malis accessit civilis discordia adeò ut quis cui crederet quis cui mentis suae secreta commitâ—eret nesciretur Plena erat proditoribus Insula nusquam tuta fides nusquam sine suspitione amor Sermo sine simulatione Tandem cousque Proditio Civilis et astutia Processit hostilis ut ac functo Rege Magna pars Insulae legitimis abdicatis haeredibus Cnutoni qui Regnum invaserat manus darent peremptoque invictissimo Rege Edmundo paterni honoris simul et laboris haerede etiam Filios ejus adâ—uc in cunis agentes barbaris mitterent occidendos King Cnute hearing this their palpable flattery and contemptuous rejection of Edwin and the Saxon regal Line went joyfully into his Chamber and calling perfidious Duke Edric to him demanded of him how he might deceive Prince Edwin so as to have him murthered Who thereupon informed him how and by whom his murder might be accomplished by promised rewards of money and preferments which was accordingly effected soon after by Cnutes procurement and command This Edric likewise perswaded Cnute to slay Prince Edward and Edmond King Edmonds sons Whereupon Statuit Cnuto mirabiliter in animo suo omne genus Gentis Regni Anglorum perdere vel exilio perenni eliminare ut regnum Angliae filiis suis jure haerâ—ditario reservare curaret writes Matthew Westminster p. 402. But because it might seem a great disgrace to him to murder these infant Princes in England he afterwards sent them over Sea to King Swane to slay them in Denmark who abhorring the fact instead thereof sent them to Solomon King of Hungary to be preserved and educated Cnute having thus through the flattery perjury and treachery of the English Prelates and Nobles gained the intire Monarchy of England flew or banished all those perfidious English Sycophants temporizers who had the chiefest hand in this false testimony abjuration treacherous bloudy advice against the Saxon Royal Family by whose Counsel he slew or banisheâ— all the blood-royal of the Realm of England that so he might Iure Haereditario reserve and perpetuate the kingdom to his own Posterity by an hereditary right Duke Edric the principal of them for this and his other Treasons forementioned was deprived of his Dukedom of Mercia and exemplarily executed as a most perfidious Traytor by Cnutes command the first year of his reign and many of his Captains and followers were slain with him of which at large before Mortâ—m Proditoris pro demeritis accepit laqueo suspensus et in Tamesin fluvium projectus Cum quo plurimis sattellitum suorum similiter occisis eâ—iam inter eos praecipuus et primus Normannus occisus est writes Abbot Ingulphus Turkell Duke of East-England and Hirc Duke of Northumberland were both banished the Realm Duke Norman and Bridric slain and a heavy Tax of 82 Thousand pounds besides 10000 pounds imposed on London alone imposed and levied on the whole Nation Quomam igitur proprii sanguinis proditores adulantes Regi mentiti sunt in caput suum 〈…〉 eorum intra it in cor eorum et à Cnutho quem naturalibus Dominis praetulerunt confractus eâ—â— arcus eorum Cum 〈…〉 Insulae faâ—enâ—ibus illis obtinâ—isset Omnes qui primi in illo fuere consilio exterminavit â—t quoâ—quoâ— de regi◠〈◊〉 superâ—â—ites reperit vel regno repulit vel occidit as Abbot Ethelred records to posterity To which Henry Huntindon and Henry de Knyghton subjoyn Posteà vero Rex justo Dei judicio dignant retributionem nequitiae Anglis reddidit Ipse namque Rex Cnute Edricum occidit quia timebat ab insidiis ab eo aliquando circumveniri sicut Domini sui priores Ethelredus Edmondus frequenter sunt circumventi quorum diutina proditione alterum vexavit alterum interfecit add â—lorentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Roger de Hoveden and Radulphus de Diceto Turkellum exulavit Hirc fugere compulit Praeterea summos Procerum aggressus Normannum Ducem interfecit Edwi Adeling exterminavit Adelwoldum detruncavit Edwi Churleging exulavit Birdric ferro vita privavit Aethelwardus filius Agelmari Ducis et Brihtricus filius Alphegi Domnaniensis Satrapae sine culpa interfecti sunt Fecit quoque per Angliam mirabilem Censum reddi scilicet 82. some write 72. mille librarum praeter undecies mille libri quas Londinensis reddiderunt Dignum igitur exactorem Dominus Iustus Anglis imposuit for rejecting their own Hereditary Soveraign Line Radulphus Cestrensis englished by Trevisa Fabian and Grafton thus second them Also they swore that they would in all wise put off Edmonds kinn They trowed thereby to be great with the King afterward but it fared farr otherwise For many or the more part of them specially such as Canutus perceived were sworn before to Edmond and his heirs he mistrusted and disdained ever after Therefore some of them were slain by Gods rightfull dome and some banished and exiled and put out of the Land and some by Gods punishment died suddenly and came to a miserable end which other of our Historians likewise register I shall desire all such who are guilty of the like Treachery Flattery Practice or Advice against their lawfull Sovereigns royal Posterity advisedly to ponder this sad domestick President in their most retired Meditations for fear they incur the like divine retaliation by Gods rightful doom when and by whom they least suspect or fear it King Cnute thus quit of all King Edmonds Sons Brethren kinred and likewise of the greatest English Dukes and Nobles who might endanger his Life Crown and new-acquired Monarchy in the next place contrived how to secure his Empire against Prince Alfred and Edward Edmonds Brothers then in Normandy with Queen Emma their Mother and their Uncle Richard Duke of Normandy a person of great valour power and interest the only person likely to attempt their restitution to the kingdom and Crown of England For which end he by gifts Ambassies and fair promises procures Earl Richards consent to bestow his Sister Queen Emma upon him for his wife who ariving in England in July 1018. was presently maried to this Invader of her former Husbands kingdom his sons royal throne and murderer banisher dishinheriter of his and her royal Posterity whereby her Brother Duke Richards thoughts were wholly diverted from ayding his Nephews to recover their right in England Ex hinc cum Cnutoni omnia pro voto cessissent timens Ne Haetes legitimus Regnum quod sibi de Iure debebatur aliquando Normanica fretus virâ—ute Reposceret â—t Ducis sibi arctius colligaret affectum Emmam defuncti Regis relictam duxit uxorem Whereupon De illorum Elfredi Edwardi restitutione RicharduÌ„ avunculum nihilegisse comperimus quia et sororem suam Emmam hosti et invasori nuptam collocavit Ignores majori illius dedecore qui dederit an foeminae quae conseâ—serat ut thalamo illius caleret
routed by them many of them being slain in the field and the rest inforced to fly into York for shelter which the Enemies besieging was presently surrendred up to them and hostages delivered them after the slaughter of many Citizens Nobles and Clergy-men Upon this King Harold recollecting his disbandâ—d Army and Navy marched with all speed towards York against the Danes Norwegeans and his brother Tosti but coming to Hamford Bridge one valiant Dane with his Battle Axe slew 40 of his men and made good the Bridge against the whole Army for a long space till at last some going under the Bridge in a Boat slew him with a spear Both Armies joyning battel after a long and bloudy fight Harfager and Tosti with may other of Note were slain their whole Army routed all their Ships taken with the loss of many of the bravest English Souldiers and 20 of their Ships only permitted to depart into Denmark with their wounded men and Olaus Harfagers Son who to save his life took an Oath never from thenceforth to attempt any hostility or invasion against the English This victory Abbot Ailred aascribes to the merits of Edward the Confessor who promised to be the Captain and Protector of the English Nation against those Enemies who invaded the Realm contrary to right and Law and promised them the victory over them But Harold ascribing it to his own valour instead of rewarding his Souldiers with the spoils of the vanquished enemies as the price of their bloud out of a base unworthy a varice converted all the spoils and booty to his own private use giving no part of them to any other Wherewith many of the Nobles and common Souldiers were so incensed that detesting the covetousness of their Prince they unanimously departed from his service and refused to march with him against the Normans This triumphant victory so puffed up Harold that he thought himself secure in the Throne beyond the fear or reach of any adversity and instead of a King became a TYRANT Whilst Harold with all his Land and Sea forces were thus busied in the North of England Duke VVilliam in August assembled all his Land Army and Navy consisting of 900 ships at the Port of S. Valerie to invade England in the South then wholly destitute of all Guards by Land and Navy by Sea to resist his landing And to satissie his Souldiers and all others of the justice of his undertaking he alleged these three causes thereof which Henry de Knyghton devides into four The first was to revenge the cruel murther of his Cousin Prince Alfred King Edmunds brother and of the Normans who came with him to assist him to recover the Crown of England to which he was right heir whom Godwin and his Sons had shamefully dishonoured treacherously betrayed and barbarously murdered which fact he ascribed principally to Harold The second was because Godwin and his Sons by their cunning had injuriously banished Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Earl Odo and all the French and Normans out of England which wrong he would revenge on Harold as done principally by his means and labour The third and chief ground was because Harold falling headlong into perjury had without any right usurped the Crown and Realm of England which of due belonged unto him both by right of Kinred to and gift by King Edward his Nephew and by Harolds own solemn Oath and promise made to him in Normandy to preserve the Kingdom for his use after King Edwards death without children according to King Edwards command While Duke William with his ships and Army lay many days together at S. Valerie expecting a fair gale for England the winds being cross many of the common souldiers there lying in Tents thus muttered one to another That the man was mad who would by force invade and make another mans Country and Realm his own That God did fight against them in withdrawing the winds That his Father attempted the same thing in the same manner and was hindered and inhibited therein That it was fatal to his family that aspiring to things above their power they should find God opposite to them These speeches bruted abroad which might enfeeble the strength and ahate the courage even of valiant men The Duke thereupon taking Counsel with his Senators caused the Corps of St. Valerie to be brought forth to procure a wind presently a prosperous gale filling their sayles the Duke himself first took ship and launched forth and all the rest after him then casting Anchor till the Fleet came round about him they all sailing with a gentle course landed at Hastings and Pevemsy The Duke stepping forth of the ship upon the shore one of his feet slipped so that he fell down into the mud one of his hands being filled with sand whch he interpreted as an ill omen and sinister event But one of his Souldiers who stood next him lifting him up from his fall whiles he held the mud in his hand changed this event into a better interpretation saying Most happy Duke thou already possessest England and plowest it up Behold the land is in thy hand Lift up thy self with good hope thou shalt be King of England ere long No sooner was the Army landed m but the King strictly charged them to forbear plundering and take no booties seeing they ought to spare the things that should be his own nor to wrong any of their persons who should ere long become his Subjects Richard Vestegan records out of a French Historian that Duke VVilliam the same day he landed in England caused divers of his chief Officers and Friends to dine with him and chancing at dinner to talk of an Astrologer who by the conjunction of the Planets had assured him at St. Valerie That Harold should never withstand him but submit himself unto him and yeeld him faith and homage willed now that the said Astrologer should be brought unto him whom he had caused to be imbarqued for that voyage But it was told him that the Ship where in the said Astrologer sailed was cast away at Sea and he drowned in it Whereunto the Duke replyed That man was not wise who had more regard to the good or ill fortune of another than unto his own I am now thanks be to God come over I know not how the rest will succeed How false this Star-gazers prediction proved the sequel will manifest Duke VVilliam after his arrival rested quietly 15. days without acting any thing as if he minded nothing less than war After which to cut off all occasion or hopes of return from his Souldiets he fired all his ships or as some write drew them all a shore and intrenched them as others erecting only a Castle on the shore for a retiring place for his Souldiers if need were From Pevensy he marched to Hastings where he built another Fort. Henry de Knyghton records that the first night he lodged in England in his
sublunary things The self same year Anno 970. b King Edgar by his Charter granted and confirmed sundry Lands and Privileges to the Monastery of Medeshamsted formerly demolished by the Danes which Bishop Aethelwold had repaired and named Burgh perpetually exempting it from all Episcopal jurisdiction yoak and exaction Quatenus nec Rex nec Comes nec Episcopus praeter Christianitatem attinentium Parochiarum nec Vicecomes nec ulla alia major minorve persona ulla dominatione occupari praesum at excepta moderata expeditione Pontis Arcisve constructione VVhich Charter was ratified by the kings own subscription both the Archbishops sundry Bishops Abbots Dukes and other chief Officers and the sign of the Cross after each of their Names In the year 973. King Edgar after his seven years penance expired on the Feast of Pentecost in the 30th year of his age was solemnly Crowned and consecrated King and wore his Crown with great glory at Akemancester alias Bath both the Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald with all the rest of the Bishops of England ac Magnatibus universis and all the Nobles being there present at his Coronation and received the accustomed Gifts usually given to the Nobles being at such inaugurations Soon after the same year this King with a very great Fleet and Army sayling round about the Northern parts of England came to Westchester where his eight tributary Kings or Vice-royes namely Kyneth king of Scots Malcome King of Cumberland Marcus king of Man and many other Ilands and the other 5 kings of Wales Dufnall Siferth Howel Iames and Iuchill met him as he had commanded them and swore allegiâ—nce to him in these words That they would be faithfull and assisting to him both by Land and Sea Which done he on a certain day entred with them into a Barge and placing them at the Oares himself took the Helm and steered the Barge very skilfully whiles they rowed it down the River of Dec from his Palace to the Monastery of St. John Bapist on the other side all his Dukes and Nobles following and accompanying him in other Barges where having made his Prayers they all rowed him thence back again in like pompe to his Royal Palace which when he had entred he said to his Nobles That any of his Successors might then say he was King of England when with so many Kings following and subject to him he should enjoy the Prerogative of the like pompe and power But Mr. Fox subjoyns In my mind this king had said much better God forbid that I should glory in any thing but in the Cross of our Lord Jesus Christ The year following An. 974. Certain Merchants comming from York arived in the Islle of Thanet in Kent where they were presently taken by the Ilanders and spoyled of all their goods which king Edgar being informed of was so far incensed against these Plunderers that he spoyled them of all their Goods and deprived some of them of their lives Which Huntingdon and Bromton thus record Rex Edgarus undecimo Anno Regri sui jussit praedari Insulam Tenet Quia jure Regalia spreverant non ut hostis insaniens sed ut Rex maâ—o mala puniens The same year as Malmesbuâ—y Ingulphus and others write king Edgar by his regal Charter caused the secular Priests to be removed out of the Monastery of Malmesbury and introducing Monks in their places restored to them the Lands and Possessions of the monastery which the secular Priests formerly enjoyed and had leaâ—ed 〈◊〉 that upon a full hearing before the Wise-men Bishops others in his presence most likely in a Parliamentary Council as this clause in his Charter intimates Haec a praedictis accommodata Clericis a comensioso possessa est Edehnotâ— sed superstitiosa subâ—il que ejus disceptâ—tione a Sapientibns meis audita et conflictatione illius mendosa ab eisdem me praesente convicta Monasteriali a me reaâ— ta est usui If the Council of Winchester hereafter cited Anno 975. was held in King Edgars life time as some affirm most probably this debate here mentioned touching these Lands was held in and before that Council and this Charter therein made and ratified with the subscriptions of the Kings Arch-bishops Bishops Abboâ—s and Dukes thereto annexed according to the custome of that age Although King Edgar in his younger daies was subject to many Vices and committed some injurious Tyrannicâ—â— Acts recorded by Malmesbury Fox Speed and others yet repenting of these his youthfull lustfull Vices he proved such a just and prudent King that our Historians of elder and later ages give these large Encomiums of his Justice Prudence Piety Vertues and politique Government wor hy perpetual memory and immitation So excellent was he in Iustice So sharp was he in correction of Vices as well in his Magistrates Officers and other Subjects that never before his days was less felony by Robbers nor less extortion or Bribery by false Officers such as were wicked he kept under them that were Rebels he repulsed the godly he maintained and the just and modest he loved the learned and viâ—tuous he encouraged He would suffer no mâ—n of what degree or quality soever he were to elude or violate his Laws without condigne punishment In his time there was neither any private Pilferer nor publâ—ke Theef but he that in stealing other mens Goods would venture and suffer as he was sure the loss of his own Goods and Life He was no respecter of persons in judgement but judged every man according to the quantity of his Offence and quality of his person He united all the Nations under him which were divers by the Covenanâ— and Obligation of one Law Governing them all with such Iustice Equity Integrity and Peace that he wastileâ— Rex or Edgarus Pacificus tâ—e pâ—aceable King Edgar In his days not â—orments not Gibbeâ—s not Ex le not banishment were so much feared as the offending of so good and gracious a King He built and endowed no lesse than 48 Monasteries and restored many more endowing them with large possessions privileges out of Piety and Devotion â—s these times reputed it was a great honourer lover promoter of the vertuous and learned Clergy and suppressor of the vicious and scandalous There was scarce one year throughout all his reign wherein he did not some great and memorable necessary thing for the good of his Country and people the honour of God and advancement of Religiòn All which made him so honoured and beloved by his Subjects at home so far dreaded by his Enemies abroad that Nullas Domesticorum insidias nullum exterminium alienorum sensit He never felt any homebred treachery or forein invasion but reigned peaceably all his days without war or bloodshed which none of his Predecessors ever did He was so far from tollerating any violence or rapine in men towards each other that he commanded all the Wolves and
PENDERETUR STATUTO and appointed a Tribute which should be paid to the Sea forces and then departed from each other The Daues returned with the great booty they had gotten to their ships with whom the Citizens of London having made a peace DATO PRECIO which they paid a price for they permitted them there to winter The Realm was divided between them both but the Crown remained to Edmond with the City of London Essex east-East-England and all the Land on the Southside the River of Thames and Cnute enjoyed the North parts of England by mutual consent and agreement of all the Nobles and so this bloudy warr between them after 7. or 8. battels within so many moneths space ceased Soon after this fatal Agreement and partition of the Realm which made Edmond but half a King and England half Denmark that ever trayterous Duke Edric to ingratiate himself the more with Cnute treacherously murdered King Edmond at Oxford of which there are 3. different relations in our Historians Some say that he corrupted the Kings Chamberlains with gifts to murder him in his bed and that King Cnute in the first year of his Coronation caused all of them who had conspired his death by Edric's exhortation to come before him where they declared to the King the Treason they had committed against King Edmond expecting a large reward for it Whereupon the King sent for the Great Men and Nobles of the Realm and made the Traitors to acknowledge their Treason before them and a great assembly of people fearing lest otherwise it should be believed that he had foreplotted the Treason aforelaid and suborned them to execute it After their publick confession thereof he caused them all to be first drawn and then hanged for it l Others write that Edric himself or his Son by his command murdered him at Oxford on St. Andrews night as he was easing nature in an house of Office stabbing him into the bowels with a two-edged knife through the hole of the privy in which one of them lay in wait to murder him leaving the knife sticking in his bowels and him dead in the place And some write that he placed an Image in his Chamber with a bow and arrow ready bent which Edmond admiring at touching the spring which held the bow thus bent the arrow thereupon pierced slew him in the place That before his death was known Edric went to Edmonds wife and taking away her two young Sons from her brought and delivered them to Cnute and then saluted him saying GOD SAVE THEE SOLE KING OF ENGLAND Whereupon Cnute demanding Why he saluted him in this manner He then informed him of King Edmoâ—ds death and how he had murdered him of purpose to make him sole King of England Speed adds That he cut off his Soveraigns head presenting it to Cnute with these fawning salutations All hail thou sole Monarch of England for here behold the head of thy Copartner which for thy sake I have adventured to cut off which no antient Historian mentions Upon this Cnute though ambitious enough in Soveraignty yet out of a Princely disposition sore grieved at such a disloyal treacherous act presently replyed to him I for reward of so great and meritorious a service done for me will this day advance thee above all the Nobles of the Realm After which he caused his head to be cut off then fixed on an high poll and placed on the highest Tower of London for the birds to prey upon Others more agreeable to the truth relate That Cnute in the first year of his reign depriving this Arch-Traitor Edric of the Dukedom of Mercia which he had many years enjoyed thereupon Edric in the feast of Christs Nativity repaired to Cnute at his Palace in London to expostulate with him about it where checking the King over-harshly he upbraided him with the many benefits he had received from him amongst which he mentioned two wherewith he specially provoked him to anger saying Most dear King you ought not to speak harshly to me nor suffer any evil to be done unto me for you had never enjoyed the Realm of England but by my means For out of love to thee I have first betrayed King Ethelred after that I deserted Edmond my proper and natural Lord and afterwards I foreplotted his death and murdered my just and true liege Lord out of my fidelity towards thee to bring the whole kingdom unto thee and dost thou so lightly vilify so great love conferred on thee for which I never received any benefit or profit from thee At which speeches Cnute changing his countenance expressing his fury by its redness presently pronounced this sentence against him saying And thou shalt deservedly die thou most perfidious Traitor seeing by thy own confession thou art guilty of Treason both against God and me who hast slain thine own Soveraign and natural King and my dear confederate Brother His bloud be upon thy head because thou hast stretched out thy hand against the Lords anointed And lest a tumult should be raised among the people he commanded him to be there presently strangled in his palace and his body to be cast through a window into the river of Thames to be devoured of the fishes as some or hanged upon London walls unburied to be devoured by birds as others story At which time Duke Norman son of Duke Leofwin Captain of Edrics guard Aethelward son of Duke Agelmar and Brihtricus son of Alphege Earl of Devonshire with many others of Edrics followers were likewise slain without offence together with Edric because Cnute feared he should one time or other be circumvented by the treacheries of this old perfidious Traitor hearing his former natural Lords Ethelred and Edmond had frequently been betrayed by him quorum diutina proditione alterum vexavit alterum interfecit there being no trust to be reposed in such a Traytor to his Soveraigns Thus this inveterate Arch-Traitor to his Natural Country Kings and bloudy Regicide by Gods divine Justice received the just punishment of all his Treasons at the last instead of expected great rewards from that hand he least suspected Whence p Matthew Westminster relating both the Histories of the manner of Edrics death concludes thus Sed sive sic sive aliter vitam finierit Proditor Edricus non multum ad rem pertinet quia hoc liquido constat Quod ille qui multos circumvenerat tandem est justo Dei Iudicio circumventus et proditionis suae meruit subire talionem And let all those who have or shall imitare him in his Treasons against his native Country Kings and Regicide seriously meditate on his tragical end and expect the self same retribution in conclusion though they escape as many years as he then did before final execution A third sort of Authors as Marianus Scotus Wigorniensis Roger Hoveden and Simeon Dunelmensis make no mention of King Edmonds murder by Edric his subordination but only that
sitting in this manner nine of them were always beheaded but the tenth dismissed and his life reserved for a time These things were acted at Gildeford a royal Town But when it seemed to the Traitor Godwin that there were more yet remaining alive of them than was profitable he coÌ„manded them to be tithed over again as before and so very few of them remained alive But young Alfred every way worthy of royal honour he sent bound to the City of London to King Harold that therby he might find greater favor with him with those few of his followers who remained undecimated So soon as the King saw young Alfred he caused him to be sent to the Isle of Ely and there to have his eyes pulled out of the pain whereof he soon after died but he slew all his Souldiers too perniciously Florentius Wigorniâ—nsis Roger de Hoveden Simeou Dunelmensis Radulphus de Diceto Mr. Fox and others relate That the innocent Princes Alfred and Edward sons of King Ethelred came out of Normandy where they had long resided with their Uncle Richard into England accompanied with many Norman Souldiers transported in a few ships to conferr with their Mother Emma then residing at Winchester Which some potent men especially Earl Godwin as was reported took very unworthily and grievously because licet injustum esset although it were unjust they were more devoted to Harold than to Alfred Whereupon Harold perswaded King Harde-Cnute and the Lords not to suffer those Normans to be within the Realm for jeopardy but rather to punish them for example by which means he got authority to order the matter himself Wherefore he met them on Guild-down and there seised upon Prince Alfred and retained him in close Prison when he was hastning towards London to conferr with King Harold as he had commanded And apprehending all his followers he ransacked some of them others of them he put in chains and afterwards put out their eyes some of them he tormented and punished by pulling off the skin from their heads and cutting off their hands and feet many of them he likewise commanded to be sold and slew 600 men of them at Gildeford with various and cruel deaths whose Souls are believed now to rejoyce with the Saints in Paradice seeing their bodies were so cruelly slain in the fields without any fault which Queen Emma hearing of sent back her Son Edward who remained with her with greatest haste into Normandy After which by the command of Earl Godwin and some others Prince Alfred being bound most straitly in chains was carried Prisoner to the Isle of Ely by ship where he no sooner arived but his eyes were most cruelly pulled out and so being led to the Monastery was delivered to the Monks to be kept where he soon after died and was there interred Some add that after Alfreds eyes were put out his belly was opened and one end of his bowels drawn out and fastened to a stake and his body pricked with sharp needles or poyneyards forced about till all his intrails were extracted in which most savage torture he ended his innocent life Ranulphus Cistrensis in his Polychronicon l. 6. c. 21. relates that Godwin used this strange cruelty towards those Normans that came over with Alfred whom he twice decimated at Gildeford that he ripped up their bellies and fastned the ends of their guts to stakes that were reared and pyght in the ground and laid the bodies about the stakes till the last end of the guts came out The Author of the Book called Encomium Emmae and Speed out of him writes That Harold was no sooner established King but that he sought meanes how to rid Queen Emma secretly out of the way and maliciously purposing took counsel how he might train into his Hay the sons of Queen Emma that so all occasions of danger against him might at once for all be cut off Many projects propounded this lastly took effect that a Letter should be counterfeited in Queen Emma's name unto her sons Edward and Alfred to instigate them to attempt the Crown usurped by Harold against their right The Tenor of which Letter you may read in Speed This Letter being cunningly carried digested by Alfred as savoring of no falshood he returned answer he would come shortly over to attend his Mothers designs which Harold being informed of forelayes the coasts to apprehand him Upon his comming on shore in England Earl Godwin met him and binding his assurance with his corporal Oath became his Leige-man and guide to Queen Emma but being wrought firm for Harold treacherously led these Strangers a contrary way and lodging them at Guildford in several Companies there tithed and murthered them as aforesaid Henry Huntindon the Chronicle of Bromton William Caxton in his Chronicle and another Historian mentioned by Mr. Fox record that this murther was after the death of King Harde-Cnute When the Earls and Barons of England by common assent and counsel sent into Normandy for these two Brethren Alfred and Edward intending to crown Alfred the elder Brother and to make him King of England and to this the Earls and Barons made their Oath But Earl Godwin of West-Sax sought to slay these two brethren so soon as they came into England to the intent he might make Harold his own son by Cnutes daughter or sister maried to him King as some of these affirm Others of them relate that he intended only to destroy Alfred being an Englishman by the Father but a Norman by the Mother whom he foresaw to be a person of such honour and courage that he would disdain to mary his daughter or to be swayed by him and then to mary his daughter Godith to Edward the younger Brother and to make him King as being of a more milde and simple disposition apt to be ruled by him Hereupon Godwin went to Southampton to meet with the two Brothers at their landing It fell out that the Messengers sent into Normandy found only Alfred there Edward being then gone into Hungarie to speak with his Cosen Edward the Outlaw Ironsides son When Alfred heard these Messengers tydings he thanked God and in all hast sped him to England ariving at Southampton with some of his Mothers kinred and many of his fellow-Souldiers of like age who were Normans Whereupon Godwin intimated to the Nobles of England That Alfred had brought over too great a company of Normans with him and had likewise promised the lands of the Englishmen to them and therefore it would not be safe to instirpate such a valiant and crafty Nation amongst them That these ought to undergoe exemplary Punishment lest others by reason of their alliance to the King should presume to intrude themselves amongst the English And then posting to Southampton welcomed and received Alfred with much joy pretending to conduct him safe to London where the Barons waited for to make him King and expected his comming and so they passed forth together
richly gilt with gilt bosses and darts in their hands Which Present though it pacified the Kings indignation yet it prevented not Gods avenging justice on him afterwards for Alfreds bloud thus partly avenged on Harolds carcasse which was cast into the Thames and mangled according to Hard-Cnutes command and lay floting on the water sundry dayes till a Fisherman in compassion took up his corps and buried it privately in St. Clements Danes Soon after Harde-Cnute in the second year of his reign commanded 8. Marks to be paid to every Mariner Some write â—0 others 30. marks to every Shipwright of his Danish Navy besides a vast sum of money to his Land-Army Hujus anno secundo redditus est Census Exercitui Dacorum scilicet 21000 lib. 89 lib. Et posteà sunt redditae 32. puppibus 11000 lib. 48. lib. writes Henry Huntindon Tributum inexorabile et importabile Angliae imposuit ut Classiariis suis per singulas naves viginti ac triginti marcas ex pollicito pensitaret Quod dum importune per Angliam exigitur duo infestius hoc munus exequentes a Wigorniae Civibus extincti sunt as Will of Malmsbury expresseth it Hic etiam contra omnem spem octo Marcâ—s unicuique remigi Classis suae de importabili tributo Angliae solvi fecit So Bromton Which â—lorentius Wigorniensis Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis Matthew Westminster Polychronicon Caxton Fabian Holinshed Grafton and Speed thus more at large relate Anno 1040. Octo Marcas unicuique suae classis Remigi et 12. unicuique gubernatori de tota Anglia praecepit dependi Tributum videlicet tam grave ut vix aliquis id possit persolvere Quapropter omnibus qui prius adventum ejus desiderabant magnopere factus est exosus summopere Anno 1041. Harde-Cnute King of England Huscarlas missit per omnes regni sui Provincias Or Ministros suos per omnes fines regni destinavit sent his Officers through all the Counties parts of the Realm to exact and collect the Tribute which he had imposed without sparing any and to furnish his Mariners with all necessaries from thence Two of which Officers Faeder and Turstin exacting this Importable Tribute with great rigour and cruelty from the Inhabitants of the County and City of Worcester were thereupon tumultuously slain by them in a Monastery whither they fled for Sanctuary on the 4th day of May. The King being very much incensed therewith sent Godwin with all the rest of the Earls of England and almost all his Officers and whole army thither to avenge their deaths commanding them to slay all the men if they could to pillage and burn the whole City and County who coming thither the 2. of November wasted the City and County for 4. dayes space but took or slew few of the City or County because they having notice of their coming fled all away to an Iland in the midst of Severn called Beverage which they fortified and so long manfully defended against their Enemies til they had recovered their peace and obtained leave quietly to return to their homes Whereupon on the fifth day they burnt the City every one returning with great booties and thereupon the Kings wrath was pacified but his reputation much ecclipsed and the affections of the people lost by that cruelty and Tax Which it seems was imposed by his own arbitrary power without any Grant or common consent in a Parliamentary Council Vnde cunctis qui prius ejus adventum optaverant in Angliam exosus effectus est writes Mat. Westminster Contumeliam famae amori suo detrimentum ingessit adds Malmsbury This whole Tribute amounted but to 32137 l. which came not to the moity of one Moneths Contribution or Excise in our dayes John Speed and some others write That Earl Godwin devising how the Crown might be worn by him or his to separate the hearts of the Subjects from the Prince thaen which there can be no greater wound unto both caused the King to impose heavy Tributes upon the English only to pay the Danes in his Fléet appointing every common Souldier and Mariner to receive 8. Marks in money and every Officer and Master 12. amounting to the summ of 32147 l. for the payment whereof there was so great a grudge that two of his Collectors were slain by the Citizens of Worcester which caused their City to be burnt and part of the County to be spoiled by the Kings command and their Bishop Alfred expulsed the See til with money he had purchased his peace But observe Gods Justice on this Exactor and Tax-imposing King soon after his cruelty at Worcester as he was revelling and carrouzing amidst his cups at Lambheth at a solemn Mariage-feast between a Danish Lord and Gotha an English Lady he suddenly fell down dead to the ground without speech or breath not being lamented nor desired by reason of his unwonted Taxes excesse and riot Yea so far were all sorts from bewailing him that in regard of their freedom from the Danish yoak which they attained ever since among the Common people the 8. of June the very day of his death is annually celebrated with open pastimes in the street as the old Romans kept their Fugalia for chasing out their King which time is now called Hoc-tide or Herextide signifying a time of scorning or contempt which fell upon the Danes by his death when he had voluptuously and oppressingly reigned over the English not full two years wanting ten dayes thereof Now here take special notice of Gods exemplary justice upon King Cnute the Danish Usurper and Invader of other mens Crowns and Kingdoms by treachery bloud war treason the murders of Edmund Ironside Pr. Edwin and Alfred and exile of the Royal posterity His base Son Harold dispossessed his Legitimate Son Harde-Cnute of the Crown of England contrary to his will and contract banished and spoiled his own Queen Emma of her Treasure and Jewels oppressed the people with Taxes and was soon cut off by death without any issue Harde-Cnute after his death digs up his Brother Harolds corps beheads and then throws it into the common sink Thames incurs Gods and his Peoples hatred by his Oppressions Taxes Luxurie and is taken away suddenly in the midst of his age without issue before he had reigned two years His Son Swanâ— to whom he bequeathed the Kingdom of Norwey which he got by treachery bribery force and the expulsion murder ol their rightfull pious King Olaus was expelled both out of Norwey and Denmark too by Magnus the Sonne of Olaus the English Army sent by Harde-Cnute to re-establish him in the Kingdom of Norwey routed in the field and so forced home thence with dishonour leaving Magnus in possession not only of Norwey but Denmark which he conquered and made Tributary to him Thus were all his three Sons within 8 years space after Cnutes death quite stript of all their three Kingdoms
acquired by war blood conquest treachery and the English and Norwegian royal lines restored to their rights and Crowns again What persons then in their right sences would impiously spend much treasure levied on the oppressed people by violence rapin uncessant Taxes Excises or shed much human Christian blood to purchase other mens Crowns Kingdoms which are not only full of cares and troubles but so unstable short and momentary in their fruition as is most evident by the Danish Intruders CHAP. V. Containing a Brief Historicall Collection of all the Parliamentary Councils State-Assemblies Historicall Passages and Proceedings that concern the Fundamentall Liberties Priviledges Rights Properties Laws and Government of the Nation under the reign of King Edward the Confessor from the year of our Lord 1042. to 1066. wherein he died KING Harde-Cnute being sodainly taken out of this world without issue by divine Justice on the 6 day of Iune Anno 1042. thereupon the Earls and Barons of England immediately after his death assembled together in a Great Council about the election of a New King Wherein OMNES ANGLORUM MAGNATES ad invicem tractantes DE COMMVNI CONCILIO ET JURAMENTO STATUERUNT QUOD NUNQUAM TEMPORIBUS FUTURIS ALIQUIS DACUS SUPER EOS IN ANGLIA REGNARET hoc maximâ— pro contemptibus quos Angli à Danis saepiuâ— acceperunt c. as the Chronicle of Bromton others informe us All the Nobles of the English treating together decreed by common advice which they ratified with an oath THAT IN TIMES TO COME NEVER ANY DANE or person of the Danish blood SHOULD REIGN OR BE KING OVER THEM IN ENGLAND ANY MORE disclaiming all Danish subjection that especially for the contempts which the English had very often received from the Danes For if a Dane had met an Englishmâ—n upon any bridge the Englishman must not be so hardy to move a foot but stand stâ—ll till the Dane was passed quite ever it And moreover if the Englishmen had not bowed down their heads to doe reverence to the Danes they should presently have undergoâ—e great punishments and stripes Whereupon King Harde-Cnute being dead the English rising up against them drove all the Danes being then without a King and Captaine out of the Realm of England who speedily quâ—tting the land never returned into it afterwards And here we may justly stand still a while and contemplate the admirable retaliating justice of God upon our Danish usurping Kings and their Posterity King Cnute as you heard before caused the temporizing English Bishops Nobles and Barons assembled in a Parliamentary Council against their oaths of allegiance to King Ethelred Edmund Ironside and their heirs no less then twice one after another to renounce cast off and abjure their regall Posterity to make them incapable of the Crowne of England and settle the inheritanceâ— of it upon him and his Danish blood Anno 1016. and 1017. And now in little more then twenty years after all the English Prelates and Nobles assembled in Council of their own accords by a solemn Decree and Oath abjure renâ—unce and eternally disinherit all the Danish blood-royall of the Crown of England and restore the Saxon English royall line to that soveraignty which they had formerly disclaimed such are the vicifâ—itudes of divine Justice and providence worthy our observation in these wheeling times wherein we live when no man knoweth what changes of like nature one day or year may bring forth The English putting their Decree for cashiering all the Danes in execution turned the mout of all the Castles Forts Garrisons Cities Villages thâ—oughout England as well those of the Royall and Noble blood as the vulgar sort and forced them to depart the Realm as they had formerly banished the English Princes and Nobles Procâ—reâ— igitur Anglorum â—am DACORUM DOMINIO LIBERATI The Nobles therefore of Engl. being thus freed from the Danes dominion for so much of God of his mercy and providence who is the maker of heirs thought good after the wofull captivity of the English Nation to grant them some respite of deliverance in taking away the Danish Kings without any issue left behinde them who reigning here in England kept the English people in miserable subjection about the space of 28 years and from their first landing in the time of King Brictâ—icus wasted and vexed this land for the space of 255 years their Tyranny now coming to an end by the death of Harde Cnute they thereupon assembling together in a great Council with a generall consent elected Prince Edward surnamed the Confessor the youngest and onely surviving son of King Ethelred for their King who ANNUENTE CLERO ET POPULO LONDONIIS IN REGEM ELIGITUR as Mat. Westminster relates whereupon Edward being then in Normandy where he had long lived in exile being a man of a gentle and soft spirit more appliable to other mens counsels then able to trust his own naturally so averse from all war bloodshed that he wished rather to continue all his life long in a private exiled estate then by war or blood to aspire to the Crown the Lords sent messengers to him to come over and take peaceable possession of the Kingdome of England they having chosen him for their King advising him to bring with him as few Normans as he could and they would most faithfully establish him in the throne Edward though at first he much doubted what course to stear somewhat mistrusting the treachery and inconstancy of the fickle headed English yet at last upon the importunity of the messengers who informed him melius esse ut vivat gloriosus in Imperio quà m ignominiosus moriaâ—ur in exiliâ— JURE EI COMPETERE REGNUM aevo maturo laboribus defaecato sciâ—â—ti administrare principatum per aetatem severè miserias Provinciâ—lium pro pristina aequitate temperare c. and upon putting in sufficient pledges and an oath given for his security he came into England with a small train of Normans where he was joyfully received by the Nobles and people Nec mora Gilingeam or rather Londoniam CONGREGATO CONCILIO rationibus suis explicitis regem effecit Dominio palam ab omnibus dato as Malmsbury or electus â—st in Regem ab omni populo as Huntindon and others expresse it After which on Easter day Apr 2. 1043. he was solemnly crowned King at Winchester with great pomp by Eâ—dsi Arch-bishop of Canterbury by the unanimouâ— consent of the Archbishops Bishops Nobles Clergie and people of England to their great joy and content without the least opposition war or blood-shed after 25 yeares seclusion from the Crown by the Danish usurpers Our Historians generally record that Bryghtwold a Monk of Glastenbury afterwards first Bishop of Wilton when King Cnute had banished and almost extinguished the whole royal issue of the English race almost past any possibility or probability of their restitution to the Crown which he had forcibly invaded
milericâ—rdiâ—m non defuturam constantissime pollicâ—baâ—uâ— From these passages whether reall as manâ— as fictitions as some repute them I shall onely observe these reall Truths 1. That in King Eâ—hâ—lreds reign great Parliamentary Councils were usually assembled to consult of the weighty affairs state if not succession of the Realm of England 2. That godly men in all ages have been deeply affected with the misery exile disinheriting and extirpation of the Royal Issue and Posterity by invading forreign usurpers and with the oppressions of their native countrey under their usu ped power and have poured forth frequent and fervent prayers unto God in secret for their restitution and relief 3. That the Nobility Clergy and people of England have ever had a propense naturall inclination and affection to the true royall Blood and Posterity of the Nation though forcibly constrained to aâ—jure and renounce them for a season by prevailing Intruders electing them for their Kings and preferring them before all others upon the very next opportunity to vindicate their rights and liberties and rejecting the usurpers and their race 4 That though the Kings of England were usually reputed hereditary yet in truth they were for the most part actually elected by the Prelates and Nobles in parliamentary Councils and appointed by the generality of the Clergy and people and had oaths of allegiance given to them by their subjects 5. That God doth many times beyond all probability and expectation restore disinherited Princes to their Crowns of which they have been forcibly deprived after many years dispossession and without any wars or effusion of blood even by the Nobles and peoples own voluntary choice and act without their seeking as he did here restore Prince Edward after 25 years interruption and Aurelius Ambrosius long before to the British Crown to omit all others 6. That Crowns invaded ravished by force of armes and bloodshed are seldome long or peaceably enjoyed by the usurpers themselves or their posterity that of Curtius being an experimentall truth Non est diuturna possessio in quam gladio inducimur All which we find experimentally verified in this History of King Edward his election and restitution to the Crown of England worthy our special observation King Edw. coming to the Crown was not onely very charitable to the poor humble mercifull and just towards all men but also PLURES LEGES BONAS IN ANGLIA STATUIT quae pro majore parte adhuc in regno tenerentur Whereupon about the year 1043. as the Chronecle of Brompton William Caxton in his Chronicle and Mr. Selden inform us Earl Godwin a sugitive in Denmark for the murther of prince Alfred hearing of his piety and mercy resolved to return into England humbly to implore his mercy and grace that he might have his lands again that were confiscated having provided all things for his voyage he put to sea and arrived in England and then posted to London UBI REX ET OMNES MAGNATES AD PARLIAMENTUM TUM FUERUNT Where the King and all the Nobles were then at a parliament here he beseeched intreated his friends kindred who were the greatest Lords of the land after the King that they would study to procure to him the Kings Grace and friendship who having thereupon taken deliberate counsel among themselves led him with them before the King to seek his Grace But so soon as the King saw him he presently appealed him of TREASON of the death of Alfred his brother and using these words unto him said THOU TRAITOUR GODVVIN I THEE APPEAL FOR THE DEATH OF ALFRED MY BROTHER WHOM THOU HAST TRAITEROUSLY SLAIN To whom Godwin excusing himself answered My Lord and King saving your Reverenes and Grace Peace Lordship I never betrayed nor yet slew your Brother unde super hoc pono me IN CONSIDERATIONE CURIAE VESTRAE whence I put my self upon the consideration and judgement of your Court concerning this matter Then said the King KARISSIMI DOMINI COMITES ET BARONES TERRAE c. Most dear Lords Earls and Barons of the land who are my Liege men now here assembled you have heard both my appeale and Godwins answer Volo quod inter Nos in ista appeslatione RECTUM JUDICIUM DECERNATIS ET DEBITAM JUSTITIAM FACIATIS I will that between us in this appeale you award right Iudgement and do due Iustice COMITIBUS VERO ET BARONIBUS SUPER HOC AD INVICEM TRACTANTIBUS Hereupon the Earls and Barons debating upon this businesse among themselves some among them were different in their opinions from others in doing just judgement herein For some said that Godwin was never obliged to the King so Bromton to Alfred writes Caxâ—on by homage service or fealty and therefore HE WAS NOT HIS TRAITOUR and that he had not slain Alfred with his own hands But others said Quod Comes nec Baro nec aliquis Regi subditus BELLUM CONTRA REOEM IN APPELLATIONE SUA DE LEGE POTEST VADIARE That neither the Earl nor any Baron nor any Subject to the King could by the Law wage Battel against the King in his Appeal but ought wholy to put himself in his mercy and to offer him competent amends Then Leofric Earl of Chester or Coventry as Caxton a good man towards God and the world spake and said The Earl Godwin after the King is a man of the best parentage of all England and he cannot deny but that BY HIS COUNCEL Alfred the Kings Brother was slain wherefore I award as touching my part that himself and his son and every of us DUODECIM COMITES the twelve Earls who are his friends and kinsmen should go humbly before the King laden with as much gold and silver as every of us can carry between his arms offering that to him for his trespasse and submissively deprecating that he would pardon all his rancour and ill-will to the Earle and receiving his homage and fealty he would restore and redeliver his lands intirely to him Vnto which award THEY ALL ACCORDING they all laded themselves with treasure in the manner aforesaid and going to the King declared unto him the order and manner of their JUDGEMENT or AVVARD QUORUM CONSIDERATIONI REX CONTRADICERE NOLENS QUI CQUID JUDICAVERANT PER OMNIA RATIFâ—CAVIT The King not willing to contradict them in any thing they had judged ratified the same in all things An agreement therefore being made between them in this manner the Earl presently regained all his lands The generality of our Historians as Bromton confesseth deny that Godwin ever fled into Denmark or left England for the murder of Alfred they generally affirming that he purged himself thereof though falsly CORAM PROCERIBUS before the Nobles in the reign of Harde-Cnute swearing with his compurgators that he never consented to his death NISI REGIA VI COACTUS but through compulsion by royall violence Recording likewise that after the death of King Harde-Cnute Prince Edward was called out of
Normandy and elected King principally by the help and counsel of Earle Godwin himself who as Malmesbury and others write perswaded him to accept the Crown and precontracted with him before hâ— came into England Paciscatur ergo sibi amicitiam solidam filiis honores integros filiae matrimonium brevi futurum ut se Regem videat qui nunc vitae naufragus exul spei alterius opem implorat Utrinque fide data quicquid petebatur sacramento firmavit If there were then any such Parliament as this then held at London and such proceedings in it concerning Godwin it was most probably in the year 1043. as I here place it And from these memorable proceedings in it we may observe 1. That there is mention onely of the King Earls and Barons present in this Parliament as members of it not of any Knights of shires Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people of which there is not one syllable 2. That the Earls and Barons in Parliament were the onely Judges in that age in Parliament between the King and his Nobles subjects both in criminal and other causes there decided 3. That Peers in that age were onely tryed and judged by their Peers for treason and capitall offences 4. That appeals of Treason were then tryed in Parliament and the Earls and Barons the sole Judges of them and of what offences were Treason and what not 5. That the Bishops and Clergy in that age had no votes in matters of Treason and capitall offences 6. That the Judgement of Parliament then rested properly in the Earls and Barons not the King and that their judgement was not repealable by but obligatory to the King himself 7. That no Subject could then by law wage battel against the King in an Appeal 8. That the murther of Prince Alfred then heir to the Crown in the time of Harold an actuall King by usurpation without any good title by his command was reputed a treasonable offence in Earl Godwin for which he forfeited his lands and was forced to purchase his pardon and lands restitution with a great fine and summe to the King 9. That though the Author of the Chronicle of Bromton Caxton out of him stile this Assembly PARLIAMENTUM a Parliament not a COUNCIL yet it is onely according to the style of the age wherein he writ being in the reign of King Edward the third as Mr. Selden proves not according to the dialect of the age wherein it was held to which the term Parliamentum was a meer stranger and CONCILIUM MAGNUM c. the usual name expressing such Assemblies King Edward Anno 1643. immediately after his Coronation came suddenly from Glocester to Winchester attended with Earl Godwin Siward and Leofric and by their advice forcibly took from his Mother Queen Emma all her gold silver jewels and precious stones and whatever rich things else she possessed commanding onely necessaries to be administred to her there The cause of which unjust act some affirm to be Godwins malice towards her others affirm it to be her unnaturalnesse to King Ethelred her first husband and her own sons by him Alfred and Edward In loving and marrying Cnute their enemy and supplanter when living and applauding him when dead more then Ethelred In advancing Harde-Cnute her son by him to the Crown and endeavouring to deprive Alfred Edward thereof In refusing to give any thing toward Prince Edw his maintenance whiles in exile and distresse although he oft requested her to supply his necessities In having some hand in the murther of Prince Alfred and endeavouring to poyson King Edward himself as the Chronicle of Bromton relates After which by the instigation of Robert Archbishop of Canterbury a Norman born he againe spoiled her of all she had and shut her up prisoner in the Abbey of Werwel upon suspition of incontinency with Alwin Bishop of Winchester from which false imputation she purged her self and the Bishop by passing barefoot over nine red hot ploughshares without any harm Whereupon the King craved mercy and pardon from her for the infamy and injury done unto her for which he was disciplined and whipped by his Mother and all the Bishops there present Anno 1044. There was GENERALE CONCILIUM CELEBRATUN a General Council held at London wherein Wolmar was elected Abbot of Evesham And this year King Edward DE COMMUNI CONCILIO PROCERUM SUORUM as Bromton and others write most likely when assembled in the Council at London married Edith daughter of Earl Godwin in patrocinium regni sui he being the most potent man in all the Realm there being in her breast a magazine of all liberall vertues And this same year most probable by this same Councils Edict Gunilda a noble Matron King Cnute's sisters daughter with her two sons Hemming and Thurkell were banished out of England into Flanders from whence after a little stay they departed into Denmark v King Edward in the year 1045. assembled together to the port of Sandwich a very numerous and strong Navy against Magnus King of Norway purposing to invade Engl. But Swane King of Denmark then warring upon him hindered his voyage for England The next year 1046. Osgodus Clapa was banished out of England Swane King of Denmark Anno 1047. sent Ambassadours to King Edward desiring him to send a Navy to him against Magnus King of Norway Hereupon Earl Godwin counselled the King to send him at least fifty ships furnished with souldiers Sed quia Leofrico comiti ET OMNI POPULO id non videbatur consilium CAETERI PROCERES DISSUASERUNT nullum ei mittere voluit But because that Council seemed not good to Earl Leofric and all the people and the rest of the Nobles disswaded him from it he would send no ships to him Magnus furnished with a great Navy fought with Swane and after a great slaughter on both sides expelled him out of Denmark reigned in it and compelled the Danes to pay him a great Tribute Harold Harvager King of Norwey Anno 1048. sent Ambassadours to King Edward offering peace and friendship to him which he embraced Also Swane King of Denmark sent other Ambassadours to him this year requesting a naval assistance of ships from him But although Earl Godwin was willing that at least fifty ships should be sent him yet none were sent because Earl Leofric OMNISQUE POPULUS UNO ORE CONTRADIXERUNT and all the people contradicted it with one voice Abbot Ingulphus records That Wulgat Abbot of S. Pega whose Abbey was quite destroyed and burnt to the ground by the Danes had a long suit in the Kings Court with three Abbots of Burgh concerning the seat of his Abbey especially with Abbot Leofric with whom he most strongly contended Sed Regis curia nimium fav â—nte potentiori contra pauperem sententiante tandem sedem monasterii sui perdidit Tanta fuit Abbatis Leofrici pecunia
tanta Comitis Godwini potentia which he thus repeats Illo in tempore venerabilis Pater Wulgatus Abbas Pegelandiae diutiâ—simam calumniam passus ab Abbatibus Burgi Elfrico Arwino Leofrico Abbatiae suae sedem amittens tandem succubuit proh nefas totum situm monasterii sui JUDICIO REGALIS CURIAE PERDIDIT Tantum tunc potuit super Iustitiam pecunia contra veritatem versutia in CURIA regis Hardecnuti Godwini potentia After which he addes that in the year 1048. when the said Abbot Wulgat having lost the site of his Monastery had laid the foundation of a new Monastery in his Manor of Northburt next adjoyning to the old intending to translate his Abbey thither and diligently laboured to reedifie a Church Dormitory with other claustral offices there being assisted with the alms of many believers Fernoâ—us a Kt. Ld. of Bosworth openly shewd out of the Abbots own writings that the said Manour of Northburt was given by his progenitors to the Monastery of S. Pega and to the Monks there serving God whence by consequence he alâ—edged That seeing Abbot Wulgat and his Monks did not serve God and S. Pega from thâ—t time forwards in that place where the old Monastery stood that they ought not from henceforth to enjoy the said Manour Acceptatum est hoc A REGIS JUSTITIARIO ET CONFESTIM ADJUDICATUM EST dictum manerium de Northburt cum omnibus suis pertinentiis praedicto militi Fernoto tanquam jus suum haereditariuÌ„ de monachis ecclesiae sanctae Pegae alienatuÌ„ perpetuo sublatum Quod tum per universum Regnum citius fuisset cognitum scilicet Abbatum de Peikirk prius amisisse monastâ—rium suum consequenter manâ—rium ad monasterium quondam pertinens similiter Edmerus miles dominus de Holbrok calumniam movâ—t contra eundem Abbatem monachos suos de manerio suo de Maksey Horsingus de Wathe calumniatus est pro Manerio suo de Badingâ—oÌ„ Siwardus Comes de Manerio suo de Bernack Hugolonus Thesaurarius de Manerio de Helieston alii plures de aliis mane iis dicto Monasterio dudum pertinentibu omnes eadem ratione in dicta causa contra Monachos obtinuerunt tam de maneriis quam de Monasteriâ— suo dictus Abbas de Peibec ac Monachi sui nequiter crudâ—liter ejecti sunt ut nunquam alicui veniat damnum solum Cum itaque Abbas Wulgatus conventus suus Monachi scilicet c sic de Monasterio destituti vagabundi in proximo dispergendi in omnem ventum pro extrema miseria fluctuarent misertus eorum piissimus Râ—x Edwardus omnes in suam curiam suscepit usquequo eiâ— provideret suam capellam ac aulam quotidie frequentare imperavit The Abbot of Croyland dying soon after and his pastorall staff by which he was invested being presented by the Prior and two Monks to King Edward the King thereupon immediately invested Wulgatus in the Regiment of the Monastery of Croyland by the delivery of the Pastorall staff unto him seconded with his Charter of donation without any election by the Covent Inter praecipua Monasteria tunc magno nomine praedicabatur Croilandia tot tanta in tempore Danicae Tribulationis in Regis curiam semper manu promptissima effuderat donaria ET TRIBUTA A multis itaque annis retroactis NULLA ELECTIO PRAELATORUM ERAT MERE LIBERA ET CANONICA SED OMNES DIGNITATES TAM EPISCOPORUM QUAM ABBATUM PER ANNULUM ET BACULUM REGIS CURIA PRO SUA COMPLACENTIA CONFEREBAT These proceedings and judgements against the Abbot Monks of S. Pega and Peikirk were the occasion as I conceive of this passage in William of Malmesb. touching King Edwards reign Fuerunt tamâ—n nonnulla quae gloriam temporum deturbarent Monasteria tunc monachis viduata PRAVA JUDICIA A PRAVIS HOMINIBUS COMMISSA c. Sed harum rerum invidiam amatores ipsum ita extenuare conantur Monasteriorum destructio PERVERSITAS JUDICIORUM non ejus scientia sed per Godwini filiorumque ejus sunt commissa violentiam qui regis indulgentiam videbant postea tamen ad eum delata acriter eorum exilio vindicata To which may be referred that story of Walter Mapaeus in Mr. Cambdens Britannia p. 374. 375. of Earl Godwins thrusting the Abbesse of Berkley and her Nunnes out of the Monastery of Berkley which he begged of King Edward by this wile He caused a young Nephew of his feigning himself sick to lie so long in the Nunnery till he left the Abbesse and all her Nunnes great with child and then complaining of proving this their incontinency before the King ejected the Abbesse and Nunnes and gained the Nunnery and Manour of Berkley to himself worth 500l revenue Together with this Godwins cheating the Archbishop of Canterbury of his Manour of Boseam in Sussex by a wily word-trap and equivocation recorded by the same authors King Edward Anno 1049. was so deeply affected and ravished with Gods extraordinary mercy towards him in preserving him like another Ioash from the cruelty of the bloody Danes and restoring him beyond expectation to the Crown of England without his seeking or the least effusion of blood after sundry years dispossession by the Danish Intruders that thereupon he vowed a solemn pilgrimage to Rome there to render humble thanks and gifts to God for this signall mercy For diligently having prepared great summes of money to defray his expences with many rich presents he assembled all the Nobles and Prelates of the Realm in a Parliamentary Council acquainting them with this his vow and intended pilgrimage and craving their advice how the Realme might be justly governed preserved in peace and defended in his absence till his returne from Rome Upon which the Nobles after serious consultation considering the great inconveniences and perils that might beâ—all the kingdome by his absence being but newly setled and the manifold dangers that might happen to him in so long a journey and what new troubles and mishaps might befall the Realm if he should miscarry in the way having no issue would by nâ— meanes permit him to undertake this pilgrimage but disswaded him from it and by common consent at last agreed to send solemn Ambassadours from the King and them to the Pope to represent the incâ—nveniences and perils that might bâ—fall the Realm by his absence from it and thereupon to procure a dispensation from this his vow and pilgrimage Which the Ambassadours accordingly representing the Pope thereupon dispensed with the Kings vow upon this condition and firme injunction that the King should distribute to the poore all the expences he had provided for his journey and should either build a new or repaire an old Monastery in honour of S. Peter the Prince of the Apostles and endow it with sufficient revenues to maintain the Monks confirming by his Apostolicall Authority all
Invasion injury violence disturbance and specially enact That not only all Clerks and Clergy men but all other persons shall enjoy the peace of God and the Church free from all assaults arrests and other disturbances whatsoever both on Lords-days Solemn Festivals and other times of publike Church meetings eundo subsistendo redeundo both in going to continuing at and returning from the Church and publike duties of Gods worship or to Synods and Chapters to which they are either summoned or where they have any business requiring their personal presence wherewith the Statute of 8 H. 6. c. 1. concurs as to the later clause Therefore all Quakers Anabaptists and others who disturb affront and revile assault or abuse our Ministers or their people as many now doe in going to or returning from the Church or whiles they continue in it as well before or after as during Divine Service Sermons or Sacraments there administred may and ought by the Common Law oâ— England confirmed both by Confessor and Conquerour in their Parliamentary Councils to be duly punished as Breakers of the Peace by all our Kings Justices and Ministers of publike Iustice being ratified by Magna Charta c. 1. and the Coronation Oaths of all our Kings which all our Judges and Justices are bound to observe To keep to God and holy Church to the Clergy and to the People Peace and Concord entirely according to their power especially during the publike worship of God in the Church and in going to tarrying at and returning from the duties which they owe unto him both as his Creatures and Servants And to grant keep and confirm the Laws Customs and Franchises granted by the glorious King Edward 3. That they prescribe the due payment of Tithes to God and his Ministers as well personal as praedial under Ecclesiastical and temporal penalties being granted and consented unto a Rege et Baronibus et Populo 4. That the Causes and pleas of the Church ought first to be heard ended in Courts and Councils before any other Iustitia enim est ut Deus ubique prae cateris honoretur 5. That they thus define Danegild Danegaldi redditio propter Piratas primitus Statuta est Patriam enim infestantes vastationi ejus pro posse suo insistebant Ad eorum quidem insolentiam reprimendam Statutum est Danegaldum annuatim reddi scilicet duodecim denarios de unaquaque Nida totius Patriae ad conducendos eos qui Piratarum eruptioni Resistendo obviarent To which Hoveden Knyghton Lambard and others subjoyn De hoc quoque Danegaldo omnis ecclesia libera est quieta omnis texra quae in proprio dominico Ecclesiae erat ubicunque jacebat nihil prorsus in tali redemptione persolvens quia magis in Ecclesiae confidebant orationibus quam in armorum defensionibus usque tempora Willielmi junioris qui Ruffus vocabatur donec eodem a Baronibus Angliae auxilium requirente ad Normanniam requirendam retinendam de Roberto suo fratre cognomine Cortehose Ierusalem proficiscente Concessum est ei nonLege sancitum neque confirmatum sed hac necessitatis causa ex unaquaque hida sibi dari quatuor solidos Ecclesia non excepta Dum vero collectio census fieret proclamabat Ecclesia suam reposcens libertatem sed nil profecit By which it is apparent 1. That this grievous Tax of Danegeld was first granted and appointed by a publike Law in a Parliamentary Council to hire men to resist the eruption of the Pyrates and Enemies That it amounted but to 12 d. a year upon every Ploughland That the Church and Demesne Lands of the Church where ever they lay were exempted from it till William Rufus his time who first exacted it from the Clergy upon a pretended necessity and raised it from 12 d. to 4 s. a Ploughland by grant of the Barons without any Law to enact or confirm it for fear of drawing it into consequence 6ly That these Laws thus describe the Duty and Office of a King The King because he is the Vicar of the highest King is constituted for this end that he may rule the earthly kingdom and the Lords people and above all things that he may reverence his holy Church and defend it from injuries pluck away evil doers from it and utterly to destroy and disperse them Which unless he shall doe the name of a King agreeth not unto him the Prophet Pope John witnessing Nomen Regis perdit qui quod Regis est non faciat he loseth the name of a King who dischargeth not the duty of a King Pepin and Charls his Son being not yet Kings but Princes under the French King hearing this definitive Sentence as well truly as prudently pronouneed concerning the name of a King by William the bastard King of England foolishly writ to Pope John demanding this question of him Whether the Kings of France ought so to continue being content only with the name of a King Who answered That it is convenient to call them Kings who do watch over defend and govern the Church of God and his people imitating King David the Psalmograph saying He shall not dwell in my House which worketh pride c. After which it followeth in Mr. Fox and some others but not in Hoveden and Knyghton Moreover the King by his right and by his Office ought to defend and conserve fully and wholly in all ampleness without diminution all the Lands Honours Dignities Rights and Liberties of the Crown of his Kingdom And further to reduce into their pristine state all such things as have been dispersed wasted and lost which appertain to his kingdom Also the whole and universal Land with all I lands about the same in Norwey and Denmark be appertaining to the Crown of his kingdom and be of the appurtenances and dignity of the King making one Monarchy and one Kingdom which sometimes was called the Kingdom of Britain and now the Kingdom of England such bounds and limits as is above said be appointed and limited to the name of this kingdom A King above all things ought to fear God to love and observe his commandements and cause them to be observed through his whole kingdom He ought also to keep cherish maintain and govern the holy Church within his kingdom with all integrity and Liberty according to the constitution of his ancestors and predecessors and to defend the same against all Enemies so that God above all things be honoured and ever before his eyes He ought also to set up Good Laws and Customs such as be wholesom and approved Such as be otherwise to repeal them and thrust them out of his kingdom Item he ought to doe Judgement and Justice in his kingdom by the counsel of his Realm All these things ought a King in his own person to do taking his Oath upon the Evangelist swearing in the presence of the whole State of the Realm
eum obtinendo minime potuit adimplere unde Willielmo cognato suo Normannorum Duci Regnum post eum optinendum per solennes nuncios assignavit And Col. 957. he adds Some say that King Edward before his death had appointed William to succeed him according to the promise which the said King had made him when he was a young man living in Normandy that he should succeed him in the Kingdom concerning which as some write he had sent solemn Messengers to him into Normandy The like is affirmed almost in the same words by Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c 15. col 2238. and by Fabian Caxton Cambden Holinshed Grafton Speed Daniel Stow Vestegan and other modern Historians Matthew Paris in the beginning of his History of England p. 1. relates Harolds driving into Pountoise by storm as he was taking his pleasure at Sea his presenting to Duke William his espousals to his daughter under age which he ratified by Oath taken upon the reliques of Saints adding Juravit insuper se post mortem Regis Edwardi qui jam senuit sine liberis Regnum Angliae Duci qui in Regnum jus habuit fideliter conservaturum Consummatis igitur aliquot diebus cum summa laetitia amplis muneribus ditatus in Angliam reversus est Haroldus Sed cum in tuto constitueretur jactabat se laqueos evasissâ— Hâ—stiles Perjurii crimen eligendo And Anno 1257. Writing of the Lay Peers of France whereof the Duke of Normandy is first he hath this passage Rex Angliae Dux est de jure Normanniae sanguinis derivaâ—ione geneali Rex ex conquestu dicitur tamen quod beatus Edwardus â—o quod haerede caruit Regnum legavit Willielmo Bastardo Duci Normannorum Sed hoc robore asseruitur caruisse quia hoc fecit in lecto Lethali et sine Baronagii sui commnni consensu By all which Testimonies as likewise by the express relations of Mr. Cambden in his Britannia p. 144 145. Richard Verstegan his Restitution of decayed Antiquities Matthew Parker his Antiquitates Ecclesiae Bâ—itanniae p. 88. Mr. Seldens Review of his History of Tithes p. 482 483. it is apparent that King Edward whiles he was in Normandy before he was King upon Duke Williams repairing into England to him after he was King by several Messengers and Hostages sent to him in his old age and in his very death-bed appointed Duke William to be both his successor and heir to the Crown of England and that Harold either voluntarily as purposely sent by King Edward or craftily upon pretence he was sent by him to work his own enlargement and his Nephews or upon Williams motion to him voluntarily swore that he would faithfully preserve the Crown and Realm of England for him after King Edwards death who had appointed him to succeed him as his heir next kinsman by the mothers side and that he intended to dishinherit his Cosen Edgar Atheling of it though next heir to it by reason of his minority unfitness and indisposition both of body and minde to sway the Scepter of the Realm King Edward having finished his Abby of Westminster and endowed it with ample lands and privileges by three several Charters by the advice and assent of all his Bishops and Nobles as aforesaid Anno 1066 caused it to be solemnly consecrated on Innocents day with great solemnity but falling sick in the midst of these festival Solemnities of its dedication he betook himself to his bed where continuing speechlesse for two days space together on the third day giving a great groan and arising as it were from the dead he related to those then about him a Vision he had seen touching the State of England Namely that two religious Monks he had formerly known in Normandy dead many years before were sent unto him with this message declaring the Corruptions and Vices both of the Clergy Nobility Gentry and People of England and the judgements ready to fall upon them for the same Which Matthew Westminster thus relates Quoniam Primores Angliae Duces Episcopi Abbates non sunt Ministri Dei sed Diaboli tradidit Deus hoc regnum uno anno et die uno in manu inimici Daemonesque terram hanc totam pervagabunt Abbot Ailred thus records it Impletum dicunt Anglorum nequitiam iniquitas consummata iram provocat accelerat vindâ—ctam Sacerdotes praevaricati sunt pactum Domini polluto pectore manibus iniquitatis sancta contrectant non Pastores sed Mercenarii exponunt lupis oves non protegunt lac lanam quaerunt non oves ut detrusos ad inferos mors pastores depascat et oves Sed et Principes terrae infideles Sociae surum PRAEDONES PATRIAE quibus nec Deus timori est NEC LEX HONORI quibus veritas oneri JUS CONTEMPTUI CRUDELITAS DELECTATIONI Itaque NEC SERVANT PRAELATI JUSTITIAM nec subditi disciplinam Et ecce Dominus gladium suum vibravit arcum suum tetendit et paravit illum ostendet deinceps populo hinc iram indignationeÌ„ immissiones insuper per Angelos malos quibus traditi sunt anno uno die uno igne simul et gladio puniendi The King groaning and sighing for this calamity that was ready to fall upon his people demanded of the Monks Whether if they repented of their sins upon his admonition to them God would not pardon them and remove his judgements as he did from the Ninivites They replied That God would by no means receive them into his favour because the heart of this people was hardned and their eyes blinded and their ears deafned that they would not hear reproof nor understand admonition nor be terrified with threatnings nor provoked with his late benefits The King thereupon demanded Whether God would be angry for ever Whether he would be any more intreated and when they might hope for a release of so great calamities To which they replyed That if a green tree cut in the midst and carried a great space from the stock could without any help reunite it self to the root and grow again and bring forth fruit then might the remission of such evils be hoped for The veritie of which Prophecy add our Historians the Englishmen experimentally felt namely That England should be an habitation of strangers and a Domination of Foreiners because a little space after scarce any Englishman was either a King a Duke Bishop or Abbot neither was there any hope also of the end of this misety King Edward after his relation of this Vision to the Nobles and Prelates then about him yielded up the Ghost and died without issue on Epiphany Eve An. 1066. and was solemnly interred the next day in Westminster Abbey the royal line of the Saxon Kings ending in him which had continued from Cerdic the first King of the West-Saxons for 571. years without interruption except by some Danish Usurpers who for
Pavillion there came a voice unto him saying William William be thou a good man because thou shalt obtain the Crown of the Realm and shalt be King of England and when thou shalt vanquish the enemy cause a Church to be built in the same place in my name so many hundred foot in length as in number of years the seed of thy bloud shall possess the Government of the Realm of England and reign in England an 150. years But q Matthew Westminster writes this voice was after the battel with Harold not before it and the subsequent words in Knyghton touching his march to London import as much Harold residing in the North after his great victory there when he deemed all his Enemies totally broken in pieces received certain intelligence that Duke William was safely arived at Pevensey with his Fleet and an innnmerable company of valiant Horsemen Slingers Archers and Footmen whom he had hired out of all France Whereupon he presently marched with his army in great haste towards London and although he well knew that most of the valiant men in all England were slain in the two late Battels against Tosti and the Danes that many of the Nobility and Common Souldiers had quite deserted him refusing to march with him in that necssity because he permitted them not to share with him in the great booties they had won with their bloud and that half his Army were not come together yet he resolved forthwith to march into Sussex against the Enemy and fight them with those small forces tired he then had being most of them Mercenaries and Stipendiaries except those English Noblemen Gentlemen and Freemen who enflamed with the love and liberty of their Native Country voluntarily engaged themselves with him in the defence thereof against the common dangerous invading Enemy rather than to support his usurped Diadem and Royalty over them of which number there were very few f Immo vero panoi et manu promptissimi fuere qui charitati corporum renunciantes Propatria animas posuerunt Nampraeter Sâ—ipendiarios et Mercinarioâ— milites paucos admodum ex comprovincialibus habuit Praecipitabant eum nimium fata ut nec auxilia convocari vellet nec si vellet multos parituros invenerat Ita omnes ei erant infensi quod solus manubiis Borealibus incubuerat Unde cum suis quos ductabat astutia Gulielmi â—ircumventus fusus est levi videlicet belli negotiâ— sed occulto et stupendo Dei consilio quod nunquam posteà Angli Communi praelio in libertatem spiraverint quasi cum Haraldo omne robur deciderit Angliae quae certe Potuit et debuit etiam per inertissimos solvere paenas perfidiae Yet Thomas of Walsingham and some others write that Harold had gathered together an innumerable company of Englishmen against Duke William and the multitudes of the Nobility Gentry and Commons of England slain in the Battel besides those who fled from it and could not come to fight manifest his Army not to be so small as these Authors would make it only to augment the Englishmens valour and ecclipse the Normans as overcomming them more by stratagem and multitude than true fortitude Whiles Harold was in his march towards William within 9 miles of his Fort in Sussex he sent out Scouts before him to discover the forces and numbers of the Enemy who being intercepted and brought to William he caused them to be led about his tents that they might well view his Army and then being bountisully feasted he commanded them to be sent back to their Master without any harm Who returning to Harold commending the Dukes magnificence martial prowess and clemency seriously affirmed that all his Souldiers seemed to be Priests because their faces and both their lips were shaven which kind of shaving none of the English then used but their Priests only Upon which Harold smiling at the Scouts simplicity replied They were not effeminate Priests but Souldiers of great and valourous minds invincible in arms Whereupon Girth Harolds younger Brother a man of great knowledge and valour beyond his years taking the Speech out of his mouth said Seeing you commend the valour of the Normans to be so great I hold it unadvised rashnesse for you to fight with them to whom you may be reputed inferiour both in merit and valour Neither are you able to gainsay but that you took an Oath to William to reserve the Crown to his use voluntarily or unvoluntarily Wherefore you shall doe more advisedly to withdraw your self out of the field in this instant necessity ne si perjurus decertans vel fugam vel mortem incurras lest fighting perjured you incurre either flight or death and the whole Army perish for your sin of Perjury seeing there is no fighting against God Therefore expect the issue of the battel without danger For we are altogether free from any Oath justum suscipimus bellum pro Patria pugnaturi and have undertaken a just warr to fight for our Country If we fight alone without thee thy cause shall prosper better and thou shalt be more safe whatever befallius For if we fly thou maist be able to succour and restore us and if we be slain thou maist revenge us But such was Harolds unbridled rashness that he would not give a pleasing ear to this admonition esteeming it inglorious and a great dishonour to his former life and valour to turn his back to any Enemy or danger Whiles these discourses passed between them in comes a Monk sent by Duke William claiming the kingdom as his Because King Edward had granted it to him by advice of Archbishop Stigand and of the Earls Godwin and Siward and had sent the Son and Nephew of Godwin hostages thereof into Normandy But to avoid effusion of Christian bloud the Monk brought him these three profers Either to depart with the Realm to William according to his Oath and agreement Or to hold the Kingdom from and reign under him Or finally to determine the controversie between them two by a single Ducâ— in the view of both their 〈◊〉 But Harold out of a strange impâ—udence impudence pride of heart as one whom the heavens would depresse accepting neither domestick counsel nor the Normans offer would neither vouchsafe to look upon the Messenger with a good countenance nor discourse with him in milde terms but sending him away with indignation prayed only thus That God would judge between him and his Master William To whom the Monk boldly replying required that if he would deny the right of William he should either reserr it to the Judgement of the Sâ—e Apâ—stolick or else to battel if he had rather by which he asserted that William was ready to trie his Title But Harold answering nothing to those his Proposals but what he had done before went within little of laying violent hands upon the Embassador commanding William with violent terms and menaces to depart his kingdom
Normannorum annis Clerici literatura tumultuaria contenti vix Sacramentorum verba balbutiâ—bant stupori et miraculo erat caeteris qui grammaticam noscet Monachi subtilibus indumentis et indifferenti genere ciborum regulam ludificabant Optimates gulae venerii dediti Ecclesiam more christiano mane non adibant sed in cubiculo et inter uxorios amplexus matutinorum solemniâ— et Missarum a festinante presbytero auribus tantum libabant Vulgus in medio expositum praeda erat potentioribus ut vel eorum substantiis exhaustis vel etiam corporibus in longinquas terras distractis acervos thesaurorum congererent quamvis magis ingenitum sit illi genti commessationibus quam operibus inhiare Illud erat a natura abhorrens quod multi ancillas suas ex se gravidas ubi libidini satisfecissent aut ad publicum prostibulum aut ad aeternum obsequium vendicabant Potabatur in commune ab omnibus in hoc studio noctes perinde ut dies perpetuantibus parvis abjectis domibus totos sumptus absumebant Francis Normannis absimiles qui amplis superbis aedificiis modicas expensas agunt Sequebantur vitia ebrietatis socia quae virorum animos effaeminant Hinc factum est ut magis temeritate et furore praecipiti quam scientia militari Willielmo congressi uno praelio ipso perfacili servituti se patriamque pessundederint Ad summam tuno erant Angli vestibus ad medium genu expediti crines tonsi barbas rasi armillis aureis brachia onerati picturatis stigmatibus â—utem insigniti in cibis urgentes crapulum in potibus irritantes vomica Et haec quideÌ„ extrema victoribus suis participarunt de caeter is in eorum mores transeuntes Sed haec mala de omnibus generaliter Anglis dicta intelligi nolim Scio clericos multos tunc temporis simplici via semitam sanctitatis trivisse Scio multos Laicos omnis generis conditionis in hae eadem gente Deo placuisse facessat ab hac relatione invidia non cunctos pariter haec involvat calumnia Verum sicut in tranquillitate malos cum bonis fovet plaerumque Dei serenitas ita in captivitate bonâ—s cum malis nonnunquam ejusdem constringit severitas I have insisted more largely upon the Historical part of Harolds usurpation perjury short and troublesom reign tragical death Duke Williams claims to and manner of acquiring the Crown of England for this reason especially To refute the common received Error of some ignorant Historians of many illiterate Statists and Swordmen of this age and of sundry temporizing Ignoramusses of my own robe who publickly averr in their Pamphlets Speeches Charges and Discourses that Duke William claimed and obtained the Crown of England only as a Conqueror and thereupon altered the antient Laws Customs of the Realm and gave New Laws unto it by his own absolute power as a Conqueror thereof Upon which false Ground they inferre That those in late and present Power coming in by the same Title of Conquest may lawfully give new Laws to impose what Taxes Government they please upon the English as well as Scotish and Irish as a meer conquered Nation by their own inherent authority seeing by the Laws of Warr regularly all Rights and Laws of the place and Nation conquered be wholly subject to the Conquerors will And hereby they justifie all their late Impositions Taxes Excises Sequestration Seisures Sales of all the publike revenues of the Nation and many thousand private mens Estates by their Westminster and White-Hall Ordinances Edicts with the changes of our Government new-modellings of our Parliaments and all other irregular proceedings destructive to our Fundamental Rights Laws Liberties Government which they formerly covenanted inviolably to maintain without grant or consent by any free full lawfull English Parliaments Now to demolish all these their superstructures by subverting their false Foundation of D. Williams pretended Title to the Crown of England only by Conquest It is most apparent by the premised Historical Authorities 1. That King William alwayes claimed the Crown of England both before at and after his Coronation as of right belonging to him by the promise gift contract gift and bequest of Edward the Confessor and as his heir and next kinsman by the Mothers side 2. That he alleged this gift and grant of the Crown to him to be made with the consent of the Archbishops of Canterbury Earls Godwin Syward and other Nobles of the Realm ratified by special Messengers sent unto and Hostages delivered him for its performance and by Harolds own solemn agreement and Oath sent to him by King Edward for that purpose as himself at least suggested to him which designation and grant of King Edward to William was no fiction but a truth confessed by all our Historians and Harold himself who by his answers never denyed but only endeavoured to evade it and voluntarily acknowledged by all the Nobles of England both at his Coronation and in Parliament it self in the 4. year of his reign 3. That after King Edwards decease divers of the Nobles would have elected William King in pursuance hereof but that Harold perjuriously usurped the Crown by meer force and power without the least right unto it or any election by the Lords or people setting the Crown on his own head the very day King Edward was interred and thereby prevented Williams election to it 4. That hereupon divers of the Nobles Prelates and other English sent private Messengers to William into Normandy to come and demand his right to the Crown as due unto him promising hostages and their assistance to recover it 5. That thereupon he sent Embassadors twice or thrice to Harold one after another before his landing insisting on his meer right and Title to the Crown to gain it by parly without effusion of bloud 6. That upon Harolds obstinacy he appealed to the Pope and to all his Nobles assembled in a Parliamentary Council for the justice of his Title and Right to the Crown who declared his Title Lawfull and Just and thereupon encouraged assisted him all they could to regain it by force of arms from the Usurper Harold who would not otherwise depart from it 7. That immediately after his landing he made claim unto it only by the foresaid Right Title and thereupon prohibited his Souldiers to plunder the Country or hurt any of the Inhabitants as being his by right 8. That very few of the English Nobility or Nation would march or engage with Harold against William and sundry withdrew themselves from the battel as conscious of Harolds usurpation perjury and Williams just cause against him however other causes were then pretended and amongst the rest his own Brother-in-laws the greatest Peers of the Realm Earl Morcar and Edwin deserted him in the fight 9. That after the first battel won and Harold slain all the Prelates and Clergy generally except Abbot Frederick appeared for
him and would not consent to set up Edgar though right heir 10. That after good deliberation all the Nobles Prelates Londoners and others who first appeared for Edgar with the greatest part of the Clergy people of the English Nation without the least fight or resistance or before any siege or summons from him together with Prince Edgar himself voluntarily went out and submitted themselves sware faith and allegeance to him as their Soveraign at Berkhamsted and after that joyfully received him with highest acclamations as their lawfull King at his entry into London 11. That all the Prelates Clergy and Nobility soon after without any coercion upon his foresaid right and Title freely elected and solemnly crowned him as their lawfull King in a due and accustomed manner and then did Homage and swore new Allegiance afresh unto him as their rightful Soveraign 12. That he took the Ordinary Coronation Oath of all lawfull Kings to mainitan and defend the rights persons of all his people to govern them justly c. as became a good King which a King claiming by meer conquest would never do All these particulars are undeniable Evidences that Duke William never made the least pretence claim or title to the Crown and Realm of England only as an absolute Conqueror of the Nation but meerly by Title as their true and lawfull King by designation adoption and cognation seconded with the Nobles Prelates Clergy and peoples unanimous election And although it be true that this Duke ejected Harold and got actual possession of the Throne and Kingdom from him by the sword as did Aurelius Ambrosius and others before and King Henry the 4. Edward the 4. Henry the 7. with others since his reign yet that neither did nor could make him a King by conquest only no more than these other Princes seeing the end of this warr was not against the whoie English Nation the greatest part where of secretly abbetted his interest but only against the unjust Usurper and Intruder King Harold and his adherents not to create a Title to the Realm by his and their Conquest but to remove a Usurper who invaded it without and against all right and to gain the actual possession thereof by arms from which he was unjustly withheld by force against those pretended lawfull Titles which he made So that he got not the Right Title but only the actual possession of the Crown by his Sword not as a universal Conqueror of the Realm without right or Title but as if he had been immediate heir and lawfull Successour to the Confessor who designed him to succeed him For fuller confirmation whereof I shall here subjoin these ensuing proofs 1. King William himself at his very Coronation in London as Mr Cambden informs us said That the kingdom was by Gods providence appointed and by vertue of a gift from his Lord and Cosen King Edward the glorious granted unto him and that this most bounteous King Edward had by adoption ordained him his heir in the kingdom of England 2ly In his Charter to the Church of Westminster he resolves us much in direct terms where he recites In ore gladii Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum devictâ— Haroldo rege Cum suis complicibus qui mihi Regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum beneficio concessionis Domini Cognati mei gloriosi Edwardi CONCESSUM conati sunt auferre c. So that his Title was from Edward though his possession by the sword 3ly In the very Title of his Laws published in the 4th year of his reign which he was so far from altering that he both by Oath and Act of Parliament ratified confirmed all the Laws and Customs of the Realm used in the Confessors time and before presented by a Grand Enquest unto him out of every County of England upon Oath without any alteration praevarication or diminution he stiles himself or is stiled by the Collector of these Laws HEIR AND COSEN TO Edward the Confessor even in the ancient Manuscript which Sir Henry Spelman hath published Incipiunt Leges S. Edwardi Regis quas in Anglia tenuit quas WILLIELMUS HAERES cognatus suus POSTEA CONFIRMAVIT To which I shall likewise subjoyn the words of the Charter of his Sonn King Henry the 1. Anno 1108. translating the Abbey of Ely into a Bishoprick wherein he gives his Father William the self-same Title Ego Henricus providente divina clementia Rex Anglorum Normannorum Dux Willielmi magni Regis filius QUI EDWARDO REGI HAEREDITARâ—O JURE SUCCESCIT IN REGNUM renouncing all Title by conquest and claiming only as Heir to King Edward by Hereditary right 4ly Earl William himself in none of his Charters Writs Speeches Writings ever stiled himself a Conquerour of England nor laid claim to the Crown and Realm of England by Conquest after his inauguration which Title of Conqueror was afterwards out of the flattery or ignorance of the times given unto him by others Therefore the words which the History of St. Stephens in Caen in Normandy reports he used at his last breath The Regal Diadem which none of my Predecessors ever wore I got and gained by the Grace of God only I ordain no man heir of the Kingdom of England which all our Historians unanimously contradict affirming that he ordained VVilliam Rufus his second son particularly to succeed him in it at his death upon which Title only he enjoyed it but I commend the same to the eternal Creator whose I am in whose hands are all things For I became not possessor of so great honour by any hereditary right but by an humble conflict and with much effusion of blood I took it from the perjured King Harold and after I had either slain or put to flight his favourits and Servants I subdued the kingdom to my self must either be reputed false and fabulous as most esteem them or else have this construction that he gained the actuall possession of it against Harold and his adherents only by the Sword and that he had not an hereditary right thereto as next heir by descent to the Crown but only by adoption from and as heir by donation to King Edward as next of kin by the Mothers side which he made his only Title 5ly Those antient English Historians who first gave him the name of Conquerour did it not in a strict proper sence as if he were a meer universal Conquerour of the Nation disposing of all mens Estates persons and the Laws of the Realm at his pleasure for that he never did but only as one who gained the actual possession thereof from a perjured Usurper and his forces by strength of arms conquering them by open battel in the field but still claiming it by gift contract and designation from King Edward as his Kinsman as an heir who forcibly outs a disseisor and intruder comes in by Title and Inheritance only though he gains the possession by force This is
their Coronation Oaths and not arbitrarily or tyrannically according to their pleasures 5. That no Freemen in that age could be justly imprisoned banished or put to death but for some hainous misdemeanors and that by a legal trial and conviction 6. That the Subjects of England then held it their bounden duties in times of forein invasion to defend the Realm their Lives Liberties Properties both by Land and Sea against forein Enemies yet they held themselves dis-obliged and were generally averse to defend the person or Title of any Usurper of the Crown against any forein Prince or other Person who had a better right and title to it 7. That our English Ancestors in that age esteemed their hereditary Liberties good antient Laws and Customs more dear and pretious to them than their very lives and would rather die fighting for their Laws and Liberties like freemen than live under slavery or bondage to any Soveraign whatsoever 8. That the Kings of England in that age could neither give away nor legally dispose of their Crowns Kingdoms or Crown Lands to others without the privity and free consent of their Nobles and Kingdom in general Parliamentary Council as is evident by Harolds answers to VVilliams Embassadours the recited passage of Matthew Paris upon that occasion and this of Samuel Daniel p. 34. So much was done either by King Edward or Harold though neither act if any such were was of power to prejudice the State or alter the course of right succession as gave the Duke a colour to claim the Crown by a donation made by Testament which being against the Law and Custom of the Kingdom could be of no validity at all For the Crown of England being held not as patrimonial but in succession by remotion which is a succeeding to anothers place it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositive and Testamentary Will the right descending to the next of blood only by the Laws and Custom of the Kingdom For the successor is not said to be the Heir of the King but of the Kingdom which makes him so and cannot be put from it by any Act of his Predecessors 9. That the Nobilities Clergies and peoples free-Election hath been usually most endeavoured and sought after by our Kings especially Intruders as their best and surest Title To these Legal I shall only subjoyn some Political and Theological Observations naturally flowing from the premised Histories of King Edward Harold and William not unsuitable to nor unseasonable for the most serious thoughts and saddest contemplations of the present age considering the revolutions and postures of our publike affairs 1. That it is very unsafe and perillous for Princes or States to intrust the Military and Civil power of the Realm in the hands of any one potent ambitious or covetous person who will be apt to abuse them to the peoples oppression the kingdoms perturbation and his Sovereigns affront or danger as is evident by Earl Godwin and his Sons 2. That devout pious soft-natured Princes are aptest to be abused and their people to be oppressed by evil Officers 3. That it is very dangerous and pernicious to heditary kingdoms for their King to die without any certain known and declared right Heirs or Successors to their Crowns yea an occasion of many wars and revolutions as is evident by King Edwards death without issue or declared right heir 4. That right heirs to Crowns who are of tender years weak judgement or impotent in Friends and Purse are easily and frequently put by their rights by bold active and powerfull Intruders as Edgar Atheling was both by Haroid and William successively Yet this is remarkable in both these Invaders of his royal Right 1. That Harold who first dethroned him to make him some kind of recompence and please the Nobles of his party created Edgar Earl of Oxford and held him in special favour 2ly That King Willam the first to whom he submitted himself and did homage and fealty used him very honourably and entertained him in his Court not only at first but even after he had twice taken up armes against him joyning first with the English Nobilitie then with the Danes and Scots against his interest For Edgar coming to him into Normandy Anno 1066. out of Scotland where he lived some years where nihil ad praesens commodi nihil ad futurum spei praeter quotidianam stipem nactus esset he not only pardoned his fore-past offences but magno donativo donatus est pluribusque annis in Curia manens Libram Argenti quotidie in stipendio accipiebat writes Malmesb. receiving a great donative from him and a pound of silver for a stipend every day and continuing many years in his Court. After which Anno 1089. He went into Apulia to the Holy wars by King Williams licence with 200 Souldiers and many Ships whence returning after the death of Robert son of Godwin and the loss of his best Souldiers he received many benefits from the Emperours both of Greece and Germany who endeavoured to retain him in their Courts for the greatness of his birth but he contemning all their proffers out of a desire to enjoy his Native Country returned into England and there lived all Kings Williams reign In the year 1091. Wil. Rufus going into Normandy to take it by force from his brother Robert deprived Edgar of the honour which his Brother with whom he sided had conferred upon him and banished him out of Normandy whereupon he went into Scotland where by his means a peace being made between VVilliam Rufus and Malcholm king of Scots he was again reconciled to Edgar by Earl Roberts means returned into England being in so great favour with the king that in the year 1097. He sent him into Scotland with an Army Ut in ea consobrinum suum Eadgarum Malcholmi Regis filium patruo suo Dufenoldo qui regnum invaserat expulso Regem constitueret Whence returning into England he lived there till after the reign of king Henry the first betaking himself in his old age to a retired life in the Country as Malmesbury thus records Angliam rediit ubi diverso fortunae ludioro rotatus nunc remotus tacitus canos suo in agro consumit Where most probably he died in peace since I find no mention of his death No less than 4 successive kings permitting this right heir to their Crowns to live both in their Courts and Kingdom of England in peace and security such was the Christian Generosity Charity and Piety of that age without reputing it High Treason for any to relieve or converse with him as the Charity of some Saints in this Iron age would have adjudged it had they lived in those times who have quite forgotten this Gospel Lesson of our Savior they then practised But I say unto you love your Enemies do good to those that hate you
qui virum infestaverit filios effugaverit is Malmesbury his observation and censure thereupon Only their Uncle Robert attempted their testitution Congregatis navibus et impositis militibus profectionem paravit subinde jactitans se pronepotes suos coronaturum et proculdudio fidem dictis explesset nisi quia ut à majoribus accepimus semper â—i ventus adversabatur eontrarius per occultum scilicet Dei judicium in cujus voluntate sunt potestates omnium regnorum Reliquiae navium multo tempore dissolutarum Rothomagi adhuc nostra aetate visebantur writes Malmsbury By this match with Queen Emma as Cnute took off Duke Richard from yielding any assistance to his Nephews in hopes his sister might have issue by him to inherit the Crown of England it being agreed between them on the marriage that the issue of Cnute begotten on her should inherit the Crown so it much obliged the English to him and made them more willing to submit to his Government ut dum consuetae Dominae deferrent obsequium minus Danorum suspirarent Imperium the rather because they much honoured and affected her for her manifold vertues of which they had long former experience and likewise because they hoped it might be a meanes to restore Ethelreds issue by her to the Crown again in case she had no issue by Cnute to inherit it which in truth it effected by Gods providence contrary to Cnutes design After this mariage this politick Forein Intruder to establish his Monarchy over England endeavoured to reconcile the English to him by all other publick means he could devise and that by Emmaes advice 1. By advancing some of the English Nobility to places of Honour and trust as Leoffric whom he made Duke in the place of his Brother Norman whom he had slain with some others and loving them very dearly 2. By granting to the English equal Rights and Privileges with his Danes in Consessu in Consilio in Praelio and favouring and advancing them both alike 3. By favouring and enriching the English Clergy and Church-men and manifesting extraordinaty piety devotion bounty in repairing building endowing Monasteries and Churches throughout the Realm which had been partly decayed partly demolished and prophaned by his and his Fathers former wars and excursions And by erecting new Churches in all places where he had fought any battel especially at Asehendune and placing Priests in them perpetually to pray for the souls of those that were there slain Ita omnia quae ipse et Antecessores sui deliquerunt corrigere satagens prioris Injustitiae naevum apud Deum fortassis apud Homines certè abstulit as Malmsbury relates 4. By easing them of his Danish Forces and constant heavy Taxes for their maintenance For by the advice of Emma he sent back all his Danish stipendiary Souldiers to their Native Country and all his Ships but 40 which he retained to transport him into Denmarke the next year To return pay off and disband which forein Forces the English paid him a Tribute of 82. as some or 72 thousand pounds as other Historians record collected out of all England and the Londoners 11 thousand or 10500 marks more Which Tribute I conceive was granted him in the Council of London the year before wherein all the Prelates and Nobles took an Oath Suo exercitui vectigal dare according to their former agreement at Glocester upon the partition of the Kingdom between Edmond and Cnute wherein King Edmond and all the English Nobles and Army ordained that a Tribute should be paid to the Danish Fleet TRIBUTO QUOD CLASSICAE MANUI PENDERETUR STATUTO So that I conjecture it was not imposed on the people by Cnutes absolute power but by common Grant and Consent of a Great Parliamentary Council 5. By ratifying all their former good old fundamental Laws Rights Liberties Privileges which they used enjoyed under their Saxon Kings by enacting other good wholesom Laws repealing all unjust Laws and redressing all exactions and grievances By which means he so obliged the English to him that they cordially assisted him in his Danish wars chearfully obeyed him and never raised any Insurrection or Rebellion against him though frequently absent out of the Realm all his reign albeit he had no Army nor Garrisons to over-aw them In the second year of his reign Anno 1018. King Cnute assembled a Parliamentary Council both of the English and Danes at Oxford wherein they both accorded That King Edgars Lawes should be observed Angli et Daci apud Oxonefordiam de lege Regis Edgari concordes sunt effecti as Florentius Wigorniensis Sim. Dunelmensis and others express it but the Chronicle of Bromton thus Posthaec apud Oxoniam PARLIAMENTUM tenuit ubi Angli simul Dani de Legibus Edgari Regis observandis concordes facti sunt Which Fabian Grafton Speed and others thus express in English He called A PARLIAMENT at Oxford where among other things it was enacted That Englishmen and Danes should hold and firmly keep the Laws of Edgar late King Which Parliament they misplace some in the 3. others in the 15. year of his reign when it was in the second King Cnute sailing into Daenmark in the third year of his reign having there setled his affairs returned into England Anno 1020. about the feast of Easter Apud Orencestriam CONCILIO CONGREGATO as Matthew Westminster or Apud Cirenceastram MAGNUM CONCILIUM HABUIT as Plorentius Wigorniensis Hoveden and Simeon Dunelmensis record it And then held a great Parliamentary Council at Orencester or Cirencester wherein he banished Duke Ethelward And this year as Radulphus de Diceto informs us Rex Canutus CONSILIO CLERI ET PROCERUM by the Counsel of his Clergy and Nobles most likely assembled in this Council at Cirencester and especially of his Queen Emma he placed Monks in the Monastery of Badricesworth wherein the bodie of King Edmond the Martyr resteth removing the Secular Priests from thence Matthew Westminster thus relates it Consilio Emmae Reginae et EPISCOPORUM SIMUL ET BARONUM ANGLIAE Monachos in eo constituit c. Caenobium quoque beati Regis et Martyris Edmundi tot praediis et bonis aliis ampliavit ut omnibus ferè Angliae Monasteriis in rebus temporalibus merito praeferatur Sir Edward Cook in his Preface to his 9. Reports out of an antient Manuscript of the Abbey of St. Edmonds which he said was in his custody gives us this account of a Parliament held at Winchester in the 5. year of King Cnute his reign Anno 1021. Haec sunt Statuta Canuti Regis Anglorum Danorum Norwegiarum Venerando Sapientum ejus consilio ad laudem et gloriam Dei et sui Regalitatem et commune commodum habito in Sancto Natali Domini apud Winton c. Rex Canutus anno regni sui 5. viz. per centum et triginta annos ante
whereof he lost many in the first battel the next day when he appointed again to fight with them Earl Godwin General of the Enlish Militia without King Cnutes privity resolved with his English forces alone to invade the Swedish Enemies in the night Whereupon using this Speech to his Souldiers ut pristinae gloriae memores robur suum oculis novi Domini assererent c. they all valiantly assaulted the Enemies at unawares put them all to flight slew an innumerable multitude of them and compelled the Kings of that Nation Ulf and Eglaf to yield to terms of Peace Cnute preparing to fight very early the next morning thought the English had been either fled away or revolted to the Enemies but marching to the Enemies tents and finding nothing but the bloud and carcasses of those the English had slain he thereupon ever after had the English in great esteem who by this their Victory Comitatum Duci sibi laudem paraverunt writes Malmsbury Cnute returning joyfull of this Victory into England and bestowing anâ— Earldom on Godwin for this Service In the year 1027. Cnute hearing that the Norwegians disesteemed Olaus their King by reason of his simplicity bribed his Nobles with great sums of gold and silver to reject Olaus and elect him for their King which they promising to do the next year he sailed into Norwey with 50 ships ' thrust Olaus out of his kingdom by consent of his Nobles and subdued his Realm to himself whence returning into England An. 1029. Hâ—conem Danicum Comisem quasi Legationis causa in Exilium misit because he had maried Gunilda a Noble matron daughter of the King of Vandals unde metuebat ab illo vel à vitâ privari vel à regno expelli who was after drowned in the Sea or slain in the Orcades Anno 1030. In which year Robert Duke of Noâ—mandy going to Hierusalem Apud Fischamium PROCERES AD COLLO QUIUM VOCAVIT ibique Gulielmum filium suum haeredem sibi constituens fecit omnes ei fidelitatem jurare And the same year the Norwegians cruelly murdered Olaus their King Doctor Preacher and Apostle with an ax Indignabatur enim Gens illa pagana et cruentissima QUOD PRIMAS LEGES et superstitiosas idem sanctus Rex Olaus praedicando docendo evangelizando statuendo evacuaret But Cnutes gold was the prime cause thereof to get his Crown as he had done his Realm and Edmond Ironsides for whose soul he prayed and offered a rich embroydered Pale on his Tomb at Glastonbury Anno 1026. Hoc autem fecisse creditur ne in mortem ejus cui in certamine singulari confoeder atus fuerat consenssisse vider etur writes Mat. Westminster King Cnute Anno 1031 to palliate his Usurpations of other mens Crowns with the shew of Devotion travelled to Rome in very great pomp where he offered very great gifts in gold silver rich vestments and pretious stones and obtained from Pope John That the English School shduld be frée from Tribute In his going and returning he not only gave large alms to the poor but likewise removed and deleted many unjust Tolls and Taxes exacted from such who travelled to Rome giving a Great price to abolish them He solemnly vowed to God before the Sepulcher of the Apostle Peter a reformation both of his life and manners In pursuance whereof he writ a Letter from Rome to the Archhishops of Canterbury and Yorke all the Bishops Nobles and Rulers and to the whole English Nation as well Nobles as Plebeans wherein he certified them That he had procured from the Emp. of Germany King Rodolphus the Pope and other Princes a release of all unjust Tolls and Taxes exacted of his people as they travelled out of devotion towards Rome and of the vast sums of money which the Archbishops paid to the Pope for their Palls After which he in forms them That he had vowed to justify his life to God himself in all things To govern the Kingdoms and Nations under his subjection justly and piously To observe just judgement in all things and if through the Intemperance or negligence of his youth he had hitherto done any things besides that which was JVST that he promised by Gods assistance to reform it all Therefore I obtest and command all my Counsellors to whom I have committed the Counsels and Justice of my Realm that by no means either for fear of me or through favour to any potent person they should from henceforth doe any Injustice or cause it to sprout up in all my kingdom Likewise I command all the Sheriffs and Officers throughout my Realm as they desire to enjoy my favour or their own safety that they do No unjust violence to any Man neither to rich nor poor but it shall be lawfull for all as well Noble as Ignoble to enjoy justice and right from which they might not deviate in any manner neither for Regal favour nor for the person of any potent man nec propter mihi congerendam pecuniam quia nulla mihi necessitas est ut iniqua exactione pecunia mihi congeratur nor yet for raising 〈◊〉 â—eaping up money to me Because there is no necessity for me and let those who now plead Necessity both for their own illegal imposing levying of unjust uncessant heavy Taxes Imposts Excises on our Nations without grant and common consent in Parliamâ—ntâ— consider it that money should be raised and collected for my use by an injust exaction After this he enâ—oyns them by thiâ— Letter To pay all Debts and Duties due by the antient Law as Tithes of their corn and cattel Peter pence and First fruits at the Feasts appointed under pain of the penalties inflicted by the Laws which he would strictly exact without pardon Neither was he worse than his word writes Malmsbury for he commanded all the Laws made by antient Kings and especially by his predecessor King Ethelred to be for ever observed under pain of a regal mulct To the custody of all which ancient Laws Even now writes he our Kings are sworn under the name of King Edwards Lawes non quod illa statuerit sed observaverit And Matthew Westminster records further Vicecomitibus Regni Angliae et Praepositis districtè mandavit ut nulli hominum vim inferant nec propter pecuniam fisco reponendam in aliquo a Iustitia deviant dum non habeat necessitatem de peccato pecuniam adaugere If this Forein Danish Conqueror and Usurper of the Crown of England quod Bellico Iure obtinebat et armorum violentia as William Thorne records was at last so just and equal to the English as to reform all his former extravagant acts of Injustice Exactions Oppressions to release all unjust Taxes Exactions Oppressions and not to exact or raise any monies unjustly on the people upon any real or pretended necessity without their common consent in Parliament by any of his Officers should not our
towards London But when they came to Guild-down Godwin said to Alfred Look round about thee on thy right hand and left and behold what a kingdom shall be subjugated to thy Dominion Upon which Alfred giving thanks to God presently promised that if it happened he should be crowned King He would constitute such Laws as should be pleasing and acceptable both to God and Man Which words were no sooner uttered but the Traytor Godwin commanded all his men to apprehend Alfred and to slay all the Normans that came with him in his company and after that to carry Alfred into the Isle of Ely and there to put out both his eys and to pull out his bowels which they accordingly executed as aforesaid And so died this innocent Alfred right heir to the Crown through the Treason of wicked Godwin When the Lords of England heard thereof and how Alfred that should have been their King was put to death through the false Treason of Godwin against their wills they were wonderfull sorrowfull and wroth and swore before God and Man that he should die a worser Death than did Edric which destroyed his Lord Edmond Ironside and would immediately have put him to death but that the Traytor fled and escaped into Denmark and there continued 4. yeares and more and lost all his Lands Rents Goods and Chattels in England confiscated in the mean time for this his Treason These Historians though they somewhat vary in the time and occasion of Prince Alfreds death yet they all agree in the substance of his and of his Norman Souldiers and Campanions treacherous barbarous murders by the joynt or separate treacherie of Earl Godwin and his son Harold Which how fatal it proved to them both by Gods avenging Justice you shall hear in its due place and what divine vengeance it drew at last on the whole English Nation religious and judicious Mr. John Fox informes us in these words This cruel fact of Godwin and his men against the innocent Normans whether it came of himself or of the Kings setting on seemeth to me to be the cause why the justice of God did shortly after avenge the quarrel of these Normans in conquering and subduing the English Nation by William the Conquerour and the Normans which came wiâ—h him For so just and right it was that as the Normans coming with a natural English Prince were murdered of English men so afterwards the Englishmen should be slain and conquered by the Normans coming with a forein King being none of their natural Country After the banishment of Queen Emma out of and murder of Prince Alfred in England Harde-Cnute delaying the time in Denmark and deferring his coming in o England thereupon Harold formerly King only of the Mercians and Northumbrians that he might reign over all England in the year 1037. A Principibns et omni Populo Rex eligitnr was elected King by all the Nobles and People Harde-Cnutus verò quia in Denmarchia manscrat et ad Anglian ut rogabatur venire distulit penitus abjicitur as Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Hoveden Bromton Radulphus de Diceto and others inform us After which King Harold degenerating from Cnute his Father in all things took no care at all either of military or civil affairs nor of his own Courtly honour doing only his own will and contrary to his royal estate going more willingly on foot of which he was so swift that he was named Harefoot than riding on Horseback In his dayes there were rendred and paid to 16 Ships from every Port not In-land Towns 8. marks of Silver as in the time of his Father as Henry Huntindon records to which John Speed subjoynes This Dane seeing his hazards prevented sought to secure himself and wâ—th 16 Ships of the Danish Fleet kept the Seas which continued ever in a readiness and wafted from port to port to the maintenance whereof he charged the English with great payments to their no little grudge and reviling whereby he lost the love of his Subjects before it had taken root in their hearts Neither held he long those disloyal courses for that his speedy death did cut off the infamy of a longer life he dying at Oxford where he was elected King without wife or children to survive his person or revive his name when he had reigned only 4. years and as many moneths Anno 1040. Upon the deâ—th of h Harold Proceres tam Anglorum quam Danorum in unum concordantes sententiam the Nobles both of the English and Danes assembling together in a Parliamentary Council and concording in one opinion sent Embassadours to Harde-Cnute then at Bruges in Flanders visiting Queen Emma his Mother where he had made great preparation of ships and land-forces to recover the Crown of England which belonged to him both by birth and compact from his brother Harold beseeching him to make hast into England and to take possession of the Crown thereof Whereupon he immediately consenting to the Counsel of the Nobles came speedily into England with 60 as some or 40 ships as others write furnished with Danish Souldiers and Mariners where he was received with great joy elected King both by the English and Danes and solemnly crowned ar London by Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury Soon after he commanded Alfric Archbishop of Yorke Earl Godwin and others to digg up the interred corps of his brother King Harold out of his grave in London and his head to be cut off by the hangman and then both head and corps to be thrown into the Common sink and after that into the Thames And that partly in revenge of the injuries done by him to his Mother Queen Emma in banishing and spoiling her of her money and jewels against all right and justice and partly for his unjust invasion of the Crown of England but in truth as a just retaliation of his barbaâ—ous cruelty to Prince Alfred and his Normans For whose treacherous inhumane slaughter King Harde-Cnute deprived Alfred Bishop of Worcester of his Bishoprick whose hands were said to have been in Alfreds bloud And for which murder he likewise looked with an evil eye upon Earl Godwin compelling him to an Oath of Purgation touching the same Whereupon Godwin by his own Oath and the Oaths os most of the Nobles of the Realm his compurgators swore though most falsly That Prince Alfreds eyes were not put out nor he murdered as aforesaid by his Counsel or consent but what was done therein was only by the command of King Harold which he durst not resist Notwithstanding which Oath to purchase his peace with Harde-Cnute he presented him with a most rich and royal present to wit with a Ship whose stern was of gold with 80 Souldiers placed therein all uniformly and richly suited having on their heads gilt Burgonets on their armes bracelets of Gold on their bodies Habergeons Swords Battel-axes Targets and other arms after the Danish fashion all
without reply vel veris vel veresimilibus argumentis perstricti Some of our Historians record That the Dukes Messengers upon their second Embassy admonishing him how religiously he had bound himself by Oath and that perjured persons should be sure to find perdition from Gods hands and reproachfull shame with men waived all other demands of the Crown and insisted only upon this That Harold should marry his Daughter which he had espoused according to his promise else he should certainly know he would by force of Armes challenge the succession of the Kingdom promised to him But this seems improbable because our other Historians conclude that his espoused Daughter was dead before this Embassie and Williams preparations and future Messages claiming the Crown resolve the contrary Abbot Ingulphus flourishing at that time gives us this sum of their Negotiation and Harolds answer thereunto Willielmus autem Comes Normanniae Legatos mittit foedera facta dicit pacta patefecit promissa petit aliquod justum medium confici requirit At Rex Haroldus Legatos vix auscultat foedera fracta negat pacta recusat promissa excusat omnia justà media oblata sufflat subsannat Cumque haec intermedia quorldie agerentur ac solum nunciorum cursus ac recursus tota aestate sine fructis consumerarentur The Embassadours returned empty bringing only Harolds unsatisfactory and scornfull Answers with them Wherewith Duke William being much inraged cast about how to recover that by right of armes which he could not gain by Treaty providing Ships Souldiers Mariners and all things necessary for an invasive war making choice of the tallest skilfullest and goodliest Souldiers he could select and of such Captains and Commanders as both in the Army and elsewhere seemed all of them to be rather Kings than Nobles And to set the better colour upon his pretended enterprise he sent to Pope Alexander acquainting him with the justice of his cause and the war he had undertaken his Embassadours setting them forth with all the strength of eloquence which Harold neglected to doe either through sloathfullness or diffidence of his Title or for fear William who strictly watched at Ports should intercept his Messengers The Pope having weighed the Title of both parties sent a consecrated Banner to William as an Omen of his right to the kingdom and good success taken in the enterprise Which having received Conventum magnum Procerum apud Lislibonam fecit super negotium singulorum sententias scissitatus Duke William called a Great Council of Nobles at Lillebon demanding every one of their opinions concerning this business Cumque omnes ejus voluntatem plausibus excipientes magnificis promissis animassent Commeatum Navium omnibus pro quantitate possessionum indixit Henry Huntindon Hygden Radulphus de Diceto Speed Daniel and others relate That the Lords of Normandie in this great Parliamentary Assembly taking Counsel amongst themselves what was best to be done in this expedition VVilliam Fitz-Osbert counselled to leave and forsake the war both for scarcity of fighting men and by reason of the strength valour fierceness and cruelty of the Enemies Whereof the other Lords being glad put their answer into his mouth resolving they would all consent to what he should say Who comming before the King said That he and all his men were ready and devoted to assist him in that enterprise and so were all the other Lords Whereupon all the Nobles of Normandy being thus unexpectedly surprized and bound by his words and promise provided themselves for the expedition In this Assembly of the Norman States a subsidy being propounded as the sinews to carry on this great undertaking it was answered That a former war with the French had impoverished much of their wealth That if new wars were now raised and therein their substance spent to gain other parts it would be there so missed as it would hardly be sufficient to defend their own That they thought it more safe for him to hold what he had than with hazard of their own to invade the territories of others That though the war intended were just yet it was not necessary but exceeding dangerous Besides by their allegiance they were not bound to military services in forein parts and therefore no payments could be assessed upon them Whereupon the wealthiest of all the people were sent for by the Duke and severally one by one conferred with shewing them his right and hopes of England where preferments lay even for the meanest of them only money was the want which they might spare neither should that be given but lent upon a plentifull increase With which words he drew them so on that they strove who should give most and by this means he gathered such a masse of money as was sufficient to defray the war Besides Fitz Osburne promised to furnish 40 ships at his own charge the Bishop of Bayon 40 the Bishop of Maus 30. and so others accordingly beyond their abilities And divers neighbour Princes upon promises of fair possessions in England assisted him both with Ships and Souldiers On the other side Harold to prevent his and the Danes invasions who likewise laid Title to the Crown provided ships and forces to oppose them both by Sea and Land and repairing to the Port of Sandwich appointed his Navy to meet him there which being there assembled he sailed with it to the Isle of VVight and there watched the coming of VVilliam into England with his Army all the Summer and Autumn placing likewise his Land forces of Foot in fitting places about the Sea coasts But at last the victuals of the Navy and land Army being spent they both returned home about the Feast of Sr. Mary Soon after Divine Providence to make the easier and speedier way for Harolds overthrow stirred up his own Brother Tosti the banished Earl of Northumberland to recover his Earldom and avenge himself of Harold who exiled him some think by Duke VVilliams advice they marrying two Sisters who coming with 60 some write 40 ships out of Flanders forced Taxes and Tribute out of the Isle of VVight took booties and Mariners to serve in his Navy on the Sea coasts of Kent whence he hoising sail fell foul on Lincolnshire where Morcar and Edwin Earls of Chester and Yorkeshire incountring him with their forces by Land and Harolds Navy by Sea with some loss of their men routed and drove him from thence into Scotland Where after some stay Harold Harfager King of Denmark after his conquest of the Orcades by Tosti his solicitation came into the River of Tine with 300. others write 500 ships where they both united their forces intending to subdue and conquer England then landing their Souldiers in Northumberland they wasted and spoiled the Country where ever they came Whereupon Earl Morcar and Earl Edwin with the inhabitants of the Country raised all the forces they could against them and giving them battel in a tumultuous manner were
evident by the forecited words of Mathew Paris and this passage of Henry de Knyghton not extant in Hygden out of whom he seems to tansoribe it Et sic quia Normannus Iure haereditatis tenuit Normanniae Ducatum ideo Dux Regnum vero Angliae mero Conquestu in respect of actual possession et clameo subscripto in respect of Title by claim by gift from King Edward Ideo Rex which claim and Title being backed by the unanimous election of the Prelates Clergy Nobility People and right heir to the Crown himself who all submitted and sware homage fealty and allegiance to him as their lawfull King infallibly demonstrate him to be no Conquerour in respect of Title in a strict legal military sense even in the judgement of those antient and modern Historians who give him that Title but only in regard of Harold and his party and the actual possession which he got by conquest And in this sense alone is that Distick in the Chronicle of Bromton to be understood Dux Normannorum Willielmus vi validorum Rex est Anglorum Bello Conquestor eorum 6ly Our Great Antiquary Richard Vestegan in his Restitutions of decayed Antiquities learned Mr. John Selden in his Review of the Hist of Tithes p. 482 483. Sir John Hayward in the life of King VVilliam the first Mr. Nathaniel Bacon in his first part of his Historical Discourse of the uniformity of the Government of England chap. 44 45 46 55 56. to omit others most fully prove and assert That the entry of William the first into the royal Government of England neither was nor properly could be by Conquest but by Title and by the free election of the Nobles Clergy and People That although the several Titles he Pretended were perhaps if curiously examined not sufficient to give him a true legal Title and Right to the Crown of England à parte ante because not agreed unto and confirmed by the general consent of the Nobles Kingdom and Nation in a Parliamentary Great Council but only by the King and some particular Prelates and 〈◊〉 out of Parliament as Harâ—ld in his answers alleged yet being ratified ex parte post both by the subsequent consent agreement submission election Oath homage and fealty of all the people Nobles Clergy by their legal free crowning of him at first by Edgar Atheling his own submission fealty and resignation of his royal right and Title thereby unto him and ratified by succeeding Parliamentary Councils it became an indubitable Right and Title both in Law and Justice to him and his Posterity against all others who could lay no legaller Title thereunto he continuing confirming all the antient fundamental Laws Liberties Customs and Government of the English Nation without any alteration both by Oaths and Edicts I shal therefore conclude this point with the words of Shard a learned Lawyer in King Edward the third his reign who when the Kings Counsel in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough would have made a Charter of king Edgar void because they alleged all Franchises were devolved to the Crown by the Conquest replyed thereto The Conquerour came not at all to put any who had lawfull possession out of their rights but to dispossess those who by their wrong had soised upon any land in dis-inherison of the King and his Crown And with the words of our judicious Historian Sa. Daniel concerning this king VVilliam Neither did he ever claim any power by conquest but as a regular Prince submitted himself to the orders of the Kingdom desiring to have his Testamentary Title howsoever weak to make good his succession rather than his sword And though the stile of Conqueror by the flattery of the time was after given him he shewed by all the course of his Government he assumed it not introducing none of those Alterations which followed by violence but by a mild gathering upon the disposition of the State and the occasions offered and that by way of reformation And although Sir Hen. VVotton gives this verdist of them VVe do commonly and justly stile him the Conquerour For he made a general conquest of the whâ—le Kingdom and People either by Composition or Armes c. Yet he addes He was Crowned on Christmas day 1066. at which time he would fain have compounded a Civil Title of I know not what Alliance or Adoption or rather Donation from Edward the Confessor As if hereditarie kingdoms did pass like Newyears gifts The truth is he was the heir of his Sword Yet from these pretences howsoever there sprang this good That he was thereby in a sorting aged to cast his Government into a middle or mixed nature as it were between a lawfull successor and an Invader though generally as all new Empires do savour much of their beginning it had more of the Violent than of the Legal If any domineering Souldiers or others upon this false surmise of Duke VVilliams right to the Crown and Realm of England by meer conquest shall henceforth presume to claim and exercise a meer arbitrary absolute tyrannical and despotical power over our English Nation Laws Liberties Parliaments Estates Persons as over a meer conquered Nation against all Commissions Trusts Oaths Engagements Declarations and the rules both of Law and War it self being raised waged commissioned only to defend and preserve us from conquest by the opposite party Let them know that they are far greater worser Enemies to their own Native Country than this Norman Duke or any of our former British Saxon Danish Norman or English Kings who never claimed the Crown by meer conquest in any age but only by some real or pretended Title of Inheritance or at least by a free and general election both of the Nobility Clergy and people as this King William did From the former Historical Passages concerning Harold Tosti Duke William and the Kentishmen I shall deduce these legal Observations 1. That no Tax Subsidie or Imposition whatsoever could in that age be imposed on the English or Norman Subjects by their Kings or Dukes but by their common consent in their Parliamentary Councils where they were denied when inconvenient to the publike as well as granted when convenient 2. That no English or Norman Subjects were then obliged to aid and assist their Soveraigns with their persons arms estates or subsidies granted in any foreign invasive war but only left free to contribute what private assistance they thought fit in such cases 3. That no publike wars in that age were ever undertaken but by common advice and consent in great Parliamentary Councils 4. That the Kings of England in that age however they came to the Crown by right or wrong held it both their bounden duty interest safety to defend and preserve the Laws Rights Liberties of the Church and people to enact and maintain good Laws and abolish all evill Laws Rapines Exactions Tributes and to govern them justly according to
the Kentish men 27. That true heroick English Freemen preferr their old Native Liberties Laws Customs before their Lives and would rather die fighting for them in the field than depart with them upon any Terms to a victorious Soveraign or subject themselves to the least publike Servitude the name whereof hath been ever odious to them much more the thing it self 28. That the best means to preserve our publike Laws Liberties Customs against all Invaders of them is manfully resolutely and unanimously to stand up in their defence both by words and deeds when they are most indangered That such persons Counties places who have appeared most stout and resolute in their defence when others have generally deserted surrendered or betrayed them have thereby preserved secured perpetuated them to themselves and their posterities when all else have lost and been deprived of them yea gained immortal honour and precedency of all others to boot Witnesse the Kentish-men 29. That the Stoutest Maintainers of their Countries Laws and Liberties are commonly most odious to most injured oppressed by tyrannical Soveraigns though upon other pretences witnesse Archbishop Stigand Abbot Frederick and Egelsine Yet this must not deterr them from their duties 30. That no age or person ever yet reputed Conquest a just safe prudent Title or Pretext to the Crown of England but ever disclaimed it as most absurd and dangerous to their interests 31. That the murdering or disinheriting of the right heir to the Crown hath been the Principal occasion and ground-work of all the great sad revolutions of Government in this Island and of the translations of the Crown and Kingdom from the Britons to the Saxons from the Saxons to the Danes and since from both of them to the Normans by the murther of Prince Alfred and rejection of Prince Edgar 32. That when Treachery Perjury Oppression Murder Violence and other sins forementioned have generally overspread the Kingdom and infected all sorts and degrees of men then National Judgments Forein invasions publike Revolutions of Governours and Government yea all sorts of Calamities Warrs Troubles may be justly feared expected inflicted as the fruits punishments of these epidemical crying Transgressions 33. That Crowns and Kingdoms have their Periods and Revolutions as well as private possessions Families and that by the secret Justice and wise disposing Providence of God who disposeth translateth dissipateth dissolveth Kingdoms at his pleasure and giveth them to whomsoever he pleaseth 34. From the whole we may observe with the Chronicle of Bromton and Mr. Fox That as the English-Saxons had most unjustly against their Oathes and Trusts formerly subdued and expelled the Britons by the just judgement of God upon them for their sins out of the possession of the Throne and Kingdom of Britain by the power of the sword so God himself by divine retaliation for the like Sinnes of the English-Saxons after many years bloudy intestine warrs between themselves wherein many of their Kings multitudes of their Nobles and Millions of the Common Souldiers and people were slain and lost their lives first plagued infested them for many years and at last totally subdued and dispossessed them of the Crown and Kingdom for some years space by the bloudy Danes after that subjected them to the Normans yoke who possessed themselves of the Crown and Realm of England instrumentally by the Sword and put by both the Saxon Invader Harold and his Posterity with Edgar the Saxon heir in such sort as here you have read The Lord sanctifie all these Collections and Observations to the greatest publike good and settlement of our unsetled distracted English Nation and the private benefit of all who shall peruse them that they may aim only at that kingdom which cannot be shaken and that Crown of glory which fadeth not away not at temporal Crowns and kingdoms which are so fading transitory full of Thorns Crosses Cares Fears Vexations Tortures Perils Deaths FINIS Omissions and Errataes Kinde Reader I present thee with some Historical Passages casually omitted in their due places and such Errors as have hapned at the Press which I desire thee to correct PAge 10. line 8. One Thunder maliciously accused Aethelbert and Aethelred two kinsmen of Egbert King of Kent educated and brought up in his Court that they intended some time or other to take away his kingdom from him and thereupon advised the King either to banish them both into some farr Country or to deliver them unto him to destroy and murder without any legal Trial or conviction of their guilt Which Thunder often instigating the King to doe and he but coldly prohibiting or disliking thereupon Thunder in the Kings absence rashly presumed ignominiously to murder them in the Kings Palace and then buried them under his Royal Chair in a Village called Estria The King returning to his Court in the dead of the night there appeared a bright pillar sent from heaven which filled his whole royal Palace with an unspeakable brightnesse which the Kings servants beholding were so terrified that they fell down to the ground and became almost distracted The King being awaked with the tumult of his Guard and being ignorant of the cause thereof arose that he might go and hear Mattens as he was accustomed And going out of his house he saw the City shining with the beams of the new splendor Upon which missing his Kinsmen he sent for Thunder and demanded of him where they were who answered him like Cain Am I thy Kinsmens keeper To which the King replied Thou hast always sinisterly accused them unto me and therefore most wicked wretch thou oughtest to shew me where they are Whereupon he informed him of their murder and burial whereat the King was very angry with him But returning at last to himself he refunded the Crime whole wickednesse on himself and being confounded beyond measure spent the residue of the night in tears When the day appeared he sent for the Archbishop Adeo-datus et Magnates quos habere potuit convocari praecepit and causing the Nobles to be called together related the whole businesse to them The Archbishop gave counsel that the bodies of these Innocents should be removed to the Cathedral Church and there interred in a royal manner Thereupon putting their bodies with Saints reliques into Coffins and Carts they intended to carry them to Christs Church in Canterbury but in vain because they could not stirre their corps nor remove them out of the place although they attempted it with much endeavour and force Vpon this changing their counsel they intended to remove them to St. Augustines Church neither yet could they effect it At last they resolved they should be removed to the most famous Monastery of Waermen upon which the Carts presently removed with ease as if they had no burden and they were buried by the High Altar in this Monastery Kinewalchus King of the West-Saxons deceasing Anno 672. Regni arbitrium Uxori Sexburgae
by the sword on a certian night fell into a sad deep contemplation of the forlorn condition of the royall Progeny of the English nation then almost quite deleted by the Danes and of the miserable condition of England under these forraign usurpers After which falling into a deep sleep he saw in a vision the Apostle S. Peter himself holding Prince Edward then an exile in Normandy by the hand and anointing him King in his sight who declared to him at large how holy this Edward should be that his reign should be peaceable and that it should continue for 23 years After which Bryghtwold being yet unsatisfied who should succed him and doubting of Edwards off-spring demanded of S. Peter who should succeed him whereunto S. Peter returned him this answer REGNUM ANGLIAE EST REGNUM DEI ET IPSE SIBI REGES or REGEM as some render it PROVIDEBIT The Realm of England is Gods Kiâ—gdome and he himself shall provide Kings or a King for himself according to his good pleasurâ— Yea the golden legend of King Edwards life informs us THAT HE WAS CHOSEN KING OF ENGLAND BY CONSENT OF PARLIAMENT WHILES HE WAS YET IN HIS MOTHERS Wâ—MB as well as after Harde-Cnute's death Take the relation of it in Abbot Ailreds words and of Brightwolds vision likewise Cum igitur gloriosus Rex Ethelredus ex filia praeclarissimi comitis Thoreti filium suscepisset Eadmundum cognomento Ferreumlatus ex Regina autem Emma Aluredum beatus Edvardus inter Viscera matâ—rna conclusus utrique praefertur agente eo qui omnia operatur secundum concilium voluntatis suae qui dominatur in regno hominum cui voluerit dat illud FIT MAGNUS CORAM REGE EPISCOPORUM PROCERUMQUE CONVENTUS magnus plebis vulgique concursus quia jam futurae cladis indicia saeva praecesserant AGITUR INTER EOS DE REGNI STATU TRACTATUS Deinde Rex successorem sibi designare desiderans QUID SINGULIS QUIDVE OMNIBUS VIDERETUR EXPLORAT Pro diversorum diversa senentia res pendebat in dubio Alii enim Eâ—dmundum ob invictissimum robur corporis caeâ—eris aestimant praefereâ—duâ—â— alii ob virtutem Normannici generis Aluredum promovendum tutiùs arbitrantur Sed futurorum omnium praescius prioris brevissimam vitam alterius mortem immaturam prospiciens in pueruÌ„ nec dum natuÌ„ UNIVERSORUM VOTA CONVERTIT Vtero adhuc clauditur in Regem eligitur non natus natis praefertur quem nec dum terra susceperat terrae dominus designatur Praebet electioni REX CONSENSUM laeti PRAEBENT PROCERES SACRAMENTUM inusitato miraculo IN Ejus FIDELITATE JURARUNT qui utrum nasceretur ignorarunâ— Tua haec sunt opera Christe Jesu qui oâ—nia operaris in omnibus qui electum dilectum tibi anâ—e mundi constitutionem plebis tui rectoâ—em hiis indiciis declarasti quem li è◠per illos non tamen illi sâ—d tu potius elegisti Quis enim non videat â—ec aptum usui nec convenient tempoâ—i nec consonum rationi nec humano ferendum fuisse sensui ut omissis filiâ—â— lâ—giâ—imis adultis hostili gladio imminente parvulus nec dum natus ELIGERETUR IN REGEM quem in tali nâ—cessitate nâ—c hostes mâ—tuerent nec ciâ—es revererentur Sed omnipotens Deus Spiritum prophesiae voci simul affectui plebis infudit praesentia mala spe futurae conselationis temperans ut sciant omnes in totius regni consolationem regem futurum quem ab ipso Deo plebe nesciente quid fecerit nullus dubitaret electum Saevibat interim gladius hostilis in Anglia caedibus rapinis omnia replebantur ubique luctus ubique clamer ubique desolatio Incenduntur ecclesiae monasteria devastantur ut verbis propheticis utar effuderunt sanguinem sanctorum in circuitu Jerusalem non erat qui sepeliret Sacerdotes suis fugati sedibus sicubi pax quies aliqua in monasteriis vel locis desertis inveniebatur communem miseriam deplorantes delitescebant Inter quos veneâ—abilis Bryghtwaldus Wintoniensis Episcopus caenobium Glastoniense maerens tristis ingressus orationibus vacabat psalmis Qui cum aliquando pro Regis plebisque liberatione preces lacrymasque profunderet quasi in haec verba prorumpens Et tu inquit Domine usque quo usque quo avertis faciem tuam obliviscens inopiae nostrae tribulationis nostrae Sanctos tuos occiderunt altaria tua suffoderunt non est qui redimat neque qui salvum faciat Scio Domine scio quia omnia quae fecisti nobis in vero judicio fecisti sed nunquid in aeternum projiciet Deus non opponet complacitus sit adhuc erit ne Domine Deus mens erit ne finis horum mirabilium aut in aeternum tuus in nos mucro desaeviet percutias usque ad internecionem Inter prâ—ces tandem lachrimas fatigatum soper suavis excepit viditque per somnium caelâ—stem chorum cum lumine beatissimumque Petrum in â—minenti loco constitutum dignum taentae majestati habiâ—um praeferentem Vidâ—batur ante eum vir pyaeclari vultâ—s in forma decenti regalibus amictus insigniis quâ—m cum pâ—opriis manibus Apostolus censecrasset unxisset in regem monita salutis adjâ—cit praecipuâ—que caelibem vitam commendans quot esset annos regnatuâ—us aperuit Obstupefactus Praesul tanti novitate miraculi petit sibi à sancto visionis hujus mysterium revelari de statu insuper regni instantis sine periculi apostolicum exegit â—raculum Tunc factus vultis placido in tuens intuentem Domini inquâ—t o Praesul Domini est regnum ipse dominatur in filiis hominum Ipse transfert râ—gna mutat imperia propter peccata populi regnare facit hypocritam Peccatum peccavâ—t populus tuns Domino tradidit eos in manus Gentium dominati sunt etiam qui oderunt eos Sed non obliviscitur misereri Deus nec continebit in ira suâ— misericordias suas Erit enim cum dormis cum patribus tuis sepultus in senectute bona visitabit Dominus populuÌ„ suuÌ„ faciet redemtionem ple bis suae Eliget enim fibi viâ—uÌ„ secundum cor suum qui faciet omnes voluntates suas qui me opitulante regnuÌ„ adeptus Anglorum Danico furori finem imponet Erit enim acceptus Deo gratus hominibus amabilis civibus terribilis hostibus utilis ecclesiae Qui cum praescriptum terminuÌ„ regnandi in justitia pace compleverit laudabilem vitam sancto fine concludet Quae omnia in beato Edwardo completa rei exitus comprobavit Expergefactus Pontifex rursùs ad pâ—eces lacrimasquâ— convertitur licet faelicitatâ—m suae gentis non esset ipse visurus de malorum tamen fine câ—rtus effâ—ctus gratias agâ—ns Deo plurimum gratulabatur Factus igitur animaequior populis poenitentiam praedicabat quibus Dâ—us