To return to th' Archbishop who came home with this Legatine power 1127. crowns the King at Windsor and in May following holds a Councell at Westminster cui praesedit ipse sicut Apostolicae sedis legatus which is the first Councell any Archbishop is noted to have held as a Papall Legat and during his life which was seven years England did not see any other 27. After his death the See of Canterbury lay two years vacant so a fit time for the Pope to look this way especially K. Stephen making it part of his title that he was confirmed by him in his Kingdome therefore 1138. Innocentius the second sent hither Albericus Bishop of Hostia the second stranger I find exercising the Legatine auctority in England yet he was not at first received for one but vix tandem pro reverentiâ— Domini Papae He indeed went farther then ever any had for he not onely called the Clergy Apostolica auctoritate as our Historians terme it to a Synod I confesse he avoyds the word in his letters of summons styling it colloquium perhaps not to enter into dispute with the King who then took himself to be the onely caller of them and the allower of what they did but did farther command the Prior and Convent of Canterbury c. to chuse such an Archbishop cui sacrorum canonum auctoritas in nullo valcat obviare cui comprovinciales Episcopi pariter debeant assentire cui Dominus Rex nec possit nec debet assensum suum juste denegare but farther not at all intromitting himself And in the Councell he held amongst other particulars he ordained that if any injured an Ecclesiastick person Nisi tertio admonitus satisfecerit anathemate feriatur neque quisquam ei praeter Romanum Pontificem nisi mortis urgente periculo modum poenitentiae finalis injungat This is the first that by Canon ought done in England was referr'd to Rome as having a greater power then the English Bishops to absolve of the Laws of Hen. the 1. I shall speak hereafter But whether it were not here much regarded or th' excesses used by King Stephen against certain Bishops and the prohibiting a Councell held 〈◊〉 Winchester to send to Rome as against the dignity of the realm or that he freed of imprisonment desired to make so potent a party as the Clergy then was more of his side I cannot say but assuredly it was again renewed in a Councell at London about some four years after 28. The same Pope 1139. conferr'd upon Henry K. Stephens Brother and the potent Bishop of Winchester this Legatine power which was by him publish't in a Councell at Winchester where his faculties wâ—re read bearing date the 1. March and being as well Angliae Dominus by reason of the power he held wiâ—h Stephen as Apostolicae sedis Legatus he called thither th' Archbishop that had then some contest with the Monks of St. Augustines whom the Pope generally favour'd against him referr'd to his decision from Rome so that he caused both parties the second time to appear there before him 1143. as Legat and by compromise ended the businesse Yet this calling of the Archbishop unto him was not taken well and the same year 1143. he did by Apostolick command restore Ieremy removed by Theobald notwithstanding his appeal to Rome to be Prior of Canterbury which restitution the said Prior did not think fit to stand by but for avoiding trouble took an 100. marks to pay his debts and placed himself in St. Augustines By these carriages there grew great distasts between these two great Prelats the one as Archbishop prohibited Winchester all Ecclesiastick functions however the Popes Legat and both apply themselves to the Pope from whence our Historians do fetch the use of Appeals to Rome as indeed there could not well be any cause of them before for as the one case is the first ever any Archbishop was called out of his Diocese to make answer to any Legat as his Superior so I believe it will be hard to give an example of ought done by th' Archbishop in his own Bishoprick till now alter'd by a forreign auctority And here having mentioned the introducing of Appeals the reader will give me leave to digresse a little both to shew what is meant by them and the manner of prosecution of them and then to return and observe the event of the Archbishops and Legats in the Court of Rome 29. It cannot be denyed the word Appeal to have been used in former times with reference to the Papacy Cum praesul sedem Apostolicam appellasset sayes Malmsbury of VVilfred and a Councell held in Italy concerning him Apostolicam sedem de suâ causâ appellans and of some others Yet nothing is more certain then those in whose time this was did not at all hold the Pope to have any power of righting him other then by intercession not as a superior Court by sentencing in his favour to undo what had past Theodore without whose assent the King could not have deprived him of his seat for when the Popes Letters were brought hither for his restitution Egfrid with th' advise of his Bishops not onely refused but clapt VVilfred in prison and after his death the Pope sending others vita graves aspectu honorabiles Alfrith though he received the men with great reverence yet would by no means admit the restauration they came about but affirmed it against reason to do it he having been twice condemned proper quaelibet Apostolica scripta And as this was in a time when Christianity most flourished in this Nation having in generall fortissimos Christianosque Reges so of the Kings that did it of Egfrid Beda left that he was piissimus Deo dilectissimus neither can he find any other thing to blame in Alfrith worthily and the Bishops that did concur in the action were holy men well seen in divine and secular learning so that it is not imaginable any thing past them not warranted by the Doctrine and rules of this Church 30. For the understanding of which we are to know the word Appeal is taken severall wayes sometimes to accuse sometimes for referring our selves to some one for his judgment such was that of VVilfreds appealing to Rome as to a great spirituall Doctor and Church whose judgment was very venerable in the World as of late Iohn Calvins and the Church of Geneva was to them of Scotland and Frankford c. another way we take it for removing a cause from an inferior to a superior Court or Iudge that hath power of disannulling whatsoever the former did and this is that our Historians affirm not to have been in use till after 1140. It is certain long after VVilfred the Bishops and Nobility did assure Anselme that for any of the great ones especially him to have
with our auncestors better called Rights I hold impossible the foundation or ground upon which they are built being that power the divine wisdome hath invested the secular Magistrate with for preservation of his Church and people in peace against all emergencies from whomsoever proceeding as the Bishops of the Province of Canterbury writ to Thomas Becket 1167. Rex à Domino constitutus paci providet subjectorum per omnia ut hanc conservet Ecclesiis commissis sibi populis dignitates Regibus ante se debitas exhibitas sibi vult exhiberi And this issuing from so great auctority as in effect the body of all the Clergy of the realm cannot be imagined to be other then the constant opinion of th' English Church In what these Rights have been put in practise in opposition to Rome of which I now treat may in some sort be told but to say these they are and no other is that I mean cannot be So that we may say the affirmative these they are but not the negative others they are not Therefore Eadmerus will have it of the Conquerour that Cuncta divina simul humana ejus nutum expectabant that is in foro exteriori insomuch as when the Clergy 1530. gave the King the title of Head of the Church they intended no other then their fore-fathers when they called him the Defender Patron governor Tutor of it 15. Which the French do attribute to their Kings with more hard expressions Ce que monstre says one que les evesques de ce temps la estimerent le Roy assistè de son conseil d' estat estre apres Dieu Chef terrien de l' Esglise de son Royaume non pas le Pape in the negative Which another explains thus Ce n'est point pour cela que je vueille dire ce que aucuns ount trop indistinctement proferè que les dits Roys Princes Souveraignes soient en leurs estats privativement à tous autres Chefs uniques absolus de l' Esglise de tous les minister d' icelle car pour lereguard de ce que concerne le maniement des choses purement sacrees come l' administration de la parole de Dieu des Sacrements la puissance de lier ou delier voire de regler en particulier le dedans de chacune Esglise la sur-intendance en appartient aux Evesques autres Chefs de la Hierarchie Ecclesiastique a chascun selon leur rang degrâ— Then shewing by a comparison that as the head-Architect leaves to his inferior Agents the use of such instruments as are proper for their undertakings so il n' appartient poynt au Roy de manier les choses sacrees ny supporter comme l' on dit l' arche d' alliance ils doivent laisser cela a ceux de la vocation mais ils peuvent voire soâ—â— tenuz devant Dieu veiller sans cesse avoir l' oeil ouvert a ce que ceux de cest ordre profession principale aussi bien que ceux des autres moindres apportent enloyaute sain conscience tout soin diligence purete sincerite au maniement des charges a eux commises conformement a leur loix regles canons lesquels au cas qu' ils serroient negligez â—ffacez par la rouille de l' antiquite ou que par la malice des hommes il fust besoign d' enfaire des noveaux ils sont tenu user de leur puissance pourn y sapporter des remedes soit par leur Ordonances pragmatiques soit par leurs jugements arrests executions d' iceux e'est ce qu'en France nos predecesseurs ont tousjours appelle la police exterieure sur l' Esglise de la quelle les Empereurs Roys Princes on t use jouy sans contredit tant que l' esglise s'est conservee en sapurete qu' aucuns d' icelle ne se sont ingerez sortants de leurs bornes l. miles d' usurper les functions Royales Insomuch as Benigne Miletot doth not onely affirm their Kings to be Chess Protecteurs Conservateurs de leur esglise Gallicane but pag. 657. recites a speech of th' Archbishop of Vienna made to Henry the 4. 1605. in which he did affirm que le Roy estcit le Coeur la Teste de l. ur corps 16. And other Headship then this I do not know to have been ever attributed to any of our Princes Certainly they did never take on them the exercise of any thing purely sacred but as supream Head Rulers or Governours under God by their Commissioners of which such as bare most sway were ever the Spirituality to visit reform redresse c. all errours Heresies schisms abuses c. And for that the rust of antiquity as that authour styles it had much over-spread the Canons of the Church to assigne sixteen of the Clergy whereof four to be Bishops and as many of the Lay of which four to be learned in the Common laws of this realme to peruse and examineth ' ecclesiasticall laws of long time here used and to gather order and compile such laws ecclesiasticall as shall be thought to his Majesty his said Counsell and them or the more part of them to be practised and set forth within this realme In pursuance of which the 11. November 5 to of Edward the 6. he nominated two Bishops two Divines two Doctours of the Law two Esquires to supervise the ecclesiastick laws of this Kingdome and to compile such a body as were fit to be put in practise within his Dominions whose intendments for it past no further were after printed by Iohn Day 1571. and are no other then what the French for the manner of doing maintain their King might do neither doth th' Inquisition of Spain publish any thing of that nature without th' allowance of their King as I shall shew hereafter 17. So that in my opinion the question cannot be whether Princes are not capable of such a Right but whether it were invested in the Crown formerly and made good by such a continued practise as might authorise ours to take that title when offered by the Clergy 1530. as well as the French Kings have without incroaching on that power th' ecclesiasticks had and by our laws ought to exercise in England Now certain our Kings did in many things go along with the French in causes ecclesiasticall Rex Anglorum exemplum accipiens ab illis Baronibus qui sua statuta sanxerunt in Francia quibus Dominus Francorum favorem jam praebuit sigillum apposuit c. Clement the 7. being held prisoner 1527. by th' Emperour the 18 th of August Cardinall Woolsy made an agreement with the French for setling â—h ' ecclesiastick government of each Kingdome during the Popes captivity For the French I shall remit the reader to the Deed
England ever saw a Privy Councellor He having sometimes sought that dignity in Henry the 5 ths time upon the news the Archbishop of Cant. gave the King notice of it in a letter yet extant which did so affect that Prince as he was sometimes heard to say that he had as lieve set his crown beside him as see him wear a Cardinals hat But he being soon after taken away and the honour conferr'd on this Prelate in Iune 1426. by Martin the 5. at his coming into England the Lords of his Maties Councell caused him to make a Protestation for his comportment in the future and the 8th of Hen. the 6. it was agreed by the Lords in Parliament he should be on the Kings part required to attend his Maties Counsells sub protestatione tamen subsequente quod quotiens aliqua materiae causae vel negotia ipsum Dominum Regem aut regna seu dominia sua ex parte una ac sedem Apostolicam ex parte altera concernentia hujus concilii regiis communicanda tractanda fuerint idem Cardinalis se ab hujusmodi consilio absentet communicationi earundem causarum materiarum negotiorum non intersit quovis modo c. and yet his former engagement made to the Councell to be firme and inviolable Upon which the said Cardinall the 18. of December 8. H. 6. Ann. 1429. after his thanks to the King and Lords and his admitting the said Protestations tanquam rationi consonas was received for one of the Councell But I return to that I was treating of 39. The truth of this barring Appeals is so constantly averr'd by all the ancient monuments of this Nation as one not finding how to deny it falls upon another way that if the right of Appeals were abrogated it concludes not the See of Rome had no jurisdiction over this Church except one should be so senselesse as to imagine the Prefect of the Pretorian Court were not subject to th' Emperors auctority because it was not lawfull full to appeal from them according to the Law in the Digests To which I answer that if it be granted which is very disputable this Law is to be extended to th' Emperor yet it proceeded from himself who might limit his own power but he is desired to consider this canon of Appeals did not from any Pope for the Africans did and the Church of England doth maintain it as an inherent right of their own to give Laws in that particular and ever had strong contests with the Papacy about it which held it an honour not to be parted with and they opposing him in it must of necessity have held that superintendency he exercised over them not to be jure divino for then no man could have exempted himself from having recourse unto him In France there are severall Courts of Parliament from which no Appeal lies who receiving that priviledge from the King it cannot be said to be in diminution of his Royalty because that they have he gave but if ever any of them should claim this as of their own right denying the King to have at any time a power of intermedling with them I shall leave the objector to draw what consequence he will from it for my part I can no other but that they esteemed themselves very little his subjects 40. The reader will pardon this digression which I have the longerstood upon to give him the more full satisfaction how Appeals were first brought in and how pursued I shall now in what manner the Legat and Archbishop prosecuted theirs who being both before Lucius the 2. 1144. the Bishop of Winchester was dismist his legatine commission and the Pope finding with how great difficulty the Ecclesiastick affairs of this Kingdome could be managed by any Legat without the Archbishop of Canterbury thought of a very subtile invention to conserve his own auctority and not have any crossing with that Prelat which was to create him and his successors Legatinati by which such things as he did before and had a face of enterfeering with the Papal plenitude and were not so easy to devest th' Archbishop of exercising he might be said to do by a Legatine power of which it was not long before the Pope made use as is to be seen in his Decretalls where Alexander the 3. resolves he could not hear jure metropolitico matters Episcopall that came not unto him per appellationem that is in a legall way but jure Legationis he might such as were brought unto him onely per quaerimoniam an invention often practic 't afterward and highly advantagious to the Court of Rome as what made Bishops but his Deputies 41. The Antiquitates Britannicae Eccles. and from him Harpsfield speak as if this honour were first bestowed on Theobald which it seems to me could not be till the taking it away from Winchester by Lucius the 3. after the death of Innocentius 2. Diceto sayes Caelestinus 3. about some ten years after Lucius bestowed on Hubert plenitudinem potestatis in officio Legationis inauditam à seculis I confesse I do not well understand in what it did consist that had not been formerly heard of to whom the Pope had committed Vices suas in Anglia Scotia but it fully proyes that power derived from Rome was then looked on as a thing newly crept in But whosoever did first confer it the matter is not great certain it is by it the Papall auctority was not a little in time increas't there being none of the Clergy almost to question ought-came from Rome the Archbishop on whom the rest depended himself operating but as a Delegate from thence 42. To which purpose it may not unfitly be observed that when the Papacy did first attempt the exempting some great monasteries from the jurisdiction of their Ordinary it was salva primatis reverentia or as Malmsbury explains it Archiepiscopi tantum nutum in legitimis spectaturus But however thus carefully penned not to thwart with th' Archbishop being brought hither was taken away by Lanfrank not permitted to be made use of the Abbot finding no other way to regain it but multorum preces Yet afterward the Pope without scruple exempted them not onely from their Diocesan but even such as were under th' Archbishops nose with all pertaining to them were taken out of his own jurisdiction and he who at first preserved others rights had those houses now at an easy rate removed from his own A fact of infinite advantage to the Papacy by which it had persons of learning in all parts who depending wholy on it defended what was done to be by one had a power of doing it and he who at first did solely agere vices Apostolicas in Anglia was under no Legat permitted no Bul from Rome to be made use of in England but by his approbation was so far now from taking them away
possession of can no way be said to have departed from the Church but the Pope to have injuriously proceeded against him who maintained onely the just rights and liberties of his kingdome according to his coronation oath 10. And this is the case and fully answers so far as it appears to me whatsoever can be objected against the reformation begun by him or made more perfect by Edward the 6. for the manner of doing it viz. that they as supreme Princes of this Kingdome had a right to call together their own Clergy and with their advise to see the Church reformed by them And if otherwise I should desire to know how the Masse without any intermission was restored by Queen Mary for it is manifest she returned the use of it immediately after her brothers death yet Cardinall Pool reconciled not this Kingdome to Rome till the 30th of November above a year after and then too on such conditions onely as the Parliament approved during which space she as Queen gave directions to the Ordinaries how they should carry themselves in severall particulars which as it is probable she did by th' advice of her Bishops so there is no reason to condemn the like proceedings in Edward the 6. 11. I have before shewed how far the royal power went in compiling the book of Common prayer for a Catechism published by the same Prince it being composed by a learned person presented to his Maty and by him committed to the scrutiny of certain Bishops and other learned men quorum judicium sayes his Maty magnam apud nos authoritatem habet after their allowance it was by him recommended to be publickly taught in Schools Likewise the Articles for taking away diversity of opinions in points of religion were agreed upon in a Synod at London by the Bishops and other learned men Regia authoritate in lucem editi The King in framing them taking no farther on himself then he had in the book of Common prayer And Queen Mary though she quitted the title of head of the Church which yet she did not so suddenly as Saunders intimates did in effect as much So that hitherto there is no way of fixing any schism on the English Church for neglect of obedience it having been eversubject to the Archbishop of Canterbury and others its lawfull superiors restoring to him the ancient right belonged to his chair of being their spirituall pastor next and immediately under Christ Iesus But the Kingdome being re-united to the See of Rome by Queen Mary though what I have said doth in a good part free it of schism yet in respect the reformation I onely took upon me to defend was made by Queen Elizabeth and continued since it will be necessary to make some more particular mention how it did passe CHAP. VII How the reformation was made under Queen Elizabeth 1. ELizabeth the daughter of Henry the 8th by Queen Anne Bolen being received by all the estates of the Kingdome assembled in Parliament and proclaimed Queen caused her sisters Ambassador Sr Edward Kerne then residing at Rome to give an account of this her being called to the Crown to Paulus 4 tus the Pope who being in union with France and out with the house of Austria then strictly joyned with England and both at odds with the French told him either perswaded by them or upon his own heady disposition England was a Fee of the Church of Rome That she could not succeed as illegitimate That he could not go against the declarations of Clement the 7. and Paulus 3 ius That her assuming the name and government without him was so great an audacity she deserved not to be hearkned to But he being willing to proceed paternally if she would renounce her pretensions and freely remit her self to his arbitrement he would do what lay in his power with the dignity of the Apostolick See A strange reply to a civil message were it not derived to us by an unquestionable hand and that it came from Paulus 4 ius to whom it was not an unusuall saying that hee would have no Prince his compagnion but all subjects under hys foot Upon this unwillingnesse to acknowledge her Queen at Rome th' Archbishop of York who had before affirmed no man could doubt of the justnesse of her title and the rest of the Bishops refused to Crown her As for that some write it was because they had evident probabilities she intended eyther not to take or not to keep the oath was then to be administred unto her especially in the particular of not maintaining holy Churches lawes in respect she had shewed an aversenesse to some ceremonies as commanding the Bish of Carlile not to elevate the consecrated Host. who stoutly refused her and out of fear she would refuse in the time of her sacre the solemn divine ceremony of Vnction these are certainly without any colour and framed since For as for the last the ceremony of anointing she had it performed as had King Iames who succeeded her who would not have his Queen crowned in Scotland without it For the other it is altogether improbable that he to whom the command was by her given would of all the rest have assented to crown her had he conceived that a cause why it might have been denied neither indeed did she alter any thing materiall in the service of the Church till after the conference at Westminister 1559. the 31. March and the Parliament ended 2. To passe therefore by these as excuses found out after the deed done the true reason being no question something came from the Pope in pursuance of that answer he had given her Agent the Queen seeing she could expect nothing from the Papacy laboured to make all safe at home or to use her own phrase to take care of her own house and therefore as she had reason desired to be assured of her subjects fidelity by propounding an oath to certain of them which is seldome a tie to other then honest minds But the way mens minds distracted in points of religion the law of Henry the 8. extinguishing the auctority of the Bishop of Rome being very severe for securing himself in bringing such as did but extoll the said auctority for the first offence within the compass of a praemunire and that refused to take it of treason was not easy to be pitcht upon besides styling the King head of the Church which many made a scruple at to which effect a bill being presented to the house of Commons the 9. of February after many arguments had upon it the 13. of February upon the second reading it was absolutely dasht and upon great consideration taken the 14. Febr. a Committee appointed to draw a new Bill in which an especiall care was taken for restoring onely the ancient jurisdiction of the Crown and the Queen neither styled supreme Head nor the penalty of refusing the Oath other
sculptilibus dicimus quae adbeatae Mariae Virginis vel aliorum sanctorum sunt fabricata memoriam quae tamen gratis grata prout de serico praediximus ad sororum altare vel hospitium vel alio apto loco honeste ponenda decernimus So that it is apparent then their use was esteemed no other then that of silk and these two articles seem to have been resolved on nigh the first foundation being in an hand differing from some other I shall mention by the Founder himself 16. In the year 1200 the house of Sixle or Sixhill in Lincolnshire was visited by the Abbat of Waredune as Commissioner of Otho the Popes Legat where about 20 articles were concluded for the government of the Order the fifth of which though it gave some more liberty then the former yet was not without restraint but take it from an hand of those times Anno gratiae MCC in visitatione facta de Sixl ' per Abbatem de WarduÌ„n auctoritate Domini Otonis Legati statuta sunt haec firmiter observanda Inprimis c. cap. 5. Item inhibetur ne picturarum varie tas aut superfluâ—tas sculpturarum de caetero fieri permittatur nec liceat alicubi yconias haberi nec imagines praeter ymaginem Salvatoris y. beatae Mariae Sancti Johannis Evangelistae Hitherto questionlesse the Church of England following the doctrine of St Gregory had been taught by testimonies of holy writ that omne manufactum â— adorare non liceat and though they might be lawfully made yet by all means to avoid the worship of them but see the progress 17. Sixty eight years after this Othobon being the Popes Legat in England did in his own person visit the chiefhouse of this Order and committed the others to Rodulphus de Huntedune the said Cardinalls Chaplain and penitentiary who associating to himself one Richard generall inquisitor of the Order of Semplingham did in the year 1268. conclude upon 74 or 75. heads or chapters for the government of them the 54 of which under the title de ymaginibus habendis is this Item cum secundum Johannem Damascenum ymaginis honor ad prototypum id est ad eum cujus est ymago pertineat ad instantiam Monialium earum devotionem ferventius excit andam conceduntur eis ymagines crucifixi beatae Mariae sancti Johannis Evangelistae quod possint habere in quolibet altari dedicato ymaginem ipsius sancti in cujus honore altare dedicatum est Sitamen gratis detur eisdem sicut beatus G. de serico de ymaginibus duxit statuendum celebretur ipso die festivitatis illius sancti die dedicationis ejusdem altaris missa ad dicta altaria etiamsi sint infra clausuram monialâ—um Thus they 18. By which it is manifest this Kingdom had not then received the 7th Councell for if they had there can be no thought they would have built their Article upon Damascens opinion onely But by all these we may see Images were brought into this Church by degrees by little and little First they were to have none onely wooden crosses were tolerated then they might not buy any but being given they might accept the image of our Lady and other Saints then an inhibition of all Saints except our Saviour the Blessed Virgin and St Iohn the Evangelist to which was added the image of that Saint their Altars were dedicated unto and these onely by concession not bought but given So that it is plain they were then taken for things onely indifferent as silk which they might use or be without no processions bowings kissing c. of them prescribed but how the practise was afterward that chapter of Arundell registred by Lyndwood may tell you which because it is long I shall not farther repeat it being printed then to adde that it is in him lib. 5. de Magistris cap. Nullus quoque and in another place he propounds this question Numquid ymago Christi sit ador anda cultu latriae and resolves si consideretur ut ymago tunc quia idem motus est in ymagiginem in quantum est ymago ymaginatum unus honor debetur ymagini ymaginato ideo cum Christus latria adoretur ejus imago debet similiter latria adorari Nec obstat Exod. xxvi ubi dicitur non facies tibi ymaginem nec sculptam similitudinem quia illud pro eo tempore erat prohibitum quo Deus humanam naturam non assumpserat c. 19. The Synod at Westminster finding things in this posture and their retention in many parts to have been joyned with a great abuse if not impiety took a middle course first to condemn all manner of adoration or worship of them and therefore every Sculptile had been removed out of Churches but whereas some use might be made of them for remembrance of histories past to retain in sundry parts such windows and pictures as might without offence instruct the ignorant in severall passages not unworthily preserved which if any man have since been offended at it must be on other grounds then I understand 20. As they proceeded with this circumspection not to depart from the primitive Church in matters juris positivi so did they take no less care in points of opinion for having declared which were the books of holy Scripture they did not absolutely reject the use of the other though they had been taught by the doctrine of St Hierom and St Gregory not to repute them in Canone but to admit them quia fidem religionem aedificant or as they say for example of life and instruction of manners 21. For praying to Saints however the Saxons might honor holy men departed â—o cultu dilectionis societatis quo in hac vita coluntur homines as S. Augustine speaks which what it is he explains elsewhere yet I am hardly perswaded to think they did admit any publick praying to them in the Church for I have seen and perused three ancient Saxon Psalters full of prayers but no one petition to any Saint whatsoever Eadmerus sayes the report went of VV â— the second that crederet publica voce assereret nullum sanctorum cuiquam apud Deum posse prodesse ideo nec se velle neo aliquem sapientem debere beatum Petrum interpellare yet he doth not censure this as hereticall but onely mentis elatio Gabriel Biel long after confesseth in his time some Christians as well as Hereticks were deceived in thinking Saints departed nobis auxiliari nec meritis possunt nec precibus The Church of England therefore following S. Augustine condemns all religious invocation of them as those were non adorandi propter religionem yet in respect they were honorandi propter imitationem to retain their commemoration by appointing a set service for the dayes on which it celebrated their memorialls thereby to