generality of the Nobles rejected nondum ad regnandum propter teneros Annos Idonâ—o Aethelstan after his Coronation knowing his Brother to be born in lawfull Matrimony and fearing Ne per ipsum quandoque Regni solio privaretur lest he should be some time or other deprived of his kingdom by him hated him extremely and at the sollicitation of some Parasites whereof his Cup-bearer was the chief to be rid of him and this his fear he caused young Edwin attended only with one Page to be put into an old broken Boat in the midst of the Sea without Sail Oare or Pilate that so his death might be imputed to the waves out off which Boat the young Prince in discontent cast himself head-long into the Sea or rather the Page threw him head-long over-board and so was he drownedâ— But the Page recovering his body by rowing with his hands and feet brought it to Land where it was inâ—erred The King was hereat so â—roubed with a real or feigned contrition for this barbarous bloudy fact that he did seven years voluntary penance for this his fratricide and adjudged his Cup-bearer to