their Ensample others shuld the more perseverantly enforce themselves to use their Tyme in honourable Wirkes and vertuose Dedes to purchase and get the Renoume of auncient Noblesse not onely for themselves but also for ther Lynge and Posteritie of theym descended according to ther Demerits and valiaunt Actions to be taken furth and reputed among al Nobylls and Gentylls And albeyt Iohn Smythe of Walden in the Countie of Essex is descended of honest Lignage and all his Auncestors and Predecessours hath long continued in Nobylite and beryng Armes lawful and convenyent Yet nevertheless he beyng uncertayne thereof and not willyng to do any thing prejudicial to no manner of Person hath requyred and instantlie desyred me the foresaid Garter to ratifie and confirme unto him and also to Register in my Recorde the true Armes and Blazon of his seyd Auncestours And therefore I the foreseyd Garter by Vertue Power and Authorite of myne Office as Principal King of Armes granted annexed and attributed by the King our Soveraign Lord have appointed and confirmed unto the seyd Iohn Smythe thesse Armes and Crest with thappurtenances hereafter following Viz. Sables a Fece dauncye betwixt III Lyonceux Regardant Argent Langes Goules Pawsing with their lyft Pawes upon an Awlter Gold Flaming and Bourning thereon Upon the Fece IX Bellets of his Felde Upon his Crest an Eagle rysing Sables holding in his Right Cley a Pen Argent Issuing thereout Flames of Fyer Set upon a Wreath Argent and Azure Mantelles Goules Lined Argent Botoned Gold To have and to hold to the same Iohn Smythe and to his Posteryte with other due Difference therin to be revested to his Honour for ever In wytnes hereof I the â—oresevd Garter Principal King of Aâ—mes as aâ—oâ—â—seyd hath signed these Preseâ—◠〈◊〉 mine own Hand and thereunto hath 〈◊〉 the Seal of my Office and also the Seal of mine Armes â—even at London the xii day of March in the yere of our Lord God MV cXLV and in the XXXV yere of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord King Henry VIII by the Grace of God King of England France and Ireland Defendour of the Faith and in Erthe of the Church of England and Ireland Supreme Head Cb. alias Gartier Num. III. Sir Thomas Smith's Orations for and against the Queens Marriage I. Agamus or Wedspite This Oration for the Queens single Life ALTHO' I know saith he that I speak now first at a great Disadvantage as to such as have their Tongues at Wil their Wits fresh and be good Confuters as I have known them by experience in the Parliament House that whatsoever I shall say they can with Words make that it shall appear quite overthrown and dashed in pieces Yet because I my self would gladly learn whether I be in a right Opinion or no and hear either my Opinion weakned or thother strengthned with good Reasons that I may by comparing th one with thother know my Error which I could never yet do I am content to speak first I pray you that do note my Opinion so strange a while suspend your Judgments of me until you have heard al my Reasons which moveth me to take this part First I say that in this Matter either we must have respect to God to the Prince her Self or to the Commonwealth or rather to al these For as for vain Talk of the People and the common Opinion of every Man in this our Disputation I think little regard to be had to them For neither I speak in Pulpit before all Rascalls that cometh nor I do reason with such as I must needs say as they say or else hold my Peace but with them who wil look to have no further Credit to be given to their Authority and Mind than just Reason doth require And therefore to Godwards yee must needs confes that Virginity is above Matrimony which Christ himself being our Head King and Master did follow And St. Paul allowing both th one and thother Marriage I mean and the Sole Life yet preferreth the sole Life far above Matrimony And I cannot see that he maketh any Distinction or Difference whether they be Men or Women Young or Old Princes or Subjects Rulers or private Persons but as in Bondage or Freedom whether it be of Men or Women Young or Old he preferreth Liberty not excluding Bondage from the Gospel So doth he rather allow and exhort unto and wish thaâ— Men would chuse and take hold of Virginity and sole Life rather than Marriage with such Elogium as would seem slanderous iâ— it were not of his speaking The Virgin saith he and single Man have care how they should â—lease God The married Woman hath chosen infinite ways the worse Person to be pleased and the sole Woman the better Wherefore as I did say at the beginning to define what is good and most for the Queen if we shall try it by the best truest and more sure Ballance that is to Godwards St. Paul seemeth to be with me and the example of Christ himself and his most happy Mother St. Iohn Baptist and other the Heads of our Christian Religion who ensued that kind of Life as best and most acceptable to Godwards You see I do not bring you Histories of certain Emperors and Empresses Kings and Queens married who notwithstanding their Marriage yet lived continently lest perhaps you should doubt of the Truth of the History Or if the History were true yet of the Perfection and Sincerities of the Persons Or whether therin they pleased God altho it liked them best Nor yet I bring in that infinite number of Names of Virgins and Widdows which at the very Beginning of Christs Religion professed and kept Chastity as a thing whereby they thought most to please God and made their choice of that as of the most godly Life Lest peradventure with the evil Example again of the Nonns Monks and Friars of our Days who likewise have as holily vowed and yet so lewdly have and do keep the same you should have occasion to derogate Faith from all the rest but sincerely and plainly and of Principles most certain I have proved that to God the best most commendable and most allowable Life of these two is to be sole and chast It is hard ve will say in that Liberty Ease and Plenty of all things which Monarchy and Princely State doth bring to keep moderation and much more to keep Chastity Mary the harder the better and as the Greek Proverb is that which is laudable is hard to attain Ye be al learned and know Hesiods Verse What is that that men may take up by Heaps and case me by And how streit and hard a Path is left to creep to Vertue Wherefore when we speak of the Goodness of a thing or compare which of the Two is better the Hardness is no Objection but rather a Proof of the Goodness thereof And because I am yet in that Part which is to God-ward Why shall I go any further
these lusâ—y and couragious Knights Strangers Kings or Kings Sons to be their Husbands Men of another Countrey Language and Behaviour than theirs I would not wish her Majesty but her Highness's Enemies such Aid Help Honour Riches and Contentation of Mind as those Noble Women had of those Marriages by the Description of the Poets Therefore Sophonisba wife to Syphax was worthy Praise as a wise and stout Lady who was content to put her self into the hands of Masinissa For so much as he was a Numidian born in the same Country of Africa that she was But rather than she would come into the Power and Hand of the Romans being to her Strangers the chose with a Draught of Poison to rid her self both from her Life and from her Care Well I had rather in this Matter Bene ominari And therefore I will bring no more Examples out of Histories as ye know well enough I can of the Successes of such Marriages But well I wot our Country by all Likelihood rather desireth that her Highness had one of this Realm than a Stranger It is not long ago Once there was a Stir for that Matter that cost a good Sort of Gentlemâ—ns Lives Do I forget think you what argument of Authority you used against my Friend here Mr. Spitewedd Do you then remember the Motion of our Speaker and the â—equest of the Commons House what they did and could have moved then and how they ran all one way like the Hounds after the Hare High and Low Knights and Esquires Citizens and â—argesses â—eeâ— as were of the Privy Council and others far and near Whom preferred they I pray you then if they should have had their Wish The Stranger or the English man And think you they did not consider her Majesty's Honour as well as you Do you suppose that they knew not as well what was Disparagement as you Whose Judgments if you would have to be esteemed so much as appears in your Argument you would and as I think you will even now Subscribe unto this Matter is concluded and your Disparagement is gone And where you said that the Marriage within the Realm should bring in Envy Strife Contention and Debate and for to prove the same you shew forth the Marriage that King Edward IV. made with the Lady Katharine Grey wherein followed such Dissension Cruelty Murther and Destruction of the Young Prince and his Brother the sequel I grant Mary if you do consider the Matter well ye do alledge Non Causam tanquam Causam As for the Stomach and Grief of the Earl of Warwick against the King I think indeed that Marriage was the Cause Not because the Queen was an English Woman but because the King having sent the Earl as his Ambassadour to conclude a Marriage for him Which the King did afterward refuse to accomplish And this the Earl thought not only to touch the Kings Honour but also his and fought therefore the Revenging Which he would as well have done and he had the same Cause if he had concluded it in England and after the King refused it So that it was not the Place or Person but the breaking of the Promise and disavouching of his Ambassage and the touching of the Earls Honour herein that made the strife between the Earl and the King For the rest for the Beheading of the Earl Rivers and others the Marriage was not the Cause but the Devilish Ambition of the Duke of Glâ—cester and the Duke of Buckingham Which may appear by the sequel For the one rested not till he had the Crown nor the other till he lost his Head And I pray you what Kin was the Lord Hastings to the Queen And yet he lost his Head even then King Henry VI. Married in France And did not that Marriage make Dissension enough in England And for all that the Queen was a French Woman was not her Husband and her Son by the Desire of the Crown which the Duke of York had both bereaved of their Crown and Lives So that you see that neither Marriage within the Realm maketh these Mischiefs nor yet the Marriages without can let them but Wisdom Foresight and good Governance and chiefly the Aid and Grace of God But it is a great thing to be considered the Riches Power and Strength which shall be by Marriage of a Foreign Prince as well for the Establishment and well keeping of her Highness against Insurrections and Conspiracies which might chance here within the Realm and for Invasions War Battle to be made by or against Princes abroad and without the Realm And here you seem to triumph as tho' all were yours and as tho' it were a thing clear and without all Controversie But I pray you let us weigh this Matter Do you think so much Riches and so much strength gotten unto the Realm when she shall Marry a Foreign Prince Do you praise so much Queen Mary for Marrying King Philip Indeed he is a Prince as you say as great in Birth and Possession as any Christian Prince is at this day But what was England the better for his Marriage We kept Calais above Two Hundred and odd Years in the French Ground in despight of all the French Kings which have been since that Time in all the Civil Wars and the most pernicious Dissension that ever was either in King Henry IV. Henry VI. Richard III. or King Henry VII their times And in King Henry VIII his Time we wan also Boloign and Boloignois And did the Encrease of Strength in his Marriage make us to lose in this Time I do assure you for my Part I never saw nor I think if I should have lived this Five Hundred Years heretofore past I should not have seen at any time England weaker in Strength Men Money and Riches than it was in the Time when we wrote King Philip and Queen Mary King and Queen of so many Kingdoms Dukedoms Marchionats and Countries c. For all those jolly Titles our Hearts our Joy our Comfort was gone As much Affectionate as you note me to be to my Country and Countrymen I assure you I was then ashamed of both They went to the Musters with Kerchiefs on their Heads They went to the Wars hanging down their Looks They came from thence as men dismayed and forelorn They went about their Matters as men amazed that wist not where to begin or end And what marvel was it as my Friend Mr. Agamus saith Here was nothing but Fining Heading Hanging Quartering and Burning Taxing Levying and Pulling down of Bulwarks at home and beggering and loosing our Strong Holds abroad A few Priests men in White Rochets ruled all Who with setting up of Six foot Roods and rebuilding of Rood-lofts thought to make all Cock-sure And is this the surety we shall look for the Defence we shall find the Aid we shall hope of if the Queen's Majesty take a Foreign Prince to her Husband And what Decay came at that Time
For that which I had before learned by Fame only and Hearsay of your Wisdom being then present I understood by Experience and that your Lordship was indued not only with very great Skill and Insight in the weighty Affairs of State but also in these light and literary Controversies with an incredible sharpness and an excellent Facility and Plenty joined with a wonderful Obligingness while you are disputing and arguing c. He concludes his Letter with a Protestation of intire Obedience to his Lordship's Order however he should determine for or against his Desire and that he would submit to his Authority being the Authority of a Reverend Prelate and a very Learned Chancellor From hence I date the Respect and Love Smith gained with this Bishop This must be Remembered to this Bishops Commendation among the many evil Things that asperse and blacken his Name to this Day Nor must the like favour or a greater be forgotten by him shewn to such another Learned and grave Protestant Friend and Contemporary with Smith I mean Roger Ascham which I must have leave to mention here Whom the Bishop of Winchester did not only spare but called to Court and preferred to be Secretary of the Latin Tongue to Queen Mary Whom for his Learning in the Languages and incomparable faculty of a clean Stile and beautififul Writing he greatly loved and obliged with many Benefits And when Sir Francis Englefield Master of the Wards and Liveries a fierce Papist had often cried out upon Ascham to the Bishop as an Heretick and sit to be rejected and punished as such he never would hearken to him either to punish him or remove him from his Place Thus Lived two excellent Protestants under the Wings as it were of the Sworn Enemy and Destroyer of Protestants Ascham and Smith to whom we now return again Nay and bloody Boner who had a personal Pique against him since the last Reign as was shewn before let him alone tho' he were in his Diocess admiring the Man and dissembling his Anger Nee Bonerus eum non admiratus amici Vultum hominis tantas inter simulaverat iras But tho' he thus escaped this Man yet another of his Name who was also a Retainer to him at Eaton when Provost there fell into his Hands whom he left not till he had reduced him into Ashes Namely Robert Smith who was burnt at Uxbridge in the Year 1555. This Robert belonged to the Church of Winsor and had a Clerkship there of 10 l. a Year Of Stature he was tall and slender active and very ingenious for many Things chiefly delighting in the Art of Painting which for his Minds-sake rather than for a Living or Gain he practised and exercised He was smart and quick in Conversation and fervent in Religion wherein he was confirmed by the Preachings and Readings of Mr. Turner Canon of Windsor and others In his Examinations before Bishop Boner he spake readily and to the purpose and with no less Boldness and gave that Prelate his own He was also a good Poet according to the Poetry of those Times Some Pieces whereof remain in Fox's Monuments And his Parts and Elegancy of Stile as well as his Piety Godward may be judged of by his Sententious Letter to his Wife from Prison a little before his Death Which may be seen in Fox beginning Seek first to Love God Dear Wife with your whole Heart and then shall it be easie to Love your Neighbour Be friendly to all Creatures and especially to your own Soul Be always an Enemy to the Devil and the World but especially to your own Flesh. In hearing of good Things join the Ears and Heart together Seek Unity and Quietness with all Men but especially with your Conscience For he will not easily be entreated Hate the Sins that are past but especially those to come Be as ready to further your Enemy as he is to hinder you c. It was remarkable at his Death that his Body well night half burnt and all in a lump like a black Cole he suddenly rose upright and lifted up the stumps of his Arms and clapped the same together and so sunk down again and Died. And this was the more to be remarked because he had at the Stake said to those that stood about him that they should not think amiss of him or his Cause tho' he came to that End and that they would not doubt but his Body tho' so to be consumed presently to Ashes yet Dying in that Quarrel should rise again to Life everlasting and added that he doubted not God would shew some Token thereof Smith in these Days of Queen Mary was removed off the Stage of Action being now but a silent Stander by And here he saw the pitiful Burning of poor Men and Women for Religion the Marriage with Spain the Loss of Calais and the Reduction of the Kingdom to the lowest Ebb both in Wealth and Reputation that it had been in for some hundreds of Years before Which Things went close to his Heart and out of the Love he had to his native Country filled him with Vexation nay and shame to behold Hear his own Words reflecting upon these Times in one of his private Discourses framed in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign We kept Calais 200 Years and odd in the French Ground in spight of all the French Kings which have been since that Time in all the Civil Wars and the most pernicious Dissensions that ever were either in King Henry the Fourth the Sixth Richard the Third or Henry the Seventh their Times In King Henry the Eighth's Time we wan also to it Bouloign and Bouloignois I do assure you for my part if I may say what I think I question if I should have lived through Five hundred Years heretofore past I should have seen England at any time weaker in Strength Men Money and Riches than it was in the time when we wrote King Philip and Queen Mary King and Queen of so many Kingdoms Dukedoms Marchionates For all those wily Titles our Hearts our Joy our Comfort was gone As much affectionate as you note me to be to my Country and Countrymen I assure you I was then ashamed of both What decay came that Time to the substance of the Realm and Riches both publick and private it should be no less Pity than needless to tell I am sorry I can retrieve so little of this worthy Man during these five Years of Queen Mary which he spent in Leisure and Retirement However I have retrieved a Paper wrote by him in the Year 1557. that deserves here to be set down Intitled Advertisements and Counsels very necessary for all Noblemen and Counsellors gathered out of divers Authors both Italian and Spanish 1. TEll not all that you think nor shew all that you have nor take all that you desire nor say all that you know nor do all that you can For lightly shall
that the Matter of Religion should be contained therein To which Smith replied That that could not be and that no general Words could contain it if the Party that was bound would say that it was against his Conscience or he meant it not To which the King said That he would write to the Queen his Sister with his own Hand what he meant as to that and that he would as well defend her even in that Cause as if it were exprest in Words and that which he said he would keep tho' he dyed for it But this King was a great Dissembler which our Ambassador probably knew well enough but gave him this discreet Answer That for him he thought no less and he was sure the Queen his Mistress took him to be a faithful Prince and constant to his Words as any was Living But when they spake of Treaties they were not made in Words nor in such Letters missive but after another Authentical sort Sworn and Sealed Without which he could not he said for his part take it substantially and orderly done And besides that the Treaty was not Personal but Perpetual for him and his Successors And when the Queen-Mother would have shuffled off this and some other Articles saying That when Mareshal Montmorancy should be sent over into England from the French King to the Queen and the Earl of Leicester should come to that Court from the said Queen to see the League sworn by each Prince then all things should be done as the Queen should desire Smith answered That he knew the Fashion of Leagues And that it must be agreed upon between the Commissioners that no Words be altered then Subscribed with the Hands of both the Parties the French Commissioners delivering the Part Signed with their Hands to those of England and the Commissioners of England next to them Then the Prince causeth it to be made under the Great Seal of the Realm and so to be delivered to each others Ambassador And that he that came to see it Sworn to might make a new League if the Princes would but to alter that that was made he could not For the Princes were bound to Ratify and Swear to that on which the Commissioners were agreed And that it were not Wisdom as he added to send such Personages as they spake of to an uncertain League And he might consider that Queen Elizabeth his Mistress would not do it This Conference happened March the 1st 1571. After much Pains this Article and another about the Scotch Queen was agreed and Queen Elizabeth was only to give her consent to finish this happy and advantageous League And to excite the Queen hereunto Sir Thomas with Halsingham did freely give her advice to this Tenor That it was for the Assurance of her Person and Crown as she was a Prince lawful and natural and had a Crown Imperial And that she did it so by her Laws as God's Laws and Hers willed it to be done That foreign Princes that were her Friends would and must take it well and that such as were not would rather laugh at her and be glad of it if she did it not and when they should see Time take occasion to endanger her Majesty thereby The Queen soon after signified her Consent And so in the Month of April ensuing at Blois the League was concluded and signed the 18th or 19th Day Which according as Smith and his Collegue did conceive should be with as great Assurance and Defence of the Queen as ever was or could be the two Realms being so near and ready to defend her if it were required And in case Spain should threaten or shew ill Offices as it had of late done against the Queen's Safety it would be afraid hereafter so to do seeing such a Wall adjoyned as Smith wrote Which he therefore hoped would be the best League that ever was made with France or any other Nation for her Majesty's Surety His good Conceit he had of this League did further appear by what he wrote in another Letter soon after to the Lord Burghley That now it could not be said That her Majesty was altogether alone having so good a Defence of so Noble Couragious and so faithful a Prince of his Word but herein our Ambassador was mistaken in his Man none being so false of his Word and treacherous as he all covered over with most artificial Dissimulation and so near a Neighbour provided for and bespoken beforehand against any need Partly that and partly the Trouble in Flanders which he trusted God had provided to deliver his poor Servants there from the Antichristian Tyranny should make her Highness enjoy more quietly both England and Ireland and a better Neighbour of Scotland When Monsieur De Foix came to him and his Collegue with the Draught of the whole League in French which before was in Latin and the Matters that past Pro and Con which he said was that the King might understand it and had made a new Preface Smith did not much stick at it And acquainting the Secretary Cecil now Lord Burghley with it he opened to him the Reason of it I am old said he I love not much Talk and would fain be dispatched honestly homeward So the Effect be there indeed and our Queen not deceived I care for no more that done Smith loved to do his Business well and soundly and yet to knit it up with Brevity and Expedition Thus again when the French Deputy urged much in this Treaty the Scotch Queen that she might be sent safe home to her Country a thing which the English Ambassadors had order not to deal in by no means he began to amplify upon that in a long Oration But at the Conclusion Smith told him in short For all your Reason you must pardon me I know you are a good Rhetorician and you have Rhetorical Ornaments at will to make and so have I on the contrary side if I would bestow my Time in that sort We are the Queen's Majesty's Servants and we have shewed our Reasons so good that no Man could deny that we should not agree unto it While Smith was in this Country he was forced to follow the Court from Place to Place but it being Winter pinched him sore At Tholouse it almost cost him his Life and had made an End of him had it not been for Strong Waters which he used for his Stomach Morning and Evening At Blois where he remained after Candlemas he endured the greatest Cold that ever he felt and most continual And notwithstanding the Cordial Waters he used he was scarce able to resist the extream Cold of the Weather there being for thirty Days together continual Frost and Snow Neither was there Wood plenty nor good Chimneys for Fire And in his Bed-chamber he could make no Fire at all In this Embassy the League being concluded the Queen-Mother one Day in March Anno exeunte in the King's Garden at Blois
brake her Desire of a Marriage between Queen Elizabeth and her second Son the Duke D'Alenson asking Smith the Ambassador whether he knew how the Queen would fancy the Marriage with her said Son Madam said he you know of old except I have a sure ground I dare affirm nothing to your Majesty When she said again That if the Queen were disposed to Marry she saw not where she might Marry so well That as for those she had heard named as the Emperor's Son or Don Iohn of Austria they were both less than her Son and of less Stature by a good deal And if she would Marry it were pity any more Time were lost Smith liking well enough the Motion replied to this That if it pleased God that the Queen were Married and had a Child all these Brags and all these Treasons he meant of the Queen of Scots and her Party would soon be appalled And on condition she had a Child by Monsieur D'Alenson for his part he cared not if they had the Queen of Scots in France which was an Article propounded by the French King in the fore-mentioned Treaty but by no means allowed by the English Ambassadors For then he said they would be as careful and as jealous over her for the Queen of England's Surety as the Queen's Subjects or she her self was The Queen-Mother then subjoined That it was true and without this Marriage if she should Marry in another Place she could not see how this League and Amity could be so strong as it was Our Ambassador answered It was true the Knot of Blood and Marriage was a stronger Seal than that which was printed in Wax and lasted longer if God gave good Success But yet all Leagues had not Marriage joined with them as this might if it pleased God To which she joined her Wish and added That if it should so happen she would her self make a Start over and see the Queen the which of all things she most desired To which again the Ambassador said That if he had at that present as ample Commission as he had at the first for Monsieur D'Anjou the Matter should soon by God's Grace be at an End The Queen wisht he had And asked him If he should have such an one when he went into England whether he would not come again to execute it Yes Madam said he most gladly on so good an Intent I would pass again the Seas tho' I were never so Sick for it Another Day in the same Month of March the Queen-Mother met Smith the Ambassador in the same Garden and having Discourse concerning other Matters as of the Queen of England's danger from the Queen of Scots who now applied her self to Spain she thus brought in the Talk again of Marriage Asking him whether his Mistress did not see that she should be always in danger until she Married And that once done and that in some good House who dared attempt any thing against her Then said he he thought if she were once Married all in England that had any Traiterous Hearts would be discouraged For one Tree alone as he ingeniously explained the Matter may soon be cut down but when there be two or three together it is longer a doing And one shall watch for the other But if she had a Child then all these bold and troublesome Titles of the Scotch Queen or others that make such Gaping for her Death would be clean choaked up The Queen cryed merrily she saw she might have Five or Six very well Would to God said the Ambassador she had one No said she still merrily two Boys lest the one should die and three or four Daughters to make Alliance with us again and other Princes to strengthen the Realm Why then said Smith as jocularly you think that Monsieur Le Due shall speed With that she laughed and said she desired it infinitely And then she would trust to see threâ— or four at the least of her Race which would make her indeed not to spare Sea and Land to see her Majesty and them And if she could have fansied my Son D'Anjou said she as you told me why not this of the same House Father and Mother and as vigorous and lusty as he or rather more and now he beginneth to have a Beard come forth And as to his Stature she told the Ambassador that the said Duke her Son was as tall as himself or very near For that Matter said he again that for his part he made little account if the Queen's Majesty could fansy him Adding this Story That Pipin the Short Married Bertha the King of Almain's Daughter who was so little to her that he was standing in Aix in a Church there she taking him by the Hand and his Head not reaching to her Girdle And yet he had by her Charlemain the great Emperor and King of France who was reported to be almost a Gyant in Stature To which the Ambassador added the mention of Oliver Glesquin the Britain Constable which the French made so much of and lay buried among the Kings at St. Denys if he were no bigger than he was there pourtrayed upon his Tomb was very short scarce four Foot long But yet he was valiant hardy and courageous above all in his Time and did the English Men most hurt Thus ingeniously did Smith hold the Conference with the Queen-Mother But as to his Opinion of the Queen's Marriage wherein he perceived she was but backward and a Marriage he and the best Statesmen in those Times reckon'd the only Means for the Peace and Safety of the Queen and Kingdom against the Disturbances and Pretences of the Scotch Queen and her Friends the Ambassador was full of sad and uneasy Thoughts For so at this time he opened his Mind to the Lord Burghley That all the World did see that they wished her Majesty's Surety and long Continuance and that Marriage and the Issue of her Highness's Body should be the most Assurance of her Highness and of the Wealth of the Realm The Place and the Person for his part he remitted to her Majesty But what she meant to maintain still her Danger and not to provide for her Surety he assured his Lordship he could see no reason And so prayed God to preserve Her long to Reign by some unlookt for Miracle For he could not see by natural Reason that she went about to provide for it And soon after when Smith had sent Messages two or three for the Resolution of the English Court about the Marriage which the French were so earnest for and in great hopes of and no Answer came He lamented to the aforesaid Lord that he and his Collegue Walsingham could say nothing of it when they were asked And that they were sorry in their Hearts to see such uncertain so negligent and irresolute Provision for the safety of the Queen's Person and of her Reign Praying God Almighty of his Almighty and Miraculous Power to
have taken up their Seat in him And thus we see Smith re-enstated again in that Place which four and twenty Years ago he enjoyed under King Edward Smith now being Secretary and Walsingham Resident in the French Court and the matter of the Match for Duke D'Alenson and the Queen transacted earnestly this Year the main of this Matter went through Smith's Hands And thus it stood The French King and Queen-Mother and the Duke and that Court were extreamly eager for it and so was the English Nation too supposing it the best way for the Security of her Majesty and her Crown But the Queen her self was but cold in the Matter And when an Interview was moved between her and the Duke she refused to yield to it upon some Scruples Whereat Secretary Smith to set it forward that it might not be suspended on such a Point devised that the Duke should come over hither without the Ceremony of an Invitation For as he wrote to Walsingham in August he was sorry so good a Matter should upon so nice a Point be deferred Adding That one might say that the Lover would do little if he would not take pains once to see his Love but she must first say Yea before he saw her or she him Twenty Ways said he might be devised why he might come over and be welcome and possibly do more in an Hour than he might in two Years otherwise Cupido ille qui vincit omnia in oculos insidet ex oculis ejaculatur in oculos utriusque videndo non solum ut ait Poeta Faemina virum sed Vir faeminam What Force I pray you can Hear-say and I think and I trust do in comparison of that cum Praesens praesentem tuctur alloquitur furore forsitan amoris ductus amplectitur And saith to himself and openly that she may hear Tenâ—ne te mea an etiamnum somno volunt Faeminae videri cogi ad id quod maximè cupiunt If we be cold it is our Part Besides the Person the Sex requires it Why are you cold Is it not a Young Man's part to be Bold Couragious and to adventure If he should have a Repulse he should have but Honorificam Repulsam The worst that can be said of him is but a Phaeton Quam si non tenuit magnis tamen excidit Ausis Adding that so far as he could perceive this was the only Anchor this the Dye to be cast for us Or else nothing was to be lookt for but still and continual Dalliance and Doubtfulness so far as he could see Thus in his Royal Mistresses and the Nations Behalf he could talk and direct like a Master of Love This Device and Counsel I suppose was hinted to the French Court And it was not long but Duke D'Alenson accordingly came over to make his Address to the Queen The Parisian Massacre happening in August so treacherous and so inhumane that all the World stood amazed at it Secretary Smith abhorred and wrote his Thoughts of it in this following Letter to Walsingham then Ambassador there Sir this Accident in France seemeth to us so strange and beyond all Expectation that we cannot tell what to say to it And the Excuse tam Exilis so slender or fraudulent namely That the Hugonots had intended to have made some dangerous Disturbances in the Kingdom and therefore the King was forced to do this for his own safety that we wot not what to think of it The Matter appears all manner of ways so lamentable the King so suddenly and in one Day to have dispoiled himself and his Realm of so many notable Captains so many brave Soldiers so wise and so valiant Men as if they were unguilty of that which is laid unto them it is most pitiful If they were guilty Cur Mandati Causa damnati sunt ac caesi In such sudden and extream Dealings Cito sed sera Poenitentia solet sequi If it were sudden and not of long Time premeditated before And if so the worse and more infamous Thus you see what privately any Man may think of this Fact I am glad yet that in these Tumults and bloody Proscriptions you did Escape and the young Gentlemen that be there with you and that the King had so great Care and Pity of our Nation so lately with strait Amity Confederate with him Yet we hear say that he that was sent by my Lord Chamberlain to be School-master to young Wharton bâ—ing come the Day before was then slain Alas he was acquainted with no body nor could be partaker of any evil Dâ—â—ling How fearful and careful the Mothers and Parents be here of such young Gentlemen as be there you may easily guess by my Lady Lane who prayeth very earnestly that her Son may be sâ—nt home with as much speed as may be And if my Lady your Wife with your Daughter and the rest with such as may be spared were sent away home until this Rage and Tempest were somewhat appeased you shall be the quieter and disburthened of much of your Care You would not think how much we are desirous to hear what End these Troubles will have whether it rangeth further into all France or die and will cease here at Paris Our Merchants be afraid now to go into France And who can blame them Who would where such Liberty is given to Soldiers and where Nec Pietas nec Iustitia doth refrain and keep back the unruly Malice and Sword of the raging Popular Monsieur La Mote is somewhat spoken to in this Matter And now the Vintage as you know is at hand but our Traffick into Roan and other Places in France is almost laid down with this new Fear It grieveth no Man in England so much as me And indeed I have in some respect the greatest Cause I suppose because he was the great maker of the League between that King and the Queen and did so assure the Qâ—een of the Ingrity Truth and Honour of the said King Fare you well From Woodstock the 12th of September 1572. Your always assured Tho. Smith POSTSCRIPT I Most heartily thank you for the Book of the past Troubles in France But alas who shall now write worthily of the Treasons and Cruelties more barbarous than over the Scythians used And in the same Month when upon some Treachery feared to be acted upon Walsingham he was sent for home for some Time and Tidings being brought of the Massacres upon the Protestants at Roan and other Places as well as at Paris thus did this good Man express his Detestation of these Practices The cruel Murthers of Roan are now long ago written unto us when we thought all had been done And by the same Letters was written unto us that Diep was kept close and the same Executions of the true Christians lookt for there but as then not executed Howbeit Sigoigne did warrant all our English Men to be out of danger and not to be afraid But what
Warrant can the French make now Seals and Words of Princes being Traps to catch Innocents and bring them to the Butchery If the Admiral and all those Martyred on that bloody Bartholomew Day were guilty why were they not apprehended imprisoned interrogated and judged but so much made of as might be within two Hours of the Assassination Is that the manner to handle Men either culpable or suspected So is the Journier slain by the Robber so is the Hen of the Fox so the Hind of the Lion so Abel of Cain so the Innocent of the Wicked so Abner of Ioab But grant they were guilty they dreamt Treason that night in their Sleep what did the Innocents Men Women and Children at Lions What did the Sucking Children and their Mothers at Roan deserve at Caen at Rochel What is done yet we have not heard but I think shortly we shall hear Will God think you still sleep Shall not their Blood ask Vengeance Shall not the Earth be accursed that hath sucked up the innocent Blood poured out like Water upon it I am most sorry for the King whom I love whom I esteem the most worthy the most faithful Prince of the World the most sincere Monarch now Living Ironically spoken no question by Smith because to him that King used to profess so much Integrity I am glad you shall come home and would wish you were at home out of that Country so contaminate with innocent Blood that the Sun cannot look upon it but to prognosticate the Wrath and Vengeance of God The Ruin and Desolation of Ierusalem could not come till all the Christians were either killed there or expelled from thence But whither do I run driven with just Passions and Heats And in another Letter All that be not Bloody and Antichistian must needs condole and lament the Misery and Inhumanity of this Time God make it short and send his Kingdom among us La Crocque was now in England Ambassador from France and notwithstanding this base bloody Action of France and the Jealousies that the Queen now justly conceived of that King yet she gave him a soft Answer to be returned to his Master being ready to go to his own Country Of which Ambassador's Negotiation and the Queen's Answer thus Secretary Smith spake His Negotiation was long in Words to make us believe better of that King than as yet we can and replied to on the English side liberally eenough Altho' to that Prince or Country who have so openly and injuriously done against Christ who is Truth Sincerity Faith Pity Mercy Love and Charity nothing can be too sharply and severely answered Yet Princes you know are acquainted with nothing but Doulceur so must be handled with Doulceur especially among and between Princes And therefore to temperate as you may perceive Not that they should think the Queen's Majesty and her Council such Fools as we know not what is to be done and yet that we should not appear so rude and barbarous as to provoke where no Profit is to any Man Upon the Preparations that were made in England against the feared Attempts of the French or other Roman Catholicks at this critical Time of the Murthers committed upon the Protestants in France the Secretary thus piously spake Truth it is that God disposeth all whatsoever a Man does purpose as Divines speak And it is his Gift if Wise Men do provide for Mischief to come And yet whatsoever they do devise the Event doth come of him only who is the God of Hope and Fear beyond Hope and Expectation This he spake in reference to the Scots who hearing of this Havock in France whereas the Lords there were in Civil Wars amongst themselves fomâ—nted by the French did now begin to come to Accord dreading these Doings and fearing some Danger near themselves For it was the Desire of the English to have Scotland in Peace and Union under the present Protestant King And now by a way not thought on they drew nearer and nearer to an Accord To which the Cruelty in France helped not a little and now continuing much more would Which he exprest in thâ—se Words The Scots our Neighbours he awakened by their Beacons in France And the Scots to shew their Resentment of these foul Doings there issued out a Proclamation to that purpose which the Secretary sent to Walsingham CHAP. XIV Secretary Smith at Windsor dispatching Business His Care of Flanders and Ireland Mass-mongers and Conjurers sent up to him out of the North. His Colony in Ireland IN the very beginning of November Secretary Smith was with the Queen at Windsor the Lord Treasurer Burghley and most of the Lords of the Council being gone to London to the Solemnization of some great Wedding at which the Secretary also should have been but he thought it not convenient to go to be present with the Queen whatsoever Chance might happen There were now in England Walwick an Agent from the Earls of East Freezeland who was very importune for an Answer to his Masters Requests and another Agent from the Town of Embden who came about Matters of Trade The Consideration of whose Business the Queen committed to Aldersay and some other Merchants of London who had objected against the Agents Proposals and were to give in their Reasons Smith who was ever for Dispatch of Business desired the Lord Burghley to call upon these Merchants to hasten and to forward the Dismission of both those Agents Irish Businesses also lying before the Queen at this Time were taken care of by him Signifying to the said Lord Treasurer how the Lord Deputy of Ireland wanted Comfort and Direction in Answer to his Letters And he desired the Treasurer to send him the Draught of the Answer from the Lords to the said Deputy which he would cause to be written fair and made ready to be Signed against his and the rest of the Lords Return to Windsor He further wrote to the Treasurer that he should have the Privy Seal sent him for 5200 l. for Corn and Money for the use of the Deputy He mentioned two Letters withal to be sent by the same Dispatch into Ireland for three Bishopricks void there to which the Lord Deputy had recommended certain Persons as able and fit Men for those Places And taking care of his Friend Walsingham Ambassador in France he obtained leave from the Queen for his Return home And when among several named to her Majesty to succeed him she had her thoughts upon Mr. Francis Carce as liking him most he enformed the Treasurer of it and prayed him to send for the said Carce and commune with him to put himself in a readiness Whereby as he said he should do Mr. Walsingham a great Pleasure These were some of the State Matters Smith's Hands were full of in the Month of November Sir Thomas Smith was nettled to see the proud Spaniard Domineering in Flanders and Holland and exercising their Cruelties there and
introducing a Slavery among that free People and very apprehensive he was of the growing Power of that Nation that so threatned their Neighbours France as well as England Especially seeing withal how tender both Realms were to send Succors to those Parts to enable them to Vindicate their own Liberty and Safety from those inhumane and insufferable Practices there prevailing In the mean time the French accused the Sluggishness of the English and the English did the like of the French The Queen had sent some Forces to Flushing But there was a Report that she upon Duke D'Alva's Motion did revoke them But that was not so but he was gently answered with a dilatory and doubtful Answer But indeed more that would have gone from England thither were stayed The English on the other hand had knowledge that the French did Tergiversari hang off and wrought but timorously and under hand with open and outward Edicts and made Excuses at Rome and Venice by the Ambassadors importing their not meddling in Flanders or excusing themselves if they had done any thing there On which Occasion Smith in a Letter to the Ambassador in France gave both Princes a Lash reflecting upon the pretended Activity and warlike Qualities of the French King yet that he should thus waver and be afraid to engage and upon the Slowness and Security of the Queen of England You have saith he a King void of Leisure and that loves Fatigue whose warlike House hath been used to the shedding as well of their own as of foreign Blood What shall we a slothful Nation and accustomed to Peace do Whose supream Governor is a Queen and she a great Lover of Peace and Quietness But to see a little more of his Service and Counsel in the Quality and Place he served under the Queen When in this Year 1572. the Earl of Desmond was in England a Prisoner but reconciled unto the Queen and had promised to do her good Service in Ireland and soon to drive out the Rebels out of the Country the Queen and Court thought he would prove an honest and faithful Subject and so resolved to dismiss him into his Country And she told Sir Thomas that she would give him at his Departure the more to oblige him a piece of Silk for his Apparel and a reward in Money Upon which Sir Thomas's Judgment was That seeing the Queen would tye the Earl to her Service with a Benefit it would be done Amplè liberaliter ac prolixè non malignè parcè i. e. Nobly liberally and largely not grudgingly and meanly Which as he added did so disgrace the Benefit that for Love many times it left a Grudge behind in the Heart of him that received it that marred the whole Benefit A Quarrel happened this Year between the Earl of Clanrichard and Sir Edward Fitton Governor of Connaught who was somewhat rigorous in his Office which had caused the Rebellion of the Earl's Son The Case came before the Deputy and Council in Ireland and at last to the Queen and her Council in England Our Secretary drew up the Loâ—ds of the Councils Order about it to be sent to the Lord Deputy and the Council there to hear and decide it between them and withal was sent the Earl's Book and Sir Edward Fitton 's Answers given into the Council in England The Earl seemed desirous to have Matters sifted to the full Trial. And then each Party might say and prove the most and worst they could But Sir Thomas thought it the best way for the Deputy to perswade them both to wrap up as he exprest it all things by-past and to be Friends as they had promised it seems to be at a Reconciliation formerly made before the Lord Deputy and to joyn faithfully for the Furtherance of the Queen's Majesty's Service and the Quietness and good Order of the Country hereafter And it was in his Judgment as he added The best way to tread all under foot that had gone heretofore with a perpetual 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to begin a new Line without grating upon old Sores Very wise and deliberate Council to avoid all ripping up former Grievances which is not the way to heal so much as to widen the old Differences There was this Year both Massing and Conjuring in great measure in the North especially and all to create Friends to the Scotch Queen and Enemies to Queen Elizabeth The one to keep the People in the Blindness of Popery and the other to hood-wink them to believe as it were by Prophesy the speedy approaching Death of the Queen The Earl of Shrewsbury was now Lord President of the Council in the North. He employed two sharp Persons to discover these Persons and their Doings Which they did so effectually that in the Month of February many of these Conjurers and Massmongers were seized and by the said Lord Presidents Order were brought up by them that seized them to Secretary Smith good store of their Books which Sir Thomas seeing called Pretty Books and Pamphlets of Conjuring They brought also to him an Account in Writing of their Travail and pains in this behalf There was apprehended danger in these Practices For the Papists earnestly longing for the Queen's Death had cast Figures and consulted with unlawful Arts which they mixt with their Masses to learn when she should die and who should succeed and probably to cause her Death if they could This piece of Service therefore the Queen and Counsel took very thankfully at the Earl of Shrewsbury's Hands Which together with the Course that was intended to be taken with these Criminals the Secretary signified to him in a Letter to this Tenor My very good Lord the Pain that the two to whom you gave Commission viz. Pain and Peg have taken to seek out the Conjurers and Mass-mongers is very well accepted of by my Lords of the Council and they willed me to give your Lordship therefore their most hearty thanks The Queen also not without great Contentation of her Highness hath heard of your careful ordering of those matters The matters be referred touching the Massing and such Disorders to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the rest of the great Commission Ecclesiastical That which shall appear by Examination to touch the State and the Prince to be referred again to my Lords of the Council c. This was dated from Greenwich Feb. 17. 1572. But it was thought highly needful that this dangerous Nest in the North should be searched more narrowly for and the Birds taken that they might no more Exercise these evil Practices or worse hereafter The care of which was therefore committed by the Council to the Justices of those parts out of some secret Favour as it seems in some of the Privy Counsellors to Papists For those Justices were known well enough to be generally Popishly affected Therefore it was the Judgment of the Secretary that these Justices would rather Cloak than Open
to bed not so nicely as the Ladies and Gentlewomen be here but either in a Tent or a wide Barn after the maner of her Country Ireland And I'tell you said she I felt in a maner no pain at al these Births Nor I se no Cause why I should make so nice of the Matter as you do here in England We do not so in our Country Whereat an old Lady was wonderfully offended and said they were Beasts and she was but a Beast to say so Then she as a witty Lady turned the Matter and said It was a Gift which St. Patrick begged for her Country-folk the Irish Women of our Lady But the Truth is al Women that stir about to travail and to labour as they do there and do not use themselves to Rest and Ease as they can better away with Travail because of use so they bear that Travail of Childbirth with much more Ease and in maner with no pain Which we do se also in these idle Runnagates Egyptians whose Women be always trudging from place to place as they be and be brought to bed in the Straw in some Barn or Out-house without any great Curiosity And within three or four days after yea sometimes the second day they ride away with the rest of that beggarly Train I remember I read when I was a Boy in Aristotle and I trow it be in his Politicks he would that those that should make Laws for a Common-wealth should have regard also to Women that were great with Child that they should not use themselves to over-fine ' Diet nor to over-much Rest. Which saith he may be don if they do appoint them certain Pilgrimages to be don to such Gods as have the Honor of such Matters Meaning such Gods as the Gentils did Sacrifice unto for such things as Gemini Lucina Parcae Iuno c. His purpose is that when the Time of Birth draweth nigh they should by gentle means be brought to a kind of Exercise and Travail either on Horseback or on Foot or both to the intent that they might the easilier bear the Travail of Childbirth And thought that they could by no means so wel be perswaded unto them which then he somewhat heavy because of their Burden as by Colour of Holiness and Religion So that our Pilgrimage also which we had of late years was not much out of the Way for such an Effect as may appear But I tary long about these Matters To bear Children is painful I do not deny It is the Threat of God to Eve and to al her Posterity as wel as to Adam and al Men to get his Living with the Sweat of his Brows And yet some Men sweat but easily And why should not I think also that her Highness should bring forth her Children more easily than a great sort of other Women I se nothing leadeth me to the contrary Many things do encourage me to think so Her Learning Discretion Judgment her store of Physicians and of al things necessary for them to use That where other by their Folly do make that Travail to them more painful and dangerous than naturally it should be her Highness by her Noble Vertues and Wisdom should make it more easie yea than of natural Course it should be For as there be ways to augment so there be ways to diminish Pain or Grief Wherein standeth the Difference of Wisdom or Folly But why do I stand upon this Would not her Majesty be glad think you to take some pain to make a Prince To make one who should be a part of her who should mâ—ke her alive after her Death Reign in her stead when by Course of Nature she can tarry no longer Who shall continue and transplant her Name and Posterity for many an hundred years here Kings in England and leave such a Row of that Race as is the Root of Iesse Was it nor you of whom I heard even now that all fair and laudable things be painful to come by Will you not grant unto me that this which I speak of now to have a Prince born of her own Body who should Reign after her Highness here in England in whom she might se her own Image not painted in a Table but lively expressed every Joint yea both Body and Soul who should cal her Highness Queen Mother and whom al England should cal King and Father Whom it you do not think more to be esteemed than al the Treasure that the wise and rich Prince her Grandfather K. Henry the VII left at his Death or that the Noble and Magnificent Prince her Father K. Henry VIII spent in his Life ye are in a contrary Opinion to all English men Whom when she shall behold kiss and embrace she shall take more Comfort and more Pleasure in than of all the Riches and Jewels which her Highness had or ever was Lady of Do you not think I say such a Jewel worthy to have the pains taken for the getting of it and bringing it to life Are you he that was even now so stout that if the Thing were good laudable and necessary to be had the harder it were to obtain the more you thought it were to be laboured for And so you Counsilled and proved by many Reasons and Authorities Are you I say now again so weak and so womanly hearted that for a little pains in the Birth peradventure of one Hour or two or at the most of one Day for the Extremity of the Pain cannot lightly be longer wil counsil us to cast down our Courage and run away like Cowards and leave al this so rich and so precious a Treasure ungotten and unlaboured for for the Travail of one hour I wis Foloign cost more the getting and Calais the loosing And yet this Treasure were more worth than both those Holds to her Majesty I dare say and unto the Realm of England if it should be esteemed by true value Mary yet ye go neerer me and bring in certain Queens who have dyed in Childbirth And herein you had good Advantage to have two Examples so neer and in so fresh Memory that they must needs make much indeed to the Terror of Mischance And yet this is but another Startbugg that you have gotten to make us afraid It is sineâ— the Conquest five hundred years little under or over In which time our Chronicles have indifferently wel been kept and many Kings and Queens have dyed and al not after one sort I pray you how many more have you read of that have dyed in Child-bed And yet one of those was not the Queen but Dowager as you know well enough And some men would say it was thought that that did distress her then and bring her to her End as much as Travail of the Birth But of that I will not Dispute But if in five hundred years in which space so many Queens have had so many Children and only one or two have dyed in Childbed would you make
they thought they might amend when they would by Adoption either of their own Bastards or other Folks lawful Children with the Consent of their Parents For al these Three this our Question doth not vary For either the Stranger or the English-man seemeth indifferent therunto and I make no Difference in them Then there be other Causes which be incident and as I might cal them Accidental as Honor Power and Riches Having first God and those three Causes which I called Essential of Matrimony principally in our Eyes these Things ought in this Consultation to have the highest Place And because I take al you here to be no Children and in this which I have said to be in the same Opinion that I am I wil make no further Proeme but go to and confer these together in the two Persons which you have brought in to be weighed here as in a Pair of Ballances that is the Stranger and the English-man And I say if the Queens Majesty have respect to Advancement and Honor can that be in Mariage of any within the Realm who being but her Subjects be they never so high shal be under her highnes a great Distance So for that purpose it shal not be Advancement but Disparagement Wherin I must commend the late Q. Mary who having more regard to her Honor than to her Age to th'advauncement therof than to any other Plesure which she could long have took to her Husband K. Philip Charles th' Emperours Son the greatest Prince of Birth and Possessions in al Christendom Wherby she gat the Sovereignty over so many Kingdoms Dukedoms Marchionates Earldoms Baronies Countries and so forth that it would be more than an Hours Work to reherse them and to be the greatest Estate of a Woman in al Christendom And if it be honorable to a Prince to Conquer one Kingdom with Dint of the Sword with making of War with Spoiling Burning Wasting Death Destruction Fire and Sword Man slaughter and Effusion of Christian Blood how much more honorable ought it to be accounted to obtain and get not one but a great fort of Kingdoms and Dominions not with Violence and Oppression but with Amity and Love and that most godly sweet and pleasant Knot of Mariage So Mary the Daughter and Heir of Charles the hardy Duke of Burgundy by Marying her self to Maximilian Son to Fredericus of Austriche then Emperor hath made her Progeny the House of Burgundy to enjoy so many Realms and Seignories in Boheme in Hungary in Spain in Sicily in Naples and Italy in the High and Low Country of Germany and neer it went to have enjoyed also England and Ireland So Mary the Scottish Queen that liveth now if the Enterprize had had Success and she had had by her Husband any Son She should have left a double King I mean in France a King as wel as of Scotland and 〈◊〉 them both the greater King by her Purchase than else he should have been by his Mothers Inheritance So Claudia the Daughter of the Duke of Britain by Mariage with the French King hath made her Sons and Off-Spring not only Dukes of Britain but Kings and Possessors of al France when her Auncesters heretofore had much ado always to keep their own being but only Dukes of Britain much less could conquer or adjoyne to their Dutchy any thing of the rest of the Realm of France Now if Honor is to be desired and if it be a Glory to be made from a Baroness a Countess and from a Countess a Marchioness or Dutchess and from a Dutchess a Queen why is it not also as wel to be from a Queen an Empress or from a Queen of one Kingdom a Queen of two or three and so the more Honorable and the more to be sought and desired To the Encrease of which Honor if Men do apply and study themselves sometimes by Sword and sometimes by Mariage to attain why should not a Queen desire to do as wel as they especially by the better more sure and more amiable way Which thing ye see can be don either by no ways or by no ways better than by Mariage And this I have to say of Honor. Now I come to Power or Strength Which standeth in two Things Either for a Prince to keep his own Realm quiet from Rebellion or to make that the foreign Prince being Ambitious or desirous of War neither may dare invade him or els if the Prince be so minded to conquer and recover such Things which of old by Titles and just Reasons remain to be claimed The which the Prince heretofore either for lack of Power or Mony for shortnes of Time Civil Dissension their own Sloth or any Cause whatsoever it be hath omitted or foreslowed For these remain stil as Causes unto Princes when they be weary of Ease or desirous of Honor or when other just Occasion is offered to exercise themselves and their Subjects For any of those if her Majesty mary within the Realm what hath She gained All her own Subjects were her own before all their Powers are Hers already Not one Man hath She for the Mariage more than She had before Wheras if She mary a foreign Prince if he be an Emperor al the Empire is hers to aid her and her Husband at al Events If she mary a King likewise al his Kingdom if she marry a Duke Earl or Prince al his Vassals Kinsfolks Allies and Friends are united to her Realm and be taken al for Brethren to allow Strength and Aid both Offensive and Defensive as Occasion and Necessity shal serve For who can offend the Wife but he must offend the Husband also So that her Majesties Power must needs be encreased by so much as the Power of her Husband doth extend either by Authority Title Blood Alliance Friendship or Affinity Then if Princes be glad whensoever they invade or be invaded to ally themselves with the Princes their Neighbours manytimes by costly Leagues and much Suite and Entreaty of Ambassadors if that may be don by one final Act as chusing such a puissant Prince to her Husband as we would most desire to be our Friend or Aid in Necessity either of Defence or Invasion why should not I think that it were better for the Queens Majesty to take such an one wherby she may be backed and strengthened and her Power as it were double and treble than to take one by whom she shal have no more Power Help Aid nor Succour brought unto her than she had before And it is to be feared that she shal rather have less For when Envy naturally kindleth amongst Equals if the Queen take one of her higher and stronger Nobility all the rest it wil be doubted wil envy his Felicity and tho in Words they speak him fair yet in Heart hardly wil they love him For they shal be as Rivals and Candidati for one Office where commonly he that hath obtained if of the inferior sort al the rest shal
men wherein I must needs confess that there is a Disparagement for that these Men were not Noble by Birth and therefore not meet to Match with such Noble Women But for the Queens Majesty to Marry one of her Noblemen is no disparagement at all Neither is the Comparison like And in this case ye do make me to marvel at you and to doubt what you do think of the Nobility of this Realm of England as tho' they are not as Noble as the Nobility is of other Realms Is not a Duke of England an Earl a Baron and their Sons as much to be counted Noble as they be in other Realms That I think you cannot deny How then should the Queens Majesty be more disparaged Marrying here one of that Degree than there For mâ—thinks you do so speak that if her Highness Married a Duke or a Nobleman of another Realm then it were no Disparagement Which if you grant then either grant this also or shew the Diversity Ye will say because here they be all her Highness Subjects So surely they be But her Subjects be of divers Sorts and Dâ—grees Whereof the Nobility is as the Right Arm of the Prince the Glory and Beauty of the Realm the Root and Nursery of her Highness Stock and Family Off-springs of Kings and Queens of England and whom her Highness and all her Progenitors calleth always in her Letters and Writings and common Talk Cousins Which word Cousins betokeneth that in mingling of that Bloud there can be no disparagement And so much as you would seem in your Talk to embase that Order and Estate so much you must needs appear â—to abase and contemn the Queens Majesty's own Bloud to whom they be and always have been accounted Allied and as Cousins And is it a Disparagement for the Queen of England to Marry an Englâ—sh man Why more than to the King of England to Marry an English woman The Authority is all one And as well is the English woman a Subject to the Crown as the English man Do you think that King Henry VIII her Majesty's Father was disparaged when he Married her Highness Mother or Queen Iane or Queen Katharine Par And that he was always disparaged save once when he Married his Brothers Wife which was a Stranger And think you that all the rest of the Kings of England of whom a great number Married their own Subjects were Disparaged Methinks this is a strange and unnatural Opinion If it be an Honour to be a Kings Wife or a Queens Husband not only to the Person but also to the Region out of the which they come no Country may justlier crave that Honour nor to none the Prince doth more justly owe that Love than to her own Country where she was born and where she is Queen And if ye would be loth to suffer and would spâ—nd your Blood rather than this Realm should be Tributary or Subject to any other yea you would not gladly see that any foreign Prince should do so much here or be so much set by here and have so much Power as your Natural Prince and Queen And if you may justly call that a Dispâ—ragement when this Realm which is the Head of Nations round about is put under the Girdle of another Who maketh more Dispaâ—agement I pray you the foreign Prince to be the Queens Husband or the English Subject But you are of the Opinion as I perceive that Eraâ—mus speaketh of that thinketh it not comely for a Kings Daughter to be coupled but with a King or a Kings Son To whom he answereth as well as if he had studied this oâ—r Case This is private mens Affâ—ction saith he from which Princes ought to flee as fast as they may If the Marry saith he to one who is not of such Power as the or her Father what is that to the Purpose if that he be for the Realm more expâ—dient It is more â—onour to the Prince to neglect that foreign Dignity of the Marriage than to prefer her Womanly Affection to the Profit of the Realm So far is that great learned and wise man from your Opinion that he calleth the Marriage with Strangers Uneven Marriages and as a man would say Disparagements when he saith there lacketh both that Love and Dearness which the common Country Likeness of Body and Mind doth bring and that Natural and traâ— and uncounterfeit Affection which those Marriages have which are made between them that have all one Country He saith also as I have said before that hardly the Country acknowledge them that are born oâ— those uneven Marriages for their own or that those that are so born cannot with all their Hearts love their Country but as their Blouds be mingled out of divers Countries so their Love is but as it were half dealed and parted in twain And did noâ— this man think you as a Prophet declare that thing which we did see of late in Qâ—eâ—n Mary Did not her vehement Love towâ—rd Spain and Spaniards dâ—clare that she was bâ—â— half English as it were in Affection so thâ—â— mingled Bloud in her Nature could not â—idâ— it self And if the Case standeth so and 〈◊〉 be so much to be looâ—t unto as ye will have it better it were for her Highness and more honourable as it may appear evidâ—ntly to make one of her Noblemen by that means equal to a foreign Prince who shall alwayâ— be ready to obey and Honour her than to take a foreign Prince from abroad who shall look to command and be her Superior And because that Poetry is reckoned of a great learned man to be the eldest Philosoâ—â—y for long before the Philosophy of Thales and Socrates began most Ancient Writers called Poets by fained examples or else by Deeds done described like Fables did instruct men and cause the witty Reader in them to see the good success and happy Fortune of Well-doings and the evil Success and Inconveniences which follow of Evil-doings that so we might have as it were shewed before our Eyes what to follow and what to eschew â—â—t us weigh and consider what they write of this Matter and what Examples they make of those Heroical and Noble Women who forsaking their own Country men fell into the Love of Strangers How good how true how Loving I pray you were your Strangers to them Was not that lâ—sâ—y and valiant Warriour Iason soon gotten and most unkindly and uncourteously did forsake Mâ—dea of Colches who not onely saved his Life but for his Love lost her Country and to save her Lovers Life did abandon the Lives of her Father and Brother How long was Theseus of Athens kind to Arâ—adne King Mâ—nâ—s's Daughter who saved his Life else to have been destroyed in the Labyrinth How true was Dâ—mophon to Phillis of Thracia Hercules to Omphale of Lydia or Aâ—nâ—â—s to Dido of Carthâ—ge All these Queens or Queens Daughters who contemning the Noblemen of their own Country as unequal unto them chose
that which was gotten by her Ancestors and had been kept by the English so long But because we shall better and more near at hand see the Advantage of heaping Realms together King Edward III. and the Black Prince goâ— almost all France His next Successor therefore must needs have his Power marvellously encreased So may it appear For tho' he were confessâ—d the riâ—ht Heir yet a Nobleman of this Realm of England bereaved him of both France and England King Henry V. again drove the Dâ—uphin to a very streight Room in France Wherefore by your Reason his Power must be marvellously augmented which he did leave to his Son Did not a Duke of his Realm dispossess him of his Crown for all the help that Queen Margaret his Wife and Daughter to Reigner Duke of Anjou and King of Sicily Naples and of Ierusalem could bring from her Father and all those four Realms to the Aid of her Husband or the Prince her Son So that for that Matter the Italian Proverb seemeth true â—hi troppe abbraccia poco stringe He that embraceth too much holdeth fast but a little Now for Encrease of Riches let us go as near Many would judge that the getting and keeping of Bulloâ—gn and Bullâ—â—gnâ—is in France now in the Time of King Henry VIII and the obtaining and holding of â—addingtâ—n and the Pâ—ethes and a great Part of the Lowdian in Scotland should have brought in great Riches to this Realm It was that almost bâ—ggered England For thereby our fine Gold was conveyed away our good Silver appâ—arâ—d not our Mâ—ssy and old Plate was mâ—â—lâ—d And every man seeth that not only our good â—â—n was wonderfully consumed but that which was leâ—t pitiously altered and mâ—dâ— worse The Gold much debased and at the lâ—â—t for Sterling Silver we had two 〈◊〉 oâ— Copper and scarce the Third part 〈◊〉 metal remaining in the Coin Which now without any such Revenues either out oâ— France or Scotland thanks be to God and the Queens Highness beginneth well to amend again Whether think you King Henrâ— IV. which had but England left his Kingdom richer to his Son King Henry V. than he with all his Conquests to his Son King Henry VI. who hâ—d nothing in France but Câ—lais Did not King Henâ—y VII leave more Riches in his Coâ—â—râ— to King Henry VIII who Conquered both in France and Scotland than he lâ—ft to King Edward VI. And do yoâ— not perceive that Qâ—eâ—n Mary who wrote that she was Queen of so many Kingdoms Dutchess of so many Dukedoms Marchioness and Countess of so many Marchionâ—s and Earldoms c. did not â—ave lâ—ss â—ichâ—s in her Coâ—â—â—rs and â—â—alth in the â—â—alm at the Time of her Death than ever any of her Pâ—oâ—â—nitoâ—â— did My Mastâ—â—â— say wâ—at you will and call me as it plâ—ase you â—ithâ—r Enemy to Sâ—ranâ—â—râ— the Pattern or â—dâ—a of an old English mâ—n Fam. friend or what you â—iâ— I say and see that it is ENGLAND alone that shall make her Highness strong ENGLAND and no other her true Patrimony Riches Power and Strength whereto she must trust ENGLAND her Highness native Country alone being well tilled and Governed shall be better to her Majesty in the End than all those Empires Kingdoms Dukedoms and Marchionates and other Rabblements of gay Titles which are but Wind and Shadows and Makers of Cares and Costs Which are no Profit but rather Hindrance and Loss as at last will be proved and as you may perceive by these Discourses her Predecessors have proved Now Mr. Philoxenus or Lewelyn or Lovealien for I thank my Godfather neither you nor I can lack Names I have sufficiently as methinketh answered you to your Six Parts Causes or Occasions which you make of Marriage You see that for Succession that Prince shall be to the Realm most loving most tender and most natural which hath both his Parents mere English And such an one hath England most cause to Love who is mere Hâ—rs of whom no other Region may claim any part You see that for Plâ—asure Comfort and Ioy which in Matrimony the one should have of the other the English man for Likeness of Manners for naturalness of Education yea and because he is most tryed and best known is most likely to be more kind loving and natural than the Stranger who is both different in Tongue and Manners rather stumbled on by Fortune than chosen by certainty You see how it is to the Realm most Honourable and to her Grace most allowable not to despise and contemn or to reckon inferiour to any other Country men those which her own Region and Country bringeth up Ye see that Strength which Foreign Princes bring is rather a Weakning than a Strengthening rather to be suspected than trusted Ye see also that the Stranger ever is like to have and also more like to impoverish than to enrich the Realm And that the Realm it self by good Government both is able enough to enrich the Princes thereof and hath enriched them when they have been contented alone with it rather than when they have sought and gotten great Augmentations of other Countries Which things if you will weigh in a just Pair of Ballances without being affected so much as you are to Strangers I do not doubt but ye will condescend now at the last to my Opinion and Judgment and think as ever I have thought that for all Purposes it were better for the Queens Majesty if it could stand with her Pleasure to Marry an English man than any other Stranger whatsoever he be NAY said he whom they called Mr. Godfather stammering after his manner speak to me Man that am indifferent never speak to him For ye are not so far in with England and English men as he is with Strangers or to this our Host here Let him give judgment For he hath been attentive enough I am sure he hath born away all that hath been spoken Come on quoth he to me what â—say you to the Matter Mary quoth I it were a Presumption indeed to speak before my Prince without Commission I trust her Highness shortly will give sentence her self and not with Words but with Deeds shew who took the better Part to the great Contentation of us all But yonder hath one stood a good while to call us to Supper I have caused him to stay whilst all were ended Why is it Supper time so soon quoth one of them it may be so by the Day but methought the Time was very short So it appeared to me quoth I But Supper tarrieth for you Well we must obey our Host said they and so walked in fair and softly jesting one with another at their new Names NUM IV. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition of Thomas Smith Esquire Uncle and Heir of Edward Smith Esquire deâ—eased Son and Heir of Sir William Smith the Younger and Heir of Sir William Smith the Elder who was Nephew and Heir of Sir Thomas Smith Kt.
Sir Thomas Smith in Commission Words between Bishop Boner and him His Fidelity to the Duke of Somerset Smith in a Commission against Anabaptists One of the Visitors of Cambridge In Commission upon Bishop Boner who would have declined him Smith deals roundly wâ—th him His Word to Boner's Servants Boner enters a Recusation against Smith Who chargeth him wâ—th Disobedience Smith in trouble with the Protector Deposed against Bishop Gardiner Makes a Purchase Goes in Embassy to France CHAP. VI. The Condition of Sir Thomas Smith under Queen Mary His wise Advertisements He loses all his Places He hath an Indulgence from the Pope Bishop Gardiner his Friend Gains Gardiner's Favour upon his first Address to him from Cambridge Ascham favoured by Gardiner Even Bishop Boner pretends to be Smith's Friend Rob. Smith a Retainer of Sir Tho. Smith burnt His Grief at these Times Smith's wise Advertisements and Counsels CHAP. VII Smith called to Queen Elizabeth 's Court. Concerned in the Settlement of Religion His Judgement of the Queen's Marriage Employed in the Reformation and in one of the Committees for the State And in swearing the Officers of Walden His Service in the Commission of the Peace Subscription of the Iustices Smith's Dialogues concerning the Queen's Marriage CHAP. VIII Sir Thomas 's Embassies to France Why not restored to be Secretary Dispatched to France Stops at Calais and why Directions to him from the Council Smith a Peace-mover Confers with the Pope's Legate The Secretary Advice to the Ambassador The Queen's Orders to him Three Evils in France Smith's Behavior in his Embassy Entertains a subtil Spy His Complaint The Ambassador's Instructions concerning the Prince of Conde He sends Nâ—ws to the Council Ordered to speak only in Latin in his Negotiation Contention between Smith and Throgmorton Smith's Plainness pleaseth the Lord Robert Instructions for Smith's Dealing with the Protestants Smith treateth for Peace Doctor Haddon's Advice to Smith CHAP. IX Osorius his Letter to the Queen And Doctor Haddon 's Answer Difference between Smith and Throgmorton the Queen 's joint Ambassadors Smith and Cecyl Friends The Ambassador sends over Books to Cecyl To procure a Book to be Printed in France Osorius's Epistle to the Queen Answered by Haddon This Answer recommended to Smith to revise And publish A Licence for which he labours to obtain from the Chancellor Which â—e will not grant Smith presseth it Argues with the Chancellor of France about it The Progress of this Controversie Difference between the two Ambassadors Some Character of Throgmorton Cecyl's and Smith's Friendship CHAP. X. Peace with France Smith continues Ambassador there His Book of the Commonwealth of England Returns A Review of his Embassy Smith affects a Peace Sollicits the Queen's Debt The Queen Continues him Ambassador A Match for the Queen propounded to him Finisheth his Book of the Commonwealth His extraordinary Expence Smith's Son with him He labours to come home He returns He is Inquisitive how his Negotiation is accepted He follows the Court of France His Reflection upon his Hearing of the Queen's going to Cambridge He composeth his Book of the English Commonwealth at Tholouse He enquireth for Learned men in Paris He procures the Printing of the Answer to Osorius His Correspondence with Haddon Ambassador in Flanders Smith's Opinion of Tully's Philosophy and Law His Reflection on the Troubles occasioned by Hale's Book CHAP. XI Smith goes over Ambassador again to demand Calais His Employment at home Concerned in turning Iron into Copper Smith now at home sent again to demand Calais Take his Son with him The Manner of his demanding Calais Sues for the Place of Chancellor of the Dutchy Sir Thomas in the Country administring Iustice. Witches by him examined Master's wife Ann Vicars Sir Thomas admitted into the Council Labours about Transmuting Iron into Copper His Progress therein Some Lords come into the Project The Projectors formed into a Society The Patent for it signed The Business finds Delay The Chymist a Beggar CHAP. XII Smith waits upon the Queen at Audleyâ— End Goes on Embassy to France Concludes a League Concerned in Proposals of a Match for the Queen He examineth the Duke of Norfolk's Secretary Goes Ambassador â—gain to France to make firm Amity against Spain An Article debated by Smith His Argument with the French Queen Smith perswades the Queen She consents to the League He loved not many Words His hardship in France Communication between the Queen Mother and Smith concerning Queen Elizabeth's Marriage Further Discourse on the same Argument His Thoughts of the Queen's Marrying His Concern for her Sickness And the Irresolutions of the Court The Queen of Navarre sends to Sir Thomas CHAP. XIII Made Chancellor of the Garter Comes home Becomes Secretary of State His Advice for forwarding the Queen's Match His Astonishment upon the Paris Massacre The Queen gives Smith the Chancellorship of the Order Comes home Made Secretary Famed in the Court for his Learning Smith's Device for a View between Monsieur and the Queen His Thoughts of the Massacre at Paris His Detestation of it His Reason of the Manner of answering the French Ambassador His Observation of the Prejudice the French did themselves in Scotland CHAP. XIV Secretary Smith at Windsor dispatching Business His Care of Flanders and Ireland Massmongers and Conjurers ent up to him out of the North. His Colony in Ireland The Secretary at Windsor Dispatching Agents and Irish Matters His Compassion for Flanders His Advice about the Earl of Desmond And the Quarrel between Clanricard and Fitton Mass-mongers and Conjurers sent up to the Secretary His Letter to the Earl of Shrewsbury hereupon Perswades the Queen to send Aid unto Scotland Which upon his Motion she condescends to Two Scotch men by him examined Sir Thomas sends a Colony into Ardes His Patent for it Sir Thomas's Son leads the Colony His Rules and Orders for it Mr. Smith's Care in the Colony Draws up Instructions for his Son Families of English found in the Ardes Mr. Smith's good Service this Winter Mr. Smith slain The Ardes neglected upon Sir Thomas's Death How lost from the Family CHAP. XV. The Secretary Oppressed with Business His Discourse with the Queen about Ireland and the Earl of Essex His Act in the behalf of Colleges of Learning His Sickness and Death The Secretary uneasie at the Queen's Delays The Queen deliberates about Supplies for the Earl of Essex Her Backwardness thereunto troubles the Secretary Conference between the Queen and her Secretary about Ulster and the Earl of Essex His Advice to the Queen concerning him The Secretary with the Queen in Progress She speaks to the Secretary about dangerous Beggars He procures an Act for Schools of Learning The Act. His fatal Distemper seizes him It affected chiefly his Tongue and Throat The Orator now scarce can speak To divert his Sickness he looks over his former Writings His Book of
or Love-alien makes his Oration in Answer to Agamus for the Queen's Marriage Then the same Philoxenus enters into another Speech fortified with divers Arguments for the Queen 's Marrying with a Stranger Then spake Axenius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Homefriend for the Queen 's Marrying an English-man In all these Discourses sir Thomas Smith layeth down what Reasons could be made use of in savour of the Argument insisted on adorned also with handsom Eloquence and furnished with proper Examples out of History ancient and modern In the last and chief Discourse of all Smith seems to intend himself the Speaker under the Name of Axenius I shall exemplifie these Orations for the Readers pleasure and satisfaction And the rather because they have many things relating to publick Affairs not long before happening in the Realm under the Reigns of King Henry King Edward and Queen Mary But if I should place them here it would too much interrupt the Course of the History therefore they are reserved for the Appendix where the Reader shall find them CHAP. VIII Sir Thomas's Embassies to France The Principle Queen Elizabeth went by at her first coming to the Crown was to displace as few as she might of the Old Ministers of State Whereby it came to pass that many of those that were her Sisters Servants remained so to her Therefore tho' she parted with Queen Mary's two Secretaries Bourn and Boxal strong Papists who came in the rooms of Cecil and Smith yet she kept Secretary Petre still and replaced Cecil And intending to retain only two Principal Secretaries for the future there was no room for our Smith But he was not to be laid aside His Abilities were too well known And therefore the Queen resolved to make use of him for a time in her Business with foreign Princes till the might prefer him in her own Court. Thus not to mention that he seemeth to be dispatched abroad into France in the Year 1559. together with 〈◊〉 Bishop of Ely the Lord Hâ—â—rard and Dr. Wolten when a Peace was concluded with that Crown and there resided in the Year 1502. he was thought a sâ—t Person to be employed in the Embassy to France Of whom Cambden in his History takes no notice tho' he doth of the Embassage He received his last Instructions in September and a Declaration written in French and Sir Tho. Gresham the Queen's Merchant gave him Credit The Matter of the Embassy was to urge the Restitution of Calais and to keep the Correspondence with the Protestant Prince of Conde that in case of a Breach with France he might be Assistant to the English against that Crown Sir Thomas made some stay at Calais waiting for the coming of Sir Nicolas Throgmortâ—â— the Queen's Ambassador then in France that they might repair to the French Court together But he mâ—de a Delay at Orleans upon some By â—nds to the Prejudice of the Queen's Affairs So â—ir Thomas at last set forward himself towards the Court where more good was to be done with his Presence than otherwise â—ut as for Thrâ—gmorton's Abode at Orleans done perhaps to discredit or impede the success of Smith's Embassy and so he seemed to take it as did others also Secretary Cecil wrote to Smith that he took it to be upon such reasonable Causes as he had alledged tho' other Folks were not so well perswaded And he wished him safe at home to answer his own Doings Where as that good Secretary wrote he should not lack his Friendship for divers Respects But this was the beginning of no good understanding between Thrâ—gmorton and Smith tho' both joint Ambassadors in France for the Queen The Queen's Council wrote their Letters to him in October wherein they shewed him what passed between the French-Ambassador and them and how a matter of Treason of the Poles practiced by the French and Spanish Ambassadors had been of late discovered Which altho' it were a Matter of no great Moment to be feared Yet thereby was made apparent how truly the Queen and her Council judged of the House of Gaise And that so he might as he saw Cause take advantage thereby to maintain the former Reasons published by her Majesty for justification of her Doings in sending Forces into France As the Secretary wrote to this Ambassador But to look a little back Smith's great Profession was when he came into France to be a Peace mover As soon as he had Audience of the King and Queen he wrote the Council a full Account therof to their great satisfaction And the Secretary wrote to him that they all allowed of his Zeal to procure Peace and of his Diligence in so ample a manner as by his Writing had appeared The Cardinal of Fâ—rrâ—â—ra the Pope's Legate being then at Court Smith had much conference with him But for this he had not escaped a Reprimand from the Court had not some of his good Friends interceded Of this Cecil gave him notice in these Words in the Month of November But to write plainly and friendly unto you as I would you should if our places were changed the most here have misliked that you have treated with the Legate and seem willing that you should have been reprimanded therefore But therein I and others unto your good meaning have so tempered the Cause as thereof you shall hear no otherwise except it be by me and some others your private good Friends For that as he added there were among them in England divers very scrupulous of dealing with the Popes Ministers And therefore he advised the Ambassador to forbear the Cardinal in these Affairs and to use other Courtesy to him as he should see cause for the State of Ferrara as the Ambassador had well made the Distinction to himself The Secretary also now advised him to beware of one Monsieur de Serre saying that he was very Fine and Nimble in all his Practiques In our Ambassadors last Dispatch he wrote to the Queen and therein took the Liberty to give her certain good Counsel which Letter she took in good part and ordered the Secretary to thank him for it and willed him also to warn the Ambassador of the Cardinal of Ferrara and likewise to let all the Favourers of the Prince of Conde manifestly understand that without his Consent the Ambassador would not enter into any Treaty with France Smith in this Embassy had but ill Entertainment in France for he went over in a Year wherein he met with three Evils Plague intestine War and Famine Whereof the next Year the Plague came over into England The intestine War was pretty well ceased but the Famine that is the Dearth of Provision remained and encreased there more and more February 1. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton JointAmbassador with Smith came over into England to the Queen leaving Smith alone in France and nine days after he sent over his Man to the Court with Letters And so
well had Sir Thomas managed his Office and described the Affairs of France so fully that the Letters he wrote thereof to Secretary Cecil did much delight him And in an Answer he told him he had read over his Letters several times Heartily Thanking him for his large Letters which contented him so well as indeed he was delighted to read them twice or some thrice And such was Smith's wise and true English Behaviour and eloquent Utterance that he got himself great Credit and Reputation among the French-men Concerning which the Secretary in one of his Letters to him used these Words That he was glad to see his Credit so good to do good And indeed added he using Wisdom therewith courteous and gracious Speech which was one of Smith's Accomplishments doth much profit And as that Nation was crafty and fine in all their Negotiations with other States so our Ambassador used Art to be a Match for them for he made use of a certain subtil Spy in Orleans whose Letters he received and dispatched into England And by the Intelligence gathered by this means our Ambassador did excellent Service which occasioned the Secretary in a Letter to him speaking of Smith's last Letters and the Copy of others sent to the said Smith from Orleans to say That he saw his great Diligence and to speak in proper Terms that he dealt very cunningly meet for the place he held Advising him to cherish the Party that served his Turn and that he should be kept out of danger whereby his Service might last the longer This he wrote to the Ambassador in Cypher The Secretary added that he had notified him and his Service to the Queen's Majesty and so he bid the Ambassador let him know But notwithstanding the Ambassador could not do that Service he would for he complained that the Instructions from England came not to him and he was perplexed for lack of Intelligence from thence But the Secretary satisfied him in part concerning that Point in the Answer he next made him which was That he knew not what more Instructions he could require than what he already had which was to prosecute no other Ends but the Restitution of Calais And as to his dealing with the Prince of Conde and the Admiral of France whom the Secretary suspected to be about making Peace with the French without the English as they did indeed not long after he advertised him how he ought to urge to them their Promises and Compacts under their Hands and Seals And that if they should have no regard to these they might expect the Judgment of God upon them for their false Dealing The Contents of the Contract between the Queen and them were That She should pay them a great Summ of Money and send them six Thousand Men for their Defence And that they should deliver into Her hands for Caution Nâ—whaven which She should hold in her Hands till Calais should be restored The Letters that past from Sir Thomas in this Embassy this Year are still extant in the Paper-Office in two Bundles One whereof about a General Peace And therein Letters also from Middleton sent from Smith to the Admiral of France Our Ambassador abode still in France until the next Year 1563. Then Monsieur Briquemault came over to the Queen from the Prince of Conde Whose Business was to eadeavour to bring the Queen not to insist upon the Restitution of Calais but to be satisfied with some other Terms But in May when he departed She utterly denied that there was any other way of Satisfaction And the Queen then also wrote Letters to her Ambassador to deal very roundly with the Prince and the Admiral And so the Secretary thought they had deserved as he wrote to the Ambassador And yet as he added he doubted not but the Ambassador would have Consideration how to strike therein whether high or low In Letters our Ambassador Smith had lately sent to the Court he gave great content Wherein as he advertised the Lords of the Council plentifully of the Variety of News in France so he gave good plain Rules how the same Advertisements should be taken and judged And both the one and the other pleased them very well In his Negotiation with France this Year when things were well nigh accorded some Reports came out of France which so offended the Queen that she altered her Resolutions and among other things commanded Sir Thomas that whereas before he Negotiated in one Language which I suppose was the French he should now use no other Language but Latin Concerning which thus the Secretary wrote to him This alteration of your Speech into Latin I thought very strange but surely Her Majesty had occasion ministred by such Reports as now were brought to think the same were best And therefore using no more the vulgar tongue of the Nation but the Learned things for the future might be kept more private and therefore added he I know very well you can do this in the Latin as well as any Man and I nothing doubt but that ye will do it Sir Nicholas Throgmorton who returned into France Iuly 20th and was Ambassador there with Sir Thomas by means of secret practising at the Court was arrested by the French Kings's Order at Caudebee August 3. He was a Favourite of the Lord Robert Duddeley and by his means dispatched thither This Throgmorton was subtile and active and a man of Intrigue He and Sir Thomas a person of more Gravity and Discretion could not well comport together Throgmorton rather hindring than furthering the Queen's Business by his over-practising The Dissension between them came to the Court Throgmorton had a great Friend there namely the Lord Robert Duddeley so Sir Thomas's course was to sue to the Secretary for his good Word The Secretary wrote to him that as he had promised him his Friendship so he saw it well bestowed Smith also desired him to acquaint the Lord Robert with the difference between him and Sir Nicolas writing also the Case This Cecil accordingly caused to be shewn and procured Mr. Somers one who was employed backward and forward in this Treaty between England and France to report his knowledge which it seems made more for Sir Thomas than his own Writing did But the wise Secretary wished as he said such matters to be swallowed up in forgetfulness knowing how by these private Animosities between the Queen's Ambassadors publick Business was hindred Smith also now sent a Letter to the Lord Robert himself which was writ with so much freedom and honest plainness that it pleased the said Lord and set all right between the said Ambassador and him The Lord Robert shewed the Letter to Cecil and much commended his plainness of Writing to him and confessed it to be both wisely and friendly done For Smith was for Truth and Plainness as Throgmorton was for Doubling And the Secretary was of Smith's mind telling him in his
that Familiarity with them that he wisht Tâ—â—s ' with thâ—se in Paris his Converse was so much that he called them his Convictores But he added that he had his Convictrices too i. e. his She Companions and daily Guests which created him as much Sorrow and Anxiety as the others did pleasure And these were as he explained himself Solicitudes Cares Damage to his Domestick Concerns in England greater Charges than he could well bear doubtful Disputations various Emulations and Opinions While Smith was here he procured the Printing of the Answer to Osorius for the Vindication of the Queen and the Proceedings of the Realm in the Reformation of Religion as was mentioned before when the Reader was told of the Difficulty that Smith met with while he required that State 's Allowance for the publishing thereof But at last he got it into the Press at his own Charge Which made Dr. Haddon the Author after the publishing of the Book write to him Mulâ—um tibi Responsum debet Osorianum i. â— That the Answer to Osorius owed much to him And as for Smith's Judgment of this Answer it was this as he wrote to the said Haddon That he conflicted with an Adversary too unequal for him For Osorius brought nothing beside the bare Imitation of Cicâ—ro and the Ignorance of that he undertook to treat of Which Haddon pointed him to as it were with his Finger Yet with much Modesty and without sharpness of Words By April 1564. Smith had so compleated the printing of the Book that he sent over some Copies to the Secretary The aforesaid Dr. Haddâ—n Master of the Requests was the Queen's Ambassador at Bruges at the same time that our Smith was in the like Quality in France Between whom a friendly and learned Correspondâ—nce was maintained They both were Ambassadors abroad in the Years 1562 1564 1565 1566. Divers of the Letters written between them are printed in Haddon's Posthumous Pieces published by Hatcher of Cambridge An. 1567. Smith was a great Lover and Reader of Plato as Haddon was of Tully In relation to which thus did Haddon from Burges write to Smith in France Your Plato will not suffer you nor my Tully me to be our own who would have us serve our Country and as we at first received all that we have from it so to return all back to it again This he said to comfort Smith and himself under their present Distances from their Country their Pains and Expences in their Embassies for the Service of their Queen and Country The troubles whereof they were apt sometimes to lay to heart At another Time viz. in the Year 1562. Haddon appealed to Smith as a Judge in a Dispute between him and the French Ambassador at Bruges upon Cicero's Skill both in Law and Philosophy For Haddon happening to Sup once with that Ambassador upon some occasion Cicero was cited when the Ambassador did admit him to be the best Orator but he would not allow him at all to be skilled in Law and that he was but a mean Philosopher Haddon stood up for the Honour of his Master and affirmed that he was a very good Lawyer and a most excellent Philosopher Whereupon they fell into a very hot Argument that they could hardly make an end Concerning this he took occasion in his next Letter to write unto Smith telling him that he wished this Controversy might have had his Judgment Cui non minus uni tribuo quam Platoni Poeta nescio quis à reliquis destitutus i. e. To whom alone he attributed as much as a certain Poet did to Plato when he had none else of his side Smith on the next occasion in his to Haddon thus communicated his Judgment That if any doubted whether Cicero was a Lawyer it was not to be wondered at because Men for the most part are ignorant of Age and Times That Cicero was not of those in that Time that professed the Civil Law but yet he was Iureconsultissimus Admirably skilled in it Which not only many of his Pleadings and Orations demonstrate but his Topics to Trebatius And he esteemed himself so to have prosited herein that he openly declared one Day If they vexed him he would the third Day after profess the Civil Law But he never saw indeed Accursius nor Bartholus nor Baldus nor Iason nor the Digests nor Code of Iustinian A good Reason why because they were not in being in his Time But so thorowly had he learned the Laws of that Time that unless he had been an Orator he had been esteemed the Learnedest Civilian If he that is a Lawyer deny him to be a Philosopher that Answer will easily be given to him that Apelles gave the Shooe-maker Let him not give his Iudgment beyond his Slipper But for his Philosophy he betook them that denied it to his Book De Deo De Divinatione or what he treated of in his other Philosophical Dissertations In April 1564. Secretary Cecil writ our Ambassador the News of the Disturbance at Court occasioned by Iohn Hales's Book wrote in the last Parliament Which was the cause of his being cast into Prison and several others of the Court committed or banished the Court. Of this Haddon who was now at home had also acquainted him and called it Tempestas Halisiana i. e. The Storm raised by Hales This Hales was a passing good Scholar an hearty Protestant thorowly acquainted with the State of this Kingdom and a great Antipapist he had been a Courtier to King Edward and an Exile under Queen Mary and now under this Queen Clerk of the Hanaper And fearing the Succession of the Scotch Queen a Papist to the Crown if Queen Elizabeth should die unmarried and childless he by private Consultation with others resolved to take upon him to write a Discourse to discuss the Title to this Crown after the Queen And having in a Book confuted and rejected the Line of the Scotch Queen made the Line of the Lady Frances that had been Married to Grey Duke of Suffolk who was Daughter to the Younger Sister of King Henry VIII to be only next and lawful Heir She was Mother to the Lady Katharine Grey who had been privately Married to Edward Seimour Earl of Hertford And were now both in the Tower for that Marriage and under the Queen's Displeasure In April Hales was committed to the Fleet for this bold and presumptuous Act and afterwards to the Tower where he continued a great while Especially because he communicated these his Conceits to sundry Persons The Lord Iohn Grey Uncle to the Lady Katharine was in trouble about it and so was the Lord-Keeper Bacon And besides all this Hales had procured Sentences and Counsels of Lawyers from beyond Seas to be written in maintenance of the Earl of Hertford's Marriage which seemed to have been by their Consents only For which the Marriage had been declared invalid and null by the Archbishop of Canterbury But hereat
the Queen was much offended In May Hales's Business came to be examined by the Secretary After Examination he was found to have procured Books in Defence of the Earl of Hertford's Marriage and likewise in Approbation of the Title of Succession for the Lady Katharine Upon this Occasion thus did Smith the Ambassador write As I am a Man I would not have any Man vexed I could wish Quietness to all the Race of Mankind and that whosoever would might Philosophize freely But every Man should mind his own Business He declared that he for his part was for a Liberty of Philosophizing But whereas it was urged that they Philosophized too much he said he thought what was done was done more out of Curiosity than Malice And whereas he saw so much Danger and Vexation Banishment from Court and Imprisonment of great Men happening upon the Occasion of the said Book some for Writing it and some for Reading it he made this Moral and wise Reflection I plainly perceive how dangerous a thing it is to be too forward in prying into the secret Affairs of King's and Kingdoms CHAP. XI Smith goes over Ambassador again to demand Calais His Employment at home Concerned in turning Iron into Copper SMITH being come home from his Embassy the Sight of his old Friends and the Enjoyment of his native Country was a great Joy to him Haddon still remained Ambassador at Bruges Who in the Kalends of Iune Anno 1566. wrote to him that he did almost envy him this his present Happiness You said he have now recovered your Country your Prince your Consort your Friends your Ease and with the rest the high Commendation of your Embassy Whereas it is my unhappiness alone to be deprived of all those Comforts of my Life And no doubt Smith returned with the same Praise for the management of his Negotiation in France as his Friends in England gave him while he was in the Execution of it as the same Haddon signified to him not long after his first going into France viz. That the most intelligent Men of the Court attributed much to his Wisdom and Moderation but above the rest their common Friend Cecil the Queen's Secretary Who ever made honourable and friendly mention of him Sir Thomas Smith spent this Year in England among his Friends He had not been above Twelve Months at home but he was sent again into France in Quality of the Queen's Ambassador Extraordinary to make a formal Demand of Calais from the French according to a Treaty at the Castle of Cambray Eight Years before and when the last Peace was made at Triers Calais being then excepted in express Words and to be restored to England the second Day of April now next ensuing Sir Henry Norris was at present the Ambassador in Ordinary there who went over in February 1566. Sir Thomas followed the next Month viz. in March Repairing privately to Calais to be there the third Day of April to demand the Town Not as tho' they thought the Governour would deliver it but to avoid all Cavillations which the French might invent for by Law it was to be demanded at the very Place and being not delivered the sum of 500000 l. was forfeited to the Queen Mr. Winter a great Sea-Officer past secretly with him to take Possession thereof if they deceived the Expectation of the English and there were not passing three of the Council knew of Winter's going Sir Thomas took his Son Mr. Smith along with him bringing him up in all generous and gentile Accomplishments that he might be fit to do Service afterward to his Queen and Country And often he sent him over with Letters and Messages as he did in the Month of May this Year 1567. with Letters from himself and Sir Henry his fellow Ambassador containing the Contents of this their troublesome Negotiation But to return to Smith his Managery of this his charge which he did in this Formality He demanded Calais first at the Gates of the Town next the Sea in a loud Voice in French by the sound of a Trumpet of which an Act was presently made by a publick Notary to which were Witnesses certain outlandish Merchants and others there happily present And next coming to the French King he demanded Calais again together with Sir Henry Norris the other Ambassador That King remitted the matter to his Council where Hospital his Chancellor and our Smith argued the Point largely and learnedly on both sides which may be read in the History of Queen Elizabeth This being done Smith comes over again and was at Court about the 12 th of May and thus did he continue employedby the Queen in her service both at home anâ—abroad And for his pains he justly waited for some Preferment as a gracious token of thâ— Queen's acceptance of his Services And when in the Year 1568. Sir Ambrose Cave aâ— old Friend of his deceased who had been Chancellor of the Dutchy and one of the Queenâ—punc Privy Council he solicited and laboured with Cecil to be admitted into his Room He told the said Cecil that if any thing came â—r whatsoever came he should and must thinâ— that it came by him and promised that hewould not be unthankful and that if the Queen were disposed to bestow this Place uponhim he should reckon himself not utterly abjâ—ct of her Majesty Which Words point to â—ome Discontent in Smith's Mind as tho' he had taken it somewhat to heart that no preferment had been conferred upon him during the ten years the Queen had Reigned Dr. Haddon the Master of Requests wrote also upon this occasion to the Secretary in Smith's behalf that he might succeed in his Suit But withal he wrote in that manner astho ' he conjectured his Suit was in effect desperate which he exprest with some trouble concluding that it was destined That as he Haddon was to grow old among Beggars for his Office was to present begging Requests and Suits to the Queen so Smith to spend his life among Turfs meaning the Country Life which he Lived in Essex But withal he wished the Queen â—o worse Counsellors than he And so it fel out Smith missed his Suit and Sir RalphSadleir became Chancellor of the Dutchy So that in the Years 1567 1568 1569 1570. Sir Tho Smith was much in the Country Living aretired Life During which time he servâ—d his Country in distributing Justice and aking care of the Peace and Quiet of the Queen's Subjects and Execution of her Laws in the Quality of Justice of Peace in that Division of Essex especially aâ—punc bout the Part of Ongar and Epping where he dwelt Among other Causes that came before him there happened certain Matters of supposed Witchcraft Which occasioned much Disturbance among â—is Neighbours Arising especially from tâ—o Women viz. One Malter's Wife of Theyron at Mount the Parish where Sir Thomas himself dwelt and
preserve her long to Reign over her People and that his Grace and Mercy would turn all to the best In the midst of these Cares of our Ambassador the Lord Burghley wrote to him of a Matter that put him and his Collegue into a great Consternation It was concerning the Queen's falling Sick of the Small-Pox and withal of her speedy Recovery again His careful Mind for this Matter he thus exprest in his next Letter to the said Lord That he and his Fellow read the News of the Queen's Illness together in a marvellous Agony but having his Medicine ready which was that her Majesty was within an Hour recovered it did in part heal them again But that as his Lordship wrote of himself that the Care did not cease in him so he might be assured it did as little cease in them Calling to their remembrance and laying before their Eyes the Trouble the Uncertainty the Disorder the Peril and Danger that had been like to follow if at that Time God had taken her from them whom he styled The Stay of the Common-wealth the Hope of their Repose and that Lanthorn of their Light next God Not knowing whom to follow nor certainly where to light another Candle Another great Solicitude of his at this Time was as the Queen's Sickness so her Slowness to resolve and the tedious Irresolutions at Court. Of which he spake in some Passion after this sort That if the Queen did still continue in Extremities to promise in Recoveries to forget what shall we say but as the Italians do Passato il pericolo gabbato il fango He told that Lord moreover That he should perceive by their Proceedings in their Embassy what justly might be required was easie to be done But if her Majesty deceived her self and with Irresolution made all Princes understand that there was no Certainty of her or her Council but dalliance and farding off of Time she should then first Discredit her Ministers which was not much but next and by them discredit her self that is to be counted uncertain irresolute unconstant and for no Prince to trust unto but as to a Courtier who had Words at will and true Deeds none These were Expressions proceeding somewhat as may be perceived from his Spleen and partly from his present Indisposition of Body Which he seemed to be sensible of For he begged his Lordship's Pardon for what he had said rendring his Reason That he had been kept there so long that he was then in an Ague both in Body and in Spirit And that as the Humours in his Body made an Ague there of which he wisht it would make an end so that irresolution at the Court he hoped would help to conclude that he might feel no more Miseries Which he feared those that came after should feel Because we will not see said he The Time of our Visitation Thus did Smith express his Discontents into the Bosom of his trusty Friend for the Mismanagement of publick Affairs as he conceived discovering as his Zeal and Affection to the Queen and the State so the Temper of his Mind somewhat enclined to Heat and Choler This he writ from Blois on Good-Friday While Sir Thomas Smith was here Ambassador the Treaty of Marriage was in effect concluded between the Prince of Navarre and the Lady Margaret the present French King's Sister Which lookt then very well toward the Cause of Religion and both that Ambassador and his Collegues Walsingham and Killigrew liked it well One Matter in Debate and the chief was about the manner of Solemnizing the Marriage Whereupon they sent to the Queen of Navarre a true Copy of the Treaty of the Marriage between King Edward the Sixth and the late Queen of Spain the French King's Sister Wherein it was agreed that she should be Married according to the Form of the Church of England Which stood the said Queen of Navarre in such good stead that she produced it to the Queen-Mother of France To which they took Exceptions and said it was no true Copy of the Treaty Whereupon she the Queen of Navarre sent to Sir Tho. Smith who happened to be at that very Treaty By her Messenger she signified that she sent to him to know because he was a Dealer in the same whether he would not justifie it to be a true Copy To whom Sir Thomas answered That knowing the great good Will his Mistress did bear her and how much she desired the good Success of that Marriage as a thing that tended to the Advancement of Religion and Repose of this Realm he could not but in Duty avow the same and be willing to do any good Office that might advance the said Marriage CHAP. XIII Made Chancellor of the Garter Comes home Becomes Secretary of State His Advice for forwarding the Queen's Match His Astonishment upon the Paris Massacre SIR Thomas being still abroad in France the Queen conferred upon him the Chancellorship of the Order of the Garter in the Month of April as some Reward of the League that he had taken so much pains in making For which he thanked her Majesty and said it must needs be to him many times the more welcome because that without his Suit and in his Absence her Highness of her gracious goodness did remember him About Iune 1572. he came home with the Earl of Lincoln Lord Admiral who was sent over to take the Oath of the French King for the Confirmation of the Treaty Which being done by the Queen's Command he was no longer to abide in France but to return at his best Convenience It was not long from this Time that the old Lord Treasurer Marquess of Winchester died and the Lord Burghley Secretary of State succeeded in his Place Then Smith was called to the Office of Secretary viz. Iune 24. having sometime before assisted the Lord Burghley in that Station And surely it was the Opinion of his great Learning as well as his long Experience and other Deserts that preferred him For his Learning had rendred him very famous in the Court A Poet in those Times writing an Heroick Poem to the Queen therein describing all her great Officers one after another thus depainted this her Secretary Inde tibi est altis SMYTHUS à gravibúsque Secretis Doctrinae Titulis Honoris fulgidus ut qui Pierius Vates prompto facundus ore Et cui solliciti exquisita Peritia Iuris Astronomus Physicusque Theologus insuper omni Eximiè multifaria tam structus in Arte Ut fedes in eo Musae fixisse putentur Wherein of all the Queen 's Wise and Noble Counsellors Smith her Secretary is made to be the deeply Learned Man about her as being an ingenious Poet an excellent Speaker of exquisite Skill in the Civil Law in Astronomy in natural Philosophy and Physick in Divinity and in a word so richly furnished in all the Arts and Sciences that the Muses themselves might be supposed to
Secondly Concerning Laws for the Politick Government of the Country to be possest for the Preservation of it Thirdly In what Orders to proceed in this Journey from the beginning to the End which Sir Thomas called A Noble Enterprise and A Godly Voyage His Son being now with his Colony upon the Place proceeded commendably in order to the Reduction of it He was in a good forwardness of reducing Sarleboy to Obedience For they had much Converse together and came at length to Articles of Agreement The main of which was that he should be made a Denizon of England by the Queen and hold his Land of her and him and the same Privilege should the rest of his Scots enjoy Paying to the Queen a yearly Rent in acknowledgement and he to become Homager to Her by Oath and so to be a faithful Subject or else lose his Right Mr. Smith also began a new Fort in this Country He laboured also to unite the English and Scots that were there who did not it seems very well agree That their strength being united they might be the more able to withstand the Wild Irish. And this the Scots were for promoting as considering that if the English and they should strive together when the one had weakened the other the Wild Irish like the Puthawk it was Sir Thomas's own similitude might drive them out or carry away both Besides the Pains Sir Thomas had already taken for the settlement of the Ardes he drew up this year Instructions to be sent from the Queen to his Son Containing directions upon what terms Sarleboy and his fellows should hold their Lands of her Majesty and him Likewise he drew up a draught for explaining certain Words doubtful in the Indentures between the Queen and him and his Son As about his Sons soldiers if they should Marry in that Country as it was likely they would The Secretary entreated the Lord Treasurer to steal a little leisure to look these Writings over and correct them so that he might make them ready for the Queens signing And this he hoped when once dispatched might be as good to his Son as Five Hundred Irish soldiers At Mr. Smith's first coming hither he found some few that claimed themselves descended of English blood namely the Family of the Smiths and the Savages and two Surnames more And these presently joyned with the English and combined with them against the Wild Irish. But all the rest were mere Irish or Irish Scots and natural Haters of the English The Queen had a Force of men in those Parts for necessary Defence and for the keeping of Knockfergus a very important Place for curbing the Irish. But to retrench her Charge in Ireland she was minded now to discharge them as she had done some already expecting that Smith should secure those Quarters nor would she grant any Foot or Horse to him Sir Thomas therefore in February interceded with her by the means of the Lord Treasurer that at least for that year she would suffer those Bands to be there to Countenance and support the New begun Aid and Fort and not to leave it so naked as it had been it seems all that Winter by Cassing those Bands that were heretofore the Defence of Knockfergus and the Bar of the North. And he told the Lord Treasurer upon this Occasion that it was certain if his Son had not retrieved a Band of the Lord of Harvey's at his own Charge Knockfergus had been in great danger or else clean lost But while these matters thus fairly and hopefully went on Mr. Smith was intercepted and slain by a wild Irish man Yet Sir Thomas did not wholly desist but carried on the Colony and procured more Force to pass over there For in March Anno exeunte his Son being but newly if yet dead there were Harrington Clark and some others Adventurers on this Design that gave certain Summs of Money for Lands there to be assured to them In the beginning of March 1572 the Ships Captains and Soldiers were ready to be wasted over When unhappily some Persons concerned had started some new Matter in regard of the Bargain Which put a stop to their Departure And one Edward Higgins the Chief of the Gentlemen and Captains that were going over and forward in this generous Expedition was hindred for want of the money agreed upon Hence it came to pass that the Captains lay at great Charges when their Ships Mariners and Soldiers were ready and they did nothing but dispend their Money This troubled Sir Thomas not a little as appears by a Letter he wrote to one Mrs. Penne a Gentlewoman that had an Influence upon some of these Persons that made the stop To whom therefore Sir Thomas applied himself praying her to call upon them to consider at what Charge the Captains did lie and to do what she could in any wise to help them away Whereby she should do the Queens Majesty good service and him and them great Pleasure It being a matter said he which indeed for the goodness of it I take much to heart This was writ from Greenwich the 6th of March This Care the Secretary continued For a year or two after I find him drawing out other Passports and Licences for transportation of Victuals for certain that went to the Ardes and expressing himself then to a Friend that it stood him upon both in Profit and Honesty not to let the present Month pass which was May An. 1574. And so during his Life Sir Tho. laboured in the Civilizing and Settlement of this his Colony But upon his Death it seems to have lain neglected for some Time And tho' the Family and Heirs of Sir Thomas who are extant to this day have often claimed their Interest in this Land which their Ancestor did so dearly purchase and well deserve yet they enjoy not a foot of it at this present For as I have been informed by some of that Worshipful Family Sir William Smith Nephew and Heir to our Sir Thomas Smith was meerly tricked out of it by the Knavery of a Scot one Hamilton who was once a Schoolmaster tho' afterwards made a Person of Honour with whom the said Sir William was acquainted Upon the first coming in of King Iames I. He minded to get these Lands confirmed to him by that King which had cost Sir Thomas besides the death of his only Son 10000 l. being to go into Spain with the English Ambassador left this Hamilton to solicite this his Cause at Court and get it dispatch'd But Sir William being gone Hamilton discovered the Matter to some other of the Scotch Nobility And he and some of them begged it of the King for themselves pretending to his Majesty that it was too much for any one Subject to enjoy And this Hamilton did craftily thinking that if he should have begged it all for himself he might perhaps have failed of success being so great a Thing but that
Grave men and full of Experience and at home the Execution is to be done by young men Captains and Soldiers abroad And said he my Lord of Essex hath shewed great Wisdom Courage and Boldness hitherto and brought it to a very good Pass for a beginning And now having more Experience and Malby and other Captains with him of Courage it was to be hoped that he should bring it to a good End Yea said the Queen but who hath he with him but Malby Shall I trust so great a Matter to him and such a Mass of Money Who shall have the Charge of it and the laying out of it Madam answered the Secretary the Money is to be committed to the Treasurer there and upon his Accounts to be employed upon the Captains and Soldiers for their Wages and Victuals and upon Fortifications If he do keep his Plat then he followeth that which the Wisest Heads of the Counsellours in England think fit and best to be done Otherwise he deceiveth them and your Highness and most of all himself Which it is not likely that he should and I trust he will not do But the Queen still harped upon that string that there was lacking able Ministers and shewed her self notwithstanding at this Discourse desirous to consult with the Treasurer But tho' the Commission and Order for the Earl of Essex was by her signed at last still she was doubtful of the success of her Irish affairs thus committed to that Nobleman some about her Enemies to him lessening his Worth to the Queen Whereupon the Secretary entreated the Treasurer whose Opinion she greatly valued in Matters of State that he would perswade her to think no more of it till Michaelmas that is till half a year were past And by that Time he trusted she should see such good success that she should be glad and sorry only that it was not set upon before Thus earnestly did Sir Thomas solicite his Royal Mistress for the Good of Ireland and labour'd to release and satisfie her Mind anxious about her successes and loth to part with her Money without fair Probability of succeeding And perhaps he was the more earnest herein the safety and good Estate of his Lands in the Ardes depending upon this Expedition of that Noble Lord. The Secretary was this Year with the Queen in her Progress And in the Month of August he was with her at Charteley Whence she went to Stafford Castle and thence to one Mr. Giffords the Secretary attending her This being some part of her Progress It was now lately grown a common Practice to ride with Daggs or Pistols Whereby it came to pass that Thieves wearing weapons did more boldly rob true men travailing upon their Occasions And there were now also common Routs of roguing Beggars by the high way side naming themselves Soldiers of Ireland lately disbanded Of both these the Queen Decemb. 4. willed the Lords to write unto the Lord Treasurer for the Redress of them And she shewed the Secretary that some of them had said they were in Company 1500. which were fain now to go a begging The Secretary by a private Letter let the Lord Treasurer understand this and added that it was honourable and almost necessary that some good Order were taken for these two Disorders And for the Remedy hereof Sir Thomas drew out a Proclamation shewing how great and heinous Robberies and Murders had been committed both in the Highways and other Places in divers Parts of the Realm by such as did carry about with them Daggs or Pistols contrary to the good and wholesome Statutes of the Realm That the Queen therefore of a great Zeal and Care that she had to the Safety and Preservation of her Subjects and to the good Government of the Realm in all Peace and Surety calling to mind how unseemly a thing it was in so quiet and peaceable a Realm to have men go armed with such offensive Weapons as tho' it were in Time of Hostility and how prohibited by her Noble Progenitors did charge and command all her Subjects of what Estate or Degree soever they were that in no wise in their journeying going or riding they carried about them privily or openly any Dag or Pistol or any other Harquebuse Gun or such Weapon for Fire under the Lengths exprest by the Statute made by the Queens most Noble Father upon pain of Imprisonment or other Punishment And the Justices Mayors Bailiffs and Constables were to arrest such as should come to any Town with such Weapons And all Keepers of Inns Taverns c. should have care and regard that no man should bring into their Houses any such prohibited Weapons and if they did to seize upon the same and to bring the Persons to the Constable to be arrested But because for the multitude of those evil disposed Persons which carried about them such Weapons for mischievous and unlawful Intents some of her good Subjects had been compelled for their own Defence and to avoid the danger of such Thieves to provide them Daggs and Pistols and carry them openly she was contented for a certain time specified that all Noble men and such known Gentlemen which were without Spot or Doubt of evil Behaviour if they carried Daggs or Pistolets about them in their Journeys openly at their Saddle Bows and in no other close manner And such of their Servants as rid in their Company Sir Thomas Smith in a Parliament this Eighteenth year of the Queen procured an Act to pass for the Universities and the two Colleges of Eaton and Winchester for which his Memory will be always dear to Scholars which was that a third part of the Rent upon Leases made by Colleges should be reserved in Corn paying after the Rate of Six Shillings and Eight pence the Quarter or under for good Wheat and Five Shillings a Quarter or under for good Malt. This Corn the Tenants were yearly to deliver to the Colleges either in Kind or in Money as the Colleges pleased after the Rate of the best Wheat and Malt in the Markets of Cambridge and Oxford at the day prefixed for the Payment thereof Fuller in his History of Cambridge maketh this Remark here That Sir Thomas Smith was said by some to have surprised the House herein Where many could not conceive how this would be at all profitable to the Colleges but still the same on the Point whether they had it in Money or Wares But the Knight took the Advantage of the present cheapness knowing hereafter Grain would grow dearer Mankind daily multiplying and Licence being lately given for Transportation So that at this day much Emolument redouudeth to the Colleges in each University by the passing of this Act and tho' their Rents stand still their Revenues do encrease The Act ran For the bearer Maintenance of Learning and the better Relief of Scholars That no Master Provost President Warden Dean Governor Rector or chief Ruler of any
thou do stil prolong Doubt and Defer as now thou dost Thus meâ—â—â—nks England might speak wel enough to her Majesty Whose Word I trust her Highneâ— wil both hear and weigh when it shal please God to put it in her Highnes mind But I wil return to your other Argaments Mr. Agamus You were something long in proving that the Queens Majesty may in Peace by her Council in War by her General govern and conduct al things as wel as tho She were there in Person her self Hardly wil I graunt that the one should be as wel as th' other I se in al other things that Oculus Domini non solum pascit Equum optime as he said but also Colit stercorat Agrum The Italians have a Proverb La â—â—ccia d'buomo saccia de Leone The Face of a man is the Face of a Lion Meaning that the Presence of a man himself to whom the thing doth appertain to Terror to Diligence to setting forward of that which is intended doth furmount and pass al other things As when our late Sovereign K. Henry VIII â—ay against Boloign and another Camp with right good Captains before Montrel the Courage of the Soldier the Provision of the Victuals the Effect of the Enterprize ye know was not like For th' one fought under the Princes Ey th' other as it were behind him th' one saw present Reward or Pain th' other had but trust of their Captains Report As touching the Romans where do you se or read in their Histories that the Leaâ—tes which we call Generals or Lieutenants did so wel as the Consuls or Proconsuls in any War Who altho they were but as other of the Senate yet for that Time they had a Kingly and Sovereign Authority especially abroad And yet the Romans thought not that enough but when any danger came they made Dictaâ—â—â—ent Who from the Time of his Dictatorship was a very King or Monarch as ye know well enough So much did they think that Legats and Generals could not do th'enterprize so wel as he that hath the Princely Fasces as they cal them and the Sceptre And who that readeth the Veuctian Histories shal se that altho their Captain or General hath one of their Senate called Proveditore with him By whose Counsil if he do he doth avoid the danger of judgment Yet for because he is not indeed Consul or Dictator ye see their Wars go but coldly forward And this you knowing which Thing I marked in your Tale you praise them for the keeping that which they get wherefore I peradventure could shew some Causes Indeed for good Warriors I never heard Man yet give them the Prize And if I should grant this that the Generals in War do as wel as the Prince in Person which thing you see I am very loth to do and if it had not been strange and a thing to be wondered at in Octavius Augustus Plutarch would not have noted it But if I should grant it yet as the Greeks say One City is before another and there is difference in Generals and Lieutenants not only in knowledge of the Feats of War and in the Hardines of Courage and Wisdom to atchieve them but also in Estimation of the Soldier And who can be more esteemed or go more nâ—er to do as much in the Wars and with Soldiers as the Queen her Self if She were a Warriour or there in Person should do as either he which is the King or the Queens Husband In K. Henry III. his Time I read of Prince Edward who was after called Long Shanks and in the Time of Edward III. of the Black Prince and Henry V. that they did as much as their Fathers and that their Soldiers would under their Banners sight as valiant and go as far as they would govern their Fathers being then Kings of England And no marvail They did not only look shortly to have them their Sovereign Masters but they knew in the mean time how dear those Persons were to their Fathers Which two things did work so much in their Hearts and Minds that there was smal Want of the Royal Presence So much think I it doth excel to the Encouragement of the Soldier to the Hope of the Capitain to the Terror of the Enemy to understand that the Husband of the Queen he whom her Highnes Loveth above al men and whom She trusteth most and who can commend their Doings at al Times to her Highnes to be in the Field over it is of any other Lieutenant or General whosoever he be At one thing I assure you you had almost made me to laugh when that you spoke so husbandly of Husbanding I perceive the Queens Majesty doth not wel that you are not one of the Green-cloth you would husband the Matter so wel and teach them al to save mony And for one thing ye might do wel there because I perceive ye love no Takers But if you were once of them I fear me you would love Takers better and bear with them as wel as al the rest do Oh! merciful God do you look to save mony and do not care to save your Head You do consider how a few Expences may be saved and do not se how your Posterity shal be spent and consumed Cal to remembrance I pray you what was spoken you wot Where and When a little before the Speaker of the Parlament went to move that Petition to her Highnes wherof I spake even now I would to God her Majesty might live ever I would she should not dye but now I know that being born of mortal Parents there is no Remedy She must once run this Race that al her Progenitors have don before and al mortal Men and Women shal follow When that is don what a Damp shal England be in What an Eclipse wil that be if God do not either send a Prince before of her Body or els incredible Aggrement of the Nobility and Commons We hear what the Daulphin did attempt by the Title of his Wife the Scottish Queen after the Death of Q. Mary Happy is the Queens Majesty by the great Consent of her Subjects and happy be her Subjects by the Life and Prosperity of her Highnes But if there come any Dissension for the Trials of Titles If there come Part-takings who should wear the Crown what a more miserable Realm should there be in the whole World than this of England I am afraid to speak and I tremble to think what Murthers and Slaughters what Robbing and Riâ—ling what Spoiling and Burning what Hanging and Heading what Wasting and Destroying Civil War should bring in if ever it should come From the Time that K. Richard II. was deposed in whom al the Issne of the Black Prince was extinct unto the Death of K. Richard III the unkind and cruel Brother of Edward IV. whose Daughter was Maried as ye know to K. Henry VII by reason of Titles this poor Realm had never long Rest. Noble men
were beheaded poor men were spoiled both one and th' other stain in battel or murthered at home Now this King prevailed now th' other No man sure of his Prince no man of his Goods no man of his Life A King to day to morrow a Prisoner Now hold the Sceptre and shortly after fly privily the Realm And when this fel upon the Head how sped the Body think you Those two Blades of Lyonel and Iohn of Gaunt never rested pursuing th' one th' other til the Red Rose was almost razed out and the White made al bloudy And as it were Eteocles and â—â—lyâ—ices they ceased not til they had filled their Country ful of bloudy Streams They set the Father against the Son the Brother against the Brother the Unkle flew the Nephew and was slain himself So Bloud pursued and ensued Bloud til al the Realm was brought to great Confusion It is no marvail tho' they lost France when they could not keep England And England in the latter end of K. Henry VI. was almost a very Chaos Parishes decayed Churches fel down Townes were desolate plowed Fields waxed Groves Pastures were made Woods Almost half England by Civil War slain and they which remained not sure but in Moates and Castles or lying in Routs and Heaps together When those two Roses by the Reliques and last store of the Whole were joyned in the amiable Knot of Mariage then the Strife ended and England began as it were to be inhabited again Men left Moates and Castles and builded abroad pleasant Houses And thus it hath continued from K. Henry VII hitherto Save that in this Time a few Broyls of the Stirred Sea which could not so soon be calmed by Martin Swarte Perkin Warbeck and Simond out of Ireland were somewhat renewed but they were Trifles to the rest Sith which Time not containing yet fourscore years you se how England is repeopled the Pastures clothed the Desarts inhabited the Rents of Lands encreased the Houses replenished the Woods so wasted that now we begin to complain for want of them and our Encrease is tedious to our selves which find fault with the Fruits of Peace because we know not the Cause of the Success nor the Commodities therof But as if al the World should return to the old Chaos it were the greatest mischief that Heart could invent Tongue speak Pen express or Wit indite So if this should come to our Country of England we for our parts shal feel this I speak of and as it were the particular Judgment of the Day of Doom And it standeth but on a tickle and frail Ground if God wil so plague our Country whether the Red and White Rose shal strive again together or whether the branches of the mixed Rose shal cleave asunder and strive within themselves which is neerer the Root Oh! Lord God let me not live to se that day And you my Friend do you in this Company speak of Saving of Mony to let the saving of this Trouble from the Realm of England With this he held his peace and seemed indeed very much troubled And no man said a word even a good pretty space 〈◊〉 at the last the Stammerer that I told you of whom they called after al that night Mr. Godfather stutting after this maner said this in effect By the Lord I believe you have told as good a Tale as ever I heard I am now glad I have an Excuse by my Tongue for I should not have don it so wel For both in Peace and War and al times you have proved that it is best for her Grace and most to her Comfort and Quiet to have an Husband Mary I thought long for this Last Part of the Necessity of a Prince of her Highnes Body And because you pass it over so with Silence I had thought to have put you in mind of that thing but now I wil not say more of it For I se it troubleth you as it doth us al. Now Sir you have said so much for me as I would wish and I thank you For the rest as I said I am indifferent If you have any thing to speak for an Alien who be so tender unto you and whom you do always prefer before us English Men speak on a Gods Name and let this Gentleman provide wel to aunswer you For I perceive ye wil do wel enough both III. Philoxenius or Love-alien his second Oration for the Queens Marying with a Stranger IN good Faith quoth Love-alien now I have spoken for you so long I am in a maner weary when I should speak for my self And yet this was not out of the Way for me so to do but in maner necessary For it standeth not with order of Disputation as to my remembrance Aristotle writeth that I should go about to prove Quale sit before I have proved Quod sit Therfore it had been superfluous for me to describe what maner of Husband I thought most meet for the Queens Highnes if it were not first proved by reason that it were convenient that her Majesty should have one For if her Grace be fully determined and perswaded by Mr. Agamus Spiteweds Reasons then to reason whether a Stranger or an English-man were more to be wished is clean superfluous For it is cut off by this one stroke Her Majesty wil have none Wel here among this Company for Disputation sake I wil stand so wel in my own Conceit that I take Mr Agamus his Opinion thorowly confuted And let us put the Case that is aggreed upon That best it were for her Majesty to Mary then standeth it in Consultation farther of the maner and Condition of her Husband Wherin may be made many Questions as whether a Young Man or a more elderly whether a Batchelor or a Widower an English-man or a Stranger a great Prince or a King or a mean Personage as in al such where divers be offered of sundry Qualities wherof the Choise and Election is to be taken and because both I am weary and there hath yet but one of these Questions been moved amongst us I shal speak but of that Branch only Whether an English-man or a Stranger is to be perferred Wherin because I have already declared my Opinion which Part I mind to take it resteth that I should also declare the Reasons which moved me to think as I have said and here I intend to begin The very true godly and essential Causes of Matrimony if I may use that Term be three The getting of Children without the Offence of God The natural Remedy to resist the Temptation of the Devil moving us to Fornication or Adultery And the Comfort Pleasure and Help which th' one hath of th' other in al private Affairs and in Governing the House and Family This last the Philosophers which knew not the right Law of God make the first the chief and the whole Cause For as for the Second I mean Fornication they esteemed it not And the first
yet had I rather overburthen my self than leave my Country undefended or to see my Country-men so much disgraced Our Question is Whether if it please the Queens Majesty to Marry it were better that her Majesty took an English man or a Stranger Here you come with your fine and logical Distinction and bring in the Causes Essential and Accidental of Marriage as tho' we were in a School of Dunsery and not in a Discourse of Pleasure where we would seek out the Truth without any Fraud or Circumvention I pray you either mince not the matter so finely or else go not so lightly away with every piece before it be either granted to you or else fully proved And first to the three Essentials which you make I will never grant that the English man and the Stranger be equal For even for the first I mean getting of Children if you ask mine Opinion altho' after Marriage by the Law of God whosoever the Father be the Prince or Child which is gotten shall be most rightful Heir of England and an English man yet it must needs be better an hundredfold that our Prince be a mere English man as well by the Father as by the Queen his Mother than half English which shall have any part of Strangers Bloud in him We laugh at this and you think that I speak now of the Honour and of the Affection which I have to our Country above other No I speak not of Affection but as great Causes move me For I would the Prince of this Realm should be wholly English and that no other Realm had any Duty to claim of him but that he should think this his whole and only Country and natural Soil So shall he never set by others Countries but by this So shall he not prefer sickle Strangers to his trusty Subjects So shall he ever covet to adorn magnifie and exalt this Realm and drive away no Part of his Love from it to another Whereas if he should have to his Father a Stranger it cannot be but he must have a natural Mind and Affection to this his Father's Country and his elder Country and either as much or more than to England Of which thing this Realm already hath had Proof enough The Danes enjoyed once this Realm too long Of which altho' some of them were born here yet so long as the Danes Blood was in them they could never but favour the poor and barren Realm of Denmark more than the rich Country of England The Normans after wan and possessed the Realm So long as ever the Memory of their Blood remained the first most and so less and less as by little and little they grew to be English What did they Keep down the English Nation Magnifie the Normans the rich Abbies and Priories they gave to their Normans the Chief Holds the Noble Seignories the best Bishopricks and all Yea they went so low as to the Parsonages and Vicarages if one were better to the Puâ—se than another that a Norman had Poor English men were glad to take their Leavings And so much was our Nation kept under that we were glad to dissemble our Tongue and learn theirs Whereupon came the Proverb Iack would be a Gentleman if he could speak French But as the Norman Bloud and Tongue â—anished away so by little and little Thanks be to God this Mischief began to cease and the Princes by Process of Time made mere English merely favoured this our Nation And is not this a good Cause think you why I should wish the Queens Highness Husband to be of our Country and the Prince her Majesty's Son to be a mere English man For as we have seen by these and other Proofs in Time past if the Prince should be a Frenchman he would favour the French if an Italian the Italians if a Dane or a Swedener he would also favour his Country and Country-men And is not the whole at least the greatest part of the Love which we English men should require of him to be derived thither And you may be assured as the People see the Prince part his Love so will they part theirs Which Love I would have and wish always to be whole intire and perfect in both That there should not arise a Seditious Person to say Non est nobis Pars in David nec Hareditas in filio Jesse Unusquisque ad Tentorium O Israel As for the second which is the Avoiding of Adultery and Fornication it lyeth more in the Gift of God and the Godliness of the Mind of the Married Person than in the Quality of his or her Make. But will not evil Examples think you do much And I pray you what Nation is there where Matrimony is so indifferently of each and so godly of both kept as in England The Italians be so jealous that almost every private man there doth not think himself sure of his Wife except he keep her close in a Mew as here in England men keep their Hawks Again he for his part taketh so much Liberty that to resort to Courtezans to describe his Loves and Pastimes with others besides his Wife so it be in fine Rhythme and wittily contrived Verse he taketh rather an Honour than a Dishonour Do you think her Majesty brought up in English Manner can like this suspicion against the Wife Or this Licentious Liberty of the Husband And yet if her Grace should take an Italian this is the Manner of his Country The French man in jealousie is not so much nor doth so streightly as in prison keep hiâ— Wife as doth the Italian Mary for his own Liberty he will give the Italian no place Their own French Books do shew no lessâ— and whoso is conversant with them 〈◊〉 understand the same And if her Majesty should Marry a French man think you he would not have some great piece of his Country Manners The Scots be in so natural League wiâ—â— France that he is no true Scot unless he speak and do French-like The Spaniard will rule and standeth all up on Honour For other Liberty of such Pastime he will give place to none but go afar as any yet he will do Penance peradventure in Lent or at Easter and whip himsâ—lâ— then in a Visor naked supposing to make God and his Wife amends by it as he thinketh and to salve his fond Conscience But for our English Manners I dare say we esteem iâ— mâ—re honourable and more Godly not with such Untroth to oâ—fend our Wives than first to take Liberty and then to make so mad Amends The Dutch men and the Dane and all such Countries as draw in Language and Conditions towards them with the great Love which they have to Drink do shadow the other Vice and either may so excuse them that they did it overcome with Drink or else indeed for two much pleasure in the one care less for the other But what excuse is that with Vice to elâ—de Vice Or else what
Pleasure shall it be to one brought up in English Manners to have an Husband which shall almost ever be Drinking or Sleeping Or if not ever yet too many times she must be sain thus to bear with him For it is the manner of his Country and so he was brought up Thesâ— bâ— the Faults of other Nations which tho' they seem strange to us yet among them 〈◊〉 â—ome Use Custom and the Multitudâ— of them that do so maketh it no Shame Reproach nor Rebuke Which if her Majesty do mislike as I am sure her Godly Wisdom must needs cause her not to like them thâ—n must our English man in this Case be preferred And this for the two Parts which ye passed so lightly and take as granted that in thâ—m there was no Difference between the English man and the Stranger For the Third that is the Comfort Pleasure and Joy which the one otherwise privately shall take of the other which is most necessary for Qâ—iâ—tness of Mind and Government of the House and Family I take that there is no Comparison For if Likeness of Tongue Behaviour Manners Education be those which make Love bring Fruit and cause Amity what can Diversity of all these do but bring Misliking Distrust and Hatred Which be very hansome Servants â—I assure you to go on message betwixt the Husband and the Wife And if men be so naturally affectioned to their own Country that they do not only prefer the Soil and Air thereof before other Countries altho' they be indeed much better as the Poets for Example to declare the Nature of mans Affection make Ulyâ—ses whom they describe as the wisest and most foreseeing of all the Greeks after manifold Torments of the Sea and Land yet to prefer the little barren and rocky Island 〈◊〉 which was his own natural Country to all other yea to the plâ—â—sant Country of Camâ—â—nia where Riches did dwell and to the rich and plenteous Country of the Phaeaces wherein one Grape doth ripen upon another and Figs upon Figs so that there is always plenty but also the Manners Conditions Affections Ordinances and Laws of his own Country every man doth think them better and more to be esteemed than thosâ— of any other as Herodetus doth also write who bringeth this thing for a great Argument that Cambyses was mad and out of his right Wits because he did not esteem the Manners and Conditions of his own Country And Alexander had much ado to keep the Love of his Soldiers and Princes of Macedony and was of them misliked as one drunken with Pride and half out of his right Wits because he began to wear the Apparel and to like the Manners and Behaviour of the Persians Insomuch that altho' he much desired it yet he was fain to remit that to his Macedonians that they should not kneel when they spoke to him Because they could not be brought unto it Forsomuch as it was not the Manner of their Country to do so to their Princes So Iulius Caâ—sar durst never call himself King nor would suffer any Man to name or write him Lord or King because he knew the Romans otherwise brought up could not abide it We see when Christian Religion began first how earnest the Iews were to bring in their Circumcision and Ceremonies and to lay their Customs and Manners upon our Backs And so much they esteemed them that they thought Christ scarcely able enough without them to save us and that he was no good man except he did as they did What shall I gather of this but that if the Queens Majesty should marry a Stranger she shall take one who shall not only love his own Natural Country better than England but also the Apparel Conditions Manners Pastime and Behaviour of his own Country better than those of England For as it is natural for an English man to love England and to like the Manners and Conditions of England so it is natural to Italians French men Germans Danes Men of Sweden each one to like theirs And if it be natural so to do than he is an unnatural man that doth not and as Herodotus thinketh a man to be counted rather mad and beside himself than otherwise Now whether think you better Master Lovealien for the Queen to take a Stranger which should be counted a wise natural and godly man to his Country or no If he be so then shall he set more by his own Country than England And if he be not then whom will you have the Queen to marry One who neither shall be counted wise nor natural to his Country And if he be to that his own Country unnatural and unkind do you think that her Highness shall find any natural Love in him in whom his Country as Mother who first brought him up his Subjects of whom he is Lord and Patron the Land that bred him the Tombs of all his Ancestors that Country where all his Friends and Kinsfolks dwell that Place which next unto God he oweth most Duty unto cannot find He thaâ— is unkind to his own seldom is found kind to another he that is most Loving to his kin hardly is to be thought for to be loving to strangers And again if he be to be counted a wise and discreâ—t man and a natural man to his own Country as it is most likely he will be then shall he covet to enrich that and to impoverish ours to honour and exalt that tho' it be with the oppressing of this to bring in the Manners and Conditions of that Country which he liketh best and to see if he can bring the Queens Highness to them And so to frame her Majesty as they call it to his Bow which he thinketh best not to apply to our Institutes Conditions and Manners which be best indeed Or be it in case they be not as for my Part I think they be yet our Queen and her People brought up in them must of Force and Nature think them best Now Sir as you say of Apparel Manners Customs Behaviour Pastimes Exercises Eating and Drinking so say I also of Laws for this Education containeth all what Contention hath been always betwixt us and Strangers because they like their Laws and Customs best and we ours They say we do wrong where we do not as they do And we again think their Laws unjust and unequal for us not only in Succeâ—â—â—on of Heritage but in many other Contracts And when they be here we make them follow our Laws and when we be there we must do as their Customs be Now this Contention is easily born for the one part of sine force must give place But if you bring this contention once into England the Queens Majesty shall like her own Realm Customs and Laws and her People will so desire Her Husband possibly as he shall think himself as great a Prince or greater shall like his Laws Customs and Ordinances better and shall by all means study to bring them