Selected quad for the lemma: england_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
england_n	crown_n	king_n	richard_n	3,753	5	8.8517	4	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A41307	Observations concerning the original and various forms of government as described, viz. 1st. Upon Aristotles politiques. 2d. Mr. Hobbs's Laviathan. 3d. Mr. Milton against Salmatius. 4th. Hugo Grotius De jure bello. 5th. Mr. Hunton's Treatise of monarchy, or the nature of a limited or mixed monarchy / by the learned Sir R. Filmer, Barronet ; to which is added the power of kings ; with directions for obedience to government in dangerous and doubtful times.	Filmer, Robert, Sir, d. 1653.	1696 (1696)	Wing F920; ESTC R32803	252,891	546

and the Bishop of Rochester were restored to the Possession of Detling and other Lands which Odo had withholden There is mention of a Parliament held under the same King William the Conquerour wherein all the Bishops of the Land Earls and Barons made an Ordinance touching the Exemption of the Abby of Bury from the Bishops of Norwich In the tenth year of the Conquerour Episcopi Comites Barones regni regià potestate ad universalem Synodum pro causis audiendis tractandis convocati saith the Book of Westminster In the 2 year of William 2. there was a Parliament de cunctis regni Principibus another w ch had quosque regni Proceres All the Peers of the Kingdom In the seventh year was a Parliament at Rockingham-Castle in Northamptonshire Episcopis Abbatibus cunctisque regni Principibus una coeuntibus A year or two after the same King de statu regni acturus c. called thither by the Command of his Writ the Bishops Abbots and all the Peers of the Kingdom At the Coronation of Hen. 1. All the People of the Kingdom of England were called and Laws were then made but it was Per Commune Concilium Baronum meorum by the Common Councel of my Barons In his 3 d. year the Peers of the Kingdom were called without any mention of the Commons and another a while after consensu Comitum Baronum by the consent of Earls and Barons Florentius Wigorniensis saith these are Statutes which Anselme and all the other Bishops in the Presence of King Henry by the assent of his Barons ordained and in his tenth year of Earls and Peers and in his 23. of Earls and Barons In the year following the same King held a Parliament or great Councel with His Barons Spiritual and Temporal King Hen. 2. in his tenth year had a great Councel or Parliament at Clarendon which was an Assembly of Prelates and Peers 22 Hen. 2. saith Hovenden was a great Councel at Nottingham and by the Common Councel of the Arch-bishops Bishops Earls and Barons the Kingdom was divided into six parts And again Hovenden saith that the same King at Windsor apud Windeshores Communi Concilio of Bishops Earls and Barons divided England into four Parts And in his 21 Year a Parliament at Windsor of Bishops Earls and Barons And another of like Persons at Northampton King Richard 1. had a Parliament at Nottingham in his fifth year of Bishops Earls and Barons This Parliament lasted but four days yet much was done in it the first day the King disseiseth Gerard de Canvil of the Sherifwick of Lincoln and Hugh Bardolph of the Castle and Sherifwick of York The second day he required Judgment against his Brother John who was afterwards King and Hugh de Novant Bishop of Coventry The third day was granted to the King of every Plow-land in England 2 s. He required also the third part of the Service of every Knights Fee for his Attendance into Normandy and all the Wool that year of the Monks Cisteaux which for that it was grievous and unsupportable they sine for Money The last day was for Hearing of Grievances and so the Parliament brake up And the same year held another at Northampton of the Nobles of the Realm King John in his fifth year He and his Great men met Rex Magnates convenerunt and the Roll of that year hath Commune Concilium Baronum Meorum the Common Councel of my Barons at Winchester In the sixth year of King Henry 3. the Nobles granted to the King of every Knights Fee two Marks in Silver In the seventh year he had a Parliament at London an Assembly of Barons In his thirteenth year an Assembly of the Lords at Westminster In his fifteenth year of Nobles both Spiritual and Temporal M. Par. saith that 20 H. 3. Congregati sunt Magnates ad colloquium de negotiis regni tractaturi the Great men were called to confer and treat of the Business of the Kingdom And at Merton Our Lord the King granted by the Consent of his Great men That hereafter Vsury should not run against a Ward from the Death of his Ancestor 21 Hen. 3. The King sent his Royal Writs commanding all belonging to His Kingdom that is to say Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots and Priors installed Earls and Barons that they should all meet at London to treat of the King's Business touching the whole Kingdom and at the day prefixed the whole multitude of the Nobles of the Kingdom met at London saith Matt. Westminster In his 21 year At the Request and by the Councel of the Lords the Charters were confirmed 22 Hen. 3. At Winchester the King sent his Royal Writs to Arch-bishops Bishops Priors Earls and Barons to treat of Business concerning the whole Kingdom 32 Hen. 3. The King commanded all the Nobility of the whole Kingdom to be called to treat of the State of His Kingdom Matt. Westm ' 49 Hen. 3. The King had a Treaty at Oxford with the Peers of the Kingdom Matt. Westminster At a Parliament at Marlborough 55. Hen. 3. Statutes were made by the Assent of Earls and Barons Here the Place of Bracton Chief Justice in this Kings time is worth the observing and the rather for that it is much insisted on of late to make for Parliaments being above the King The words in Bracton are The King hath a Superiour God also the Law by which he is made King also his Court viz. the Earls and Barons The Court that was said in those days to be above the King was a Court of Earls and Barons not a word of the Commons or the representative Body of the Kingdom being any part of the Superiour Court Now for the true Sense of Bractons words how the Law and the Court of Earls and Barons are the Kings Superiours they must of Necessity be understood to be Superiours so far only as to advise and direct the King out of his own Grace and Good Will only which appears plainly by the Words of Bracton himself where speaking of the King he resolves thus Nec potest ei necessitatem aliquis imponere quod injuriam suam corrigat emendat cum superiorem non habeat nisi Deum satis ei erat ad poenam quod Dominum expectat ultorem Nor can any man put a necessity upon him to correct and amend his Injury unless he will himself since he hath no Superiour but God it will be sufficient Punishment for him to expect the Lord an Avenger Here the same man who speaking according to some mens Opinion saith the Law and Court of Earls and Barons are superiour to the King in this place tells us himself the King hath no Superiour but God the Difference is easily reconciled according to the Distinction of the School-men the King is free from the Coactive Power of Laws or Counsellors but may be subject to their Directive Power according to his own Will

sworn to keep or not If a Soveraign Prince promise by Oath to his Subjects to keep the Laws he is bound to keep them not for that a Prince is bound to keep his Laws by himself or by his Predecessors but by the just Conventions and Promises which he hath made himself be it by Oath or without any Oath at all as should a private man be and for the same causes that a Private man may be relieved from his unjust and unreasonable Promise as for that it was so grievous or for that he was by deceit or fraud Circumvented or induced thereunto by Errour or Force or just Fear or by some great Hurt even for the same causes the Prince may be restored in that which toucheth the diminishing of his Majesty And so our Maxime resteth That the Prince is not subject to His Laws nor to the Laws of his Predecessors but well to his Own just and reasonable Conventions The Soveraign Prince may derogate from the Laws that he hath promised and sworn to keep if the Equity thereof cease and that of himself without Consent of his Subjects which his Subjects cannot do among Themselves if they be not by the Prince relieved The Foreign Princes well-advised will never take Oath to keep the Laws of their Predecessors for otherwise they are not Sovereigns Notwithstanding all Oaths the Prince may Derogate from the Laws or Frustrate or Disannul the same the Reason and Equity of them ceasing There is not any Bond for the Soveraign Prince to keep the Laws more than so far as Right and Justice requireth Neither is it to be found that the Antient Kings of the Hebrews took any Oaths no not they which were Anointed by Samuel Elias and others As for General and Particular which concern the Right of men in Private they have not used to be otherwise Changed but after General Assemblies of the Three Estates in France not for that it is necessary for the Kings to rest on their Advice or that he may not do the Contrary to that they demand if natural Reason and Justice do so require And in that the Greatness and Majesty of a true Soveraign Prince is to be known when the Estates of all the People assembled together in all Humility present their Requests and Supplications to their Prince without having any Power in any thing to Command or Determine or to give Voice but that that which it pleaseth the King to Like or Dislike to Command or Forbid is holden for Law Wherein they which have written of the Duty of Magistrates have deceived themselves in maintaining that the Power of the People is greater than the Prince a thing which oft-times causeth the true Subjects to revolt from the Obedience which they owe unto their Soveraign Prince and ministreth matter of great Troubles in Commonwealths of which their Opinion there is neither reason nor ground If the King should be Subject unto the Assemblies and Decrees of the People he should neither be King nor Soveraign and the Commonwealth neither Realm nor Monarchy but a meer Aristocracy of many Lords in Power equal where the Greater part commandeth the less and whereon the Laws are not to be published in the Name of him that Ruleth but in the Name and Authority of the Estates as in an Aristocratical Seignory where he that is Chief hath no Power but oweth Obeisance to the Seignory unto whom yet they every one of them feign themselves to owe their Faith and Obedience which are all things so absurd as hard it is to see which is furthest from Reason When Charles the eighth the French King then but Fourteen years old held a Parliament at Tours although the Power of the Parliament was never Before nor After so great as in those Times yet Relli then the Speaker for the People turning himself to the King thus beginneth Most High most Mighty and most Christian King our Natural and Onely Lord we poor humble and obedient Subjects c. which are come hither by your Command in all Humility Reverence and Subjection present our selves before you c. And have given me in charge from all this Noble Assembly to declare unto You the good Will and hearty desire they have with a most fervent Resolution to Serve Obey and Aid You in all your Affairs Commandments and Pleasures All this Speech is nothing else but a Declaration of their good Will towards the King and of their humble Obedience and Loyalty The like Speech was used in the Parliament at Orleans to Charles the 9th when he was scarce Eleven Years old Neither are the Parliaments in Spain otherwise holden but that even a greater Obedience of all the People is given to the King as is to be seen in the Acts of the Parliament at Toledo by King Philip 1552. when he yet was scarce Twenty Five Years old The Answers also of the King of Spain unto the Requests and humble Supplications of his People are given in these words We will or else We Decree or Ordain yea the Subsidies that the Subjects pay unto the King of Spain they call Service In the Parliaments of England which have commonly been holden every Third Year the Estates seem to have a great Liberty as the Northern People almost all breathe thereafter yet so it is that in effect they proceed not but by way of Supplications and Requests to the King As in the Parliament holden in Octob. 1566. when the Estates by a common Consent had resolved as they gave the Queen to understand not to Treat of any thing until She had first Appointed who should Succeed Her in the Crown She gave them no other Answer but That they were not to make her Grave before she were Dead All whose Resolutions were to no purpose without Her good liking neither did She in that any thing that they requested Albeit by the Sufferance of the King of England Controversies between the King and his People are sometimes determined by the High Court of Parliament yet all the Estates remain in full subjection to the King who is no way bound to follow their Advice neither to consent to their Requests The Estates of England are never otherwise Assembled no more than they are in France or Spain than by Parliament-Writs and express Commandments proceeding from the King which sheweth very well that the Estates have no Power of themselves to Determine Command or Decree any thing seeing they cannot so much as Assemble themselves neither being Assembled Depart without express Commandment from the King Yet this may seem one special thing that the Laws made by the King of England at the Request of the Estates cannot be again repealed but by calling a Parliament though we see Henry the eighth to have always used his Soveraign Power and with his only word to have disannulled the Decrees of Parliament We conclude the Majesty of a Prince to be nothing altered or diminished by the Calling together or Presence of the