person sueth another Spiritual person in the Court of Rome for a matter Spiritual where he may have remedy before his Ordinary that is of the Bishop of the Diocess within the Realm Quia trahit ipsum in placitum extra regnum incurreth the danger of a Premunire a hainous offence being contra Legiantiae suae debitum in contemptum Domini Regis contra coronam dignitatem suam In the Kings Court of Record where Felonies are determined the Bishop or his Deputy ought to give his attendance to the end that if any man 9 Ed. 4. 28. that is Indicted or Arraigned for Felony do demand the benefit of his Clergy that the Ordinary may inform the Court of his sufficiency or insufficiency that is whether he can read as a Clerk or not whereof notwithstanding the Ordinary is not to judge but a Minister to the Kings Court and the Judges of that Court are to judge of the sufficiency or insufficiency of the party whatsoever the Ordinary do inform them and upon due examination of the party may give judgement above the Ordinaries information For the Kings Judges are Judges of the Cause whether the Ordinary be a Judge of Legit or non Legit matters not much for if he be Judge or Minister no doubt but he is the Kings Judge or Minister And I my self have seen Chief Justice Littleton overrule the Ordinary in the Case of one Brudbank after the Ordinaries Deputy had pronounced legit ut Clericus and give sentence of death upon him for his non legit and he was hanged The Popes Excommunication is of no force within the Kingdom of England 12 Ed. 4. f. 46. In the Reign of King Ed. 4. a Legat came from the Pope to Callis to have come into England but the King and his Councel would not let him come into England until he had taken an Oath that he should attempt nothing against the King or his Crown And so the like was done to another of the Popes Legates And this is so reported 1 H. 7. fol. 10. In the Reign of Richard the third It is resolved by the Judges that a Judgement of Excommunication in the Church of Rome shall not prejudice any man within England at the Common Law In the Reign of Henry the seventh 1 H. 7. fol. 10. The Pope had Excommunicated all persons whatsoever who had bought Alume of the Florentines and it was resolved by all the Judges that the Popes Excommunication ought not to be obeyed or to be put in execution within the Realm of England It was enacted ordained and established by the advice and assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in the said Parliament assembled That it be lawful to all Archbishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries having Episcopal jurisdiction to punish chastise such Priests Clerks and Religious men being within the bounds of their jurisdiction as shall be committed afore them by examination and lawful proof requisite by the Law of the Church of Advoutry Fornication Incest or any other fleshly incontinency by committing them to ward or prison there to abide in ward until such time as shall be thought to their discretions convenient for the quality and quantity of their trespass And that none of the Archbishops Bishops or Ordinaries aforesaid be thereof chargeable of to or upon any action of false or wrongful Imprisonment but that they be utterly discharged thereof in any of the cases aforesaid by vertue of this Act. The King is a mixt person because he hath Ecclesiastical and Temporal 10 H. 7. 18. jurisdiction By the Ecclesiastical Laws allowed within this Realm a Priest cannot 11 H. 7. 12. have two Benefices nor a Bastard can have a Priest But the King may by his Ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction dispence with both these because they be mala prohibita but not mala per se How far Henry the Eighth exercised his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction IT was enacted That if any person or persons at any time after the St. 21. H. 8. 13. first of April 1530. contrary to the Act should procure and obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation to receive or take any more Benefices with cure then was limited by the said Act or else at any time after the said day should put in execution any such Licence Toleration or Dispensation before that time obtained contrary to the said Act That then every such person or persons so after the said day suing for himself or receiving or taking such Benefice by force of such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation that is to say the same person or persons only and no other should for every such default incur the danger pain and penalty of Twenty pounds sterling and should also lose the whole profits of every such Benefice or Benefices as he receives or takes by force of any such Licence or Licences Union Toleration or Dispensation And that if any person or persons did procure or obtain at the Court of Rome or elswhere any manner of Licence or Dispensation to be nonresident at their Dignities Prebends or Benefices contrary to the said Act that then every such person putting in execution any such Dispensation or Licence for himself from the said first of April 1530. should run and incur the penalty damage and pain of Twenty pounds sterling for every time so doing to be forfeited and recovered and yet such Licence or Dispensation so procured or to be put in execution to be void and of none effect It was enacted That no person from thenceforth cited or summoned 23 H. 8. cap. 9. or otherwise called to appear by himself or herself or by any Procurator before any Ordinary Archdeacon Commissary Official or any other Judge Spiritual out of the Diocese or peculiar Jurisdiction where the person which shall be cited summoned or otherwise as is abovesaid called shall be inhabiting and dwelling at the time of awarding or going forth of the same citation or summons Except it be for in or upon any of the cases or causes hereafter written viz. for any Spiritual offence or cause committed or done or omitted forstowed or neglected to be done contrary to right and duty by the Bishop Archdeacon Commissary Official or other person having Spiritual jurisdiction or being a Spiritual Judge or by any other person or persons within the Diocese or other Jurisdiction whereunto he or she shall be cited or otherwise lawfully called to appear and answer And that every Spiritual Judge offending contrary to the purport of this Act shall forfeit Ten shillings sterling the one half to the King the other half to any person that will sue for the same in any of the Kings Courts in which action no protection shall be allowed nor Wager of Law or Essoine be admitted In which Sir E. Coke Cawdries case says there were twenty four Bishops Stat. 24. H. 8. cap.
his tail for his Second Ground is That the nature of Man reacheth not to the perfection of Government But what does our Author here mean by Freemen if by Freemen he understands men free to do what they list then our Author leaves them as he found them and has done nothing at all but if these Freemen be subject to their Trustee so far as he apprehends it fit and necessary for the good of the Commonwealth then I believe we shall finde them as very slaves as any our Author Ground 9. makes So that after all this ado our Author has made a multitude of slaves or he has made nothing at all And thus hath our Author endeavored to shew why men desire to live in Community viz. By having nothing common at all The Eighth GROUND Of the Authority given to an Absolute Governor and of Vnder-sorts of Government Author NOw comes our Author with a dog in a line his Absolute Governor tyed up to certain Laws and Limits which he has no right to transgress Observ What is this our Authors Absolute Governor Why the Roman Dictator was worth ten of this for he had power of life and death of disposing of all Offices at his own will and pleasure without the controlment of any either Senate or People Consul or Tribune and this power to continue during the exigence and danger of the Commonwealth Yet so far was the Dictator from being an absolute Governor that he was the while but a Minister of the Peoples which was plain in Fabius Maximus for Plutar. in vita Fabii Liv. lib. 22. though he were chosen Dictator yet during the danger of the Common-wealth the People made Minutius equal to him And so was the Athenian Archon who though chosen for Ten years and called a Judge and chiefest of power in the Commonwealth yet as Bodin observes cap. 8. fol. 80. de repub was not the Majesty of the Commonwealth in him but he a Provider and Procurator of the People and was bound to give an account of his Government And the reason why the Dictator and Archon were not absolute Governors is plain because this power was not immediately in them from God but delegate and constituted from another And any power that makes any thing may alter it for Unumquodque dissolvi potest eo ligamine quo ligatum est Well but let us see what manner of beast our Authors Absolute Governor is Why our Author tells you he is an Absolute Governor but restrained and tied up to certain Laws and Limits Which is a contradiction and impossible for in being absolute he is freed from all Laws and Limitations And now I will tell our Author that if his absolute Governor be tied up to any humane Limits or Laws he has so little power that it is impossible for him to protect and defend his rational people For suppose the Laws he is restrained to be as many as are contained in the body of the Civil Law our Statutes and all the Acts and Ordinances made since 1641. and twenty times more yet would not this be sufficient for an absolute Governor For all these are finite and mens actions are infinite and therefore Enemies may find out such ways to invade this free people as this absolute Governor cannot find in his Laws where he has power to oppose them and so this rational freeborn people must be left destitute if any Enemy may be found who can outwit them and find a way to oppress them out of the Laws and Limits which they have given their absolute Governor And who will desire any greater advantage against another then to have him look always one way or what Enemy desires more against another then against such a one whose absolute Governor is tied up to certain Instructions and those known to themselves And Laws are things which must be in esse And how can any man tell to day what may happen to morrow but Princes must to morrow and next day and every day steer their course according as the wind and storms shoals and deeps c. represent themselves which no man can possibly foresee Well let us see what the restriction of any one thing in the Supream Prince may bring upon himself and Subjects Let us look upon a King of England after the Act of Parliament De tallagio non concedendo an Act of Parliament is the Act of the King in Parliament As when the Lords and Commons present any Bill to the King and he passes it this is an Act of Parliament which is no more a Law of the Lords and Commons then the Laws passed at the Petition or Rogation of Coelius Cassius Sempronius c. were the Laws of Coelius Cassius and Sempronius And let every King expect that whatsoever the Subject can get of the King by hook or crook he will hold that as fast as the King shall any flower he leaves in his Crown Well then if Edward the First will not pass this Law he gets not a groat of his Subjects in England towards the relief of his oppressed Subjects of Aquitain in France which Sir Edward Coke in his Comment upon this Statute observes Well then the Scots in the year One thousand six hundred and forty having-transgressed all Laws of God and Humanity as well as the Borders and Bounds of their own Countrey raise Arms the second time and make an invasion upon us and seise upon Berwick and Newcastle but though the Kings hands were tyed up yet the Divine Vengeance of Heaven shall overtake them and their Countrey by a hand they could so little fear as I believe few of them knew whether there were any such or no. And now oh you who have not forced all mankinde from Humane brests come and stand amazed with horror for the most deplorable condition of the most Pious the most Religious the most Just the most Chaste Vertuous and Serenest Prince that ever swayed the English Scepter and not to be parallel'd by any Countrey whatsoever The Scots having invaded this Nation to treat with them a second time was too too much an indignity for their Natural Soveraign besides it was an affront not to be endured by the Englishmen That their Countrey must be made a prey to such Locusts and Caterpillers whensoever they will pretend grievance in Kirk and Discipline To restrain them by force it could not be without raising money By this Statute the King they say can raise none but by Parliament and to call a Parliament in this mad conjuncture of times was judged by himself and Council to be a means to increase the power of the Scots by the Parliaments joyning with them to the endangering himself and his Posterity Well then what is to be done what stand still and look on while these hungry Vermine devour and make a prey of his afflicted Subjects No the King to make his goodness appear above his own danger calls a Parliament where not deceived in his
thousand years I do exclude Conquest to be any cause of Regal power where God does not give it For either this Conquest must be made by power or force If it be made by power or one who is Gods Sword-bearer no new power ariseth from thence but only a dilatation of the exercise of the old which was formerly in him But if it be done by Sword-takers then is it no other then unjust usurpation and robbery The World being large and the Men in it alwaies ambitious I will not undertake to answer for the matters of fact which Men have done in all Ages nor do I doubt but that oftentimes the alterations and conversions of Government have happened from the will of God Object But it is evident by the Prophet Daniel c. 4. 23. 25. that God ruleth in the kingdoms of men and giveth them to whomsoever he pleaseth And if that he were pleased to make Saul David Solomon and Jeroboam who reigned over his peculiar people and Hazael Cyrus c. who knew not God Kings and yet neither by Lot Primogeniture from a rightful King or by right of First possession then for ought is known these alterations which have otherwise happened and do come to pass in the world may be from the will and gift of God Sol. I answer If it may be Gods will that these alterations and confusions happen in the world it may not be Gods will affirmanti incumbit probatio Let them therefore or they that make these alterations and confusions prove that Gods will and not their own perverse will was the first cause of them It is true and I grant that God does oftentimes for the punishment of a Nation convert the succession of their Kings into another line yet did he never so far chastise any Nation as to subject it to an Aristocracy or Democracy So it is necessary offences come yet shall that never excuse them by whom they come And so it many times happens that men cannot avoid Gods judgments and die it is no consequence therefore that men should run themselves into them or kill themselves It may be it is Gods will that my Father should die or that he will destroy my Country and Laws c. It does not therefore follow that a man may kill his Father destroy his Country or endeavor to subvert the Laws thereof Men are not alwaies obliged to conform their wills to Gods will but to do what he wills and commands them I am obliged to pray for my Parents and Country when it is Gods will they should be destroyed It was Gods will that Jeroboam for Solomons sin should be King of ten 1 King 11. 13. Tribes of Israel yet because the Tribes did will it and not upon Gods command he pronounced them eternal Rebels and Jeroboam a Rebel because 1 King 12. 19. he took it upon those terms 2 Chron. 13. 6. Nor do we find that ever Israel joyed good day after For the policy of Jeroboam to continue Comparethese times with these and see the event his dominion over them must be preferred before Gods worship and service in order thereunto Jeroboam must take counsel and make Calves which he says brought the Children of Israel out of Egypt any Priests were good enough to sacrifice to them no matter whether they were Priests or of the Tribe of Levi the lowest of the people would serve the turn 1 King 12. 32 33. yea forsooth Jeroboam himself could hold forth to the people and burn incense which before was peculiar to the Priests But it is a strange thing that this invented policie of Jeroboams for the keeping of the ten Tribes in their obedience to him should be the cause of so wonderful a Captivity 2 King 17. 21 22 23. that to this day it is unknown what became of them and their posterity 16. Parum est jus nisi sunt qui possunt jura gerere And men have always The miseries of men when the Supreme power is rejected or unknown by woful experience found that all Tyranny of a rightful and known Prince is not to be compared with the miseries and calamities where the Prince is not known or rejected but every popular and ambitious Man arrogates and usurps to himself what should be justly ascribed to the lawful Prince Nor does the calamities of miserable men in such a condition end so but God no where shewed so great a judgment as upon those men viz. Corah Dathan and Abiram who rejected their rightful and known Prince Num. 16. Nor does he ever denounce a more dreadful judgment then upon those men who resist Higher powers Rom. 13. How great then will his judgment be upon them who reject them 17. He is a natural Prince of right or by the Law of Nature who Who is a Natural Prince de jure truly prescribes from such Ancestors that no mortal creature can make any just exception or superior claim And so great a Lover of Men and Truth is God that scarce in all the world was it not known in any Nation who was the rightful Prince thereof when his Subjects did reject him 18. It is true that there is no visible power under Heaven but only Where there are diversities of titles which is to be preferred mens Consciences that can direct them where Titles of Princes come in question But where diversity of Titles are alleadged that which is truly and indubitably most antient is the best for it is a true rule in all descents whatsoever that Dormit aliquando nunquam moritur jus But this must be jus apparens for De non apparentibus de non existentibus eadem est ratio Whether the Title of the Heir general or Heir male be better we shall treat more at large in Cap. of Succession 19. Jus is duplex Proprietatis Possessionis And that this Right is Who is a Natural King de facto and not de jure divisible as well in Regality as private mens Estates is demonstrated by para 4. of this Chap. And if it be true as it is that no Being can be superior or better then the Cause of its being then will it necessarily follow that all Kings who inherit from Usurpers cannot have a better title then that which the Usurpers had so long as a superior or better claim can be made by another Nor do I fear to affirm Hen. 4. Hen. 5. and Hen. 6. were natural Kings of England and did inherit the Crown of England de facto but not de jure 20. Although nothing which is naught in the beginning can be How Usurpation may be bettered bettered by the continuance of time yet may Usurpation although naught in the beginning be bettered in time viz. if the Usurpation be of that continuance that it outlives all claim that can be justly made by another for Possession is title sufficient against all men who have no jus ad rem Hence it
and for the reason De terra vero Salica nulla portio haereditalis mulieri veniat sed ad virilem sexum tota terrae haereditas perveniat Bodin de rep p. 745. 13. For the authority of it the learned do not agree by whom it was The authority of it by D'-Avila made nor whether any French King ever made any such or not D'avila in the beginning of the first book of the Civil wars in France recites the most probable conjecture which is That the French when they left their habitation to seek fresh quarters sate down at the river Sala which divides Misnia Westward from Turingia and there forsooth did agree to choose themselves a King and did make Constitutions which should be fundamental and unalterable ever after and those Constitutions being made at the river Sala are called Salique Laws 14. There is no story of Guy of Warwick Amadis de Gaule or the Dun How probable Cows rib but is of as much authority and probability as this For can it be imagined that a company of Rogues and Thieves going to rob and thieve at Gads-hill should agree at Greenwich to make unalterable Laws for their government and succession before they were possessed of any thing and what they make their Laws of is nothing but what they shall rob and cheat other men of 15. But Bodin will not undertake to tell by whom or when it was made Bodin's opinion it is strange you will say that making up his discourse almost of Histories he hath nothing to say for this he only saies it is not new as many men think but engraven in the most ancient tables of the Salians in these words De terra vero salica c. ut supra So Bodin names neither by whom nor when Para. 12. this Salique Law was made Did ever man infer so fondly that because the Salian women did not inherit therefore the French Crown cannot descend to women But mark now if this be a consequence The women of the Land of Salia do not inherit and therefore no female can inherit the French Monarchy then if the men of the Land of Salia will alter this constitution the descent of the French Monarchy is altered by an Act of the men of Salia for Cessante ratione legis cessat lex and sublata causa tollitur effectus In their contest with the Popes the Kings of France say they hold their Crown of God whereas if Bodin says true they hold it by a Law written in the Tables of the Salians I can say no more for the authority of this Law unless I should repeat the same things again out of De Serres and other learned French Historians 16. This Law cannot be altered by the King and Estates general The eternity of it I had thought that only the Laws of Nature had been unalterable It is a rule that Unumquodque dissolvi potest eo ligamine quo ligatum est And if this Salique Law be a constitution of Man by that power which made it a constitution by that power it may be altered 17. De terra vero Salica nulla portio haereditatis mulieri veniat sed ad virilem The reason of it sexum tota terrae hereditas perveniat Now let any man that is in his wits or understands any thing of the nature of a Law judge whether there be any shadow of reason in this For a Law is the rule or direction of him who does govern to be observed by them who are governed How then can the Crown of France descend according to the customs of the Salians if the French Crown be not subject to the men of Salia and they had given the King and his successors this unalterable Law of not descending to the female but where this country Salia should be I could never find so much as the name in any Geographer or Historian ancient or modern Sure the Romans so curious in searching and describing of Countries would not have overseen it especially the Emperor Julian warring so long in those parts of Germany not above sixty years before they suppose Pharameund departs out of Salia for to seek better quarters in Gaule 18. The two main parts of the Salique Law are That the Crown shall The two main parts of the Salique Law descend to the next heire male and if the heire be ana infant that the next Prince of the blood who is a Major shall during his minority be his Guardian and Regent Yet Bodin is fearful that the Salique Law was not bar enough against our Ed. the third being never before heard of saies Hailâ—n he saies pag. 745. Whenas the controversie concerning the Crown of France was between Philip Earl of Valoys and Ed. the third King of England Philip defended the Salique Law by the Voconian which ordained by the consent of the Fathers and Princes that in that controversie no man should use the authority of forrain Lawes but every one should study for his profit the Salique Law But when the question was 1563 whether Charles the ninth were a Major at fourteen years of Age currant or compleat the Parliament of Paris would have taken upon them to decide it when Charles sends them word I do not mean that you should deale in any thing but with the administration of good and speedie justice to my subjects understand hereafter that you are not confirmed in your offices by me to be my Tutors or Protectors of my Realm nor Governors of my City of Paris as hitherto you have perswaded your selves Besides Charles the seventh Anno 1420. was adjudged to banishment and unworthy to succeed in any of the signories of France by all the Courts of the Parliament of Paris And so about 7 years since was the Prince of Condi and so was Henry the forth by all the three Estates at the general assembly at Bloys Anno. 1588. So that is is evident that this immutable Law is not so inviolably kept by the French themselves when it does not serve their turn How should the Voconion Law oblige against Ed. the third and not the Acts of Parliament of Paris and general Assembly at Blois oblige against Charles the seventh and Henry the fourth for ubi eadem est ratio ibi idem est jus 19. There cannot be a more imprudent act then to make any one Ward The imprudence of the Salique Law to him who is his next heire especially to a Crown which frees any one from all attainders what then can be more imprudent then this part of the Salique Law which gives the pupil King into the hands of the next heire who murthering him makes way for himself to the Kingship By our Country Laws no man could be Guardian to the person of a Ward but the next of blood to whom the inheritance could not descend But this part of the eternal Law has not of late been observed by the French Nation whereas the contrary hath been
vero Regi prout ipsa feret facti ratio satisfacito aut graves sceleris admissi poenas rex ipse repetito Christiana siquidem fide imbuti regis est Deo illatas graviter pro facti ratione ulcisci injurias If any one entred into Holy Orders or one living with him be imposed upon or cheated in those things which belong to his estate or life then let the King himself unless he can procure it otherwise be to him in place of Patron and Kindred but the Cheator shall make the King satisfaction according to the valure of the fact or the King himself shall take great punishment of the wickedness committed for it is the part of a King endued with Christian religion severely to punish injuries according to the quality of the deed offered to God 10. For the proving of this Sir Edward Coke in the Proeme to the The antient Common-law did not admit of Appeals to Rome in cases Spiritual sixth Part of his Reports cites an Act of Parliament made 10 H. 2. an 1164. where it was enacted As concerning Appellations if any shall arise from the Archdeacon they must proceed to the Bishop from the Bishop to the Archbishop and if the Archbishop do fail in doing Justice it must lastly come to the King that by his precept the controversie may be ended in the Archbishops Court so that there ought not to be any proceeding further without the assent of the King And that this among many other might not taste of innovation the Record saith This recognition or record was made of a certain part of the customs and liberties of the Predecessors of the King to wit of Henry his Grandfather and of other Kings which ought to be observed in the Kingdom and held of all for the dissentions and discords often arising between the Clergy and our Soveraign Lord the Kings Justicers and the Peers of the Realm And all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Clergy with the Earls Barons and all the Nobles c. have sworne and assuredly promised in the word of mouth in one consent to keep and observe the said recognition toward the King and his heirs in good sooth without evil meaning for ever 11. The Revenue of Danegelt was first enacted because of Pyrates The Kings before the Conquest by their own authority did impose Taxes upon Church-lands For infesting the Country they did persist as much as they could to the devastation of it And to repress their insolence the yearly return of Danegelt was enacted viz. Twelve pence for every Hide of all the Country Mr. Selden in lib. 2. cap. 4. Analecton Anglobritannicon fol. 77. makes a Hide of land to be as much as could be tilled by one plough in a year Mr. Lambert in the Laws of King Edward fol. 128. makes a Hide to be one hundred acres of land to maintain them who should resist the irruption of the Pyrates when they met them But from the Danegelt every Church should be free and quiet and all land which was in the dominion of the Church wheresoever it lay paying nothing at all in such redemption for men did more confide in the prayers of the Church then in the defence of arms But if Lex vult non supervacaneum then is it clear that the Church-lands were liable to be taxed by the King for it had been a supervacaneous thing to have excepted the lands of the Church in this Law if the lands of the Church had not been liable to have been taxed at all And to manifest more clearly that the exemption of Church-land from Taxes was a meer concession of our Kings take the Stat. of Ethelulph the successor of Egbert written Analect Angl. lib. 2. cap. 4. pag. 77. with his own hand Our Lord reigning for ever Whilst that we see perillous times in our days the fire of war the taking away of our goods together with the cruel depredations of our destroying enemies and barbarous Pagan nations do lie upon us the multiplied tribulations do afflict us even to utter destruction Wherefore I Ethelulph King of the West-Saxons with the councel of the Bishops and my Princes giving wholsom councel and the only remedy have consented I have determined that every portion given to the holy Church whether of either Sex serving God or to miserable Lay-men always the tenth Mansion where it is least or the tenth part of all Goods be made for ever free that it be safe and defended from all secular services yea from the Kings greater or lesser tributes or the taxations which we call Winterden and that it be free of all things for the forgiveness of our souls and sins to serve God alone without Expedition building of Bridge and fortifying of Castle 12. If King Ethelbert were obliged to S. Gregory for the Conversion At what time the Pope first usurped jurisdiction over the Crown of England of the English Saxons to the Faith Prince Edgar Athelin was smally beholding to Pope Alexander 2. For Edgar being Grandson to Edmund Ironside and the undoubted Heir to the English Monarchy after the death of Edward the Confessor Alexander not only allows the Conquerors pretensions to the Crown of England but interdicts all those who should Speed fol. 405. par 27. See the effects of the Popes curse Speed fol. 415. par 2. oppose him So that though Harold were an Usurper yet was his Holiness his Interdiction as much against the undoubted Title of Edgar as against Harold Nor were all titles of rights and interests of the English Monarchy ever perfect and compleat from that time until they were all united and perfected in King James 13. How far the Britanick Churches were from any dependence upon At what time the first contest hapned between the King Pope about the investiture of Bishops the Church of Rome we have already shewed And so free were the Churches of England under the Saxon Kings before the Conquest that before the Appeal of Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury to Pope Paschal 2. scarce any Appeal was ever made to Rome but that of Wilfreds which was overruled by the King and Church So that for near a thousand years after the Conversion of the Britains and Saxons to the Faith although by means of S. Eleutherius and Gregory the Great we do not find any thing which may prove the superiority of the Roman Church over either the Britanick or English And how strange a thing the investiture of the English Bishops by the Pope was to the King and Kingdom of England appears by the Letter of Paschal to Anselm in answer to Anselm's Significasti Reges De Elect. Pet. cap. 4. Regni Majores admiratione promotos c. You have signified to me that Kings and Nobles were moved with admiration that the Pall was offered to you by our Ministers upon condition that you should take an Oath which they brought you written from us And the King not only opposed
this Popes Letter but pleaded the Fundamental Laws and Customs of the Land Consuetudo regni mei est à patre meo instituta ut nullius praeter licentiam Regis appelletur Papae qui consuetudines regni mei tollit potestatem quoque coronam Regis violat It is a Custom of my Kingdom instituted by my Father that no man may appeal to the Pope without the Kings licence He that takes away the Customs of my Kingdom doth violate the Power and Crown of the King And these Laws were no other then the Laws of the Confessor viz. the old Saxon Laws but also in the execution of these things the Bishops of England adhered to the King and Laws and denied their suffrage to their Primate as you may read in the Bishop of Derry's Vindication of the Church of England p. 63 64. 14. After pag. 65. he instances out of Sir Hen Spelman conc an 78. Legations as rare as Appeals before the Conquest that Gregory Bishop of Ostium the Popes Legate did confess that he was the first Roman Priest that was sent into these parts of Britain from the time of Austin and that those Legates were no other then ordinary Messengers or Ambassadors sent from one Neighbour to another Such a thing as Legantine Court or a Nuntio's Court was not known in the British world and long after 15. See Speed in the Life of Stephen para 4. where Stephen having The Pope and all the English Hierarchy conspire with Stephen against Maud the undoubted Heir of Henry the first entred his Government in the year of our Lord 1135. the 2. of December and was crowned at Westminster the 26. of the same moneth being S Stephen's day by William Corbel the Archbishop of Canterbury who with the rest of the Bishops doing him homage and knowing now he would yield to any conditions for performance whereof his brother the Bishop of Winchester did there engage himself for a Pledge they all took their Oath of Allegiance conditionally traiterously I might say to obey him as their King so long as he should preserve their Liberties and the vigor of Discipline And that the Lay-Barons made use also of this policy appeareth by Robert Earl of Gloucester who sware to be true Liegeman to the King as long as the King would preserve to him his dignity and keep all covenants c. And having buried the body of Henry the First he went to Oxford where he acknowledged he attained the Crown by Election only and that the Pope Innocentius confirmed the same 16. The next contest which after Anselm happened between the King The second contest between the King and Pope and from what cause and the Pope was caused by Tho. Becket Archbishop of Canterbury For Stephen the Usurper having made a Law whereby the Temporal Judges might not meddle with Ecclesiastical persons Henry the Second upon many disorders committed by the Clergy did repeal this Law and restored the antient Laws of this Realm commonly called Avitae leges whereby the persons of Priests were not exempted from being judged by the Temporal Judges And though the Archbishop sware to observe the Laws restored by the King yet was he absolved by Pope Alexander 3. Nor could the Archbishop ever after be brought to conform to the Laws called Avitae leges which was the cause of his assassination and of great trouble to the King and Realm And whether this man did deserve to be canonized for his stubborn disobedience to the Laws of his Country which no ways concerned Faith but only Civil and Temporal obedience and those not new neither but a restitution of the antient Laws let any man judge 17. The first occasion of the quarrel between King John and Innocent The quarrel between King John and the Pope the Third was Hubert the Archbishop of Canterbury being dead the Monks of S. Augustine in that City elected without any licence of the King one Rainold and took an oath of him to go to Rome and take his investiture from the Pope The King incensed hereat caused John Gray to be chosen and desired the Pope to ratifie this last choice The Pope notwithstanding confirms the former The King hereupon grows angry and divers of the Monks against their own act refuse to accept him The Pope although Rainold were chosen by the Monks and confirmed by the Pope adviseth the Monks to choose Stephen Langton the Monks do so the King is highly exasperated and forbids all Appeals to Rome and did alleadge that he had Bishops Prelates Nobles and Magistrates of his own who could according to the Laws of the Land decide and determine all Controversies which should arise in Church or Commonweal The Pope insisted upon the election of the Cardinal Stephen Langton was Cardinal of Chirsogone and required the King not only to give him the quiet possession of the See but also to recall all such Monks as were exiled and to restore them to their Goods which were seised on by the King for the last choice and for default to interdict him and the whole Realm The King is so far from obeying that he seised upon the Lands and Goods of those Bishops to whom the Pope had forsooth given the power of Interdiction The Pope constant in his resolutions by Pandulphus and Durant interdicts the King and Kingdom and gives it the French King King John driven into a great strait gives his Crown and Kingdom to the Pope he good man had before given it to the French King Philip the second sirnamed Augustus and his son Lewis had gotten such footing in England that he would not be gotten out The Pope interdicts both father and son but his curses took not such place that they would give over what they had gotten by the first grant nor did these troubles end until the English Nation uniting themselves under Henry 3. did by plain force drive Lewis out of England to such an insufferable height was the Papacy grown in those days 18. Although the stubborn Barons made Henry 3. swear to observe The Bishops in H. 2 his reign conspire against him the Ordinances made in the Mad Parliament at Oxford and the Archbishop of Canterbury and nine other Bishops did denounce a Curse against all those who either by direction arms or otherwise should withstand the Ordinance of the Twelve Peers which gave the exercise of all Regality to them yet did the Pope absolve him from it very easily Addit Matth. Paris 990. 19. How zealous the most noble Prince Edward the first was in the Contests between the Pope and Ed. 2. cause of Christianity and how observant of the Papal power is evident by his victorious Voyage into Holy Land But he afterwards became hated by the Churchmen both in respect of the Statute of Mortmain made in the fourth year of his Reign and also because that by the advice of William Marchyan his chiefest Treasurer he seised into his hands the
Plate Jewels and Treasure of the Churches and Religious Houses within the Realm and compelled the Clergy to give him the one half of one years value of all their Ecclesiastical promotions and dignities But such was the felicity of this Prince that neither Pope nor Clergy durst openly oppugne him but in the 27. year of his Reign at the request of Boniface 8. says Martin he set John Baliol adjudged by Edward before King of Scotland at liberty And having conquered Scotland in the 33. year of his Reign Robert Bruce procured an Instrument from the Pope that the Kingdom of Scotland was holden of the Church of Rome and therefore required the King to desist from the prosecution of his Wars there But how little King Edward regarded this Instrument and what answer he returned to the Pope you may read in our English Chronicles nor do I finde that ever more prosecution was made by the Pope in this Kings life-time 20. From this time until Henry the Eighth the Kings of England and In the reign of Hen. 4. the Popes kept so good correspondence that they never went so far as Excommunication or Interdiction on the Popes part and how far the Kings did restrain the Popes jurisdiction in their several reigns after the Conquest shall be shewed in Chap. 3. Yet I cannot pass over one thing of the whole Hierarchy of the Church of England except only the Bishop of Carlisle who all factiously and traiterously conspired or adhered to Henry the Fourth his unjust Usurpation and Deposition of their Soveraign Richard the Second CHAP. II. Of Ecclesiastical Laws made by the Saxon and Danish Kings before the Conquest I Inas by Gods gift King of the West-Saxons by the advice and instruction Inas began to reign in the year of Christ 712 died 727. of Cenredes my Father and Heddes my Bishop and Eorkenwoldes my Bishop and with all my * Counsellors Earls Ealdermen and them of best birth of the Wisest of my people and eke in a great Assembly of Gods Servants did religiously study as well for the health of my soul as for the common profit of our Kingdom that right Laws of Marriage and just Judgment be firmly established through every folk and that hereafter it shall not be lawful for any Ealderman or any under our rule to make void these our Dooms or Judgments Cap. 1. Of the Rule of Gods Servants First we command that Gods Servants have a right rule of living After that we command all folk to observe these Laws and Dooms or Judgments Cap. 2. Of Children A Child shall be baptized within thirty days after it be born if that be not done let thirty shillings be forfeited If that it die before it be baptized he shall forfeit all he hath Cap. 3. Of working upon Sunday If a Slave work on Sunday by his Masters command let him be free and the Master shall pay thirty shillings But if the Servant did his work without command of his Master beat his hide or make him to fear a hide-beating If a Free servant do any work without his Masters bidding let him forfeit his freedom or sixty shillings and a Priest double so much Cap. 4. Of First-fruits First-fruits shall be paid upon the Mass of S. Martin he who shall not then pay them shall forfeit forty shillings and pay twelvefold the value of the fruits Cap. 5. Of Church-Priviledge or Sanctuary If any man guilty of death flee to the Church let his life be spared and let right be done to him And if any man deserving stripes implores help of the Church let him be remitted his stripes Cap. 6. Of Fighting If a man strike in the Kings house he shall forfeit all he hath and let it depend upon the Kings judgment whether he shall lose his life If one strike in a * Cathedral Church Minster he shall pay one hundred and twenty shillings c. Cap. 62. Of First fruits Every man shall pay First-fruits for the Roof and Hearth where he shall be upon the day of the birth of our Saviour Cap. 75. Of the killing of Godfather or Godson If any one shall slay his Godson or his Godfather he shall compensate so much to his next of kin as the compensation due to his Lord had been And this payment to the value of him which is killed shall be increased or lessened accordingly as the payment to the Lord for the Servant killed should have been performed If it be the Kings Godson which is killed he shall satisfie the King and his kindred but if the next of kin kills him he shall pay to the Godfather so much as should have been paid to the Lord for the slaughter of his Servant If he be a Bishops son he shall pay half so much Ecclesiastical Laws made by King Alfred or Alured who began to reign in the Year 871. The Preface GOD did speak these words to Moses and thus said I am the Lord thy God I led thee out of Egypt land and of the house of bondage Thou shalt not choose other Gods before me Do not take my Name in idleness for I will not hold him innocent who on idleness taketh my Name Remember thou keep holy the Seventh day Do thy work on six days and on the Seventh rest thou and thy son and thy daughter thy servant and handmaid and thy work-cattel and the stranger that is within thy door For on six days Christ made heaven and earth sea and all things thereon were created by him and rested on the Seventh day and therefore the Lord hallowed it Honor thy Father and thy Mother whom the Lord gave thee that thou maist live long on earth Thou shalt not kill Thou shalt not steal Thou shalt not commit adultery Nor report false witness of thy neighbor nor covet thou thy neighbors inheritance without right Nor work golden gods or silver Thou shalt constitute these Judgments If a man buy a Christian man he shall serve six years the seventh let him be free without cost With the same vestment he came in with the same let him go out if he have a wife let her go out with him if his Lord gave him his wife she and her * * Children bearns are the Lords But if the servant shall say I will not part from my Lord nor from my wife nor from my children nor from my work then let his Lord bring him to the door of the Temple and there let him bore his ear with an eal for a sign that ever after he is his servant If any man sell his daughter for an handmaid he shall not use her as an handmaid he shall use her courteously neither shall he sell her to other folk and if she be negligent let him be pacified let him set her free to stranger folk if he ally her to his son in marriage let him give a garment the reward of her modesty and endow
Tribute or of St. Peter Cap. 20. Who shall deny the peny of St. Peter the peny let him pay by the Justice of the Church and thirty pence forfeiture and if he will be impleaded concerning it by the Justice of the King let him forfeit to the Bishop thirty pence and forty shillings to the King Of Religion and the publick Peace 51. First of all we Ordain above all things That one God be worshipped all over our Kingdom and the one Faith of Christ be always kept inviolate c. The Laws are Translated out of the Original set forth by Mr. Abraham Whelock in his Appendix to the History of Bede from page 150. to 107. Sir Ed. Coke in Caudrys Case cites a quare Impedit 7 Ed. 3. tit 19. where it is agreed that no man can make an appropriation of any Church having cure of souls being a thing Ecclesiastical and to be made by some person Ecclesiastical but he that hath Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction but William the first of himself without any other as King of England made appropriation of Churches with cure to Ecclesiastical persons wherefore it does follow he had Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Here is nothing but argumentum à facto ad jus and a man may as well infer that Saul Jeroboam and Azariah did offer sacrifice and burn incense and therefore they had Sacerdotal power in them or that King John did give the Crown and received it again from him and therefore the Crown of England is holden of the Pope Ecclesiastical Laws made by Henry the first Who began to Reign in the year of Christ 1100. THese at last are the happy joys of the long wished for peace and liberty Proem by which the glorious Cesar Henry doth shine forth to his whole kingdom in Divine and Secular Laws written Institutes and Exhibitions of good Works Moderate Just Valiant Prudent whom God may make to command with happy auspices and healthful prosperity of body and minde with his famous wife Maud the second and their children for ever and the everlasting peace of this Nation His Epistle to all his Leigmen 1. Henry by the Grace of God King of Englishmen to all Barons and his Leigmen French English health Know that I by Gods mercy and the Common Counsel and consent of the Barons of the Kingdom of England am Crowned King of the Kingdom aforesaid and because the Kingdom was oppressed by unjust exactions I in respect of God and the love which I have towards you all first of all make the Church of God free so that I will neither sell nor let to farm nor after the death of an Archbishop or Bishop or Abbot will take any thing of the Demesns of the Church or her men until the successor be come in c. Of the propriety of Causes Cap. 5. In all Causes Ecclesiastical and Secular legally and in order to be handled some are Accusers some Defenders some are Witnesses some are Judges In every discussion of honesty fitting men are to be joyned together and that without any exaction until the quality of the Causes and the intention of the Accused the manner of Witnesses and election of Judges be weighed with upright scrutiny Let there be no foreign Judgements nor celebrated by their improper Judge in place or time nor in a doubtful case or the party accused being absent the sentence being pronounced notandum that for all if the accused had competent warning and lawful leave of answering and defending he be not denied or impleaded or outlawed or circumvented by some stealth or judged by deceit If he be satisfied in the Witnesses Judges and Persons If he consent to the Judges or hurt or contradict It is not altogether so in Ecclesiastical business as Secular in Secular business after that any is called shall come and begin to plead in the Court it is not lawful to go back before the Cause be determined although they shall agree but in Ecclesiastical business it is lawful to go back in the Cause aforesaid If a man suspect a Judge or think himself oppressed surely Judges ought not to be so nisi quos impetitus Elegerit Neither may any one be heard or give judgement before that they be chosen and he who refuses to consent to the elected let no man communicate with him until he obey but if in judgement there arises dissention among the parties of which a strife comes forth let the sentence of the more prevail It is Enacted in the Cause of Faith or of any Ecclestastical Order he ought to judge who neither takes reward nor is of another Law and will do nothing without an accuser For God and our Lord Jesus Christ did know Judas to be a Thief but because he was not accused therefore he was not rejected and whatsoever he acted among the Apostles for the dignity of his Office remained firm As also Clerks ought not to receive Laiks Accusers so ought not Laicks to receive Clerks to be Accusers of Clerks in their Accusations and Informations and Witnesses ought to be legitimate and present without any infamy or suspition or manifest spot because they cannot rightly accuse Priests who cannot be Priests nor of their Order nor is it needful to Judge a man before he hath had lawful Accusers present and accepts a place of defence to wash out his crimes And it is our pleasure as often as many crimes are objected to Clerks by Accusers and they cannot make good one of the first of which they are accused they shall not be admitted to the rest And a Bishop shall not be condemned unless by seventy two Witnesses nor the Archbishop be judged of any A Presbyter-Cardinal Note the preheminence of a Bishop in England at this time above a Cardinal shall not be condemned unless by forty four Witnesses a Deacon-Cardinal shall not be condemned unless by twenty six Witnesses nor a Sub-Deacon under seven nor let the greater despair for the force of the lesser men and there always the Cause may be Pleaded where the Crime is admitted If a man stricken will he may plead his cause before his Judge and if he will not before his Judge he may hold his peace and as for men stricken as often as they desire respit let it be granted And every man which objects a crime let him write that he will prove it and if before he be changed he will not follow he is convinced no crime is to be accounted But if he will prosecute if he shall not prove what he objects let him undergo the penalty which he brought the Apostle says Against a Presbyter a writing is not to be received without two or three approved witnesses how much more against Bishops if these things be observed of Presbyters and other faithful men If any one will accuse any of the Clerks in an accusation of Fornication according to the precept of St. Paul two or three testimonies are required from him but if he
It was afterwards in open Parliament by grievous complaint of all the St. 25. Ed. 3. Commons of this Realm shewed that the grievances and mischiefs aforesaid did daily abound to the great damage and destruction of this Realm more then ever before viz. that of late the Bishop of Rome by procurement of Clerks and otherwise had reserved and did reserve daily to his collation generally and especially as well Archbishopricks Abbeys and Priories as all other dignities and other benefices of England which were of the Advowry of people of the holy Church and gave the same to Aliens as well as to Citizens and taketh of all such benefices the first fruits and many other profits and a great part of the treasure of this Realm was carried away and dispended out of the Realm by the Purchasers of such graces and also by such privy reservations many Clerks advanced by the true Patrons which peaceably holden their advancements by long time were suddenly put out Wherefore the said Commons did pray the said Soveraign the King that since the right of the Crown of England and the Law of the said Realm was such that upon mischiefs and damages which hapned to this Realm he ought and was bound of the accord of his people therefore to provide remedy and Law c. The said King Ed. 3. seeing the mischiefs and damage aforesaid c. and forasmuch as he was bound by his Oath to see the same to be kept as a Law of this Realm though that by sufferance and negligence it had been sithence attempted to the contrary also having regard to the grievous complaints made to him by his people in divers his Parliaments holden heretofore willing to ordain remedy for the great damage and mischiefs which had hapned and daily did happen to the Church of England by the said cause by the assent of all the great men and the commonalty of the said Realm to the honor of God and profit of the said Church of England and of his Realm did order and establish that the free election of all Archbishops Bishops and all other dignities and benefices electory in England should hold from henceforth in the manner as they were granted by the Kings progenitors and founded by the ancestors of other Lords and that all Prelates and other people of the holy Church which had Advowsons of any benefices of the Kings gift or of any of his progenitors or of other Lords and Donors to do divine service and other charges thereof ordained should have their collations and presentments freely as they were enfeoffed by their donors and in case that reservation collation or provision be made by the Court of Rome of any Archbishoprick Bishoprick Dignity or other Benefice in disturbance of the election collation or presentments aforesaid That at the time of the avoidance that such reservations collations and provisions ought to take effect the said Ed. 3. and his heirs should have and enjoy for the same time collations to the Archbishopricks and other dignities elective which is of his Avowry such as his Progenitors had before that free election was granted since that the elections were first granted by the Kings progenitors upon a certain form and condition as to demand license of the King to chuse and after the election to have his Royal assent and not in other manner which condition not kept the King ought by reason to resort to his first nature Upon complaint made by the great men and commons it was assented St. 27 Ed. 3. and accorded by the King great men and commons aforesaid that all the people of the Kings Allegiance of what condition that they be which shall draw any out of the Realm in plea whereof the conusance pertaineth to the Kings Court or of things whereof Judgement were given in the Kings Court or which did sue in any other Court to defeat or impeach the Judgments given in the Kings Court should incur the danger of a Premunire Made to confirm the Acts made the 25. and 27. years of the said Kings Reign but those that made those good Laws against such capital offenders St. 28 Ed. 3. Cap. 1. 2. 3. 4. were cursed defamed and reproved by such as maintained the usurped jurisdiction of the Church of Rome against which an especial Act of Parliament was made by the King and his whole Realm prohibiting thereby such defamations and reproofs In the Reign of Richard the second Against an Incumbent of the Church of England another sueth a provision 12 Rich. 2. tit Jurisdict 18. in the Court of Rome and there pursueth until he recovereth the Church against the Incumbent and afterward brought an action of account against him as receiver of divers sums of money which in troath were the oblations and offerings which the Incumbent had received and the whole Court was of opinion against the Plaintiff and thereupon he became nonsuit It is declared by that Parliament that the Crown of England hath been St. 16 R. 2. Cap. 5. so free at all times that it hath been in subjection to no Realm but immediately subject to God and none other and that the same ought not in any thing touching the Regality of the same Crown be to the Bishop of Rome nor the Laws and Statutes of this Realm by him frustrated or defeated at his will to the perpetual destruction of the King his Soveraignty Crown and Regality and of all his Realm And the Commons in that Parliament affirmed that the things attempted by the Bishop of Rome be declared against the Kings Crown and his Regality used and approved in the time of all his Progenitors In the Reign of H. 4. H. 4. fol. 9 It is resolved that the Popes Collector though he hath the Popes Bull to that purpose hath no jurisdiction within this Realm and there the Archbishops and Bishops c. of this Realm are called the Kings spiritual Judges By the ancient Laws Ecclesiastical of this Realm no man could be convicted of Heresie being high-Treason against the Almighty but by the Archbishop Fitz. nat B. 269. Candries Case and all the Clergy of that Province and after abjured thereupon and after that newly convicted and condemned by the Clergy of that Province in the general councel of the convocation but the St. of 2 H. 4. Ca. 15. doth give the Bishop of the Dioces power to condemn a Heretick and that before that Statute he could not be committed to the secular power to be burnt until he had once abjured and was again relapsed to thar or some other Heresie whereby it appeareth that the King by the consent of Parliament directed the proceedings in the Court Ecclesiastical in case of Heresie and other matters more Spiritual Well but suppose the King did so it proves nothing for it is but matter of Fact But it does not appear neither that this direction of the King by consent of Parliament did direct the proceedings in the
uniting to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm the ancient Jurisdiction Authorities Superiorities and Preheminencies to the same of right belonging and appertaining By reason whereof her most humble Subjects from the time of the 25 H. 8. were continually kept in good order and were disburdened of divers great and intollerable charges and vexations before that time unlawfully taken and exacted by such foreign Power and Authority as before that was usurped * And to the The Statute of 1 2 Ph. Ma. cap. 8. which restored to the Pope all which this Stat. takes away declares that nothing was done prejudiciall to the Crown in so doing intent that all usurped power Spirituall and Temporall might for ever be extinguished and never be used or obeyed in this Realm or any other her Majesties Dominions It was therefore by the Authority of that Parliament enacted That no forrein Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate Spirituall or Temporall should at any time after the last day of that Session of Parliament use enjoy or exercise any manner of Power Jurisdiction Authority Preheminence or Priviledge Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall within this Realm or within any other the Queens Dominions or Countries that then were or hereafter should be but from henceforth the same should be clearly abolished out of this Realm and all other her Dominions for ever And it was then also established and enacted That such Jurisdiction Priviledges Superiorities and Preheminences Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall as by any Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall Power or Authority had heretofore been or might lawfully be exercised or used for the visitation of Ecclesiasticall state and persons and for reformation order and correction of the same and of all manner of errors heresies schismes abuses offences contempts and enormities should for ever by authority of that Parliament be united and annexed to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm And that the Queen her Heirs and Successors Kings or Queens of this Realm should have full power and authority by virtue of that Act by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England to assigne name and authorize when and as often as the Queen her Heirs and Successors shall think meet and convenient and for such and so long time as should please the Queen her heirs and successors such person or persons being naturall born Subjects to the Queen her heirs or successors as the said Queen her heirs or successors should think meet to exercise use occupy and execute under the said Queen her heirs and successors all manner of Jurisdictions Priviledges and Preheminences in any wise touching or concerning any Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall Jurisdiction within these Realms of England or Ireland or any other her Dominions and Countries and to visite reform redress order correct and amend all such errors heresies schismes abuses contempts and enormities whatsoever which by any manner spirituall or ecclesiasticall Power Authority or Jurisdiction could or might lawfully be reformed ordered redressed corrected restrained or amended to the pleasure of Almighty God the encrease of virtue and conservation of the peace and unity of this Realm And that such person or persons so to be named assigned authorized and appointed by the said Queen her heirs and successors after the said Letters Patents to him or them made and delivered as is aforesaid should have full power and authority by virtue of that Act and of the Letters Patents under the said Queen her heirs and successors to exercise use and execute all the premisses according to the tenor and effect of the said Letters Patents any matter or cause to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding This Statute doth create the oath of Supremacy to be taken by all men who hold any Office or take from the Queen her heirs and successors any Fees or Wages within this Realm or other her Highnes Realms or Domiminions the form and tenor of it is I A. B. doe utterly testifie and declare in my conscience that the Queens Highness is the only supreme Governor of this Realm and all other her Highness Dominions and Countries as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or causes as Temporall and that no forrein Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall within this Realm and therefore I doe utterly renounce and forsake all forrein Jurisdiction Powers Superiorities and Authorities and do promise that from henceforth I shall bear faith and true allegiance to the Queens Majesty her Heirs and lawfull Successors and to my power shall assist and defend all Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the Queens Highness her Heirs and Successors or united and annexed to the Imperiall Crown of this Realm So help me God and the contents of this Book If any person dwelling or inhabiting within this Realm or any other of the Queens should within 30. dayes after the determination of the Session of that Parliament by Writing Printing Teaching c. maintain any forrein Power or Jurisdiction Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall or shall advisedly put in use any such forrein Power or Jurisdiction within any of her Highness Dominions he and his Aiders Abettors Counsellors c. shall forfeit to the Queen her Heirs and Successors all his goods and chattels as well reall as personall If any person so convict be not worth in Goods and Chattels the summe of 20 s. every such person upon conviction over and besides the forfeiture of his Goods and Chattels shall suffer imprisonment by the space of a whole year without Bail or Mainprise And that all and every the Benefices Prebends and other Ecclesiasticall promotions and dignities of every person spirituall so offending and being attaint shall be utterly void and the Patron and Donor may present as if the Incumbent were actually dead For the second offence the party offending shall incur the danger of a Premunire For the third offence after conviction and Attainder the party offending shall suffer death and forfeiture of all his Goods as in case of High Treason The offender must bee impeached for preaching teaching or speaking any thing against the Premisses within a yeere after such preaching teaching or speaking and if any person shall be imprisoned for preaching teaching or speaking against this Statute and if be not indicted within the space of one half yeer next after his offence that he be discharged and set at liberty No matter of Religion or cause Ecclesiasticall made by this Parliament shall be judged Error Heresie Schism or schismaticall opinion Such Persons as shall bee authorized by Letters Patents under the Broad-seale of England shall have jurisdiction power or authority spirituall to visite reform order or correct any errors heresies schisms abuses or enormities But by virtue of this Act they have not authority to determine or adjudge any thing to bee heresy but only such as heretofore have beene determined by Canonicall-Scripture or the 4 first generall Councells or any
it be that when God shall have called thee to his Kingdom which alone is better then thine thou maist confidently say I have received this sword from thee for defence of Justice this sword I return to thee pure and undefiled rashly guilty of no bloodshed Observ So that if he saies true that Lewis the 13. had his sword of Justice from God then does he say false here and in twenty places more that all Power of Governing is from the wills of the people Well but let us suppose a King made by the People which is the party governing and which is the party governed all Government being in the predicament of Relation where there is any one to govern or command there must be another to be governed and commanded Well then here are two the People and the King made by the People the one to govern the other to be governed Say now which is the party governing the King or the People it cannot be that the King should be the governing party for he is but a Creature and a thing made by the People and the Creator cannot be ruled and governed by the Creature the People then must be the party governing and the King must be the party governed the King therefore of France whom he so much flatters and all other Kings whatsoever from this determination of Grotius are the governed party and the People their Subjects are the governing party If therefore it be impossible to serve two Masters who by equal right command I would fain know how it is possible for a King to obey above Ten hundred thousand every one of his Subjects having as much right to command him as another and it is very like indeed to be a very well ordered Government and much conducing to the benefit and safety of the People where there is many Hundred thousands commanding and one individual person obeying But good Man he is very careful that though the People give Kings all their Regal Power that they part not with too much nay though they make Kings yet if you beleeve him they part with nothing at all for otherwhere he saies Imperium quod per Reges exercetur non desinit impeperium Lib. 2. cap. 16. Para. 16. populi Is not here a pretty play of a King and no King a King without Power and a People with all Power So that at the same time that he flatters Lewis the 13. by telling him neither King nor People are Judges of his succession he had before given the People of France a power of altering the right of succession without doing any wrong to his Son Lewis the 14 who now rules for he was res non existens when he wrote this book De jure belli pacis Sometime neither as Hogan Mogan nor stipendary to Lewis the 13 Lib. 2. cap. 7. Para. 25. directly where he saies In alienable Kingdoms the King may disinherit his heir Observ Who gave him his Fee to say this We cannot think it was Lewis he denies all his Grounds to pleasure him yet latet anguis in herba it may be because Henry the First was younger Son to Robert and Robert disposessed his eldest Son who bare his name and made his younger Son King from whom Lewis derives himself But how then can this stand with the 27 Para. that neither King nor People are Judges in succession or if Power which is exercised by a King does not cease the Power of the People then cannot Lib. 2. cap. 16 Para. 16. Kings give away their Kingdoms nor disinherit their Heirs for delegata potestas non potest participari Observ Well let us see his reason for this He says Such a Kingdom is like other alienable goods Here the right of the alienation of a Kingdom is well proved viz. I may give a poor man a penny and therefore a King may disinherit his Heir or give his Kingdom to whom he pleases And so he says Jacob did disinherit Ruben Observ What Kingdom was then given by any people to Jacob to which Ruben was Heir Besides for ought he knows or can find by Cicero Tacitus Demosthenes Cleon or any tale told by any Poet the time when Jacob lived and died was then when all things were common and undivided and how then could Jacob disinherit Ruben Observ Another Instance for the right of Alienation is of Davids disinheriting Grotius Adonijah Whether this be true read 1 Chron. cap. 28. v. 5 6 7. And of all my sons for the Lord hath given me many sons he hath chosen Solomon my son to sit upon the throne of the kingdom of the Lord over Israel And he said unto me Solomon thy son he shall build my house and my courts for I have chosen him to be my son and I will be his father Moreover I will establish his kingdom for ever if he be constant to do my commandments and my judgments as at this day Nor was it for any crime Adonijah did not reign after David for David had sworne Solomon should reign before Adonijah's usurpation 1 King 1. 13. Mr. Hobbs makes no doubt but a Monarch may choose his Successor and Cap. 7. art 15. Cap. 9. art 12. by his will dispose of the Supreme power of the City And in the next Article he gives him leave to give it or sell it to whom he will Observ King James was observed to make his Honors vile because he exposed them to sale and so conferred them upon unworthy men not as they deserved them but they were able to pay for them thereby to satisfie his hungry Countrimen who were daily begging boons of him How vile would this man make Majesty how light the ligeance which is due not only by nature but by oath from all Subjects to their rightful Soveraigns And The Crown of England has been so free at all times that it hath no earthly St. 16. Ric. 2. cap. 5. subjection but immediately subject to God touching the regality of the same Crown and to no other And it is declared by the Lords and Commons in Parliament upon demand made by the King That they could not assent to any thing in Parliament that tended to the disinherison of the King and his Sir Ed. Coke Inst 4. par p. 15. Crown whereto they are sworne How this can be consistent with this mans Sale of Crowns I do not understand Our Author is so in love with his Supreme and Absolute Trustee that let him but do what he list and he may say with Tiberius Caesar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 When I am dead let the earth be mingled with fire Bodin in the last Chapter of his Republique because neither from Plato's nor Xenophon's opinion he can find Justice to consist in Geometrical nor Arithmetical proportion will therefore have it to consist in Harmonical he not understanding harmonical proportion For he makes it consist in four terms viz. 4. 6. 8. 12. and what proportion
to the prejudice and dishonor of it for sure no man can imagine that because a Man is a King that therefore he should divest himself of Nature and neglect to use some means to get an Estate for his Posterity where there is none provided If it be objected that the Crown descends to the Heir not to the posterity if more then one I answer That no Crown but hath many Offices and Dignities appertaining to it which descend to the Heir he probably will not reject his own flesh and blood to advance strangers whereas in an Elective Kingdom it cannot be hoped for 10. The Government in Britain and England untill 1641. was Monarchy The Government of Britain was ever Monarchy Hereditary before 1641. hereditary If you believe Mr. Selden in the First Book cap. 1. of his Analecton Anglo-Britanicon he will tell you upon the Faith of Jeoffrey of Monmouth the stem and progeny of Brutus the Nephew of Aeneas and give you a series of the Government of his posterity to Cassivellanus King of the Trinobantes when Cesar first made his invasion here and cap. 5. from Cassivellanus Essex and Middlesex to King Lucius Now I trowe our Author for the honor and reverence of the Apostolick sea will not deny Lucius to be a King and the first Christian King of the Britaines who and whose subjects were baptised Plat. in vit S. Eleutherii p. 21. about anno 176. by Fugatius and Damianus sent to this end by Pope Eleutherius And see Tacitus Lips pag. 457. in vita Agricolae Ii Britanni scilicet his atque talibus invicem instincti Voadicâ generis regii faemina duce neque enim sexum in imperjis discernunt sumsere universi bellum c. with these and the like speeches inciting one another by common consent they resolve to armes under the conduct of Voadica a Lady of the blood royal for in matter of governing in cheif they make no distinction of sex It is not my purpose here to relate a series and Catalogue of all the Brittish Kings to the Saxon Monarchs nor of the Saxon to the Dane and Norman I deny that in any of these times there was any other Government but Monarchy Aristocracy or Democracy never nor was ever any of those Kings chosen by the people Here by the way though I affirm the Government of England and Brittaine to be Monarchy yet I do not affirm that part of this Island which is called England was governed by one Monarch only till King Athestan reduced it about the yeare 938 nor the whole Island under one King before it was united under James anno 1602. And this Monarch not a thing in abeiance an aiery title but an absolute free and independent Monarchy Stat. 24. H. 8. cap. 12. It is resolved and declared that by sundry and old antick Histories and Chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed that this Realme of England is an Empire and so has been accepted in the world Publick Notaries made by the Emperor claimed de Jure to exercise their office here in England but were prohibited because it was against the dignity of a supream King see Sir Ed. Coke Instit 4. fo 342. Omnis sub rege ipse sub nullo sed tantum sub Deo And ipse autem Rex non debet esse sub hominibus sed sub Deo And Rex autem qui vicarius summi Regis est ad hoc constitutus ut regnum terrenum populum domini super omnia sanctum veneretur ecclesiam ejus regat ab injuriosis defendat maleficos ab ea evellat destruat penitus disperdat ibid Now would I fain know what higher power can any man upon earth claim then is here by the Law acknowledged to be in the Kings of England Nor hath any Subject any property in his estate but what he claims from the King for all Lands and Tenements in England in the hands of Subjects are holden mediately or immediately of the King Sir Ed. Co. Com. on Lit. fol. 1. Inst part 4. pag. 363 364. Nor have the Lords and Commons a concurring power with the King in making Statute-Laws for the King makes the Law the Lords and Commons consent Co. Lit. 159. b. And what concurring power of Lords and Commons is there in Magna Charta but only Henry by the grace of God King of England c. We have granted to God and by this our present Charter have confirmed for us and our heirs for ever c. And Charta de Foresta hath nothing which makes it a Law but Edward by the grace of God c. We will that all Forests c. Stat. Hiberniae made at Westminster 9 Feb. ann 14 H. 3. Henry c. commands that the Customs recited in that Statute and used in the Realm of England be proclaimed in Ireland and straightly kept and observed there And Stat. de Anno Bissextili made at Westm. ann 21 H. 3. ann 1236. is The King unto his Justices of the Bench greeting The Statute entituled Assisa panis cerviciae is made by the King The Statute de Scaccario is nothing but what the King commandeth And so let any man peruse all the antient Statutes of this Realm and he shall not find any so much as Consent of the Lords and Commons named in the making of them though it may be it was implied Nor had the Lords and Commons in the Parliament Anno 1641. any more power de jure then their Predecessors had before them And therefore the Common-Law and Statute-Law of this Realm were nothing but the declared Will of the King Nor hath any City or Borough c. any Priviledge but what they claim and hold immediately from the Kings Grant Customs I take to be those Usages which the Kings have permitted Sir Ed. Co. comment on Littleton 113 to divers of their Subjects in several places of this Realm time out of mind distinct and not the same with the Common Law And herein they differ from Prescription because this refers to the person that to the place so Prescription is what such an individual Man and his ancestors have done in such a place and Custom is what divers Men at once have used in such a City Borough Mannor or Village Add hereunto the Militia of the Kingdom the Mint the power of making War or Peace which were always in the King and for the manageing of which he hath usually taken the Results of his Ordinary Council and who will deny the Kings of England to have been Absolute Soveraigns What the Government since 1641. hath been I cannot tell nor do I care If you believe the Instrument it will tell you It is in One Person and the Freeborn People of this Nation so in Two and divided But who are the Freeborn People of this Nation Every man hath as much right to this Freedom as another here is no Vassalage no Civitate donatus in
Essex and Edmund Earl of March the true and undoubted Heir of the Crown of England both condemned unheard and without tryal in Parliament when as he might have instanced twenty Sir Thomas Seimer Admiral of England and Brother to the Protector Anno 1549. the third year of Edward the Sixth was condemned to death unheard by a Law in Parliament Henry the Third after all the Acts of Grace of Magna Charta Charta de Foresta c. instead of means Good Governors are the Preservers or enlargers of the Government Parliaments have ever been the bane of the greatness of the English Monarchy given him by Parliament for the recovery of his right of the Dutchy of Normandy usurped and taken by the French King from his Father King John and the Dutchy of Guienne and Earldom of March the year before usurped and taken from him by the French King had all the exercise of Regal Government taken from him and given to the Twelve Peers by the * Insanum Parliamentum Mad Parliament whereof ensued the Barons Wars to the destruction and confusion of so many English-men as nothing but a Parliament could have done Henry the Fourth in the first year of his usurped Reign had the Crown entailed upon him and his Heirs in Parliament from whence ensued all the Wars of the Houses of York and Lancaster At a Parliament holden Anne Dom. 1470. begun at Westminster 26 November the Crowns of England and France were entailed upon Henry the Sixth and the Heirs male of his body lawfully begotten and for want of such Heirs unto George Duke of Clarence being the yonger Brother of Edward the Fourth the undoubted Heir of the Crown of England whereby a double injustice was done first to Henry the Sixth excluding his Heirs general then to Edward the Fourth to prefer his yonger Brother Clarence before him in case of want of Heirs male to Henry the Sixth See the Factious Conspiracy of the Commons together with the consequence against the Duke of Suffolk Speeds History Henry 6. p. 675. Para. 47 48. The Parliament in the First of Richard the Third his Reign though a bloody Usurper presented a Bill for the entailing the Crown upon his Heirs Ann. 1 Hen. 7. Nor was the Act of Parliament less injurious which entailed the Crown upon Henry the Seventh and the Heirs of his body he having no colour of title to it but in right of his Wife and because he suspected his title and reigned in his own right to the wrong of his Wife and after her decease to the wrong of his Son Henry the Eighth in the eleventh year of his Reign he got an Act of Parliament to pass which should protect all Subjects who should assist the King be he so by right or not for the time being So that other offences should be punished but he that perpetrates the highest villany by invading a Crown should be protected by Law Henry the Eight by authority of Parliament an 1533. Bastardized Queen Mary and so soon as he had cut off Anne Bullens head by authority of Parliament Bastardized Queen Elizabeth smally to his credit one would think Add hereunto the ridiculous yet cruel Act of Hen. 8 his Headship of the Church So that a stranger being one day in Smithfield and seeing one burnt for denying the Six Articles and another hanged for denying his Headship cried out Bone Deus quo modo hic agunt vivi hic comburuntur Papistae ibi suspenduntur Antipapistae The bloody Laws passed in Parliament in prosecution of the Six Articles in the time of Henry the 8. and the bloody Parliamentary Laws for Religion in Queen Mary's reign c. and all those Sacrilegious Acts made in the reigns of Hen. 8. and Ed. 6. and sure no man can imagine such horrid acts could be perpetrated but by Parliaments Nor have the General Assemblies in France who were wont to be assembled once or twice a year demeaned themselves much better then the Parliaments in England but in stead of providing good Laws fell into such Factions and used such affronts to the Regal power that Lewis the Eleventh a most subtile and cunning Prince was wont to say It was time to put the French Kings horce de page out of their minority and from being Pages any more and so he did And since his time they have been rarely convented in France For since the General Assembly at Bloys anno 1587. by Henry the Third where the famous Duke of Guise was killed there hath been but one anno 1614. in the fourth year of the reign of Lewis the Thirteenth and that succeeded so ilfavoredly that there is no probability of ever being another 4. Besides the general and particular Customs and Acts of Parliament there are almost infinite Corporations Colledges and Companies who have divers and sundry priviledges which are granted by the Kings Letters Patents and are observed as Laws and to all intents and purposes have the effect of Laws 5. But in all Maritime cases the Kings of England being Soveraigns of the Narrow Seas whatsoever Grotius says to the contrary and all actions done upon a Navigable river are judged by the course of Civil law and so the Probate of Wills and Letters of Administration are determinable by the Civil law Judge Jenkins a learned Gentleman and a stout Champion for the Laws of this Nation in the first page of his Lex terrae divides the Laws of this Nation into three grounds or species viz. 1. The Customs 2. Acts of Parliaments and 3. Judicial Records and that the two latter are declarations of the former touching Royal government so that he makes Custom to be the ground of Royal government and Acts of Parliament to have but a declaratory power of the Common Law touching Royal government and Judicial Records to be equivalent to Acts of Parliament In all which he is most manifestly mistaken For first there are an exceeding many Acts of Parliament which have no manner of dependence or affinity with the Common-Law and so cannot be declarations of it nay there are many Acts of Parliament which are so far from being declarations of the Common-Law that they do annihilate it and create other things in lieu thereof as the Statute of West 2. cap. 1. called the Statute de donis conditionalibus annihilated all the Conditional estates in Fee at Common-Law and created estates in Tail in lieu thereof At Common-Law no Lands or Tenemers were deviseable by Will but the Acts of 32 34 H. 8. create a power of devising Lands and Tenements in Fee by Will and Tenants at Common-Law might choose whether they would attorn to any Grant of the Lord but now the Lords Grant is good without it by 27 H. 8. cap. 10. Sir Ed. Coke com on Lit. sect 574. says Stat. 32. H. 8. takes away the reason of the Common-Law so that that cannot be a declaration of what it takes away the reason It were tedious
shall incur any forfeiture or losse for travelling or making appearance accordingly Every person so restrained as aforesaid shall be bound to yeeld their bodies to the Sherif of the County upon Proclamation in that behalfe made nor shall incurre any penalty for so doing If any person which shall offend against this Act shall before he be thereof convict come to some parish Church on some Sunday or Festivall day and then heare divine Service and at Service time or at the reading of the Gospell make open submission and declaration of his conformity to the Queenes Lawes as hereafter is declared that then every such offendor shall be cleerly discharged The forme of the submission is I A. B. doe humbly confesse and acknowledge That I have grievously offended God in contemning her Majesties godly and lawfull government and authority by absenting my selfe from Church and from hearing Divine Service contrary to the godly Lawes and Statutes of this Realm and am heartily sory for the same and doe acknowledg and testifie in my Conscience That the Bishop or See of Rome hath not or ought to have any power or authority over her Majesty or within any of her Majesties Dominions or Realmes And I do promise and Protest without dissimulation or any colour or meanes of dispensation That from henceforth I will from time to time obey and performe her Majesties Lawes and Statutes in repairing to Church and hearing Divine Service and doe my utmost endeavor to maintain and defend the same The Minister or Curate of every parish where such submission shall bee made shall presently cause the same to be entred into a booke to be kept in every Parish for that purpose and within ten dayes after shall certifie the same to the Bishop of the Diocess Every offendor that shall after such submission relapse and become Recusant in not repairing to Church to heare Divine service as aforesaid shall lose all benefit he might have enjoyed by such submission Every woman married shall be bound by every article branch and matter contained in this Act other then the branch or article of abjuration nor shall any woman married be compelled to make abjuration Of the Reformation made by Queen Elizabeth QUeen Mary dying upon the 17. Novemb. 1558. the same day both The Pope did reject the Queen before the Queen rejected the Pope Houses of Parliament without any contradiction did acknowledge and receive Elizabeth to be the true and undoubted Heir to the Crown of England and without delay with sound of Trumpet dissolved the Parliament for that being called by Queen Mary could have no being or continue after her death The Queen caused an account to be given of her assumption to the Pope who was Paulus Quartus with letters of Credence to Sir Edward Cerne who was Ambassador to her Sister and not departed from Rome But the Pope was so far from acknowledging her that he answered that that Kingdome viz. of England was held in Fee of the Apostolick See that she could not succeed being illegitimate that he could not contradict the Declaration of Clement the Seventh and Paul the Third that it was a great boldness to assume the name of Government without him that for this she deserved not to be heard in any thing yet being desirous to shew a fatherly affection if she will renounce her pretensions and refer her self wholly to his free disposition he will doe whatsoever may be done in the honor of the Apostolick See * And afterwards he commanded Sir Edward Hist conc Trint 411. Cerne who had continued Ambassador at Rome for Henry the Eighth Queen Mary and then for Queen Elizabeth to lay down his office of Ambassador that I may use his own very words sayes the Author by force of a Mandat made by Lively voice from the Oracle of our most Holy Lord the Pope by virtue of holy obedience and under pain of the greater Excommunication and also of losse of all his goods that he should not depart out of the City but undertake the Government of an Hospitall of the English * It is true Indeed that Pius 4. a man of much more moderate disposition Camb. Eliz. Keg Pag. 28. then his Predecessor did in the year 1560. by Letters sent by Vineentius Parpalia Abbot of St. Saviours to her full of humanity not only acknowledge her Queen of England and invited her to return into the bosome of the Church but also as the report went promised to recall the sentence pronounced against her Mothers Marriages as unjust to confirme the book of Comon-prayer in English by his authority and to permit the use of the Sacrament in both kinds to the People of England in case she will joyn her self to the Church of Rome and acknowledge the Primary of the Roman See * And afterwards in the year 1561. in Letters full of affection by Abbot Camb. Eliz. Reg. 58. 59. Martinego he invited her to the Councell of Trint Camb. Eliz. Reg. 68. 69. but matters were so far thrust off the hinges that not only Parpalia returned without any fruit but Martinego was denied access into England Not only the Arch-bishop of York but all the other Bishops except The Bishops except Carlile refuse to crown her Carlile did refuse to Crown the Queen both because she had been instructed in the Protestant Religion and because she had forbidden the Archbishop of York a little before he was to celebrate Divine service to elevate the Host for adoration and had suffered the Letany with the Epistles and Gospel to be used in the popular tongue It is no wonder therefore if the Parliament which happened immediately after and the Commons especially who once usually swayed only by passion and affection and much averse from the Religion of the Church of Rome did endue the Queen with such plentifull power as to make her supreme Governor the title of Head was waved in all causes as well Spirituall as Temporall This power the Queen well understanding what advantage would be How far the Queen did declare her Power in Ecclesiasticall matters made thereof by her adversaries did by Proclamation and after by her Injunctions declare that she took nothing upon her more then what anciently of right be longed to the Crown of England to wit that she had supreme power and jurisdiction under God over all sorts of people within the Kingdome of England whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Lay persons and that no forrein Power hath or ought to have any jurisdiction or authority over them Camb. Eliz. Reg. 39. 40. In the 37. Article of the Church of England she declares We give to How far the Church of England declares the Prerogative of Princes Our Princes that Prerogative which we see in holy Scripture alwayes given to all godly Princes by God himself to rule all estates and degrees of men committed to their charge by God whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Temporall and to restrain
with the sword all stubborn and evill doores But whatsoever the Queene or Church did declare the Lawyers would The Lawyers exception of the Statute of 1 Fliz. cap. 1. not lose so much Grist as this Stat. of the first of Eliz. brought to their Mill and therefore the fourth conclusion in the 3 part Institutes 43 is That when an Act of Parliament is made concerning things meerly spirituall as Heresie c. yet the Act being part of the Lawes of the Land the same shall be construed and interpreted by the Judges of the Common-Law who usually confer with those that are learned in that profession so that all Spirituall jurisdiction doth utterly vanish whensoever the Temporall power shall doe any thing in derogation of it and in truth ever since the Statute of the first of Elizabeth all cognizance not only of Heresie c. but the cognizance of the worship and service of God and administration of Sacraments have upon the matter beene determined at quarter-Sessions and assizes and since ths uniting of all forraigne jurisdiction in the Crowne many places in England that were not in ordinary Episcopall jurisdiction and immediatly under the Pope are become out of all cure of Soules and for ought can be known are not any part of any Christian Church If the Queen be supreme Governor in all Spirituall cases under Christ then are not Bishops and Priests immediately Christs Ministers but the Queens Nay then may she ordain confirm and consecrate the Sacraments which the Church of England Art 37. King James Spot Hist anno 7 Regni doth deny The preamble of the first of Eliz. cap. 1. Is a supplication of the Lords Obsecrable things in the 1. 2. chap. 1 Eliz. Spirituall and Temporall and Commons that those things therein might be passed into a Law whereas the Lords Spirituall a a Camb. Eliz. Reg. 16. being nine nor were there then fourteene alive and all who were present not only stiffly opposed it but were all of them deprived because they would not conform thereunto and take the Oath of Supremacy made by that Act. In the 2. chap. Pag. 36. 1 Eliz. there is a very strange clause viz. The Queenes Majesty the Lords Temporall and Commons assembled doe in Gods name earnestly require and charge all Arch-Bishops and Bishops and other Ordinaries that they endeavor themselves to the utmost of their knowledge that the due execution of that Law may be had throughout their Diocesses and Charges as they will answere before God for such evills and Plagues wherewith God may justly punish his people for neglecting this good and wholsom Law and yet the Temporall powers by this very Law have power to heare and determine all things in it as well as the Spirituall whereas Praeces lachrima sunt arma Ecclesiae all alwaies the Church formerly did supplicate protection from the temporall powers The Queene did not make an alteration and change in the Religion and By what degrees Religion was charged Service of God on a suddain but by degrees for for a whole moneth or more after the death of Queene Mary the Roman Religion continued in the same state it did before upon the twenty seventh of December leave was granted to have the Epistles Gospells ten Commandements the Lords Prayer Creede and Letany in the English tongue The two and twentieth of March when the Nobles and Commons were met in Parliament the entire use of the Lords Supper viz. in both kindes was allowed and the Law made to that intent in Edward the sixts dayes revived and put in new force The twenty fourth of June the Sacrifice of Masse was abolished and the Liturgy in the English Tongue established by Parliament In July the Oath of Supremacy was propounded to the Bishops and others and in Aug. Images were removed out of Churches and broken ot burnt Cambd. Eliza Reg. 39. From the first of Eliz. untill the eleventh yeere of her Reigne no person How the Laws made for conformity to the Service of the Church were observed of what perswasion soever at any time refused to come to the publique Divine Service celebrated in the Church of England being so evidently grounded upon the sacred and infallible word of God that the Bishop of Winchester in his answere to Tortus page 42 is not afraid to affirme positively that the Pope Paulus quartus which is misprinted for it should have been Pius quartus if the Queene would have acknowledged his authority would have been so kinde as to have established all the Rites and Ceremonies now used in the Church untill the Bull published against the Queene by Pius the Fift whereby he excommunicated her and deprived her of her Kingdome and forbad all her Subjects upon like penalties to be so hardy as to obey her Admonitions Lawes or Commandements and did absolve all men who had upon any occasion taken their oath to her of all fealty and service due unto her by reason of her Government which Bull produced no other effect then the severe Statute made the thirteenth yeere of the Queene against all men who should endeavor to put it or any such in ure or execution or should receive or take any absolution or reconciliation from the Church of Rome But afterward these Parliament Laws for the conforming to Divine Service established became as much disobeyed by another generation of men called Puritans and therefore the Statute of the thirty fift of Elizabeth cap. 1. was made expresly against them yet would they never be restrained untill they upon pretence of Reformation brought a desolation upon both Church and State Shee was truly pious who daily as soone as she rose set a part some time Of the virtues of Queen Eliz. for the worship and service of God afterwards at set houres retired her selfe into her private Closet frequented the Chappell duly upon Sundaies and holydaies nor was there ever any Prince that with greater devotion was present at divine Service In black aray and after the manner of the former ages she heard attentively Lenten Sermons although she would often say what she had read of Hen. 3. her predecessor That she had rather devoutly speak to God in Prayer then hear others discourse eloquently of God in their Sermons and of the Cross the blessed Virgin and of the Saints shee thought reverently nor did shee ever speake of them without a certain reverence nor patiently heare others speake of them without the like * to these may justly Camb. Eliz. Reg. 14. be added a wisdome and prudence in Government so far above her sex that certainly shee in that kinde is not to be parallell'd by any of her masculine predecessors and these vertues were crowned with that felicity that all along her long Reigne shee was most passionately and obsequiously hononred by her Subjects a rare thing among Islanders and not to be found in any time before her in any of her Predecessors Yet sure