to be preserved and educâ—ted Cnute having thus through the flattery perjury and treachery of the Euglish Prelates and Nobles â—ained the intire Monarchy of Englandâ— slew or banished all those perfidious English Sycophants temporizers who had the chiefest hand in this false testimony abjuration treacherous bloudy advice against the Saxon Royal Family â—y whose Couâ—cel he slew or banisheâ— all the blood-royal of the Realm of England that so he mighâ— Iure Haereditario reserve and perpetuate the kingdom to his own Posterity by an hereditary right Duke Edric the principal of them for this and his other Treasons forementioned was deprived of his Dukedom of Mercia and exemplarily executed as a most perfidious Traytor by Cnutes command the first year of his reign and many of his Captains and followers were slain with him of which at large before Morâ—â—m Proditoriâ— pro demeritis accepit laqueo suspensus et in Tamesin fluvium projectus Cum quo plurimis sattellitum suorum similiter occisis eâ—iam inter eos praecipuus et primus Normannus occisus est writes Abbot Ingulphus Turkell Duke of East-England and Hirc Duke of Northumberland were both banished the Realm Duke Norman and Bridric slain and a heavy Tax of 82 Thousand pounds besides 10000 pounds imposed on London alone imposed and levied on the whole Nation Quoniam igitur proprii sanguinis proditores adulantes Regi mentiâ—i sunâ— in caput suum gladiuâ— eorum intravit in cor eorum et à Cnutho quem naturalibus Dominis praetulerunt confractus eâ—t arcus eoruâ— Cum 〈◊〉 Monarchiam Insulae favenâ—ibus illis obâ—inuiâ—â—eâ— Omnes qui primi in illo fuere consilio exterminavit et qâ—oâ—quoâ— de regio Semine â—uperstites reperit vel regno repulit vel occidit as Abbot Ethelred records to posâ—eâ—ity To which Henry Huntindon and Henrâ— de Knyghton subjoâ—n Posteà vero Rex justo Dei judicio dignam retributionem nequitiae Anglis reddidit Ipse namque Rex Cnuâ—e Edricum occidit quia timebat ab insidiâ—s ab eo aliquando circumveniri sicut Domini sui priores Ethelredus Edmondus frequenter sunt circumventi quorum diutina proditione alterum vexavit alterum interfecit add â—lorentius Wigorniâ—nsis Simeon Dunelmensis Roger de Hoveden and Radulphus de Diceto Turkellum exulavit Hirc fugere compulit Praeterea summos Procerum aggressus Normannum Ducem interfecit Edwi Adeling exterminavit Adelwoldum detruncavit Edwi Churleging exulavit Birdric ferro vita privavit Aethelwardus filius Agelmari Ducis et Brihtricus filius Alphegi Domnaniensis Satrapae sinâ— culpa interfecti sunt Fecit quoque per Angliam mirabilem Censum reddi scilicet 82. some write 72. mille librarum praeter undecies mille libriâ— quas Londinensis reddiderunt Dignum igitur exactorem Dominus Iustus Anglis imposuit for rejecting their own Hereditary Soveraign Line Radulphus Cestrensis englished by Trevisa Fabian and Grafton thus second them Also they swore that they would in all wise put off Edmonds kinn They trowed thereby to be great with the King afterward but it fared farr otherwise For many or the more part of them specially such as Canutus perceived were sworn beâ—ore to Edmond and his heirs he mistrusted and disdainâ—d ever after Therefore some of them were slain by Gods rightfull dome and some banished and exiled and put out of the land and some by Gods punishment died suddenly and came to a miserable end which other of our Historians likewise register I shall desire all such who are guilty of the like Treachery Flattery Practice or Advice against their lawfull Sovereigns royal Posterity advisedly to ponder this sad domestick President in their most retired Meditations for fear they incur the like divine retaliation by Gods rightful doom when and by whom they least â—uspect or fear it King Cnute thus quit of all King Edmonds Sons Brethren kinred and likewise of the greatest English Dukes and Nobles who might endanger his Life Crown and new-acquired Monarchy in the next place contrived how to secure his Empire against Prince Alfred and Edward Edmonds Broâ—hers then in Normandy with Queen Emma their Mother and their Uncle Richard Duke of Normandy a person of great valour power and interest the only person likely to attempt their restitution to the kingdom and Crown of England For which end he by gifts Ambassies and fair promises procures Earl Richards consent to bestow his Sister Queen Emma upon him for his wife who ariving in England in July 1018. was presently maried to this Invader of her former Husbands kingdom his sons royal throne and murderer banisher dishinheriter of his and her royal Posterity whereby her Brother Duke Richards thoughts were wholly diverted from ayding his Nephews to recover their right in England Ex hinc cum Câ—utoni omnia pro voto cessissent timens Ne Haeres legitimus Regnum quod sibi de Iure debebatur aâ—â—quando Normanica fretus virâ—uâ—â— Reposceret â—t Ducis sibi arctius colligaret affectum Emmam â—efuncti Regis relictam duxit uxorem Whereupon De illorum Elfredi Edwardi restitutione RicharduÌ„ avunculum nihil egisse comperimus quia et sororem suam Emmam hosti et invasori nuptam collocavâ—t Ignores majori illius dedecore qui dederit aâ— fâ—minae quae conseâ— serat ut thalamo illius câ—leret qui viâ—um infestaverit filios effugaverit is Malmesbury his observation and censure thereupon Only their Uncle Robert attempâ—ed their â—estitution Congregatis navibus et impositis militibus profectionem paravit subinde jactitans se pronepotes suos coronaturum et proculdudio fidem dictis explesset nisi quia ut à majoribus accepimus semper â—i ventus adversabatur eontrarius per occultum scilicet Dei judicium in cujus voluntate sunt potestates omnium regnorum Reliquiae navium multo tempore dissolutarum Rothomagi adhuc nostra aetate visebantur writes Malmsbury By this match with Queen Emma as Cnute took off Duke Richard from yielding any assistance to his Nephews in hopes his sister might have issue by him to inherit the Crown of Eâ—gland it being agreed between them on the marriage that the issue of Cnute begotten on her should inherit the Crown so it much obliged the English to him and made them more willing to submit to his Government ut dum consuetae Dominae deferrent obsequium minus Danorum suspirarent Imperium the rather because they much honoured and affected her for her manifold vertues of which they had long former experience and likewise because they hoped it might be a meanes to restore Ethelreds issue by her to the Crown again in case she had no issue by Cnute to inherit it which in truth it effected by Gods providence contrary to Cnutes design After this mariage this politick Forein Intruder to establish his Monarchy over England endeavoured to reconcile the English to him by all other
of the Nobles and common Souldiers were so incensed that detesting the covetousness of their Prince they unanimously deparâ—ed from his service and refused to march wiâ—h him against the Normans This triumphant victory so puffed up Harold that he thought himself secure in the Throne beyond the fear or reach of any adversity and instead of a King became a TYRANT Whilst Harold with all his Land and Sea forces were thus buâ—ied in the North of England Duke VVilliam in August assembled all his Land Army and Navy consisting of 900 ships at the Port of S. Valerie to invade England in the South then wholly destitute of all Guards by Land and Navy by Sea to resist his landing And to satisfie his Souldiers and all others of the justice of his undertaking he alleged these three causes thereof which Henry de Knyghton devides into four The first was to revenge the cruel murther of his Cousin Prince Alfred King Edmunds brother and of the Normans who came with him to assist him to recover the Crown of England to which he was right heir whom Godwin and his Sons had shamefully dishonoured treacherously betrayed and barbarously murdered which fact he ascribed principally to Harold The second was because Godwin and his Sons by their cunning had injuriously banished Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Earl Odo and all the French and Normans out of England which wrong he would revenge on Harold as done principally by his means and labour The third and chief ground was because Harold falling headlong into perjury had without any right usurped the Crown and Realm of England which of due belonged unto him both by right of Kinred to and gift by King Edward his Nephew and by Harolds own solemn Oath and promise made to him in Normandy to preserve the Kingdom for his use after King Edwards death without children according to King Edwards command While Duke William with his ships and Army lay many days together at S. Valerie expecting a fair gale for England the winds being cross many of the common souldiers there lying in Tents thus muttered one to another That the man was mad who would by force invade and make another mans Country and Realm his own That God did fight against them in withdrawing the winds That his Father attempted the same thing in the same manner and was hindered and inhibited therein That it was fatal to his family that aspiring to things above their power they should find God opposite to them These speeches bruted abroad which might enfeeble the strength and abate the courage even of valiant men The Duke thereupon taking Counsel with his Senators caused the Corps of St. Valerie to be brought forth to procure a wind presently a prosperous gale filling their sayles the Duke himself first took ship and launched forth and all the rest after him then casting Anchor till the Fleet came round about him they all sailing with a gentle course landed at Hastings and Pevemsy The Duke stepping forth of the ship upon the shore one of his feet slipped so that he fell down into the mud one of his hands being filled with sand whch he interpreted as an ill omen and sinister event But one of his Souldiers who stood next him lifting him up from his fall whiles he held the mud in his hand changed this event into a better interpretation saying Most happy Duke thou already possessest England and plowest it up Behold the land is in thy hand Lift up thy self with good hope thou shalt be King of England ere long No sooner was the Army landed but the King strictly charged them to forbear pluâ—dering and take no booties seeing they ought to spare the things that should be his own nor to wrong any of their persons who should ere long become his Subjects Richard Vestegan records out of a French Historian that Duke VVilliam the same day he landed in England caused divers of his chief Officers and Friends to dine with him and chancing at dinner to talk of an Astrologer who by the conjunction of the Planets had assured him at St. Valerie That Harold should never withstand him but submit himself unto him and yeeld him faith and homage willed now that the said Astrologer should be brought unto him whom he had caused to be imbarqued for that voyage But it was told him that the Ship wherein the said Astrologer sailed was cast away at Sea anâ— he drowned in it Whereunto the Duke replyed That man was not wise who had more regard â—o the good or ill fortune of another than unto his own I am now thanks be to God come over I know not how the rest will succeed How false this Star-gazers prediction proved the sequel will manifest Duke VVilliam after his arrival rested quietly 15. days without acting any thing as if he minded nothing less than war After which to cut off all occasion or hopes of return from his Souldieâ—s he fired all his ships or as some write drew them all a shore and intrenched them as others erecting only a Castle on the shore for a retiring place for his Souldiers if need were From Pevensy he marched to Hastings where he built another Fort. Henry de Knyghton records that the first night he lodged in England in his Pavillion there came a voice unto him saying William William be thou a good man because thou shalt obtain the Crown of the Realm and shalt be King of England and when thou shalt vanquish the enemy cause a Church to be built in the same place in my name so many hundred foot in length as in number of years the seed of thy bloud shall possess the Government of the Realm of England and reign in England an 150. years But Matthew Westminster writes this voice was after the battel with Harold not before it and the subsequent words in Knyghton touching his march to London import as much Harold residing in the North after his great victory there when he deemed all his Enemies totally broken in pieces received certain intelligence that Duke William was safely arived at Pevensey with his Fleet and an innâ—merable company of valiant Horsemen Slingers Archers and Footmen whom he had hired out of all France Whereupon he presently marched with his army in great haste towards London and although he well knew that most of the valiant men in all England were slain in the two late Battels against Tosti and the Danes that many of the Nobility and Common Souldiers had quite deserted him refusing to march with him in that necssity because he permitted them not to share with him in the great booties they had won with their bloud and that half his Army wâ—re not come togetherâ— yet he resolved forthwith to march into Sussex against the Enemy and fight them with those small forces tired he then had being most of them Mercenaries and Stipendiaries except those English Noblemen Gentlâ—men and Freemen who
moribus ad Nos spectat examen si vivunt continenter si honeste se habent ad eos qui foris sunt sâ— in divinis officiis solliciti si in Docendo populo assidui si victu sobrii si moderati habitu si in judiciis sunt discreti c. Ego Constantini vos Petri gladium habetis in manibus jungamus dextras gladium gladio copuâ—emus ut ejiciantur â—extra castra leprosi ut purgetur sanctuarium Domini et ministrent in Templo filii Levi c. After which directing his speech to Dunstan Aethelwald and Oswald he concludes thusâ— Voâ—iâ—istud committo negotium ut Episcopali censura et authoritate Regia â—urpiter viventes de Ecclesiis ejiciantur ordinatè viventes introducantur Herupon there was a Decree made in this General Council That all Canons Priests Deacons and Sub-Deacons should live chastly that is put away their lawfull Wives vow chastity and become Monks or relinquish the Churches they then held The execution whereof was committed to Oswald and Ethelwald Who thereupon compelled the Clergy in Worcester Winchester and other Churcheâ— to become Monks renuentes verò ab omni beneficio spoliarunt depriving those who refused of all their Benefices and putting Monks into them qui novo quidem splendore vniversam Insulam illustrarunt as our Monkish Writers record or rather novo foetore contaminarunt as others write Iohn Bromton informs us that after the slaughter of the Nuns of Ely by Inguar and Hubba the secular Priests enjoyed that Monastery one hundred years space whom King Edgar de Concilio beati Dunstani Archiepiscopi dicti Eâ—heâ—waldi ac mâ—gnatum Regni in the forementioned General Council expulit fugavit for their dishonest conversation Bishop Oswald having ejected the married secular Priests out of his Church at Worcester and introduced Monks in their places did this year 969. as I conjecture from the premises not 964. as Sir Henry Spelman computes it pâ—ocure King Edgaâ— by the Counsel and assent of his Princes Nobles and Bishops most probably in the forementioned General Council or that of London next ensuing to ratifie this their ejection and confirm the Church of Worcester with all the lands goods ecclesiastical secular things thereto belonging to the Monks of that Church for ever free from all secular serviâ—es and exactions hard or easie and from all siscal duties great and small known or unknown as well of the King or Prince as of their Officers â— exceptis Arcis Pontis extructione et expeditione câ—ntra hoestem And that by the special Charter called Oswald Law subscribed by the King Queen both the Archbishops and 3 Dukes King Edgar Anno 970. or 971. in the 12 year of his reign held another Parliamentary Council at London where himself his Mother Alfgina Prince Edward his Son Kined King of Scots Mascusius his Admiral both the Ahchbishops with the rest of the Bishops and all the Nobles and great men of the Realm were present By his Charters made in and raâ—ified by this Council this King granted and confirmed many and very magnificent Privileges to the Monastery of Glastonbury communi Episcoporum Abbatum Principumque concilio et generali assensu Pontificum Abbatum Optimatumque suorum exempting the Monastery and Monks thereof not only from all Episcopal Iurisdiction but likewise all their Lands from all Tributes and Exchequer businesses for ever Granting them Socam Sacam c. Toll Teâ—meâ— Ita libere et quiete sicut ego habeo in regno meo Eanâ—â—m quoque Libertatem Poâ—estatem quam ego in Curia mea habeo tam in demittendo quam in punienâ—o in quibuslibet omnino negotiis Abbas Monachi praefati Monasterii in Curia sua habeant And which is a Privilege beyond all president Si autem Abbas vel quilibet Monachus loci illius latronem qui ad suspendium vel quodlibet mortis periculum ducitâ—â— in itinere obvium habuerit potestatem habeat eripiendi eum ab imminenâ—i periculo in toto Regno meo The old Charter begins thus In nomine Domini nostri Jesu Christi Quamvis Decreta Pontificum verba Sacerdotum inconvulsis ligaminibus velut fundamenta montium sixa sunt tamen plerumque tempestatibus turbinibus saecularium rerum Religio sanctae Ecclesiae maculis reproborum dissipatur ac â—uÌ„pitur Iccirco prosutu uÌ„ succedenâ—â—bus posteris esse decrevimus ut ea quae salubri Consilio et communi assensu definiuntur nostris literis roborata â—irmentur c. Hoc iâ—aque Dunstano Doroberniensi atque Oswaldo Eboracensi Episcopo adhortantibus consentiente eâ—iam eâ— annuente Brithelmo Fontanensi Eâ—iscopo câ—terisque Episcopis Abbatibus et Primatibus Ego Edgaâ— divina diâ—poâ—â—â—ione Rex Anglorum c. And it concludes thus Acta est haec Privilegii â—aâ—ina confirmaâ—a apud Londonium Communi Concilio omnium Primatum meorum Then folâ—ow â—he suâ—â—criptions of King Egar Aâ—fgina his Mother Prince Edward Kinred King of Scots Mascusius the chief Admiral both the Archbishops 6 Bishops 8 Abbots 3 Dukes and other Officers Which Charter and Privileges at the Kings request were ratified by Pope Iohn the 13 in a general Council at Rome Anno Dom. 971. by a special Bull that they might remain inviolable yet both the Abbey it self Lands Privileges are long since demolished dissipated annihilated such is the muâ—abiliunity of all sublunary things The self same year Anno 970. King Edgar by his Charter granted and confirmed sundry Lands and Privileges to the Monastery of Medeshamsted formerly demolished by the Danes which Bishop Aethelwold had repaired and named Burgh perpetually exempting it from all Episcopal jurisdiction yoak and exaction Quatenus nec Rex nec Comes nec Episcopus praeter Christianitatem attinentium Parochiarum nec Vicecomes nec ulla alia major minorve persona ulla dominatione occupare praesumat excepta moderata expeditione Pontis Arcisve constructione VVhich Charter was ratified by the kings own subscription both the Archbishops sundry Bishops Abbots Dukes and other chief Officers and the sign of the Cross after each of their Names In the year 973. King Edgar after his seven years penance expired on the Feast of Penâ—ecost in the 30â—h year of his age was solemnly Crowned and consecrated King â— and wore his Crown with great glory at Akemancester alias Bath both the Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald with all the rest of the Bishops of England ac Magnatibus universis and all the Nobles being there preâ—ent at his Coronation and received the accustomed Gifts usually given to the Nobles being at such inaugurations Soon after the same year this King with a very great Fleet and Army sayling round about the Northern parts of England came to Westchester where his eight tributary Kings or Vice-royes namely Kyneth king of Scots Malcome King of Cumberland Marcus king of Man and many other Ilands and the other 5
them on Guild-down and there seised upon Prince Alfred and retained him in close Prison when he was hastning towards London to conferr with King Harold as he had commanded And apprehending all his followers he ransacked some of them others of them he put in chains and afterwards put out their eyes some of them he tormented and punished by pulling off the skin from their heads and cutting off their hands and feet many of them he likewise commanded to be sold and slew 600 men of them at Gildeford with various and cruel deaths whose Souls are believed now to rejoyce with the Saints in Paradice seeing â—heir bodies were so cruelly slain in the fields without any fault which Queen Emma hearing of sent back her son Edward who remained with her with greatest haste into Normandy After which by the command of Earl Godwin and some others Prince Alfred being bound most straitly in chains was carried Prisoner to the Isle of Ely by ship where he no sooner arived but his eyes were most cruelly pulled out and so being led to the Monastery was delivered to the Monks to be kept where he soon after died and was there interred Some add that after Alfreds eyes were put out his belly was opened and one end of his bowels drawn out and fastened to a stake and his body pricked with sharp needles or poyneyards forced about till all his intrails were extracted in which most savage torture he ended his innocent life Ranulphus Cistrensis in his Polychronicon l. 6. c. 21. relates that Godwin used this strange cruelty towards those Normans that came over with Alfred whom he twice decimateâ— at Gildeford that he â—ipped up their bellies and fastned the ends of their guts to stakes that were reared and pyght in the ground and laid the bodies about the stakes till the last end of the guts came out The Author of the Book called Encomium Emmae and Speed out of him writes That Harold was no sooner established King but that he sought meanes how to rid Queen Emma secretly out of the way and maliciously purposing took counsel how he might train into his Hay the sons of Queen Emma that so all occasions of danger against him might at once for all be cut off Many projects propounded this lastly took effect that a Letter should be counterfeited in Queen Emma's name unto her sons Edward and Alfred â—o instigate them to attempt the Crown usurped by Harold against their right The Tenor of which Letter you may read in Speed This Letter being cunningly carried digested by Alfred as savoâ—ing of no falshood he returned answer he would come shortly over to attend his Mothers designs which Harold being informed of forelayes the coasts to apprehand him Upon his comming on shore in England Earl Godwin met him and binding his assurance with his corporal Oath became his Leige-man and guide to Queen Emma but being wrought firm for Harold treacherously led these Strangers a contrary way and lodging them at Guildford in several Companies there tithed and murthered them as aforesaid Henry Huntindon the Chroâ—icle of Bromton William Caxton in his Chronicle and another Historian mentioned by Mr. Fox record that this murther was after the death of King Harde-Cnute When the Earls and Barons of England by common assent and counsel sent into Normandy for these two Brethren Alfred and Edward intending to crown Alfred the elder Brother and to make him King of England and to this the Earls and Barons made their Oath But Earl Godwin of West-Sax sought to slay these two brethren so soon as they came into England to the intent he might make Harold his own son by Cnutes daughter or sister maried to him King as some of these affirm Others of them relate that he intended only to destroy Alfred being an Englishman by the Father but a Norman by the Mother whom he foresaw to be a person of such honour and courage that he would disdain to mary his daughter or to be swayed by him and then to mary his daughter Godith to Edward the younger Brother and to make him King as being of a more milde and simple disposition apt to be ruled by him Hereupon Godwin went to Southampton to meet with the two Brothers at their landing It fell out that the Messengers sent into Normandy found only Alfred there Edward being then gone into Hungarie to speak with his Cosen Edward the Outlaw Ironsides son When Alfred heard these Messengers tydings he thanked God and in all hast sped him to England ariving at Southampton with some of his Mothers kinred and many of his fellow-Souldiers of like age who were Normans Whereupon Godwin intimated to the Nobles of England That Alfred had brought over too great a company of Normans with him and had likewise promised the lands of the Englishmen to them and therefore it would not be safe to instirpate such a valiant and crafty Nation amongst them That these ought to undergoe exemplary punishment lest others by reason of their alliance to the King should presume to intrude themselves amongst the English And then posting to Southampton welcomed and received Alfred with much joy pretending to conduct him â—afe to London where the Barons waited for to make him King and expected his comming and so they passed forth together towards London But when they came to Guild-down Godwin said to Alfredâ— Lock round about thee on thy right hand and left and behold what a kingdom shall be subjugated to thy Dominion Upon which Alfred giving thanks to God presently promiâ—ed that if iâ— happened he should be crowned King He would constitute such Laws as should be pleasing and acceptable both to God and Man Which words were no sooner uttered but the Traytor Godwin commanded all his men to apprehend Alfred and to slay all the Normans that came with him in his company and after that to carry Alfred into the Isle of Ely and there to put out both his eys and to pull out his bowels which they accordingly executed as aforesaid And so died this innocent Alfâ—ed right heir to the Crown through the Treason of wicked Godwin When the Lords of England heard thereof and how Alfred that should have been their Kingâ— was put to deathâ— through the false Treason of Godwin against their wills 〈◊〉 were â—onderâ—ull sorrowâ—ull and wrâ—th and swore before God and Man that he should die a worser Death than did Edric which destroyed his Lord Edmond Ironside and would immediately have put him to death but that the Traytor fled and escaped into Denmark and there continued 4. yeares and more and lost all his Lands Rents Goods and Chattels in England confiscated in the mean time for this his Treason These Historians though they somewhat vary in the time and occasion of Prince Alfreds death yet they all agree in the substance of his and of his Norman Souldiers and Campanions treacherous barbarous murders by the joynt or separate
vix aliquis id possit persolvere Quapropter omnibus qui prius adventum ejus desiderabant magnopere factus est exosus summopere Anno 1041. Harde-Cnute King of England Huscarlas missit per omnes regni sui Provincias Or Ministros suos per omnes fines regni destinavit sent his Officers through all the Counties parts of the Realm to exact and collect the Tribute which he had imposed without sparing any and to furnish his Mariners with all necessaries from thence Two of which Oâ—ficers Faeder and Turstin exacting this Importable Tribute with great rigour and cruelty from the Inhabitants of the County and City of Worcester were thereupon tumultuously slain by them in a Monastery whither they fled for Sanctuary on the 4 th day of May. The King being very much incensed therewith sent Godwin with all the rest of the Earls of England and almost all his Officers and whole army thither â—o avenge their deaths commanding them to slay all the men if they could to pillage and burn the whole City and County who coming thither the 2. of November wasted the City and County for 4. dayes space but took or slew few of the City or County because they having notice of their coming fled all away to an Iland in the midst of Severn called Beverage which â—hey fortified and so long manfully defended against their Enemies til they had recovered their peace and obtained leave quietly to return to their homes Whereupon on the fifth day they burnt the City every one returning with great booties and thereupon the Kings wrath was pacified but his reputation much ecclipsed and the affections of the people lost by that cruelty and Tax Which it seems was imposed by his own arbitrary power without any Grant or common consent in a Parliamentary Council Unde cunctis qui prius ejus adventum optaverant in Angliam exosus effectus est writes Mat. Westminster Contumeliam famae amori suo detrimentum ingessit adds Malmsbury This whole Tribute amounted but to 32137 l. which came not to the moity of one Moneths Contribution or Excise in our dayes Iohn Speed and some others write That Earl Godwin devising how the Crown might be worn by him or his to separate the hearts of the Subjects from the Prince thaen which there can be no greater wound unto both caused the King to impose heavy Tributes upon the English only to pay the Danes in his Fléet appointing every common Souldier and Mariner to receive 8. Marks in money and every Officer and Master 12. amounting to the summ of 32147 l. for the payment whereof there was so great a grudge that two of his Collectors were slain by the Citizens of Worcester which caused their City to be burnt and part of the County to be spoiled by the Kings command and their Bishop Alfred expulsed the See til with money he had purchased his peace But observe Gods Justice on this Exactor and Tax-imposing King soon after his cruelty at Worcester as he was revelling and carrouzing amidst his cups at Lambheth at a solemn Mariage-feast between a Danish Lord and Gotha an English Lady he suddenly fell down dead to the ground without speech or breath â—ot being lamented nor desired by reason of his unwonted Taxes excesse and riot Yea so far were all â—orts from bewailing him that in regard of their freedom from the Danish yoak which they attained ever since among the Common people the 8. of Iune the very day of his death is annually celebrated with open pastimes in the street as the old Romans kept their Fugalia for chasing out their King which time is now called Hoc-tide or Herextide signifying a time of scorning or contempt which fell upon the Danes by his death when he had voluptuously and oppressingly reigned over the English not full two years wanting ten dayes thereof Now here take special notice of Gods exemplary justice upon King Cnute the Danish Usurper and Invader of other mens Crowns and Kingdoms by treachery bloud war treason the murders of Edmund Ironside Pr. Edwin and Alfred and exile of the Royal posterity His base Son Harold dispossessed his Legitimate Son Harde-Cnute of the Crown of England contrary to his will and contract banished and spoiled his own Queen Emma of her Treasure and Jewels oppressed the people with Taxes and was soon cut 〈◊〉 by death without any issue Harde-Cnute after his death digs up his Brother Harolds corps beheads and then throws it into the common sink Thames incurs Gods and his Peoples hatred by his Oppressions Taxes Luxurie and is taken away suddenly in the midst of his age without issue before he had reigned two years His Son Swane to whom he bequeathed the Kingdom of Norwey which he got by treachery bribery force and the expulsion murder oâ— their rightfull pious King Olaus was expelled both out of Norwey and Denmark too by Magnus the Sonne of Olaus the English Army sent by Harde-Cnute to re-establish him in the Kingdom of Norwey routed in the field and so forced home thence with dishonour leaving Magnus in possession not only of Norwey but Denmark which he conquered and made Tributary to him Thus were all his three Sons within 8 years space after Cnutes death quite stript of all their three Kingdoms acquired by war blood conquest treachery and the English and Norwegian royal lines restored to their rights and Crowns again What persons then in their right sences would impiously spend much treasure levied on the oppressed people by violence rapin uncessant Taxes Excises or shed much human Christian blood to purchase other mens Crowns Kingdoms which are not only full of cares and troubles but so unstable short and momentary in their fruition as is most evident by the Danish Intruders CHAP. V. Containing a Brief Historicall Collection of all the Parliamentary Councils State-Assemblies Historicall Passages and Proceedings that concern the Fundamentall Liberties Priviledges Rights Properties Laws and Government of the Nation under the reign of King Edward the Confessor from the year of our Lord 1042. to 1066. wherein he died KING Harde-Cnute being sodainly taken out of this world without issue by divine Justice on the 6 day of Iune Anno 1042. thereupon the Earls and Barons of England immediately â—fter his death assembled together in a Great Council about the election of a New King Wherein OMNES ANGLORUM MAGNATES ad invicâ—m tractantes DE COMMVNI CONCILIO ET JURAMENTO STATUERUNT QUOD NUNQUAM TEMPORIBUS FUTURIS ALIQUIS DACUS SUPER EOS IN ANGLIA REGNARET hoc maximâ— pro contemptibus quos Angli à Danis saepiuâ— accâ—perunt c. as the Chronicle of Bromton others informe us All the Nobles of the English treating together decreed by common advice which they ratified with an oath THAT IN TIMES TO COME NEVER ANY DAâ—E or person of the Danish blood SHOULD REIGN OR BE KING OVER THEM IN ENGLAND ANY MORE
disclaiming all Danish subjection that especially for the contâ—mpts which the English had very often received from the Danes For if a Dane had met an Englishmâ—n upon any bridge the Englishman must not be so hardy to move a â—oot but stand stâ—ll till the Dane was passed quiâ—e over it And morâ—over if the Englishmen had not bowed down their heads to doe reverence to the Dâ—nâ—s they should presently have undergoâ—e great punishments and stripes Whereupon King Harde-Cnute being dead the English rising up against them drove all the Danes being then without a King and Captainâ— out of the Realm of England who speedily quâ—tting the land never returned into it afterwards And here we may justly stand still a while and contemplate the admirable retaliating justice of God upon our Danish usurping Kings and their Posterity King Cnute as you heard before caused the temporizing English Bishops Nobles and Barons assembled in a Parliamentary Council against their oaths of allegiance to King Ethelred Edmund Ironside and their heirs no less then twice one after another to renounce cast off and abjure their regall Posterity to make them incapable of the Crowne of England and settle the inheritancâ— of iâ— upon him and his Danish blood Anno 1016. and 1017. And now in little more then twenty years after all the English Prelates and Nobles assembled in Council of their own accords by a solemn Decree aâ—d Oath abjure renounce and eternally disinherit all the Danish blood-royall of the Crown of England and restore the Saxon English royall line to that soveraignty which they had formerly disclaimed such are the vicissitudes of divine â—ustice and providence worthy our observation in these wheeling times wherein we live when no man knoweth what changes of like nature one day or year may bring forth The English putting their Decree for cashiering all the Danes in execution turned the mout of all the Castles Forts Garrisons Cities Villages thâ—oughout England as well those of the Royall and Noble blood â— as the vulgar sort and forced them to depart the Realm as they had formerly banished the English Princes and Nobles Procâ—reâ— igitur Anglorum jam DACORUM DOMINIO LIBERATI The Nobles therefore of Engl. being thus freed from the Danes dominion for so much of God of his mercy and providence who is the maker of heirs thought good after the woâ—ull captivity of the English Nation to grant them some respite of deliverance in taking away the Danish Kings without any issue left behinde them who reigning here in England kept the English people in miserable subjection about the space of 28 years and from their first landing in the time of King Brictricus wasted and vexed this land for the space of 255 years their Tyranny now coming to an end by the death of Harde Cnute they thereupon assembling together in a great Council with a generall consent elected Prince Edward surnamed the Confessor the youngest and onely surviving son of King Ethelred for their King who ANNUENTE CLERO ET POPULO LONDONIIS IN REGEM ELIGITUR as Mat. Westminster relates whereupon Edward being then in Normandy where he had long lived in exile being a man of a gentle and soft spirit more appliable to other mens counsels then able to trust his own naturally so averse from all war bloodshed that he wished rather to continue all his life long in a private exiled estate then by war or blood to aspire to the Crown the Lords sent messengers to him to come over and take pâ—aceable possession of the Kingdome of England they having chosen him for their King advising him to bring with him as few Normans as he could and they would most faithfully establish him in the throne Edward though at first he much doubted what course to stear somewhat mistrusting the treachery and inconstancy of the fickle headed English yet at last upon the importunity of the messengers who informed him melius esse ut vivat gloriosus in Imperio quà m ignominiosus moriaâ—ur in exiliâ— JURE EI COMPETERE REGNUM aevo maturo laboribus defaecato scieâ—ti administrare principatum per aetatenâ— severè miserias Provinciâ—lium pro pristina aequitate temperare c. and upon putting in sufficient pledges and an oath given for his security he came into England with a small train of Normans where he was joyfully received by the Nobles and people Nec mora Gilingâ—am or rather Lâ—ndoniam â— CONGREGATO CONCILIO rationibus suis explicitis regem effecit Dominio palam ab omnibus daâ—o as Malmsbury or electus â—st in Regem ab omni populo as Huntindon and others expresse it After which on Easter day Apr 2. 1043. he was solemnly crowned King at Winchester with great pomp by Eadsi Arch-bishop of Canterbury by the unanimouâ— consent of the Archbishops Bishops Nobles Cleâ—gie and people of Englaâ—d to their great joy and content without the least opposition war or blood-shed after 25 yeares seclusion from the Crown by the Danish usurpers Our Historians generally record that Bryghtwold a Monk of Glastenbury afterwards first Bishop of Wilton when King Cnute had banished and almost extinguished thâ— whole royal issue of the English race almost pâ—st any possibility or probabiâ—ity of their restitution to the Crown which he had forcibly invaded by the sword on a certain night fell into a sâ—d deep contemplation of the forlorn condition of the royall Progeny of the English nation then almoâ—t quite deleted by the Danes and of the miserable condition of England under these forraign usurpers After which falling into a deep sleep he saw in a vision the Apostle S. Peter himself holding Prince Edward then an exile in Normandy by the hand and anointing him King in his sight who declared to him at large how holy this Edward should be that his reign should be peaceable and that it should continue for 23 years After which Bryghtwold being yet unsatisfied who should succed him and doubting of Edwards off-spring demanded of S. Petâ—r who should succeed him whereunto S. Peter returned him this answer REGNUM ANGLIAE EST REGNUM DEI ET IPSE SIBI REGES or REGEM as some render it PROVIDEBIT The Realm of England is Gods Kiâ—gdome and he himself shall provide Kings or a King for himself according to his good pleasure Yea the golden legend of King Edwards life informs us THAT HE WAS CHOSEN KING OF ENGLAND BY CONSENT OF PARLIAMENT WHILES HE WAS YET IN HIS MOTHERS WOMB as well as after Hardâ—-Cnute's death Take the relation of it in Abbot Ailreds words and of Brigâ—twolds vision likewise Cum igitur gloriosus Rex Ethelredus ex filia praeclarissimi comitis Thoreti filium suscepisset Eadmundum cognomento Ferreumlatus ex Regina autem Emma Aluredum beatus Edvardus inter Viscera materna conclusus utrique praeferiur agente â—o qui omnia operatur secundum concilium voluntatis suae qui dominatur in
act without their seeking as he did here restore Prince Edward after 25 years interruption and Aurelius Ambrosius long before to the British Crown to omit all others 6. That Crowns invaded ravished by force of armes and bloodshed are seldome long or peaceably enjoyed by the usurpers themselves or their posterity that of Curtius being an experimentall truth Non est diuâ—turna possessio in quam gladio inducimur All which we find experimentally verified in this History of King Edward his election and restitution to the Crown of England worthy our special observation King Edw. coming to the Crown was not onely very charitable to the poor humble mercifull and just towards all men but also PLURES Lâ—GES BONAS IN ANGLIA STATUIT quae pro majore paâ—te adhuc in regno tenerentur Whereupon about the year 1043. as the Chronâ—cle of Brompton William Caxton in his Chronicle and Mr. Selden inform us Earl Godwin a fugitive in Denmark for the murther of prince Alfred hearing of his piety and mercy resolved to return into England humbly to implore his mercy and grace that he might have his lands again that were confiscated having provided all things for his voyage he put to sea and arrived in Englanâ— and then posted to London UBI REX ET OMNES MAGNATES AD PARLIAMENTUM TUM FUERUNT Where the King and all the Nobles were then at a parliament here he beseeched intreated his friends kindred who were the greatest Lords of the land after the King that they would study to procure to him the Kings Grace and friendship who having thereupon taken deliberate counsel among themselves led him with them before the King to seek his Grace But so soon as the King saw him he presently appealed him of TREASON of the death of Alfred his brother and using these words unto him said THOU TRAITOUR GODVVIN â— THEE APPEAL FOR THE DEATH OF ALFRED MY BROTHER WHOM THOU HAST TRAITâ—ROUSLY SLAIN To whom Godwin excusing himself answered My Lord and King saving your Revereâ—câ— and Grace Peace Lordship I never betrayed nor yeâ— slew your Brother unde super hoc pono me IN CONSIDERATIONE CURIAE VESTRAE whence I put my sâ—lf upon the consideration and judgement of your Courâ— concerning this matter Then said the King KARISSIMI DOMINI COMITES ET BARONES TERRAE c. Most dear Lords Earls and Barons of the land who are my Liege-men now here assembled you have heard both my appeale and Godwins answer Volo quod inter Nos in iâ—ta appellatione RECTUM JUDICIUM DECERNATIS ET DEBITAM JUSTITIAM FACIATIS I will that between us in this appeale you award right Iudgement and do due Iusticâ— COMITIBUS VERO ET BARONIBUS SUPER HOC AD INVICEM TRACTANTIBUS Hereupon the Earls and Barons debating upon this businesse among themselves some among thâ—m were different in their opinions from others in doing just judgemâ—nt herein For some said that Godwin was never obliged to the King so Bromton to Alfred writes Caxâ—on by homage service or fealty and therefore HE WAS NOT HIS TRAITOUR and that he had not slain Alfred with his own hands But others said Quod Comes nec Baro nec aliquis Regi subditus BELLUM CONTRA REGEM IN APPELLATIONE SUA DE LEGE POTâ—ST VADIARE That neither the Earl nor any Baron nor any Subject to the King could by the Law wage Battel against the King in his Appeal but ought wholy to put himself in his mercy and to offer him competent amends Then Leofric Earl of Chester or Coventry as Caxton a good man towards God and the world spake and said The Earl Godwin after the King is a man of the best parentage of all England and he cannot deny but that BY HIS COUNCEL Alfred thâ— Kings Brother was slain wherefore I award as touching my parâ— that himself and his son and every of us DUODECIM COMITES the twelve Earls who are his friends and kinsmen shâ—uld go humbly before the King laden with as much gold and silver as every of us can carry between his arms offering that to him for his trespasse and submissively deprâ—cating that he woulâ— pardon all his rancour and ill-will to the Earle and receiving his homage and fealâ—y he would restore and redeliver his lands intirely to himâ— Vnto which award THEY ALL ACCORDING they all laded themselves with treasure in the manner aforesaid and gâ—ing to the King declared unto him the order and mannâ—r of their JUDGEMENT or AVVARD QUORUM CONSIDERATIONI REX CONTRADICERE NOLENS QUICQUID JUDICAVERANT PER OMNIA RATIâ—ICAVIT The King not willing to contradict them in any thing thâ—y had judged ratified the same in all things An agreement therefore being made between thâ—m in this manner the Earl presently regained all his lands The generality of our Historians as Bromâ—on confesseth deny that Godwin ever fled into Dâ—nmark or left England for the murder of Alfred they generally affâ—rming that he purged himself thereof though falsly CORAM PROCERIBUS before the Nobles in the reign of Harde-Cnute swearing with his compurgators that he never consented to his death NISI REGIA VI COACTUS but through compulsion by royall violence Recording likewise that after the death of King Harde-Cnute Prince Edward was called out of Normandy and elected King principally by the help and counsel of Earle Godwin himself who as Malmesbuâ—y and others write perswaded him to accept the Crown and precontracted with him before hâ— came into England Paciscatur ergo sibi amicitiam solidam filiis honores integros filiae matrimonium brevi futurum ut se Regem videat qui nunc vitae naufragus exul spei alterius opem implorat Utrinque fide data quicquid petebatur sacramento firmavit If there were then any such Parliament as this then held at London and such proceedings in it concerning Godwin it was most probably in the year 1043â— as I here place it And from these memorable proceedings in it we may observe 1. That there is mention onely of the King Earls and Barons present in this Parliament as members of it not of any Knights of shires Citizens or Burgesses elected by the people of which there is not one syllable 2. That the Earls and Barons in Parliament were the onely judges in that age in Parliament between the King and his Nobles subjects both in criminal and other causes there decided 3. That Peers in that age were onely tryed and judged by their Peers for treason and capitall offences 4. That appeals of Treason were then tryed in Parliament and the Earls and Barons the sole Judges of them and of what offences were Treason and what not 5. That the Bishops and Clergy in that age had no votes in matters of Treason and capitall offences 6. That the Judgement of Parliament then reâ—ted properly in the Earls and Barons not the King and that their judgement was not repealable by but obligatory to the
prius amisisse monastâ—rium suum consequenter manâ—rium ad monasterium quondam pertinens similiter Edmerus miles dominus de Holbrok calumniam movâ—t contra eundem Abbatem monachos suos de manerio suo de Maksey Horsingus de Wathe calumniatus est pro Manerio suo de Badingâ—oÌ„ Siwardus Comes de Manerio suo de Bernack Hugolonus Thesaurarius de Manerio de Helieston alii plures de allis mane iis dicto Monasterio dudum pertinentibu omnes eadem ratione in dicta causa contra Monachos obtinuerunt tam de maneriis quam de Monasterio suo dictus Abbas de Peibec ac Monachi sui nequiter crudâ—liter ejecâ—i sunt ut nunquam alicui veniat damnum solum Cum itaque Abbas Wulgatus conventus suus Monachi scilâ—cet c sic de Monasterio destituti vagabundi in proximo dispergendi in â—mnem ventum pro extrâ—ma miseria fluâ—â—uarent misertus eorum piissimus Râ—x Edwardus Omnes in suam curiam suscepit uâ—quequo eis provideret suam capellam ac aulam quotiâ—ie frequentare imperavit The Abbot of Croyland dying soon after and his pastorall staff by which he was invested being presented by the Prior and two Monks to King Edward the King thereupon immediately invested Wulgatus in the Regiment of the Monastery of Croyland by the delivery of the Pastorall staff unto him seconded with his Charter of donation without any election by the Covent Inter praecipua Monasteria tunc magno nomine praedicabatur Croilandia tot tanta in tempore Danicae Tribulationis in Regis curiam semper manu promptissima effuderat donaria ET TRIBUTA A multis itaque annis retroactis NULLA ELECTIO PRAELATORUM ERAT MERE LIBERA ET CANONICA SED OMNES DIGNITATES TAM EPISCOPORUM QUAM ABBATUM PER ANNULUM ET BACULUM Râ—GIS CURIA PRO SUA COMPLACENTIA CONFEREBAT These proceedings and judgements against the Abbot Monks of S. Pega and Peikirk were the occasion as I conceive of this passage in William of Malmesb. touching King Edwards reign Fuerunt tamâ—n nonnulla quae gloriam tempoâ—um deturbarent Monasteria tunc monachis viduata PRAVA JUDICIA A PRAVIS HOMINIBUS COMMISSA c. Sed harum rerum invidiam amatores ipsum ita extenuare conantur Monasteriorum destructio PERVERSITAS JUDICIORUM non ejus scientia sed per Godwini filiorumque ejus sunt commissa violâ—ntiam qui regis indulgentiam videbanâ— postea tâ—men ad eum delata acriter eorum exilio vindicata To which may be referred that story of Walter Mapaeus in Mr. Cambdens Britannia p. 374.375 of Earl Godwins thrusting the Abbesse of Berkley and her Nunnes out of the Monastery of Berkley which he begged of King Edward by this wile He caused a young Nephew of his feigning himself sick to lie so long in the Nunnery tâ—ll he left the Abbesse and all her Nunnes great with child and then complaining of proving this their incontinency before the King ejected the Abbesse and Nunnes and gained the Nunnerâ— and Manour of Berkley to himself worth 500l revenue Together with this Godwins cheating the Archbishop of Canterbury of his Manour of Boseam in Sussex by a wily word-trap and equivocation recorded by the same authors King Edward Anno 1049. was so deeply affected and ravished with Gods extraordinary mercy towards him in preserving him like another Ioash from the cruelty of the bloody Danes and restoring him beyond expectation to the Crown of England without his seeking or the least effusion of blood after sundry years dispossession by the Danish Intruders that thereupon he vowed a solemn pilgrimage to Rome there to render humble thanks and gifts to God for this signall mercy For diligently having prepared great summes of money to defray his expences with many rich presents he assembled all the Nobles and Prelates of the Realm in a Parliamentary Council acquainting them with this his vow and intended pilgrimage and craving their advice how the Realme might be justly governed preserved in peace and defended in his absence till his returne from Rome Upon which the Nobles after serious consultation considering the great inconveniences and perils that might beâ—all the kingdome by his absence being but newly setled and the manifold dangers that might happen to him in so long a journey and what new troubles and mishaps might befall the Realm if he should miscarry in the way having no issue would by no meanes permit him to undertake this pilgrimage but disswaded hâ—m from it and by common consent at last agreed to send solemn Ambassadours from the King and them to the Popâ— to râ—present the incâ—nveniences and perils that might befall the Realm by his absâ—nce from it and thereupon to procure a dispensation from this his vow and pilgrimage Which the Ambassadours accordingly representing the Pope thereupon dispensed with the Kings vow upoâ— this condition and firme injunction that the King should distâ—ibute to the poore all the expences he had provided for his journey and should eiâ—her build a new or repaire an old Monastery in honour of S. Peter the Prince of the Apostles and endow it with sufficient revenues to maintain the Monks confiâ—ming by his Apostolicall Authority all the lands or revenues which the King or any other should conferre upon that Monastery and whatever priviledges he would think fit to grant thereunto pertaining to the honour of God and denouncing an eternall malediction against the infringers of them The Ambassadours returning with this dispensation St. Peter revealed to one Vlsin a Monk and Anchorite that his will was that the place called Westminster then lying ruinous shâ—uld be restorâ—d which vision when he had related to the King and his Couâ—cil REX TOTIUS REGNI CONSILIO The King by the advice of the whole Realmâ— assembled in a parliamentary council rebuilt the foresaid place and endowed and enlarged it with very ample possessions rents and liberties The passages of this story being very memorable and pertinent to my discourse I shall present you with them at large in the words of Abbot Ailred who thus records them Succedentibus prosperis Rex beatus nequâ—quam sui sponsionis est oblitus nec in die bonorum immemor â—uit malorum Sed cogitans recogitans quanta sibi fecerit Dominus qui ditavit egenum sublimavit humilem inglorium coronavit parat reddere vota quae distrinxerunt labia ejus Parat sumptus separat donaria VOCATISQUE TOTIUS REGNI PRIMATIBUS habuit cum eis hujusmodi vel DE STATU REGNI vel DE SUA PEREGRINATIONE SERMONEM Benedictus Dius qui magnificavit misericâ—rdiam suam facere nobiscum qui visitavit in virga iniquitates nostras in verberibus peccata nostra pietatem suam non amovit à nobis Ecce quomodo deposuit potentes exaltavit humiles quomodo esurienâ—es implevit bonis divites
and Franchises granted by the glorious King Edward 3. That they prescribe the due payment of Tithes to God and his Ministers as well personal as praedial under Ecclesiastical and temporal penalties being granted and consented unto a Rege et Baronibus et Populo 4. That the Causes and pleas of the Church ought first to be heard ended in Courts and Councils before any other Iustitia enim est ut Deus ubique prae caeteris honoretur 5. That they thus define Danegild Danegaldi redditio propter Piratas primitus Statuta est Patriam enim infestantes vastationi ejus pro posse suo insistebant Ad eorum quidem insolentiam reprimendam Statutum est Danegaldum annuatim reddi scilicet duodecim denarios de unaquaque Hida totius Patriae ad conducendos eos qui Piratarum eruptioni Resistendo obviarent To which Hoveden Knyghton Lambard and others subjoyn De hoc quoque Danegaldo omnis ecclesia libera est quieta omnis terra quae in proprio dominico Ecclesiae erat ubicunque jacebat nihil prorsus in tali redemptione persolvens quia magis in Ecclesiae confidebant orationibus quam in armorum defensionibus usque tempora Willielmi junioris qui Ruffus vocabatur donec eodem a Baronibus Angliae auxilium requirente ad Normanniam requirendam retinendam de Roberto suo fratre cognomine Cortehose Ierusalem proficiscente Concessum est et non Lege sancitum neque confirmatum sed hac necessitatis causa ex unaquaque hida sibi dari quatuor solidos Ecclesia non excepta Dum vero collectio census fieret proclamabat Ecclesia suam reposcens libertatem sed nil profecit By which it is apparent 1. That this grievous Tax of Danegeld was first granâ—ed and appointed by a publike Law in a Parliamentary Council to hire men to resist the eruption of the Pyrates and Enemies That it amounted but to 12 d. a year upon every Ploughland That the Church and Demesne Lands of the Church where ever they lay were exempted from it till William Rufus his time who first exacted it from the Clergy upon a pretended necessity and raiâ—ed it from 12 d. to 4 s. a Ploughland by grant of the Barons without any Law to enact or confirm it for fear of drawing it into consequence 6ly That these Laws thus describe the Duty and Office of a King The King because he is the Vicar of the highest King is constituted for this end that he may rule the earthly kingdom and the Lords people and above all things that he may reverence his holy Church and defend it from injuries pluck away evil doers from it and utterly to dâ—stroy and disperse them Which unless he shall doe the name of a King agreeth not unto him the Prophet Pope John witnessing Nomen Regis perdit qui quod Regis est non faciat he loseth the name of a King who dischargeth not the duty of a King Pepin and Charls his Son being not yet Kings but Princes under the French King hearing this definitive Sentence as well truly as prudently pronounâ—ed concerning the name of a King by William the bastard King of England foolishly writ to Pope John demanding this queâ—â—ion of him Whether the Kings of France ought so to continue being content only with the name of a King Who answered That it is convenient to call them Kings who do watch over defend and govern the Church of God and his people imitating King David the Psalmograph saying He shall not dwell in my House which worketh pride c. After which it followeth in Mr. Fox and some others but not in Hoveden and Knyghton â— Moreover the King by his right and by his Office ought to defend and conserve fully and wholly in all ampleness without diminution all the Lands Honours Dignities Rights and Liberties of the Crown of his Kingdom And further to reduce into their pristine state all such things as have been dispersed wasted and lost which appertain to his kingdom Also the whole and universal Land with all Ilands about the same in Norwey and Denmark be appertaining to the Crown of his kingdom and be of the appurtenances and dignity of the King making one Monarchy and one Kingdom which sometimes was called the Kingdom of Britain and now the Kingdom of England such bounds and limits as is abovesaid be appointed and limited to the name of this kingdom A King abovâ— all things ought to fear God to â—ove and observe his commandements and cause them to be observed through his whole kingdom He ought also to keep cherish maintain and govern the holy Church within his kingdom with all integrity and Liberty according to the constitution of his ancestors and predecessors and to defend the same against all Enemies so that God above all things be honoured and ever before his eyes He ought also to set up Good Laws aud Customs such as be wholesom and approved Such as be otherwise to repeal them and thrust them out of his kingdom Item he ought to doe Iudgement and Iustice in his kingdom by the counsel of his Realm All these things ought a King in his own person to do taking his Oath upon the Evangelist swearing in the presence of the whole State of the Realm as well of the Temporalty 〈◊〉 of the Spiritualty before he be crowned of the Archbishops and Bishopâ— Three Servants the King ought to havâ— under his feet as Vassals Fleshly Lust Avarice and Grâ—edy desire whom if he keep under as his Seruants and Slaves he shall reign well and honourably in his Kingdom All things are to be done with good advisement and premeditation and that properly belongeth to a King For hasty rashness bringeth all things to ruine according to the saying of the Gospel Every kingdom divided in it self shall be desolate c. A clear evidence that our Saxon Kingâ— had no arbitrary nor tyrannical power to condemn banish imprison oppresse or Tax their Subjects in any kinde against their Laws Liberties Properties And thus much touching King Edwards Laws Qui ob vitae integritatem Regnandi Iustitiam clementiam Legumque sive à se latarum sive ex veteribus sumptarum Equitatem inter Sanctos relatus est as Matthew Parker records of him In the year of Christ 1053. as many or 1054. as others compute it that old perjured Traytor Earl Godwin came to a most soddein shamefull exemplary death by divine justice which the marginal Historians thus relate and Abbot Ailred thus prefaceth Inserendum arbitror quâ—modo Godwinum proditionum suarum donatum stipendiis divini judicii ultrix ira consumpserit detestandique facinoris quod in Regem fratremque ejus coÌ„miserat populo spectante ipsam quam meruerat poenam exolverat This Godwin being the Kings Father-in-law abusing his simplicity multa in regno contra jus et fas pro potestate faciebat did many things in the
whom they Outlawed together with all those who had incited him to make an unjust Law and impose an illegal Tribute upon them Harold hearing these things and minding more the Peace of the Country than his brothers profit recalled his Army and the Kiug having heard their answer confirmed Morchar for their Duke Tosti hateful to all men by the assistance of Earl Edwin was expelled out of England by the Northumberlanders and driven with his wife and children into Flanders whence returning about two years after and joyning with the Danes he entred with the Danes into Northumberland miserably harrowed the whole Country slaughtered the inhabitants and at last was there slain with most of his Souldiers by his own brother King Harold Anno 1066. King Edward as Abbot Ingulphus living in that age records Anno 1065. being burdened with old age perceiving Prince Edgar Atheling his Cosen Edwards son lately dead to be unfit for the royal throne tam corde quam corpore as well in respect of minde as body and that Earl Godwins many and wicked progeny did daily increase upon the earth set his mind upon his Cosen William Duke of Normandy et eum sibi succederâ— in Regnum Angliae voce stabili sancivit and decreed by a stable vote that he should succeed him in the Realm oâ— England For Duke William was then superiour in every battel and a triumpher against the King of France and his fame was publickly blazed abroad amongst all the Earls of Normandy who were next him being invincible in the exercise of Arms Iudex justissimus in causarum judiciâ— a most just Iudge in the judging of causes and most religious and most devout in the service of God Hereupon King Edward sent Robeâ—t Archbishop of Canterbury to him as his Legate a Lâ—tere or special Embassador illumque designatum sui regni Successorem tam debito cognationis quam merito virtutis suae Archipraesulis relaâ—u insinuavit and intimated unto him by the relation of his Archbishop that he had designed him to be the Successor of his Realm as well by the debt of kinred as by the merit of Virtue Moreover Harold the Major of the Kings Court comming into Normandy not only swore that he would conserve the Kingdom of England for Duke William afâ—er the Kings death but likewise promised upon Oath that he would take the daughter of Duke William for his wife and upon these promises returned home magnificently rewarded After which â—e subjoins Edwardi pâ—issimi Regis cujus cognatione et consanguinitate inclytus Rex noster Willelmus fundat conscientiam suam regnâ—m Angliae invadendi caeteris Regibus de Danorum sanguine quasi nullius authoritatis ad allegandum interim intermissis William of Malmsbury who flourished in oâ— near that very age thus seconds him After the death of Edward his son Edgar was Neque promptus mâ—nu neque probus ingenio Rex itaque defuncto cognato quia spes prioris erat soluta suffragii Willielmo comiti Normanniae successionem Angliae dedit Erat ille hoc munâ—re dignus praesâ—ans animi juvenis qui in supremum fastigium alacri labore excreverat Praeterea proxime consanguineus filius Roberti filius Richardi seâ—undi quem fratrem fuisse Emmae matris Edwardi non semel est quod diximus Ferunt quidam ipsum Haroldum a Rege in hoc Normanniam missum alii secretioris coâ—silii conscii invitum venti violentia illuc actum quo se tueretur invenisse commenâ—um quod quia propius vero videtur exponam Harold comming to his farm at Boseam going for his recreation into a fisher-boat and putting forth into the Sea in sport was by a sudden contrary storm arising driven with his companions into the Village of Ponthieu in France where he was stripped and bound hand and foot by the rude Country people and carried Prisoner to Guido their Earl who detained him in Prison to gain a ransom from him Whereupon Harold being of a subtil wit studying how to relieve himself by large promises procured a Messenger to inform Duke William that he was sent by the King into Normandy that what lesser Messengers had but muâ—tered touching his Succession to the Crown of England he might perform by his presence especially that he was detained in bonds by Earl Guido wherby he was hindered to deliver his message notwithstanding his appeal to him which was a great diminution to his honor and if his captivity were to be redeemed with monie he would willingly give it to him and not to Guido Upon which he was by Duke Williams command released brought by Guidâ— into Normandy and there nobly feasted by the Duke where by his valour and policy he gained great reputation with Duke William and that he might more indear himself in his favour he there voluntarily of his own accord confirmed to him the Castle of Dover which belonged to him of right and the Kingdom of England after King Edwards decease whereupon the Duke espoused him to his daughter Adeliza then a child and bestowed her whole ample portion upon Harold and then honourably dismissed him Matthew Westminster Anno 1057. relating this Story of Harolds driving into Ponthieu by storm against his will as hapning in that year and that to ingratiate himself with Duke William Post mortem Regis Edwardi ei Regnum Angliae Sacramento firmavit subjoyns thereâ—o Tradunt autem aliter alii quod videlicet Haroldus a Rege Edwardo fuerat ad hoc in Normanniam missus ut Ducem Gulihelmum in Angliam conducerâ—t qnem idem Rex Edwardus Haeredem sibi constituere cogitavit Roger de Hoved. Annal. pars prior p. 499. Radulph de Diceto Abbr. Chron. col 480 481. Eadmerus Hist. Novorum l. 1. p. 4 5. Sim. Dunel Hist. col 195. Io. Bromton in his Chronicle col 947. Hygden in his Polychron l. 6. c. 27. with others record the matter somewhat different from our other Historians That Harold after his Fathers death craving leave of King Edward to goe into Normandy to free and bring into England his Brother Wulnoth Nephew Hake there detained Hostages the King would not permit him to goe as senâ— by him but yet left him free to do what he pleased of himself therein Adding Praesentio tamen te ad nihil aliud tendere nisi in detrimentum totius Anglici regni et opprobrium tui nec enim ita novi Comitem mentis expertem ut eos aliquatenus velit concedere tibi si non praescierit in hoc magnum proficuum sui Harold notwithstanding taking ship to go into Normandy upon this occasion was driven by storm into Ponthieu and there imprisoned as aforesaid and by Duke Williams means and threats after two denials released who honourably entertaining him for some dayes to advance his own designs by him at last opened his minde thus to him Dicebat itaque Regem Edwardum quando secum invene olim juvenis in Normannia demoraretur
conquestis dicitur tamen quod beatus Edwardus eo quod haerede caruit Regnum legavit Willielim Bastardo Duci Normannorum Sed hoc robore asseruitur caruisse quiâ— hoc fecit in lecto Lethalf et sine Baronagii sui commnni consensu By all which Testimonies as likewise by the express relations of Mr. Cambden in his Britannia p. 144 145. Richard Verstegan his Restitution of decayed Antiquities Matthew Parker his Antiquitates Ecclesiae Britanniae p. 88. Mr. Seldens Review of his History of Tithes â— p. 482 483. it is apparent that King Edward whiles he was in Normandy before he was King upon Duke Williams repairing into England to him after he was King by several Messengers and Hostages sent to him in his old age and in his very death-bed appointed Duke William to be both his successor and heir to the Crown of England and that Harold either voluntarily as purposely sent by King Edward or craftily upon pretence he was sent by him to work his own enlargement and his Nephews or upon Williams motion to him voluntarily swore that he would faithfully preserve the Crown and Realm of England for him after King Edwards death who had appointed him to succeed him as his heir next kinsman by the mothers side and that he intended to dishinherit his Cosen Edgar Atheling of it though nexâ— heir to it by reason of his minority unfitness and indisposition both of body and minde to sway the Scepter of the Realm King Edward having finished his Abby of Westminster and endowed it with ample lands and privileges by three several Charters by the advice and assent of all his Bishops and Nobles as aforesaid Anno 1066 caused it to be solemnly consecrated on Innocents day with great solemnity but falling sick in the midst of these festival Solemnities of its dedication he betooâ— himself to his bed where continuing speechlesse for two days space together on the third day giving a great groan and arising as it were from the dead he related to those then about him a Vision he had seen touching the State of England Namely that two religious Monks he had formerly known in Normandy dead many years before were sent unto him with this message declaring the Corruptions and Vices both of the Clergy Nobility Gentry and People of England and the judgements ready to fall upon them for the same Which Matthew Westminster thus relates Quoniam Primores Angliae Duces Episcopi Abbates non sunt Ministri Dei sed Diaboli tradidit Deus hoc regnum uno anno et die uno in manu inimicâ— Daemonesque terram hanc totam pervagabunt Abbot Ailred thus records it Impletum dicunt Anglorum nequitiam iniquitaâ— consummata iram provocat accelerat vindâ—ctaâ— Sacerdotes praevaricati sunt pactum Domini polluto pectorâ— manibus iniquitatis sancta coâ—â—rectant non Pastores sed Mercenarii exponunt lupis oves non protegunt lac lanam quaerunt non oves ut detrusos ad inferos mors pastores depascat et oves Sed et Principes terrae infideles Sociae surum PRAEDONES PATRIAE quibus nec Deus timori est NEC LEX HONORI quibus veritas oneri JUS CONTEMPTUI CRUDELITAS DELECTATIONI Itaque NEC SERVANT PRAELATI JUSTITIAM nec subditi disciplinam Et ecce Dominus gladium suum vibravit aroum suum tetendit et paravit illum ostendeâ— deincâ—ps populo hinc iram indignationeÌ„ immissiones insuper per Angelos malos quibus traditi sunt anno uno diâ— uno igne simul et gladio puniendi The King groaning and sighing for this calamity that was ready to fall upon his people demanded of the Monks Whether if they repented of their sins upon his admonition to them God would not pardon them and remove his judgements as he did from the Ninivites They replied That God would by no means receive them into his favour because the heart of this people was hardned and their eyes blinded and their ears deafned that they would not hear reproof nor understand admonition nor be terrified with threatnings nor provoked with his late benefits The King thereupon demanded Whether God would be angry for ever Wheâ—her he would be any more intreated and when they might hope for a release of so great calamities To which they replyed That if a green tree cut in the midst and carried a great space from the stock could without any help reunite it self to the root and grow again and bring â—orth fruit then might the remission of such evils be hoped for The veritie of which Prophecy add our Historians the Englishmen experimentally felt namely That England should be an habitation of strangers and a Domination of Foreiners because a little space after scarce any Englishman was either a King a Duke Bishop or Abbot neither was there any hope also of the end of this miseâ—y King Edward after his relation of this Vâ—sion to the Nobles and Prelates then about him yielded up the Ghost and died without issue on Epiphany Eve An. 1066. and was solemnly interred the next day in Westminster Abbey the royal line of the Saxon Kings ending in him which had continued from Cerdic the first King of the West-Saxons for 571. years without interruâ—tion except by some Danish Usurpers who for the Sins of the English reigned for some years over them with rigour and were soon cut off by death CHAPTER 6. Comprising the Historical Passages relating to the Parliamentary Councils Lawes Liberties Properties Rights Government of England Anno 1066. under the Short reign of the Usurper King Harold till the Coronation of King William the First falsly surnamed The Conquerour though never claiming the Crown by Conquest but Title KIng Edward deceasing without any issue of his body to succeed him refusing all carnal copulation with his Queen either out of a vowed virginity as most Historians conclude or out of a detestation of Earl Godwins Trayterous race quod Rex Religiosus de genere proditoris haeredes qui sibi succederent corrupto semine Regio nolueâ—rit procreari as Ingulphus Matthew Wâ—stminster and others record thereby exposed the kingdom for a prey to the ambitious Pretenders aspiring after it Upon which consideration praesentiebant plures in ejus morte desolationem Patriae Plebis exterminium totius Angliae Nobilitatis excidium finem libertatis honoris ruinam as Abbot Ailred informs us The English Prelates and Nobles being then all assembled at Westminster to the solemn consecration of the Abbey were much perplexed and the generality of the people exceedingly grieved at his death For although he were Vir propter morum simplicitatem parum Imperio idoneus yet he was Deo devotus ideoque ab eo directus Denique eo regnante nullus tumultus domesticus qui non cito comprimeretur nullum bellum forinsecus omnia domi forisque quieta omnia tranquilla quod eo magis stupendum
victoribus suis participarunt de caeter is in â—orum mores transeuntes Sed haec mala de omnibus generaliter Anglis dicta intelligi nolim Scio clericos multos tunc temporis simplici via semitam sanctitatis trivisse Scio multos Laicos omnis generis conditionis in hae eadem gente Deo placuisse facessat ab hac relatione invidia non cunctos pariter hâ—c involvat calumnia Verum sicut in tranquillitate malos cum boâ—is fovet plaerumque Dei sereniâ—as ita in captivitate bonâ—s cum malis noâ—nunquam ejusdem constringit sevâ—ritas I have insisted more largely upon the Historical part of Harolds usurpation perjury short and troublesom reign tragical death Duke Wâ—lliams claims to and manner of acquiring the Crown of England for this reason especially To refute the common received Error of some ignorant Historians of many illiterate Statists and Swordmen of this age and of fundry temporizing Ignoramusses of my own robe who publickly averr in their Pamphlets Speeches Charges and Discourses that Duke William claimed and obtained the Crown of England only as a Conqueror and thereupon altered the antient Laws Customs of the Realm and gave New Laws unto it by his own absolute power as a Conqueror thereof Upon which false Ground they inferre That those in late and present Power coming in by the same Title of Conquest may lawfully give new Laws to impose what Taxes Government they please upon the English as well as Scotish and Irish as a meer conquered Nation by their own inherent authority seeing by the Laws of Warr regularly all Rights and Laws of the place and Nation conquered be wholly subject to the Conquerors will And hereby they justifie all their late Impositions Taxes Excises Sequestration Seisures Sales of all the publike revenues of the Nation and many thousand private mens Estates by their Westminster and White-Hall Ordinances Edicts with the changes of our Government new-modellings of our Parliaments and all other irregular proceedings destructive to our Fundamental Rights Laws Liberties Government which they formerly covenanted inviolably to maintain without grant or consent by any free full lawfull English Parliaments Now to demolish all these their superstructures by subverting their â—alse Foundation of D. Williams pretended Title to the Crown of England only by Conquest It is most apparent by the premised Historical Authorities 1. That King William alwayes claimed the Crown of England both before at and after his Coronation as of right belonging to him by the promise gift contract gift and bequest of Edward the Confessor and as his heir and next kinsman by the Mothers side 2. That he alleged this gift and grant of the Crown to him to be made with the consent of the Archbishops of Canterbury Earls Godwin Syward and other Nobles of the Realm ratified by special Messengers sent unto and Hostages delivered him for its performance and by Harâ—lds own solemn agreement and Oath sent to him by King Edward for that purpose as himself at least suggested to him which designation and grant of King Edward to William was no fiction but a truth confessed by all our Historians and Harold himself who by his answers never denyed but only endeavoured to evade it and voluntarily acknowledged by all the Nobles of England both at his Coronation and in Parliament it self in the 4. year of his reign 3. That after King Edwards decease divers of the Nobles would have elected William King in pursuance hereof but that Harold perjuriously usurped the Crown by meer force and power without the least right unto it or any election by the Lords or people setting the Crown on his own head the very day King Edward was interred and thereby prevented Williams election to it 4. That hereupon divers of the Nobles Prelates and other English sent private Messengers to William into Normandy to come and demand his right to the Crown as due unto him promising hostages and their assistance to recover it 5. That thereupon he sent Embassadors twice or thrice to Harold one after another before his landing insisting on his meer right and Title to the Crown to gain it by parly without effusion of bloud 6. That upon Harolds obstinacy he appealed to the Pope and to all his Nobles assembled in a Parliamentary Council for the justice of his Title and Right to the Crown who declared his Title Lawfull and Just and thereupon encouraged assisted him all they could to regain it by force of arms from the Usurper Harold who would not otherwise depart from it 7. That immediately after his landing he made claim unto it only by the foresaid Right Title and thereupon prohibited his Souldiers to plunder the Country or hurt any of the Inhabitants as being his by right 8. That very few of the English Nobility or Nation would march or engage with Harold against William and sundry withdrew themselves from the battel as conscious of Harolds usurpation perjury and Williams just cause against him however other causes were then pretended and amongst the rest his own Brother-in-laws the greatest Peers of the Realm Earl Morcar and Edwin deserted him in the fight 9. That after the first battel won and Harold slain all the Prelates and Clergy generally except Abbot Frederick appeared for him and would not consent to set up Edgar though right heir 10. That after good deliberation all the Nobles Prelates Loâ—doners and others who first appeared for Edgar with the greatest pâ—rt of the Clergy people of the English Nation without the least fight or resistance or before any siege or summons from him together with Prince Edgar himself voluntarily went out and submitted themselves sware faith and allegeance to him as their Soveraign at Berkhamsted and after that joyfully received him with highest acclamations as their lawfull King at his entry into London 11. That all the Prelates Clergy and Nobility soon after without any coercion upon his foresaid right and Title freely elected and solemnly crowned him as their lawfull King in a due and accustomed manner and then did Homage and swore new Allegiance afresh unto him as their rightful Soveraign 12. That he took the Ordinary Coronation Oath of all lawfull Kings to maâ—â—â—tan and defend the rights persons of all his people to govern them justly c. as became a good King which a King claiming by meer conquest would never do All these particulars are undeniable Evidences that Duke William never made the least pretence claim or title to the Crown and Realm of England only as an absolute Conqueror of the Nation but meerly by Title as their true and lawfull King by designation adoption and cognation seconded with the Nobles Prelates Clergy and peoples unanimous election And although it be true that this Duke ejected Harold and got actual possâ—ssion of the Throne and Kingdom from him by the sword as did Aurelius Ambrosius and others before and King Henry the 4. Edward the 4. Henry the 7. with others
since his reign yet that neither did nor could make him a King by conquest only no more than these other Princes seeing the end of this warr was not against the whole English Nation the greatest part whereof secretly abbetted his interest but only against the unjust Usurper and Intruder King Harold and his adherâ—nts not to create a Title to the Realm by his and their Conquest but to remove a Uâ—surper who invaded it without and against all right and to gain the actual possession thereof by armsâ— from which he was unjustly withheld by force against those pretended lawfull Titles which he made So that he got not the Right Title but only the actual possession of the Crown by his Sword not as a universal Conqueror of the Realm without right or Title but as if he had been immediate heir and lawfull Successour to the Confessor who designed him to succeed him For â—uller confirmation whereof I shall here subjoin these ensuing proofs 1. King William himself at his very Coronation in London as Mr Cambden informs us said That the kingdom was by Gods providence appointed and by vertue of a gift from his Lord and Cosen King Edward the glorious granted unto him and that this most bounteous King Edward had by adoption ordained him his hâ—ir in the kingdom of England 2ly In his Charter to the Church of Westminstâ—r he resolves as much in direct terms where he recites In ore gladii Regnum adeptus sum Anglorum devictâ— Haroldo rege Cum suis complicibus qui mihi Regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum bâ—neficio concessionis Domini Cognati mei gloriosi Edwardi CONCESSUM conati sunt auferre c. So that his Title was from Edward though his possession by the sword 3ly In the very Title of his Laws published in the 4th year of his reign which he was so far from altering that he both by Oath and Act of Parliament ratified confirmed all the Laws and Customs of the Realm used in the Confessors time and before presented by a Grand Enquest unto him out of every County of England upon Oath without any alteration praevarication or diminution he stiles himself or is stiled by the Collector of these Laws HEIR AND COSEN TO Edward the Confessor even in the ancient Manuscript which Sir Henry Spelman hath published Incipiunt Leges S. Edwardi Regis quas in Anglia tenuit quas WILLIELMUS HAERES cognatus suus POSTEA CONFIRMAVIT To which I shall likewise subjoyn the words of the Charter of his Sonn King Henry the 1. Anno 1108. translating the Abbey of Ely into a Bishoprick wherein he gives his Father William the self-same Title Ego Henricus providente divina clementia Rex Anglorum Normannorum Dux Willielmi magni Regis filius â— QUI EDWARDO REGI HAEREDITARIO JURE SUCCESCIT Iâ— REGNUM renouncing all Title by conquest and claiming only as Heir to King Edward by Hereditary right 4ly Earl William himself in none of his Charters Writs Speeches Writings ever stiled himself a Conquerour of England nor laid claim to the Crown and Realm of England by Conquest after his inauguration which Title of Conqueror was afterwards out of the flattery or ignorance of the times given unto him by others Therefore the words which the History of St. Stephens in Caen in Normandy reports he used at his last breath The Regal Diadem which none of my Predecessors ever wore I got and gained by the Grace of God only I ordain no man heir of the Kingdom of England which all our Historians unanimously contradict affirming that he ordained VVilliam Rufus his second son particularly to succeed him in it at his death upon which Title only he enjoyed it but I commend the same to the eternal Creator whose I am in whose hands are all things For I became not possessor of so great honour by any hereditary right but by an humble conflict and with much effusion of blood I took it from the perjured King Harold and after I had either slain or put to flight his favourits and Servants I subdued the kingdom to my self must either be reputed false and fabulous as most esteem them or else have this construction that he gained the actuall possession of it against Harold and his adherents only by the Sword and that he had not an hereditary right thereto as next heir by descent to the Crown but only by adoâ—tion from and as heir by donation to King Edward as next of kin by the Mothers side which he made his only Title 5ly Those antient English Historians who first gave him the name of Conquerour did it not in a strict proper sence as if he were a meer universal Conquerour of the Nation disposing of all mens Estates persons and the Laws of the Realm at his pleasure for that he never did but only as one who gained the actual possession thereof from a perjured Usurper and his forces by strength of arms conquering them by open battel in the field but still claiming it by gift conâ—ract and designation from King Edward as his Kinsman as an heir who forcibly outs a disâ—eisor and intruder comes in by Tiâ—le and Inheritance only though he gains the possession by force This is evident by the forecited words of Mathew Paris and this passage of Henry de Knyghton not extant in Hygden out of whom he seems to transcribe it Et sic quia Normannus Iure haereditatis tenuit Normanniae Ducatum ideo Dux Regnum vero Angliae mero Conquestuâ— in respect of actual possession et clameo subscripto in respect of Title by claim by gift from King Edward Ideo Rex which claim and Title being backed by the unanimous election of the Prelates Clergy Nobilityâ— People and right heir to the Crown himself who all submitted and sware homage fealty and allegiance to him as their lawfull Kingâ— infallibly demonstrate him to be no Conquerour in respect of Title in a strict legal military sense even in the judgement of those antient and modern Historians who give him that Title but only in regard of Harold and his party and the actual possession which he got by conquest And in this sense alone is that Distick in the Chronicle of Bromton to be understood Dux Normannorum Willielmus vi validorum Rex est Anglorum Bello Conquestor eorum 6ly Our Great Antiquary Richard Vestegan in his Restitutions of dâ—cayed Aâ—tiquities learned Mr. Iohn Selden in his Review of the Hist. of Tithes p. 482 483. Sir Iohn Hayward in the liâ—e of King VVilliâ—m the first Mr. Nathaniel Bacon in his first part of his Historical Discoursâ— of the uniformity of the Governmeâ—t of England chap. 44 45 46 55 56. to omit others most fully prove and assert That the entry of William the first into the royal Government of England neither was nor properly could be by Conquest but by Title and by the free
at all For tâ—e Crown of England being held not as patrimonial but in succession by remotion which is a succeeding to anothers place it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositive and Testamentary Will the right descending to the next of blood only by the Laws and Custom of the Kingdom For the successor is not saâ—d to be the Heir of the King but of the Kingdom which makes him so and cannot be put from it by any Act of his Predecessors 9. That the Nobilities Clergies and peoples free-Election hath been usually most endeavoured and sought aâ—ter by our Kings â—especially Intruders as their best and surest Title To these Legal I shall only subjoyn some Political and Theological Observations naturally flowing from the premised Histories of King Edward Harold and William not unsuitable to nor unseasonable for the most serious thoughts and saddest contemplations of the present age considering the revolutions and postures of our publike affairs 1. That it is very unsafe and perillous for Princes or States to intrust the Military and Civil power of the Realm in the hands of any one potent ambitious or covetous person who will be apt to abuse them to the peoples oppression the kingdoms perturbation and his Sovereigns affront or danger as is evident by Earl Godwin and his Sons 2. That devout pious soft-natured Princes are aptest to be abused and their people to be oppressed by evil Officers 3. That it is very dangerous and pernicious to heditary kingdoms for their King to die without any certain known and declared right Heirs or Successors to their Crowns yea an occasion of many wars and revolutions as is evident by King Edwards death without iâ—sue or declared right heir 4. That right heirs to Crowns who are of tender years weak judgement or impotent in Frienâ—s and Purse are easily and frequently put by their rights by bold active and powerfull Intruders as Edgar Atheling was both by Haroâ—d and William successively Yet this is remarkable in both these Invaders of his royal Right 1. That Harold who first dethroned him to make him some kind of recompence and please the Nobles of his party created Edgar Earl of Oxford and held him in special favour 2 ly That King Willam the first to whom he submitted himself and did homage and fealty used him very honourably and entertained him in his Court not only at first buâ— even after he had twice taken up armes against him joyning first with the English Nobilitie then with the Danes and Scots against his interest For Edgar coming to him into Normandy Anno 1066. out of Scotland where he lived some years where nihil ad praesens commodi nihil ad futurum spei praeter quotidianam stipem nactus esset he not only pardoned his fore-past offences but magno donativo donatus est pluribusque annis in Curia manens Libram Argenti quotidie in stipendio accipiebat writes Malmesb. receiving a great donaâ—iâ—e from him and a pound of silver for a stipend every day and continuing many years in his Court. After which Anno 1089. He went into Apulia to the Holy wars by King Williams licence with 200 Souldiers and many Ships whence returning after the death of Robert son of Godwin and the loss of his best Souldiers he received many benefits from the Emperours both of Greece and Germany who endeavoured to retain him in their Courts for the greatness of his birth but he contemning all their proffers out of a desire to enjoy his Native Country returned into England and there lived all Kings Williams reign In the year 1091. Wil. Rufus going into Normandy to take it by force from his brother Robert deprived Edgar of the honour which his Brother with whom he sided had conferred upon him and banished him out of Normandy whereupon he went into Scotland where by his means a peace being made between VVilliam Rufus and Malcholm king of Scots he was again reconciled to Edgar by Earl Roberts means returned into England being in so great favour with the king that in the year 1097. He sent him into Scotland with an Army Ut in ea consobrinum suum Eadgarum Malcholmi Regis filium patruo suo Dufenoldo qui regnum invaserat expulso Regem constitueret Whence returning into England he lived there till after the reign of king Henry the first betaking himself in his old age to a retired life in the Country as Malmesbury thus records Angliam rediit ubi diverso fortunae ludioro rotatus nunc remotus tacitus canos suo in agro consumit Where most probably he died in peace since I find no mention of his death No less than 4 successive kings permitting this right heir to their Crowns to live both in their Courts and Kingdom of England in peace and security such waâ— the Christian Generosity Charity and Piety of that age without reputing it High Treason for any to relieve or converse with him as the Charity of some Saints in this Iron age would have adjudged it had they lived in those times who have quite forgotten this Gospel Lesson of our Savior they then practised But I say unto you love your Enemies do good to those that hate you c. Wherefore if thine enemy huâ—ger give him meat if he thirst give him drink c. Bâ— not overcome of evil but overcome evil with goodness 5. That base carnal fears and cowardize oft cause both Prelates Nobles and People to desert their own best interest and lawfull Princes and to act vote and submit to meer unrighteous Usurpers against their primitive resolutions judgements Consciences as here in the case of Edgar and Rich. 3. since 6. That Generals puffed up with victorious successes and having the command of the Land and Sea Forces in their power are apt to aspire after the royal Crown and Soveraignty and forcibly to usurp it upon the next occasionâ— even with the disinheriting of the right heir and hazard of the whole Realm of which Harold is a most pregnant example 7. That ambitious aspirers after the royal Crown and Throne will make no conscience to violate all sacred and civil Oathes Obligations Contracts and find out any evasions to elude them rather than goe without themâ— or part with them when injuriously usurped â—y them and will adventure to crown themselves with their own hands than not wear the Diadem witnesse Harold 8. That Usurpers of Crowns without right though they Court the people with Coronation Oaths and fair promises of good Laws Liberty Immunity from all Taxes and Grievances yet usually prove the greatest Tyrants and Oppressors to them of all others as Harold and William in some sort did That Invaders of Crowns and Soveraign power without any right title or colour of Justice being once in possession will never part with them to those who have better right upon any verbal Treaties but rather
certain and apparent A perillous thing is acted we suffer evil things we discern worser we fear the worst of all We fight daily neither do we overcom nor yet are we vanquished yea we are overcome and yet no man vanquisheth For how are we not overcome who are wounded who are oppressed who are wearied who are distressed by forces who are spoiled by arms Neither flie we since there is none who may assault us neither do we assault since courage fails on both sides How long shall it be ere we see an end of these wonderfull things When shall there be rest from this labour tranquillity from this storm security from this fear Certainly Edmond is invincible by reason of his wonderful fortitude anâ— Cnute also is invincible by reason of fortunes favour We are broken in pieces we are slain we are dissipated we lose our dearest pledges we expose our sweet friends and alliances to death But of this labour what fruiâ— what end what price what emolument what I pray but that the souldiers being slain on both sides the Captains at last compelled by necessity may compound or verily fight alone without a Souldier Why then not now Truly while we live while we breath whiles the Army remains this might be done more profitably honestly securely I demand what insolence yea violence yea madness is this England heretofore when subjected to many Kings both flourished in glory and abounded in riches O ambition how blind is it alwaies which coveâ—ing the whole loseth the whole Why I pray doth not that now suffice two which heretofore was sufficient for five Kings But if there be in them so great a lust of domineering that Edmond disdains a Peer Cnuâ—e a Superiour PUGNENT QUAESO SOLI QUI SOLI CUPIUNT DOMINARI CERTENT PRO CORONA SOLI QUI SOLI CUPIUNT INSIGNIRI let them fight I beseech you alone who desire to domineer alone leâ— them contend for the Crown alone who desire to be crowned alone Let the Generals themselves enter into the hazard of a Duel that even by this means one of them may be vanquished lest if the Army should fight more often all being slain there should be no souldiers for them to rule over nor any who may defend the Realm against Foreiners Whiles he was about to speak more ALL THE PEOPLE shut up his Speech in the midst of his Jaws if I may so speak crying out and saying AUT PUGNENT IPSI AUT COMPONENT let them fight themselves or let them compound His Speech recorded in Bromton Henâ— de Knyghton Speed â— and others is much to the same effect though different in some expressions Matthew Westmininster brings in Edric speaking only thus to the Nobles O insensati Nobiles et armis potâ—ntes cur â—oties morimur in bello pro Regibus cum ipsi nobis morâ—entibus nec regnum obâ—ineant nec avaritiae suae finem imponant Pugnent consulto singulariter qui singulariter regnare contendâ—â—t Quae est ista regnandi libido Quod Anglia modo duobus non sufficit quae â—lim octo regibus satisfuit Itaque vel soli componant vel soli pro regno decertent PLACUIT AUTEM HAEC SENTENTIA OMNIBUS ET AD REGES PROCERUM DELATUM ARBITRIUM ILLI CONSENTIENDO APPROBANT Hereupon all the Nobles concurring in this opinion both Kings approving their Determination fought a royal single duel first on horseback then on foot in the Isle of Olerenge or Olney near Glocester in the midst of Severn in the view of both their Armies with extraordinary courage and equall success till they were both quite tyred but neither of them vanquished At last upon Cnutes motion they began to parly in a friendly manner Cnute speaking thus to Edmond Hitherto I have been covetous of thy Realm now most valiant of men I am verily more desirous of thy self whom I see art to be preferred I say not before the Realm of England but the whole world it self Denmark hath yielded to me Norwey hath subjected it self to me the King of Swedes hath given me his hand and thy admirable Valour hath more than once fructrated the force of my assaults which I believed no mortal man could have been able to sustain Wherefore although fortune hath promised that I should be every where a Conquerer yet thy admirable valour hath so allured me to favour that I above measure desire thee both for a friend and consort of my kingdome would to God that thou also maist be as desirous of me that I may reign with thee in England and thou maist reign with me in Denmark Truly if thy valour shall be united to my fortune Norway will fear and Sweden will quake France it self accustomed to warrs will tremble In brief Edmond and Cnute both consent to divide the Kingdom Edmond yielding to words who had not yielded to swords being overcome with this Oration who could not be overcome with arms whereupon laying aside their arms they run and mutually imbrace and kiss each other both Armies rejoycing and the Clergy singing Te Deum laudamus with a lowd voice Afterwards in testimony of Agreement they change clothes and Arms with each other and returning to their Armies prescribed the manner of the Agreement and Peace Wigorniensis Simeon Duâ—elmensis and Roger Hoveden add that they ratified the agreement with Oaths TRIBUTOQUE QUOD CLASSICAE MANVI PENDERETUR STATUTO and appointed a Tribute which should be paid to the Sea forces and then departed from each other The Danes returned with the great booty they had gotten to their ships with whom the Citizens of London having made a peace DATO PRECIO which they paid a prâ—ce for they permitted them there to winter The Realm was divided between them both but the Crown remained to Edmond with the City of London Essex east-East-England and all the Land on the Southside the River of Thames and Cnute enjoyed the North parts of England by mutual consent and agreement of all the Nobles and so this bloudy warr between them â—after 7. or 8. battels within so many moneths space ceased Soon after this fatal Agreement and partition of the Realm which made Edmond but half a Kingâ— and England half Denmark that ever trayterous Duke Edric to ingratiate himself the more with Cnute treacherously murâ—erâ—d King Edmond at Oxford of which there are 3. different relations in our Historians Some say that he corrupted the Kings Chamberlains wiâ—h gifts to murder him in his bed and that King Cnute in the first year of his Coronation caused all of them who had conspired his death by Edric's exhortation to come before him where they declared to the King the Treason they had committed against King Edmond expecting a large reward for iâ— Whereupon the King sent for the Great Men and Nobles of the Realm and made the Traitors to acknowledge their Treason before them and a great assembly of people fearing lest otherwise it should be believed that he had
treacherie of Earl Godwin and his son Harold Which how fatal it proved to them both by Gods avenging Justice you shall hear in its due place and what divine vengeance it drew at last on the whole English Nation religious and judicious Mr. Iohn Fox informes us in these words This cruel fact of Godwin and his men against the innocent Normans whether it came of himself or of the Kings setting on seemeth to me to be the cause why the justice of God did shortly after avenge the quarrel of these Normans in conquering and subduing the English Nation by William the Conquerour and the Normans which came with him For so just and right it was that as the Normans coming with a natural English Prince were murdered of English men so afterwards the Englishmen should be slain and conquered by the Normans coming with a forein King being none of their natural Country After the bâ—nishment of Queen Emma out of and murder of Prince Alfred in England Harde-Cnute delaying the time in Denmark and deferring his coming inâ—o England thereupon Harold formerly King only of â—he Mercians and Northumbrians that he might râ—ign over all England in the year 1037. A Principibâ—s et omni Populo Rex eligitâ—râ— was elected King by all the Nobles and People Harde-Cnutus verò quia in Denmarchia mansâ—rat et ad Anglian ut rogabatur venire distulit penitus abjicitur as Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunelmensis Hoveden Bromton Radulphus de Diceto and others inform us After which King Harold degenerating from Cnute his Father in all things took no care at all either of military or civil affairs nor of his own Courtly honour doing only his own will and contrary to his royal estate going more willingly on foot of which he was so swift that he was named Harefoot than riding on Horseback In his dayes there were rendred and paid to 16 Ships from every Port not In-land Towns 8. marks of Silver as in the time of his Father as Henry Huntindon records to which Iohn Speed subjoynes This Dane seeing his hazards prevented sought to secure himself and wâ—th 16 Ships of the Danish Fleet kept the Seas which continued ever in a readiness and wafted from port to port to the maintenance whereof he charged the English with great payments to their no little grudge and reviling whereby he lost the love of his Subjects before it hâ—d taken root in their hearts Neither held he long those disloyal courses for that his speedy death did cut off the infamy of a longer life he dying at Oxford where he was elected King without wife or children to survive his person or revive his name when he had reigned only 4. years and as many moneths Anno 1040. Upon the death of Harold Proceres tam Anglorum quam Danorum in unum concordantes sententiam the Nobâ—es both of the English and Danes assembling together in a Parliamentary Council and concording in one opinion sent Embassadours to Harde-Cnute then at Bruges in Flanders visiting Queen Emma his Mother where he had made great preparation of ships and land-forces to recover the Crown of England which belonged to him both by birth and compact from his brother Harold beseeching him to make hast into England and to take possession of the Crown thereof Whereupon he immediately consenting to the Counsel of the Nobles came speedily into England with 60 as some or 40 ships as others write furnished with Danish Souldiers and Mariners where he was recâ—ived with great joy elected King both by the English and Danes and solemnly crowned at London by Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury Soon after he commanded Alfric Archbishop of Yorke Earl Godwin and others to digg up the interred corps of his brother King Harold out of his grave in London and his head to be cut off by the hangman and then both head and corps to be thrown into the Common sink and after that into the Thames And that partly in revenge of the injuries done by him to his Mother Queen Emma in banishing and spoiling her of her money and jewels against all right and justice and partly for his unjust invasion of the Crown of England but in truth as a just retaliation of his barbarous cruelty to Prince Alfred and his Normans For whose treacherous inhumane slaughter King Harde-Cnute deprived Alfred Bishop of Worcester of his Bishoprick whose hands were said to have been in Alfreds bloud And for which murder he likewise looked with an evil eye upon Earl Godwin compelling him to an Oath of Purgation touching the same Whereupon Godwin by his own Oath and the Oaths of most of the Nobles of the Realm his compurgators sworeâ— though most falsly That Prince Alfreds eyes were not put out nor he murdered as aforesaid by his Counsel or consent but what was done therein was only by the command of King Harold which he durst not resist Notwithstanding which Oath to purchase his peace with Harde-Cnute he presented him with a most rich and royal present to wit with a Ship whose stern was of gold with 80 Souldiers placed therein all uniformly and richly suited having on their heads gilt Burgonets on their armes bracelets of Gold on their bodies Habergeons Swords Battel-axes Targets and other arms after the Danish fashion all richly gilt with gilt bosses and darts in their hands Which Present though it pacified the Kings indignation yet it prevented not Gods avenging justice on him afterwards for Alfreds bloud thus partly avenged on Harolds carcasse which was cast into the Thames and mangled according to Hard-Cnutes command and lay floting on the water sundry dayes till a Fisherman in compassion took up his corps and buried it privately in St. Clements Danes Soon after Harde-Cnute in the second year of his reign commanded 8. Marks to be paid to every Mariner Some write 20. others 30. marks to every Shipwright of his Danish Navy besides a vast sum of money to his Land-Army Hujus anno secundo redditus est Census Exercitui Dacorum scilicet 21000 lib. 89 lib. Et posteà sunt redditae 32. puppibus 11000 lib. 48. lib. writes Henry Huntindon Tributum inexorabile et importabile Angliae imposuit ut Classiariis suis per singulas nâ—ves viginâ—i â—ac triginti marcas ex pollicito pensitaret Quod dum importune per Angliam exigitur duo infestius hoc munus exequentes a Wigorniae Civibus extincti sunt as Will of Malmsbury expresseth it Hic etiam contra omnem spem octo Marcas unicuique remigi Classis suae de importabili tributo Angliae solvi fecit So Bromton Which â—lorentius Wigorniensis Hoveden Simeon Dunelmensis Matthew Westminster Polychronicon Caxton Fabian Holinshed Grafton and Speed thus more at large relate Anno 1040. Octo Marcas unicuique suae classis Remigi et 12. unicuique gubernatori de tota Anglia praecepit dependi Tributum videlicet tam grave ut
goodliest Souldiers he could select and of such Captains and Commanders as both in the Army and elsewhere seemed all of them to be rather Kings than Nobles And to set the better colour upon his pretended enterprise he sent to Pope Alexander acquainting him with the justice of his cause and the war he had undertaken his Embassadours setting them forth with all the strength of eloquence which Harold neglected to doe either through sloathfullness or diffidence of his Title or for fear William who strictly watched at Ports should intercept his Messengers The Pope having weighed the Tiâ—le of both parties sent a consecrated Banner to William as an Omen of his right to the kingdom and good success taken in the enterprise Which having received Conventum magnum Procerum apud Lislibonam fecit super negotium singulorum sententias scissitatus Duke William called a Great Council of Nobles at Lillâ—bon demanding every one of their opinions concerning this business Cumque omnes ejus voluntatem plausibus excipientes magnificis promissis animassent Commeatum Navium omnibus pro qnantitate possesionum indixit Henry Huntindon Hygden Radulphus de Diceto Speed Daniel and others relate That the Lords of Normandie in this great Parliamentary Assembly taking Counsel amongst themselves what was best to be done in this expedition VVilliam Fitz-Osbert counselled to leave and forsake the war both for scarcity of â—ighting men and by reason of the strength valour fierceness and cruelty of the Enemies Whereof the other Lords being glad put their answer into his mouth resolving they would all consent to what he should say Who comming before the King said That he and all his men were ready and devoted to assist him in that enterprise and so were all the other Lords Whereupon all the Nobles of Normandy being thus unexpectedly surprized and bound by his words and promise provided themselves for the expedition In this Assembly of the Norman States a subsidy being propounded as the sinews to carry on this great undertaking it was answered That a former war with the French had impoverished much of their wealth That if new wars were now raised and therein their substance spent to gain other parts it would be there so missed as it would hardly be sufficient to defend their own That they thought it more safe for him to hold what he had than with hazard of their own to invade the territories of others That though the war intended were just yet it was not necessary but exceeding dangerous Besides by their allegiance they were not bound to milâ—tary services in forein partsâ— and therefore no payments could be assessed upon them Whereupon the wealthiest of all the people were sent for by the Duke and severally one by one conferred with shewing them his right and hopes of England where preferments lay even for the meanest of them only money was the want which they might spare â—either should that be given but lent upon a plentifull increase With which words he drew them so on that they strove who should give most and by this means he gaâ—hered such a masse of money as was sufficient to defray the war Besides Fitz Osburne promiâ—ed to furnish 40 ships at his own charge the Bishop of Bayon 40. the Bishop of Mauâ— 30. and so others accordingly beyond their abilities And divers neighbour Princes upon promises of fair possessions in England assisted him both with Ships and Souldiers On the other side Harold to prevent his and the Danes invasions who likewise laid Title to the Crown provided ships and forces to oppose them both by Sea and Land and repairing to the Port of Sandwich appointed his Navy to meet him there which being there assembled he failed with it to the Isle of VVight and there watched the coming of VVilliam into England with his Army all the Summer and Autumn placing likewise his Lanâ— forces of Foot in fitting places about the Sea coasts But at last the victuals of the Navy and land Army being spent they both returned home about the Feast of St. Mary Soon after Divine Providence to make the easier and speedier way for Harolds overthrow stirred up his own Brother Tosti the banished Earl of Northumberland to recover his Earldom and avenge himself of Harold who exiled him some think by Duke VVilliams advice they marrying two Sisters Who coming with 60 some write 40 ships out of Flanders forced Taxes and Tribute out of the Isle of VVight took booties and Mariners to serve in his Navy on the Sea coasts of Kent whence he hoising â—ail fell â—oul on Lincolnshire where Morcar and Edwin Earls of Chester and Yorkeshire incountring him with their forces by Land and Harolds Navy by Sea with some loss of their men routed and drove him from thence into Scotland Where after some stay Harold Harfager King of Denmark after his conquest of the Orcades by Tosti his solicitation came into the River of Tine with 300. others write 500 ships where they both united their forces intending to subdue and conquer England then landing their Souldiers in Northumberland they wasted and spoiled the Country where ever they came Whereupon Earl Morcar and Earl Edwin with the inhabitants of the Country raised all the forces they could against them and giving them battel in a tumultuous manner were routed by them many of them being slain in the field and the rest inforced to fly into York for shelter which the Enemies besieging was presently surrendred up to them and hostages delivered them after the slaughter of many Citizens Nobles and Clergy-men Upon this King Harold recollecting his disbanded Army and Navy marched with all speed towards York against the Danes Norwegeans and his brother Tosti but coming to Hamford Bridge one valiant Dane with his Battle Axe â—lew 40 of his men and made good the Bridge against the whole Army for a long space till at last some going under the Bridge in a Boat slew him with a spear Both Armies joyning battel after a long and bloudy fight Harfager and Tosti with may other of Note were slain their whole Army routed all their Ships taken with the loss of many of the bravest English Souldiers and 20 of their Ships only permitted to depart into Denmark with their wounded men and Oâ—aus Harfagers Son who to save his life took an Oath never from thence forth to attempt any hostility or invasion against the English This victory Abbot Ailred ascribes to the merits of Edward the Confessor who promised to be the Captain and Protector of the English Nation against those Enemies who invaded the Realm contrary to right and Law and promised them the victory over them But Harold ascribing it to his own valour instead of rewarding his Souldiers with the spoils of the vanquished enemies as the price of their bloud out of a base unworthy avarice converted all the spoils and booty to his own private use giving no part of them to any other Wherewith many
election of the Nobles Clergy and People That although the several Titles he Pretended were perhaps if curiously examined not sufficient to give him a true legal Title and Right to the Crown of England à parte ante because not agreed unto and confirmed by the general consent of the Nobles Kingdom and Nation in a Parliamentary Great Council but only by the King and some particular Prelates and Nobles out of Parliament as Harold in his answers alleged yet being ratified ex parte post both by the subsâ—quent consent agreement submission election Oath homage and fealty of all the people Nobles Clergy by their legal free crowning of him aâ— first by Edgar Atheling his own submission fealty and resignation of his royal right and Title thereby unâ—o him and ratified by succeeding Parliamentary Councils it became an inâ—uhitable Right and Title both in Law and Iustice to him and his Posterity against all others who could lay no legaller Title thereunto he continuing confirming all the antient fundamental Laws Liberties Customs and Government of the English Nation without any alteration both by Oaths and Edicts I shal therefore conclude this point with the words of Shard a learned Lawyer in King Edward the third his reign who when the Kings Counsel in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough would have made a Charter of king Edgar void because they allegedâ— all Franchises were devolved to the Crown by the Conquest replyed thereâ—o The Conquerour came not at all to â—ut any who had lawfull possession out of their rights but to dispossess those who by their wrong had seised upon any land in dis-inherison of the King and his Crown And with the words of our judicious Hiâ—â—orian Sa. Daniel concerning this king VVilliam Neither did he â—ver claim any power by conquest but as a regular Prince submitted himself to the orders of the Kingdom desiring to have his Testamentary Title howsoever weak to make good his succession rather than his sword And though the stile of Conqueror by the flattery of the time was after given him he shewed by all the course of his Government he assumed it not introducing none of those Alterations which followed by violence but by a mild gathering upon the disposition of the State and the occasions offered and that by way of reformation And although Sir Hen. VVotton gives this verdict of them VVe do commonly and justly stile him the Conquerour For he made a general conquest of tâ—e â—â—ole Kingdom and People either by Composition or Armes c. Yet he addes He was Crowned on Christmas day 1066. at which time he would fain have compounded a Civil Title of I know not what Alliance or Adoption or rather Donation from Edward the Confessor As if hereditarie kingdoms did pass like Newyears gifts The truth is he was the heir of his Sword Yet from these pretences howsoever there sprang this good That he was thereby in a sorting aged to cast his Government into a middle or mixed nature as it were between a lawfull successor and an Invader though generally as all new Empires do savour much of their beginning it had more of the Violent than of the Legal If any domineering Souldiers or others upon this false surmise of Duke VVilliams right to the Crown and Realm of England by meer conquest â— shall henceforth presume to claim and exercise a meer arbitrary absolute tyrannical and despotical power over our English Nation Laws Liberties Parliaments Estates Persons as over a meer conquered Nation against all Commissions Trusts Oaths Engagements Declarations and the rules both of Law and War it self being raiâ—ed waged commissioned only to defend and preserve us from conquest by the opposite party Let them know that they are far greater worser Enemies to their own Native Country than this Norman Duke or any of our former British Saxon Danish Norman or English Kings who never claimed the Crown by meer conquest in any age but only by some real or pretended Title of Inheritance or at least by a free and general election both of the Nobility Clergy and people as this King William did From the former Historical Passages concerning Harold Tosti Duke William and the Kentishmen I shall deduce these legal Observations 1. That no Tax Subsidie or Imposition whatsoever could in that age be imposed on the English or Norman Subjects by their Kings or Dukes but by their common consentâ— in their Parliamentary Councils where they were denied when inconvenient to the publike as well as granted when convenient 2. That no English or Norman Subjects were then obliged to aid and assist their Soveraigns with their persons arms estates or subsidies granted in any foreign invasive war but only left free to contribute what private assistance they thought fit in such cases 3. That no publike wars in that age were ever undertaken but by common advice and consent in great Parliamentary Councils 4. That the Kings of England in that age however they came to the Crown by right or wrong held it both their bounden duty interest safety to defend and preserve the Laws Rights Liberties of the Church and people to enact and maintain good Laws and abolish all evill Laws Rapines Exactions Tributes and to govern them justly according to their Coronation Oaths and not arbitrarily or tyrannically according to their pleasures 5. That no Freemen in that age could be justly imprisoned banished or put to death but for some hainous misdemeanors and that by a legal trial and conviction 6. That the Subjects of England then held it their bounden duties in times of forein invasion to defend the Realm their Lives Liberties Properties both by Land and Sea against forein Enemies yet they held themselves dis-obliged and were generally averse to defend the person or Title of any Usurper of the Crown against any forein Prince or other Person who had a better right and title to it 7. That our English Ancestors in that age esteemed their hereditary Liberties good antient Laws and Customs more dear and pretious to them than their very lives and would rather die fighting for their Laws and Liberties like freemen than live under slavery or bondage to any Soveraign whatsoever 8. That the Kings of England in that age could neither give away nor legally dispose of their Crowns Kingdoms or Crown Lands to others without the privity and free consent of their Nobles and Kingdom in general Parliamentary Council as is evident by Harolds answers to VVilliams Embassadours the recited passage of Matthew Paris upon that occasion and this of Samuel Daniel p. 34. So much was done either by King Edward or Harold though neither act if any such were was of power to prejudice the State or alter the course of right succession as gave the Duke a colour to claim the Crown by a donation made by Testament which being against the Law and Custom of the Kingdom could be of no validity
adventure their lives bodies soulâ— and their whole kingdoms utter ruine than part with their usurped Supremacy 10. That the most unrighteous Usurpers of the royal Throne by apparent perjury fraud force treachery will feign forge publish some specious pretext or other of Title or popular election to palliate or extenuate their intrusions to avoid the infamy of Tyrants and Usurpers and take off the Odium of their most unrighteous Intrusions of which we see footsteps both in Harold William then and Rich. 3. of late 11. That unjust Invaders of Crowns for the most part bring many miseries troubles warrs and ruins not only on themselves and their posterities but likewise on their Kingdoms and people as Harold did 12. That royal Usurpers when they are most successfull insolent and secure as Harold after his victory in the North are nearest greatest dangers and ruine 13. That such Usurpers are commonly very vigilant and industrious to preserve their own Interest and Power under pretext of the common defence and safety of the Nation yet more rely on their Mercinary forces than the unmercinary Militia of the Nation 14. That Usurpers though they may have many Flatterers and seeming Friends to write and act for them whiles in prosperity yet are commonly generally deserted both by Nobles People yea their own indeared Friends and kinred in their greatest dangers when they need them most as Harold was 15. That few English Nobles Gentry or Commons will readily adventure their Lives in a Vsurpers quarrel when and where his Title stands in competition with a better and clearer right as most of them deserted Harold 16. That the reign of perjured Invaders of others Thrones is commonly very short full of Warâ— Troubles Fears Jealousies and their ends for the most part bloudy tragical as was Harolds and Rich. 3. 17. That the sordid Covetousnesse of Kings and Generals in oppressing their people and depriving their Subjects and Souldiers of their just and lawfull spoils after victory over the Enemies is a ready means to alienate their affections and cause a defection from them to their Opposites 18. That when God hath designed a perjured Vsurpers or Nations ruine for their crying sins he suddenly stirs up unexpected Enemies and Instruments to effect occasions to facilitate it and so infatuates them that they become altogether uncapable of any good advice and reject all Propositions and Accommodations that might prevent the sâ—me as Harold obstinately did 19. That none are more forward publikely to appeal to God himself for to judge and decide the Justice of their cause and proceedings than the most perjurious and unrighteous Vsurpers That when such presumptuously and atheistically dare openly appeal to God himself for justice against their Opposites or Competitors he usually cuts them off by exemplary deaths and fatal Overthrows as he did Harold both to manifest his severe Justice and Indignation against such Atheistical and hypocritical Apellants and Appeals and to deterr all others from such practices 20. That all sacred Oathes and sworn Contracts solemnly made to others in things lawfull or indifferent be it through fear or voluntarily upon premeditation ought religiously and inviolably to be observed and not wilfully infringed or eluded by shifts and pretences as here by Harold 21. That God sooner or later doth usually avenge in an exemplary manner the perjurious wilfull breach of solemn Oathes even in Kings themselves and the greatest persons whose detestable perjury oft brings sudden destruction both upon themselves their kinred Posterity and whole Armies and Kingdoms too as in the case of Harold 22 That perjured persons fighting in a cause directly against their corporal Oaths can expect no other successe in battel but either flight or death And that one Battel may both lose and win a whole kingdom so unstable are even kingdoms themselves 23. That the barbarous murders the cruel oppressions of Innocent people are apt to stirrup a universal Insurrection against their Governors and Instruments and uâ—ually end in the dethroning expulsion death and destruction of the Authors of them of which Tosti yields us a notable president And that people when once justly enraged against such bloudy tyrannical Oppressors become altogether implacable and will never brook their future Government over them 24. That base carnal fears in times of imminent danger usually dis-joynt those persons councels forces whom the Common danger should more unite and make them desert the probablest means of their publike preservation liberty peace settlement by setting up the Right heir of the Crown as Edgar here against the Intrusions and Pretences of all usurping Invaders of the Soveraign power 25. That a few timorous Counsellors Great Persons or Clergy-men in times of danger are apt to disappoint the magnanimous resolutions and daunt the heroical Spirits of such who are most cordially affected both to their Native Countries Lawes Liberties and right heir to the Crown and to draw them to unworthy compliances with them against both 26. That stout resolute real Patrons of their Native Countries Laws and Liberties will then appear most cordially zealous to protect own and fight for them when they are in greatest danger to be lost and most disowned deserted betrayed by other timorouâ— and time-serving persons witnesse the example of Abbot Fredâ—rick Stigand Egâ—lsine and the Kentish men 27. That true heroick English Freemen preferr their old Native Liberties Laws Customs bâ—fore their Lives and would rather die fighting for them in the field than depart with them upon any Terms to a victorious Soveraign or subject themselves to the leâ—st publike Servitude the name whereof hath been ever odious to them much more the thing it self 28. That the best means to preserve our publike Laws Liberties Customs against all Invaders of them is manfully resolutely and unanimously to stand up in their defence both by words and deeds when they are most indangered That such persons Counties places who have appeared most stout and resolute in their defence when others have generally deâ—erted surrendered or betrayed them have thereby preserved secured perpetuated them to themselves and their posterities when all else have lost and been deprived of them yea gained immortal honour and precedency of all others to boot Witnesse the Kenâ—ish-men 29. That the Stoutest Maintainers of their Countries Laws and Liberties are commonly most odious to most injured oppressed by tyrannical Soveraigns though upon other pretences witnesse Archbishop Stigand Abbot Frederick and Egelsine Yet this must not deterâ— them from their duties 30. That no age or person ever yet reputed Conquest a just safe prudent Title or Pretext to the Crown of England but ever disclaimed it as most absurd and dangerous to their interests 31. That the murdering or disinheriting of the right heir to the Crown hath been the Principal occasion and ground-work of all the great sad revolutions of Government in this Island and of the translations of the Crown and Kingdom from the Britons to the Saxons from the Saxons to
the Danes and since from both of them to the Normans by the murther of Prince Alfred and rejection of Prince Edgar 32. That when Treachery Perjury Oppression Murder Violence and other sins forementioned have generally overspread the Kingdomâ— and infected all sorts and degrees of men then National Judgments Forein invasions publike Revolutions of Governours and Government yea all sorts of Calamities Warrs Troubles may be justly feared expected inflicted as the fruits punishments of these epidemical crying Transgressions 33. That Crowns and Kingdoms have their Periods and Revolutions as well as private possessions Families and that by the secret Justice and wise disposing Providence of God who disposeth translateth dissipateth dissolveth Kingdoms at his pleasure and giveth them to whomsoever he pleaseth 34. From the whole we may observe with the Chronicle of Bromton and Mr. Fox That as the English-Saxons had most unjustly against their Oathes and Trusts formerly subdued and expelled the Britons by the just judgement of God upon them for their sins out of the possession of the Throne and Kingdom of Britain by the power of the sword so God himself by divine retaliation for the like Sinnes of the English-Saxons after many years bloudy intestine warrs between themselves wherein many of their Kings multitudes of their Nobles and Millions of the Common Souldiers and people were slain and lost their lives first plagued infested them for many years and at last totally subdued and dispossessed them of the Crown and Kingdom for some years space by the bloudy Danes after that subjected them to the Normans yoke who possessed themselves of the Crown and Realm of England instrumentally by the Sword and put by both the Saxon Invader Harold and his Posterity with Edgar the Saxon heir in such sort as here you have read The Lord sanctifie all these Collections and Observations to the greatest publike good and settlement of our unsetled distracted English Nation and the private benefit of all who shall peruse them that they may aim only at that kingdom which cannot be shaken and that Crown of glory which fadeth not away not at temporal Crowns and kingdoms which are so fading transitoryâ— full of Thorns Crosses Cares Fears Vexations Tortures Perils Deaths FINIS Omissions and Errataes Kinde Reader I present thee with some Historical Passages casually omitted in their due places and such Errors as have hapned at the Pâ—ess which I desire thee to correct PAge 10. line 8. One Thunder maliciously accused Aethelbert and Aethelred two kinsmen of Egbert King of Kent educated and brought up in his Court that they intended some time or other to take away his kingdom from him and thereupon advised the King either to banish them both into some farr Country or to deliver them unto him to destroy and murder without any legal Trial or conviction of their guilt Which Thunder often instigating the King to doe and he but coldly prohibiting or disliking thereupon Thunder in the Kings absence rashly presumed ignominiously to murder them in the Kings Palace and then buried them under his Royal Chair in a Village called Estria The King returning to his Court in the dead of the night there appeared a bright pillar sent from heaven which filled his whole royal Palace with an unspeakable brightnesse which the Kings servants beholding were so terrified that they fell down to the ground and became almost distracted The King being awaked with the tumult of his Guard and being ignorant of the cause thereof arose that he might go and hear Mattens as he was accustomed And going out of his house he saw the City shining with the beams of the new splendor Upon which missing his Kinsmen he sent for Thunder and demanded of him where they were who answered him like Cain Am I thy Kinsmens keeper To which the King replied Thou hast always sinisterly accused them unto me and therefore most wicked wretch thou oughtest to shew me where they are Whereupon he informed him of their murder and burial whereat the King was very angry with him But returning at last to himself he refunded the Crime whole wickednesse on himself and being confounded beyond measure spent the residue of the night in tears When the day appeared he sent for the Archbishop Adeo-datus et Magnates quos habere potuit convocari praecepit and causing the Nobles to be called together related the whole businesse to them The Archbishop gave counsel that the bodies of these Innocents should be removed to the Cathedral Church and there interred in a royal manner Thereupon putting their bodies with Saints reliques into Coffins and Carts they intended to carry them to Christs Church in Canterbury but in vain because they could not stirre their corps nor remove them out of the place although they attempted it with much endeavour and force Vpon this changing their counsel they intended to remove them to St. Augustines Church neither yet could they effect it At last they resolved they should be removed to the most famous Monastery of Waermen â—pon which the Carts presently removed with easâ— as if they had no burden and they were buried by the High Altar in this Monastery Kinewalchus King of the West-Saxons deceasing Anno 672. Regni arbitrium Uxori Sexburgae delegandum putavit nec deerat mulieri spiritus ad obeunda regia munia ipsa novos exercitus moâ—iri veteres tenere in officio ipsa subjectos clementer moderari hostibus minaciter infremere prorsus omnia facere ut nihil praeter sâ—xum diâ—cerneres Veruntamen plus quam animos foemineos anhelantem vita destituit viâ— annua potestate perfunctam When she had reigned thus one year Indignantibus Regni Magnatibus assembled most likely in a Parliamentary Council â—xpulsa est a Regno nolentes sub sexu Foemineo militare The Nobles thereupon made Eschwin King in her place being Regali prosapia proximus next of the royal bloud quo dâ—cedente vel morte sua vel vi aliena vacantem aulam successione legitima implevit Kentianus He being the next right heir Page 24. l. 24. About the year 783 Kenulph King of Mercia Cum Episcopis Ducâ—bus et omni sub nostra ditione dignitatis gradu with the Bishops Dukes and Nobles of every degrée of Honor under his Dominion assembled in a Parliamentary Council writ a Letter to Pope Leo the 3d. â—o reunite those Bishopricks to the Metropolitical See of Canterbury which King Offa out of his hatred to Archbishop Living had severed from it and united to a new-erected Archbishoprick at Licheâ—ield alleging in the Letter Uisum est cunctis gentis nostrae Sapientibus quatenus in illa Civitate Metropolitanus honor habâ—retur ubi corpus beatae recordationis Augustini qui verbum Dei imperante beato Gregorio Anglorum genti remonstrabat et gloriosissime Ecclesiae praefuit Saxoniae pansat qui his partibus fidei veritatem inseruit This Letter with Pope