present ingagements he would declare the naturall affection he owed a brother This weake hope the late victory and seeâ—ling baâ—ishment of his enemies looseâ—â—ed King Edward to his accustomed wantonnesse and riâ—â— For certainly never liv'd Prince whom adversitie did more harden to action and prosperitie more soften to voluptâ—ousnesse So that by the judgement on his life we may say like a stone cast into the ayre hee was by necessitie forst up to glory while his center remain'd beneath in the sence of pleasure And so improvident was his memory that he forgot the greatest injuries and resâ—â—â—ed the Archbishop of Yorke into favour not hearing so much as a watchfull eye over a reconcil'd enemy By which his counâ—â—iles were betray'd and he perswaded to a false and most dangerous securitie But the Duke of Buâ—gundy whose recreation was businesse and whose delight extent of dominion who by having long â—â—astled with Lewis the Eleventh had leaâ—â—t all the slights of warre and peace labor'd â—o disperâ—e the storme before it fell upon England Whelâ—â—â—on hee daily advertiz'd King Edward of all passages in the Court of France his intelligence holding good there and who knew how neare danger came to him should our King be overthrowne Hee advis'd him by vast promises which no way oblieg'd performance to winne some and â—owing the poysonous â—eede of aemulation to recall others As likewise to send over some great Lord into France who pretending discontent shall adhere to the faction and under hand discover all their counsailes But above all he sollicited him to rigge up and set forth his Navie whereby to prevent their landing Affirming it to bee a most ridiculous madnesse in a King unlesse urged by inevitable necessitie to stake his Crowne at a battaile against the desperation of a rebell The King contrary to this sober counsaile never endeavour'd to hinder the returne of Warwick but building on the protestations of the Marquesse Mâ—ncatute and the Archbishop of Yorke securely gave himselfe over to licenciousnesse In which interim the Earle with his retinue conducted by the Bastard of Burbâ—â— Admirall of France saild backe into England King Leâ—yâ— having furnisht him with a full supply of mâ—nies and for shouldiers hee needed no â—oâ—taine levies his name and faction was so great at home For though the Countrey by â—ivill warre was much dispeopled yet the commonalty being for the most borne and bred up in tumults were naturally addicted to armes and prone upon any innovations to take the field Neither could the Duke of Burgundy though most passionately hee labor'd it hinder the Earles landing by giving him battaile at Sea for the winds fought for Warwick and disperst the Burgâ—nian fleete the best in that age commanded upon the Seâ— casting some ships upon the coast of Scotland others upon the reâ—otest parts of Holland Neither did the King any way repent his error when hee understood the Earle was landed but presently dispatcht a messenger to the Duke intreating him to continue his Army at Sea to impeach Warwicks flight backe into France as if hee were ascertained fortune would never deny him victory So secure was he growne by an overbold presumption the bastard daughter of a long prosperitie But they whom experience had instructed to more caution pittied his mistake and foresaw the ruine And he himselfe not long after understanding how mightily the Earle increast in power began to thinke his safetie brought into hazard Which he much more beleeved when he found the Nobilitie whom he summon'd to his aide to excuse themselves and the common streame of people to ebbe wholly from his devotion And indeed even in the Citie the adverse faction was growne so strong that Doctor Gooddiard Chaplaine to the Earle at Pauls Crosse in his Sermon dared even to act the Herald and conclude Edward an usurper And thereupon to commend the most religious intentions of the Earle and to exhort the Audience to joyne with him in restoring their imprison'd Soveraigne King Henry to his Scepter and the Common wealth to libertie The credulous multitude tooke this heresie for true doctrine and with some of the zealous ignorant it so farre prevailed that in pure devotion they committed high treason But would to God the Pulpit might onely speake things sacred matters of State having roome enough to bee discust in Councell Chambers and other places erected for publike assemblies For certainly how erronious soever the tenet bee if utter'd there by a Priest with apparence of Religion it gets two much authority in the eare and too much ground upon the conscience As this opinion did which no sooner received but all began to incline to revolt and with the first retired away the late reconcild Archbishop and the Matquesse Montacute his brother both having so often and so ceremoniously vowed never to forsake the title of King Edward and both now perfidiously breaking those vowes and with the lowdest crying out Long live King Henry The trechery of Mountacute who having raisd in King Edwards name six thousand men turnd now with them to Warwicke and the generall defection of the Land threw the King downe into extreame despaire For those few Lords who constantly adheard to his declining fortune commanded over so small a number that to resolve upon a battaile were to betray themselves to slaughter And when misfortune drove their thoughts upon safetie by flight they knew not whether to resolve No Land being willing to receive that Prince who is forc'd to flie his owne But while his imaginations remaind thus confused he had hardly escapt a surprize in the night had not his former misfortune served him now for instruction And finding his stay onely begot disreputation to his quarrell and danger to his person he began his flight towards Lincolneshire But the Earlesent after him his Light Horse following with the whole body of his Army and so close did the Light Horse pursue him that with much difficultie and with losse of all his carriages in his passage thorough the Washes hee reacht Linne The Lord Hastings faithfull to the King in all fortunes and who had yet three thousand Horse under his command stayd some short time behind and now when he imagin'd the King past the reach of imminent danger he dismist his Forces and followed after At parting he commended the faith of the Souldiers to their Prince which neverthelesse for the present hee advised them to dissemble No present securitie nor hope of doing after service but by submission to the prevailing faction Ere long he promis'd to returne when a better fortune would invite them to show the loyaltie of their affections the violence of the storme being too mightie to continue and King Edward in faction at home and abroad too potent so easily to quit a kingdome however for the present he withdrew himselfe a while Having exhorted thus his Souldiers he obeyed necessity and by speedy flight went after the King Who having hired three shippes one of England and
let him enter a place sacred to our most mercifull God untill hee had granted to all there his mercy by a free pardon But this pardon betrayd them for on the Munday after they were taken out of the Church and all beheaded in the Market place at Teuxbury Among whom of principall note were the Duke of Sommerset and the Lord Prior of Saint Johns and many other Knights of great reputation and fortune By which violation of the Sanctuary he made good the opinion which the world before had conceived of him that Religion never could prevaile so farre upon his conscience as to bee any barre eyther to his pleasures or revenge The Queene halfe dead in her Chariot was taken in the battaile and not long after the Prince vvas brought prisoner to the King by Sir Richard Croft Who taking notice of the Proclamation vvhereby the revvard of a hundred pound by the yeare during life was promist to whosoever should yeeld the Princes body dead or alive up to the King with protestation not to offer any violence to his person if alive brought him unhappily to his death Which when the good Knight afterward found he repented what he had done and openly profest his service abused and his faith deluded For King Edward presently upon the delivery of the Prince caused him to be brought into his presence and intertained him with some demonstration of curtesie Mooved perhaps thereunto by the innocency of his youth compassion of his misfortune or the comelinesse of his person the composition of his body being guilty of no fault but a too feminine beauty At first it was supposed the King might have some charitable intention and resolve happily to have setled him in the Dutchy of Lancaster his Fathers inheritance a patrimony too narrow for a King and something too large for a Subject and thereupon to have enterd discourse with him whereby to make experience whether his spirit would stoope to acknowledge a Superiour He therefore question'd him what madde perswasion had made him enter into so rash an enterprise where the very attempt was rebellion being against his Soveraigne and folly being in opposition to a Prince so farre in power above him He expected an humble answer deprecatory for life or soft and gentle according to the complection either of his fortune or his face But he with a resolution bold as his Grandfather Henry the fifth would have replyed with answerd that to recover his Father miserably opprest and the Crowne violently usurped hee had taken armes Neither could he be reputed to make any unjust claime who desired no more then what had beene possest by Henry the sixt the fift and fourth his Father Grand-father and great Grandfather Kings of England And acknowledged by the approbation not of the Kingdome onely but the world and even by the progenitors of King Edward By the spirit of which language when the King perceived how much his life might threaten danger with a looke full of indignation hee turn'd from him thrusting him disdainfully away with his gantlet Which so mighty rage observ'd and his so distemper'd parting out of the roome The Dukes of Clarence and Glocester the Marquesse Dorset and the Lord Hastings seis'd suddenly upon the Prince and with their poniards most barbarously murthered him â— Of whom wee can make little mention his youth having perform'd nothing worth story though it promist much For under the governement of a Mother the worst education for a Sonne he had beene bred up untill this last sceane of life which hee acted alone and bravely so that posterity hath sence of his misfortune yet and applaudes the justice of the Almighty in punishment of his murtherers For all of them came to violent ends Glocester being executioner of the rest and of him the Earle of Richmond the next surviving kinsman of the butcher'd Prince The severity of which example holds a glasse before the eyes of the wicked and showes them how rotten is all that greatnesse which is not raised upon and maintained by vertue and as the conscience is ever after such a crying sinne inwardly tortured upon the racke of feare so seldome doth the body escape outwardly an exemplary death by violence After this generall defeate of the enemy the death of the Prince and all the great partakers with the house of Lancaster and the surprize of the Queene her selfe the King returned toward London This being the onely compleate victory he ever gain'd from which no man of eminency escaped and no man who might pretend to a competition was now preserved except King Henry and he issuelesse and in prison And to make this triumph resemble something of the Roman the King carryed with him his great captive the most afflicted Queene Margaret A woman most unfortunate to her selfe and most ruinous to this kingdome For after her marriage into England Soone finding her husbands weakenesse safe however in being directed and strengthened by sober councell she never left off inventing new machinations till she wrought him into her sole command with the destruction of his neerest friends So that to make the prospect from her greatnesse larger she broke downe and levelld his strong bullwarkes The Duke of Glocester which might perhaps a little checke her ambitious eye but being taken quite away left her open to every tempest Having therefore by fomenting dissention at home lost except onely Callice all our void territories abroad by the murther of the good Duke her Husbands Vncle shee gave liberty to the house of Yorke to make their just claime to the Crowne and in the end to put her out of that governement shee prepoâ—terously managed In her prosperity shee was rather ambitious then wanton though from the last opinion did not absolutely acquit her Which aspersion certainely was cast upon her by reason of her too intimate familiarity with some of the younger and finer Lords For the more discreete and aged either dislikt her projects or were disliked by her as persons too cautious to consult with a giddy woman Her mighty confidence in the Duke of Suffolke who wrought her marryage with England hath left the largest part of that false suspicion upon his name For who are just to her memory cannot but say beside that she was religious shee was even too busie to thinke of Love matters But perhaps the misfortune of her carriage gave some small occasion of the report Her prosperous fortune presents her to us in the worst colours a factious busie and imperious Queene â—er adverse in the best a most industrious woman to recover what her folly had lost an excellent Wife and a most indulgent Mother And had she never appear'd in action but when misfortune had compell'd her to it she had certainely beene numbred among the best examples of her Sex But now the merits of her later part of life by redeeming the errours of the former serve onely to lâ—vell her with the indifferent The time shee continued a prisoner in
title to the Crowne of England be just as man did alwayes allow in judgement and Almightie God hath approved in the successe The same title is good to the Crowne of France Both having beene united into one ever since the usurpation of Philip de Valois The peoples affection to Princes of their owne nation enacted an injurious Law that authoriz'd injustice and confirm'd the Soveraigntie in the heires Male The Female were excluded as if the distinction of kind could make a difference in right and the being borne a woman were to bee borne illigitimate for the Law Salique in a manner bastardizeth the whole Sex Your great Ancestor Edward the third whose name and magnanimity you inherit with his Sword abrogated this Law And call'd the Lawmakers to a severe acacount at Crecie and Poitiers where more veines of France were opened and more blood issued then any time records Considering the small numbers of the English In the later of the two battels John Sonne to Philip of Ualois laboring to make good the pretentions of his Father was taken prisoner and so continued lesse then a free Subject by endeavouring unjustly to be a Soveraigne The little handfull of men with which the English then opposed the vast armies of the French not onely showing the high advantage the Nation hath in courage But the miraculous justice of the Almighty who delights to make the destruction of Vsurpers his owne Worke and not to permit man by his power to rivall heaven in the punishment Your Majesty needes not History to perswade you to the quarrell or example to assure you of the successe The justice of the claime will easily prevaile with you to draw againe your sword which hath beene hitherto almost still unsheathed in vindication of your right And that with so much prosperity that they who admire your valour and direction applaud your fortune But if the nature of man delighted in the felicities of peace should advise your Majesty to satisfie your mind with the triumph of those victories you have already purchast Yet neither a just revenge nor discreet pollicy will admit it For how can England remaine safe from future injuries and acquit her selfe in honour against those who have heretofore affronted her if France where all the late combustions were first conceived remaine unpunished The huge body of the civill Warre lies now a dead trunke wounded to death by your arme but yet Lewys of France the head of that monster though contrary to the ordinary course of Nature retaines still a life and quickens mischiefe hourely against this Kingdome least otherwise his owne be not secure And should your Majesty out of desire to avoid the further effusion of Christian blood permit him to continue in the unjust possession of a Kingdome he would interpret his safety and your mercy to be either a blind ignorance or a degenerate feare And from your lenity draw the boldnesse to prepare new troubles against your quiet And if it be not an over much care in a confederate and an allye to make so narrow a scrutinie into your Majesties affaires Our Master beleeves that this warre will not be unnecessary for the present state of England In regard this way those many evill humours gathered in the body of the Kingdome by the late disorders will be easily purged away or at least diverted Seeing experience teacheth us how impossible it is for a Nation nurst in civill war suddenly to embrace a peace and endure a severe government And should the discontented not vent themselves thus abroad how dangerous it might make the disease at home is easie to be conjectured But all this showes only the justice and necessity of your warre Preparations great enough to oppose a King of France yet we have not toucht upon And that indeed is it our Master gave us in our instructions most to acquaint your Majesty withall As by which it will be most apparent how without any reflection upon his owne occasions he invites you to this undertaking For his Highnesse understands how farre this overture lyes open to a false interpretation considering his enmity with King Lewys did not the circumstance of the businesse show how your Majesty is rather desired to a triumph then a battle Never had France so many enemies so powerfully united and never so few friends if shee may be said to have any For except onely the poore Duke of Lorraine who happily may be a burthen never an aide to any Prince wee can hardly reckon a confederate For so trecherous have beene all King Lewys his arts so dissembling his nature that the world hath concluded it much safer to be at enmity with him then upon the fairest termes His friendship having ruined some his armes never any man In confederacy with our Master and in absolute resolution to invade France are the Duke of Brittaine and the Count Saint Paul Brittaine able of his owne Subjects to bring a powerfull army into the field Saint Paul by his kindred and intelligence to cause a generall revolt of all the nobility from the King And indeed such hath beene the carryage of that polliticke Prince for that epethite his poore shifts have got him that a continuall contempt hath beene throwne by him upon the great Lords and a most neere familiarity enter'd into with the basest people His barber being more acquainted with the affaires of state then the whole body of his Councell This preposterous course of favor hath made the greatest states of the Kingdome scorne their present King and reflect upon your Majesty whose comportment in warre and peace hath beene such as justly makes your triumph in the generall affections of your many friends and utter destruction of your enemies If it may therfore please your Majesty to admit of that greatnesse your high descent hath title to and your Predecessors ' have had possession of The armes of these great Princes are prepared to serve you Our Master first honoured your Majesty as a potent neighbour great in your selfe as in dominion Then by marryage he grew into the neerest degree of correspondence the title of Brothers a ceremony used betweene Princes being of due in alliance between you two Lastly he had the happinesse which Potentates seldome have though with some trouble to your Majesty to enjoy entire familiarity By which those other respects common among persons of like quality and which are often but weake tyes of amity converted into a perfect friendship So that this desire his Highnesse hath to advance your Majesties glory and command proceeds onely from love to the posterity of your person and iust claime With How powerfull forces he will concurre to this great action hath beene of purpose omitted Because the world hath had sufficient testimony how able his Highnesse hath beene to oppose if not oppresse King Lewys without borrowing aid from a confederate He therefore intreates to know your Majesties resolution whether you will passe over and personally make your
owne claime to the Crowne Your Majesties onely presence being of power to raise a fuller armie in the very heart of France then yet ever King of England led to conquer France This overture tooke generally with the great Lords who in their infancyes by their Nurses having beene told no stories but of our triumphs in France and those tales imprint deepely in the memory and now for many yeares ever acquainted with the warres at home embraced danger as the onely meanes to honour Moreover an appetite of glory mingled with a noble emulation of the prowes of their Fathers made every man of name thrust forward to this action Neither were the more covetous backeward considering they were to warre with a richer and a more effeminate nation and not unlikely to returne loaden with spoyle if not to remaine there in a fertiller and a pleasanter Country The Souldier who was in a manner all the gentry of the Land for the civill warres had engaged them all to the study of armes rellisht this businesse more then the great Lords For they having beene bred up in the free licence of warre abhord to be circumscribed within the narrow bounds of the Lawes which never have absolute power but in peace So that the whole body of the Kingdome passionately affected the quarrell and by their universall acclamations in praise of it perswaded the King soone to declare his assent Whereupon sending for the Embassadors he showed his resolution to the warre which hee would undertake in person and that very Spring for it was now presently after Christmas transport his Forces into France He desired therefore to understand in what readinesse the Duke of Burgundy had his army and where he would appoint the place for the English to joyne and which way should first be taken To which the Embassadors made answer that the Duke had his Forces so well prepared that if the King would nominate a certaine time when he would be at Callice the Duke would be sure three moneths before to waste the whole Country belonging to the French and to have his men so expert that they should be able to instruct the English unacquainted with the place And as for transportation of his Souldiers they desired his Majesty not to perplex himselfe in regard his Highnesse would provide boats for that purpose Then that the King might perceive how faithfully the Duke dealt with him they showed the Articles agreed upon betweene the Dukes of Burgundy Brittaine and the Count S. Paul to joyne in a warre offensive against King Lewys As likewise a Catalogue of the names of all the great Lords of France who held secret intelligence with them and who would revolt from the French King soone as the Dukes army tooke the field With this so satisfactory answer the Embassadors returned to the Duke who in this attained the ambition of many yeares working For all the feare which troubled his busie minde was least King Edward won by the practises of King Lewys might be induced to side with France or else to remaine a neuter And indeed the last he suspected most knowing the nature of our King so prone to voluptuousnesse to which the noyse and trouble of the warres never gives free licence He therefore by continuall Embassies kept him constant to his resolution and with larger promises of supply and clearer apparences of successe prickt forward his ambition to the enterprise But all these arts were needlesse for the King was forward to the quarrell Either out of a brave emulation of Henry the fift his Predecessor of the other line or out of a confidence as easily to throw King Lewys out of the throne of France as he had King Henry out of the Soveraignety of England or perhaps not to appeare backeward in an attempt of glory when the expectation of the kingdome called upon him to arme For unlesse some malice rancord in the genius of our Nation against the French the Saxon governement having received a finall overthrow by them in the conquest of Duke William though to that great businesse conspired all the adjacent Countries it would be our wonder why the English were never sparing of their lives or treasure when any warre might be advanced against the French And of this so extraordinary forwardnesse in his people the King tooke a great advantage To compact the body of this enterprise money the nerves and sinues of warre were wanting The ordinary course for supply was by Parlament and that at this time was held difficult if not impossible In regard the King but a little before had dissolved the assembly having received for discharge of his debts a large contribution and to urge them to a second aide would probably end in distaste if not in denyall Neither could it appeare lesse then extreame exaction to force the Farmers who make up the greatest number in any payment to yeeld to asubsidie considering the precedent troubles of the Kingdome had utterly impoverisht them by hindering tillage and all good husbandry And for the Nobility who pay a large share in all generall collections they for the most prepared themselves for the expedition And it could not but rebate the edge of their courages to be at a vast charge not onely in the particular setting forth of their owne persons and their retinue but in the generall preparations There was therefore a new way found out by former ages never knowne without oppressing the Commons to supply the King the name it bore was a benevolence though many disproved the signification of the word by their unwillingnesse to the gift and it was cunningly and discreetely required onely of the better sort of people who were knowne to have a plentifull revenue And especially of such whom ease and wealth were likely to detaine at home Knowing that the heaviest burthen might be laid on them without a publicke murmur as men hated by the Souldier and upon whose prosperity ever attends a common envy In advancing this contribution no pollicy was omitted either by private menaces or publicke entreaties Some came in led by feare not knowing to what indignation a denyall might provoke the state Other cunningly perswaded to a vaine hope of enjoying the Kings particular favour by their forwardnesse Few granted it for love to the enterprise Most onely because their neighbours did it and they wanted courage to disobey example In History a Widdow is much spoke of who having freely and somewhat above the proportion of her estate contributed twenty pound received from the King a kisse Which his so extraordinary favour extraordinary to a Widdow declin'd in yeares so overjoy'd her that she doubled the summe and presented it to the Collectors By which slight passage a judgement is easie to be made of the Kings nature either of it selfe full of humanity or without difficulty bending to the lowestcurtesie when it any way concern'd the advancement of his profit By this art monies were raised and now nothing was wanting to
the expedition The universall language of the Kingdome being of the warres and all exercises military No person of blood or quality but prepared for the journey except onely those whom infancy or extreame age exempted or the necessary administration of the Common weale And all they who went emulated each other in the glory of their armour the richnesse of their pavilions the bravery of their horses furniture and servants apparell Every man being held so farre to recede from honor as in his preparations he exprest an unwillingnesse to the businesse The army consisted of fifteene hundred men at armes fifteene thousand Archers eight thousand common Souldiers beside three thousand Pioners appointed to guard the ordinance and the carriage Three thousand good souldiers were sent into Brittaine to joyne with his forces and assault France on the other side All things disposed in so full a readinesse the King sent over to the Duke of Burgundy to acquaint him with the state of the army and to know in what forwardnesse businesses were on that side Who returned answers full of confident promises and exhortation to the King to make all possible haste over the Summer comming on a pace which if past further without action would indanger the losse of the whole expedition for that yeare He assertain'd him moreover of certaine Townes under the governement of the Count S. Paul which should be surrendred into the Kings hands for retreat to the English upon any occasion of the badnesse of weather or fortune And indeed how weake soever the Duke knew the condition of his army yet fearefull he was to expresse it least the King should take advantage to give over the undertaking The Kings nature being knowne diseased so much with the love of peace that the Duke was justly suspicious how sound soever it appeared for the present it might upon the least distemper fall into a relapse Vpon these assurances from the Duke the King gave order that all his Forces should repaire to London Whence after some few moneths spent in preparations he marcht toward Dover But before he tooke shipping that the progresse of the Warre might be the more successefull the beginning was made according to the old heroicke straine of bravery For the King sent a Herauld over with a letter of defiance to Lewys of France in which he was required to surrender up to the King of England the Realme of France as due to him by the lawes of inheritance and violently wrested away from Henry the sixth by Charles the seventh and as unjustly possest by Lewys By which voluntary resignation of the Crowne was showed how without effusion of blood the King of England should be inabled to restore the Clergy and Nobility to their ancient greatnesse and priviledges and the Commons to their liberty Of which they had all beene so cruelly deprived by the injurious usurpation and tyrannicall government of Charles and Lewys It shovved likevvise hovv farre the Kingdome of France in generall vvould by this receive benefit considering it would be eased of all those many and unsupportable exactions which by those covetous Princes had beene laid upon it It concluded with a threatning of all the mischiefes accompany warre and an absolute despaire of all future mercy or care to bee had of Lewys his provision if upon so faire an admonissiment and summons given he refused to yeeld the Kingdome This Letter saith Comines an Authour of that time happy in vvriting many cunning particulars of the Princes hee serv'd but rude in the art of History and ever blemishing the glory of our Nation was pen'd so elegantly both for language and matter that hee beleeved it vvas beyond the abilities of an English wit A bold and ridiculous censure For how could he who was borne no Native of France and never had beene instructed in any learning judge of language Or how of the witty contrivance of the Letter since in his owne History which is received by the world with so universall an applause there is an apparent defect in order and method And without vanity our Nation may assume to it selfe the praise considering the narrow limits of the Island to have produced as many Schollers admirable in all degrees of knowledge as any Country on this side the Alpes Neither was that age though according to the necessity of the time more expert in armes then arts without excellent wits famed for literature But this digression the reader must pardon a sence of our Nations honour thrust my pen out of the way if this be from the purpose Whatsoever the Letter was in the composure it was such in the substance that it discomposed King Lewys and troubled all his imaginations Hee read it softly and fearefully which was beneath that part of understanding he was most Master of even pollicy it selfe For it could not but beget strange interpretations in the Court when the message of an enemy delivered publickely by letter should be kept concealed The demand must probably be easily conjectured and this silent way of answering could not but procure suspicion that his resolution might discend to yeeld more then became a Prince But in the manage of this as in all other businesses King Lewys delighted to give order alone and show his authority independant of any Councell without perplexing himselfe at all to satisfie opinion Having read the Letter he withdrew himselfe into a Wardrobe and commanded the Herauld to be brought to his presence To whom hee in answer to the Letter said That he knew the King his Master had not resolved upon this enterprise out of his owne disposition but overcome by the sollicitation of his people and the perswasion of the Duke of Burgundy and the Count S. Paul His people infatuated with a vaine presumption of victory because heretofore the successe of their wars in France had beene fortunate never considering the disparity of the state of things or the uncertainety of events especially where fury and fortune two blind powers beare the wholesway The Duke of Burgundy loving warre for it selfe and having rashly engaged himselfe into many quarrels out of desire to draw the King of England into his dangers or at least at anothers cost to beate the bargaine of peace to a lower rate The reason why he had so laboured King Edward to take armes and revive an absolute title to the kingdome of France being onely for his owne preservation which was threatned by all his injured neighbours or else as it is reported of people diseased of the Plague in envy to the health of other Nations desirous to infect even his neerest allies with the contagion of his quarrell As for the Count S. Paul who had ever subsisted by dissimulation and setting division betweene Princes whereby his assistance either for the prosecution of the warre or conclusion of peace might be required as necessary All his hopes in this quarrell were onely to fish in troubled waters and by an universall combustion to raise
the chance of warre why was not an honorable peace to bee prefer'd Especially since if wee had faild in the successe how wretchedly had our forces beene broken in opinion and how impossible on the sudden to re-inforce the Armie And if the French had declin'd the battaile into what necessities had wee falne the Summer almost paste and both Burgundie and S. Paul refusing to let us have townes to winter our men And if wee looke upon the peace it selfe nothing is in it disadvantagious to our honour or profit Considering it brought not onely a great present summe and annuall revenue but brought it from the then greatest Prince in Christendome enforc'd by feare And for convenience the marriage of the Kings daughter to the Dolphin could not be but esteemed of maine consequence why then wonne that apothegme so much reputation that reported our King to have gain'd nine battailes in which hee personally fought and never to have â—ost any but this Since in this hee overcame a Prince of farre greater power then hee ever fought with before with no disadvantage but that the victory was purchast without blood which should be esteemed an addition to the glory of it And if you cast your eye backe upon the course held in the most famed Empire and especially in the Roman which was the noblest you shall finde they never refused their friendship to any Prince who supply as Lewys of France to King Edward requested it And tooke more glory to have Kings their tributaries then their Kingdomes farm'd out to a more profitable revenue But of this enough and but enough since it tends onely to vindication of the English honour which the French vaunted so much to have suffered in this treaty In which they thinke us by their wits miserably overreacht and perhaps indeed wee were if the articles be onely judged by their feares and not by the difficulties of our army at that time and the just jealousie of the King that his confederates intended not his but their owne businesse The newes of this Peace no sooner came to the Court of the Duke of Burgundy but in all hast he poasted to the English Campe attended onely by sixteene Horse The distraction of his looke and gesture exprest the wildnesse of his thoughts so that the whole Army discovered his discontent before he utter'd it His first addresse to the King was in question of the truth of the common report that spoke a peace concluded betweene him and King Lewys Which when he was resolv'd was true hee presently broke into a most passionate fierce language Obrayding the King with inglorious sloath and the indefatigable courage of former Kings of England upon whose attempts waited ever the noblest victory He made a scornefull repetition of the mirth his enemies would make at his returne as if hee had come over with so huge an Army Merchant like to trafficke for a little mony and the contempt hee must needs become to his owne people when they should perceive the great conquests their contributions have brought home And when it was intimated to him that he and the Duke of Brittaine were included in the Peace he disdainefully rejected it protesting the love he bore the English name not care of his owne safety had perswaded King Edward to this enterprize And to show how little dependancy his Fortune held on any other and how without mediation of an allye he was able to make his owne peace he vowed to conclude none with France untill the English army had been three monthes at home After hee had throwne forth these disordered speeches in much discontent hee left the King Who wondered to heare himselfe to disdainefully intreated Having seldome beene accustomed to any language but what was pollisht to delight by flattery But they who misliked the Peace commended the spirit of the Duke overjoyed to heare their unquiet thoughts which feare restrained from utterance so freely spoken But the Count Saint Paul assertained of this accord was seized upon by a farre other passion For by dissembling with these three Princes in hope to winne into love and reputation with the more fortunate hee had offended them all so farre that hee knew not to which confidently to flye for refuge France was irreconciliable because he had beene ever in practise against the quiet and safety of that state and who both by the tyes of allyance as having marryed the sister of King Lewys his wife and loyalty as who held much Land in France and executed the place of Constable being oblieged to seeke the preservation of his Country had for many yeares nourisht treason and sometimes brought the Crowne it selfe to the hazard Then from England or Burgundy there was no probability of friendship both having beene deluded by his promises and in the last businesse at S. Quintin provoked to the highest indignation For although the English onely sustained the losse in point of safety for the present expedition yet in point of honour the Duke had his share in sufferance Hee having before the Kings passage out of England covenanted for the faith of the Count Saint Paul But certainely the misery of a petty Prince is lamentable and his estate most unsafe when there is any jealousie growing betweene his more potent neighbours For Neutrality is incompatible with his fortune in regard his Country shall then lye open to the spoyle of every army if he deny to declare himselfe and if he declare himselfe he must run the hazard of anothers Fortune And oftentimes the very scituation of his Principality enforceth him to take part not with the stronger or juster but with the nearer neighbouring as in danger of whose rage his estate is most subject But in addition to the misery of his Fortune S. Paul had the unquietnesse of minde raised up into a high ambition by the cunning of wit For he had so many and so farre fetches in his imaginations and of them some had prospered so much to his advantage that it made him presumptuous of his abilities to dissemble and therefore continue in it till at last the discovery tooke away all beliefe from his after pretentions and happily too from his reall intentions But among the greatest of his misfortunes is to be reckoned the time he lived in For had he not met with so polliticke a Prince as Lewys of France who had likewise the start of him in good lucke he questionlesse might have attained some one of those many designes he so wittily and probably contrived But in the conduct of their affaires Princes shall finde a discreet honesty not onely toward God but even to the depraved World the safest rule of humane actions For the absolute dissolution of a state was never knowne to happen by observance of faith or Religion and seldome in the time of a good Prince I meane if his goodnesse were active not over-ruled by evill Counsell to misgovernement S. Paul in this distraction of thoughts endeavoured to recover a
Any superstition being nourisht in the subject which tended to advance the reputation of their Prince especially when his actions are doubtfull to bee understood The night that ensued the enterview many of the English nobilitie resorted to Amiens the French affabilitie and something too of curiositie inviting them The Lord Howard who was alwayes foremost in his application to King Lewys at Supper whisperd him in the eare that hee conceiv'd his Master might bee perswaded without much scruple to make a journey to Paris where by a friendly entertainement the new begun amitie might be perfected But the wary King had no desire to bid so dangerous a guest to Paris for feare the delicacies of the place might invite him either to a too chargeable continuance there or to such a love of the French aire that it might perswade him to returne hereafter thither though unbidden Hee therefore chid his owne overforward straining a complement and was forc'd to the invention of an excuse to take away discurtesie from denyall of that before ceremoniously he had offerd he answer'd the Lord Howard thereupon suddenly and to the outward judgement seriously that hee was extreame sorry the necessitie of his unsetled state would not afford him licence for so much happinesse being presently to make an expedition against the Duke of Burgundie Who was busie in his preparations against him so that with safetie yet hee could not attend the pleasures of peace Which answer gave but a halfe satisfaction but the Lord Howard was devoted to his affaires and that made the rellish of it better with the King But that the King might neither reape all the benefit not yet beare all the blame of this peace there were few Lords great in opinion of the state but shared proportionably in the bootie Even the scrupulous Duke of Glocester returnd not home without a large present both of Plate and Horses For when hee saw the whole streame of the Armie flow into King Lewys either out of curiositie or in pollicie loath to particularize an enmitie upon himselfe from so potent a Prince he went to him at Amiens where hee found a respect answerable not onely to the greatnesse of his blood but to the extent of his judgement and authoritie But with him King Lewys dealt with more circumspection knowing it impossible to winne ground upon him by any slight or strength of wit The good affection of all the other Lords he bought up according to the ordinary course in Markets As they were worth more in the Kings esteemation so were they at a higher price with him The principall men of name who were in pension as wee find them in History were the Lord Hastings Lord Chamberlaine to the King the Lord Howard Sir John Cheiney Master of the Horse S. Anthony S. Leger and Sir Thomas Montgommery Among these beside the present guifts hee annually distributed sixteene thousand Crownes and exacted from every man an acquittance for the receit Which no man refused but onely the Lord Hastings denying absolutely that ever his hand should be seene among the Kings accounts at Paris but welcom'd still the pension which without that formalitie was continued At how high a rate King Lewys prized his amitie with England by this profate liberalitie a qualitie so contrary to his parcimonious disposition is easily to bee judged But how lawfull it was in the receivers I will not too severely censure For although in this Kings raigne as likewise in the time of Henry the seventh many of the great Counsellors were in pension to Lewys and afterward to his Sonne Charles the eight yet is hard to judge how it could agree with the decorum of their dignitie It being much beneath the honour of a noble mind to owe any part of their revenue to a Prince whose safetie and advantage must never be in the first place of their care In peace it may happily not carry any apparence of disloyaltie because by their good offices they may deserve that way of gratitude but in times of jealousie and especially of enmitie it can no way bee allowed For though the Pensioner give no underhand intelligence prejudical to his Country yet by a certain necessity of gratitude it stops the freedom of advice and renders him however undeserving to the one Rewards are given for forepast merits pensions to retaine in future he therefore who receives a pension obligeth himselfe tacitly to the service of two Masters And oftentimes the second in his thoughts is that Prince to whom hee owes a naturall dutie An extrordinary way of benefit begetting an extraordinary diligence And hence proceeds that maladie in the body of a state which inclines it so totally to one side that all injuries how grosse soever are connived at from one neighbour while from another the least shadow of offence begets mortall warre But if these pensions bee receiv'd with approbation of the King certainly as they are lawfull so likewise are they lesse dangerous for then the state is armed against the advice of such whom they know to leane to one side The crookednesse of counsell being easily discern'd when not boulsterd up with simulation of integritie And questionlesse the distribution of these Crownes like a dangerous poison disperst it in some principall veines of a body infected the whole Court And though perhaps the secret resolutions of the King and state were not betray'd to him yet was his intelligence larger than convenient for so cunning a neighbour Who out of slight and triviall occurrences such as were but Chamber talke could guesse at the most reserv'd counsels Neither would those so apparent affronts offer'd by him afterward have beene so patiently dissembled especially the King knowing him a timerous Prince and who trembled at the very thought of a returne of the English into France had not they whose advice was most listend to passionately excused him in every charge the more zealous statists layd to him But these mischiefes the yeares succeeding were guiltie of for the present the King full of joy and treasure returnd toward Callice And indeed with more then ordinary haste and caution for feare the Duke of Burgundy should attempt any thing upon his retreat But with safetie hee both came thither and sayld to Dover whence in much pompe he directed his journey to London Vpon Black Heath the Lord Major and the Aldermen in Scarlet and five hundred Commoners in murrey receiv'd him and thence with all ostentation of triumph conducted him through the Citie to Westminster And perhaps hee gave order the solemnitie of his returne should bee more glorious to set off the shortnesse of his stay in France and the small or no honour purchast there The vulgar for the most part valuing the glory of the victories according to the information of the Ballad and the glittering of the Pageants The French King who ever affected the substance smild at these huge shadowes and never quarreld with King Edward what pompous titles soever
But onely out of consideration of the difficultie Since the townes were of strength to make resistance against the most powerfull Army that every Fort would require much time charge in the gayning and if gain'd would prove as costly and difficult to keepe The people though naturally prone to innovasion and upon the slightest grounds ready to rebell yet by no Art to bee so tamed as to indure the yoake of a stranger And if the conquest was still to be made good by Garrisons of English the natives being both unruly and unfaithfull It would draw much blood and treasure from England and returne neither honour nor profit Neverthelesse the King offer'd immediatly to declare himself in common league against the Dutchesse and to leade over an Army royall into her territories promising to share in all future danger if hee might be admitted to share in what was already conquerd But that the French denyed as loath ever to quit possession yet never so peremptorily refused any proposition as to let the English perswaded by despaire to enter into new counsailes even in their denyalls leaving some way open to expectation During this time spun out to the utmost length by these tedious negotiations the French effected their ends and almost undid the afflicted Princesse Who left no way untried that might leade her into a perfect friendship with the English and engage their armes to her defence Among the rest she tryed one which being singular in the event deserves a particular observation Either by her commission â—or premission a motion was made of a marriage betweene her and George Duke of Clarence who had lately buried his Lady By which very overture shee doubted not but the King ambitious of so ample a fortune for his brother would runne into her quarrell But as sometimes Phisicke misapplyed it wrought a contrary effect and with other circumstances procured his ruine For he having by the levitie of his actions weakned his reputation with the world in generall and particularly drawne a hatred from the Queenes kindred upon him the King and the Duke of Glocester likewise having him eyther in contempt or jealousie stood in a manner alone So that the very first whispers of this marriage were heard with emulation by some with scorne by others and with dislike by all Which gave occasion that his destruction was suddenly plotted and almost as suddenly executed For the King although he owed his restitution to the Crowne when he expel'd from England to the Dukes revolt from Warwick yet he remembred more perfectly the unnaturalnesse of his first rebellion And howsoever hee showed outwardly all the arguments of a reconcil'd brother yet certainly the memory of the injury at first remaind deepely imprinted in his minde So that Clarence by his after service never regain'd that place in the Kings heart which his former disloyaltie had forfeited This he perceiv'd and repind against and the King understanding that hee resented the truth hated him yet the more And so farre grew this hatred that no discourse was more harsh to the Kings eare then that of Clarences marriage with the heire of Burgundie By which it was suspected he being inabled with power might hereafter prepare for revenge For according to the disposition of man he saw all his actions in a flattering glasse Looking upon his revolt from his brother as on an errour of seduced youth and on his returne back as on so great a merit that it lay scarce in the Kings power to recompence The King enjoying by it all the greatnesse he possest Richard Duke of Glocester upon whose nature and friendship he built most deceived him most For Glocester who studied nothing but his owne purposes and cared not by what violence all obstacles of nature and friendship were removed so the way were plain'd to his ambition endeavord to adde more poison to their discontent Knowing bad intentions never receive growth but from mischiefe Hee therefore perswaded him to bee sensible of the Kings neglect and boldly to expresse his sufferance A silent patience being in a subiect loyaltie but in a Kings brother cowardize While on the other side he whisper'd the danger of Clarence his spirit apt to receive any discontent and wanting onely power to seeke unlawfull remedies Whatsoever counsaile came from him receiv'd by the King with more attention and beleefe in regard of his great judgement and professions of love to his brothers And indeede Glocester much disdain'd the advancement of Clarence this way not that hee had any particular ground for malice but onely that he hated any man and especially a brother should have the start of him in fortune But the Queene and her kindred shallower in their spleene spoke loud against him while Glocester deepe in mischiefe was not heard to murmur For they suggested continually to the King with what contempt they were intreated by Clarence how all their honours were mentioned as mockeries Aâ— if the King wanted power to conferre his favours according to the discretion of his owne bountie They urged the memory of his rebellion at his first marriage with Warwicks daughter and the much more danger of his intentions in affecting so much greatnesse in the second And so farre by aggravations of every slight errour wrought that the King was willing to have his brother suffer but onely wanted some offence capitall enough to make his death appeare an act of necessitie and iustice not of plot and malice It is generally receiv'd among the vulgar and wants not the approbation of some Cronicles that the chiefe ground of the Kings assent to his death was the misinterpretation of a prophesie Which foretold that one the first letter of whose name was G. should usurpe the Kingdome and dispossesse King Edwards Children Of which there is much of probabilitie however by his other actions I should not judge the King easie to beleeve in such vanities For credulitie in that nature falls for the most part upon weake minds as those of women and children or upon the timerous whose apprehensions are softned to receive every slight impression or upon the over-zealous whom an evill regulated pietie bends to superstition And with these three the King had no participation in honour Yet this serv'd for the present and carried with him a strong accusation against the Duke for this prophesie was alledged to be spoken by some of his servants who by Negromancy had understood this from the Devill Which with other circumstances serv'd to hasten the King in this foule mischiefe The Duke was in Ireland the Countrey that gave him birth during the time of these contrivances nothing suspecting any designe against himselfe Vpon his returne to the Court hee understood that Thomas Burdet of Arrow in the Countie of Warwicke Esquire who ever was dependant upon him and ranne his fortune had beene in his absence apprehended indighted arraign'd and executed all in the compasse of two dayes The crime upon which his accusation was principally
of Armes and never so forward to any quarrell as against the French from whom they ever reaped victory and treasure And concerning money the strength of an Army the Exchequer was full enough without any burdensome imposition to beginne the warre It was therefore questionlesse a surfet brought this great Prince so suddainly to his end For who observes well the scope of his pleasure findes it to have beene placed much in wantonnesse and riot the two mightie destroyers of nature And commonly those excesses with which wee solace life we ruine it Hee dyed upon the ninth of April 1483. at his Palace of Westminster and was interred at Windsor Sixtus the fourth being Pope Fredericke the third Emperour Fardinand and Isobella King and Queene of Arragon and Castile Iohn the second King of Portugall Iames the third of Scotland and Lewys the eleventh of France Betweene whom and King Edward as there was much intercourse in businesse so was there great concurrence in fortune Both began and ended their raignes in the same yeares both were held in jealousie by the precedent Kings Edward by King Henry Lewys by his father Charles the seventh both had titles disputable to the Crowne The house of Lancaster usurpiug against Edward the house of England clayming against Lewys Both were perplext with civill warre and both successefull Lewys infested by an insolent Nobilitie Edward by a Saint-like Competitor Lewys victorious by act Edward by courage Both were rebeld against by their owne brothers Lewes by Charles Duke of Berry Edward by George Duke of Clarence And both tooke a severe revenge Lewys freeing himselfe from so bosome an enemie by poysoning Charles Edward by drowning Clarence Both ended this life with apparence of much zeale Edward religiously Lewys something superstiously Both left their sonnes yet children to inherit who dyed issulesse and left the Crowne to their greatest enemies Edward the fift to his Vncle Richard Duke of Glocester Charles the eight to his kinsman Lewys Duke of Orleans But who lookes upon the lives of these two Princes on the other side may as in a table which presents severall faces perceive as great disparitie But I am onely to give you the picture of King Edward without flattery or detraction which is rare in history considering authors fashion for the most part Idaeas in their mindes and according to them not to the truth of action forme a Pince which though happily iâ— winne applause to the writer is a high abuse to the reader BUt this King was if we compare his with the lives of Princes in generall worthy to be â—â—â—berd among the best And whom though not an extraordinary vertue yet a singular fortune made conspicuous He was borne at Roane in Normandy his father at that time Regent in France The â—o satall division betweene the houses of Yorke and Lancaster with him in a manner having both their birth and growth For as he the faction of his family gatherd strength His education was according to to the best provision for his honour and safetie in armes A strict and religious discipline in all probabilitie likely to have softned him too much to mercy and a love of quiet He had a great extent of wit which certainly bee owed to nature That age bettering men little by learning which howsoever he had wanted leisure to have receiv'd The Trumpet sounding still too loud in his eare to have admitted the sober counsailes of Philosophy And his wit lay not in the slights of cunning and deceit but in a sharpe apprehensition yet not too much whetted by suspition In counsaile he was judicious with little difficultie dispatching much His understanding open to cleare doubts not darke and cloudie and apt to create new His wisedome look'd still directly upon truth which appeares by the manage of his affaires both in peace and warre In neither of which as farre as concernd the pollitique part he committed any maine errour T is true he was over-reacht in peace by King Lewys abused concerning the marriage of his daughter In warre by the Earle of Warwicke when upon confidence of a finall accord he was surpriz'd But both these misfortunes I impute to want of faith in his enemies not of iudgement in him Though to speake impartially his too great presumption on the oath of a dissembling Prince and want of circumspection a reconciliation being but in treatie cannot scape without reprehension His nature certainly was both noble and honest which if rectified by the strait rule of vertue had rendred him sit for example whereas he is onely now for observation For prosperitie raisd him but to a complacencie in his fortune not to a disdaine of others losses or a pride of his owne acquisitions And when he had most securitie in his Kingdome and consequently most allurements to tyrannie then showed he himselfe most familiar and indulgent An admirable temperance in a Prince who so well knew his owne strength and whom the love of riot necessitated to a love of treasure which commonly is supplyed by oppression of the Subject The heavie fine upon Sr. Thomas Cooke and displacing the chiefe justice blemisheth him with violence and a vorice But that severitie and the other when hee began to looke into the Poenall Lawes were but short tempests or rather small overcastings during the glorious calme of his government And what soever injurie the subject endured was not imputed to the King But to Tipâ—oft Earle of Worcester and some under informers Or else to the Queene and her necessitous kindred The world either judiciously or else favourably diverting all envie from his memory Great judgement in leading his armies and courage in fighting personally speakes him both a daring Souldier and an expert Commander And the many battailes hee fought in all which he triumpht delivers him as much to be â—â—mired for his militarie discipline as his happy successe Fortune not deserving to have all his mightie victories ascribed to her gift Valour and good conduct share at the least with her in the fate of warre But as in armes he appeares most glorious to posteritie so likewise most unhappy For all those bloody conquests hee obtaind were against his owne nation And the greatest adversaries he over came neere in consanguinitie to him so that he may more properly be sayd to have let himselfe blood then his enemies or rather for preservation of his owne body to have cut off his principall and most necessary limmes For beside those many Princes of the house of Sommerset Buckingham Excester Oxford Devonshire Northumberland Westmerland Shrewsbury and finally the tree it selfe and the onely branch Henry the sixt and his Sonne Prince Edward He slew even the Earle of Warwicke and the Marquesse Mountague Two brothers who having lost their father in his quarrell hazarded their lives and those mightie possessions and honours which peaceably they might have enjoyed onely to advance his title But this was rather his fate then his fault and into this Sea
THE HISTORIE OF EDWARD THE FOVRTH KING OF ENGLAND BY WM. HABINGTON Esquire LONDON Printed by Tho. Cotes for William Cooke and are to be sold at his shop neere Furnivals-Inne Gate in Holburne 1640. TO THE KINGS MOST SACRED MAIESTIE Sir AN Humbler Dedication would seeme to lessen the memory of that great Prince whose History I here lay downe at your feete Your Majestie is heire to those Crowns his happy courage regain'd from the long and violent possession of a most Potent Family What can then by any Title appertaine to him but must be injustice to offer to another His life presents your eye with rugged times yet smooth'd by a prevailing Fortune and a just cause Faction begot many tempests but Soveraigntie found a happie calme in the destruction since no gentler way had authoritie of mighty opposers When we your subjects looke backe upon that age how ought we to congratulate the present Wherein free even from the noyse of warre we have hitherto by the excellent Wisedome of your Majesties government lived safe and envied The Almighty grant all your people knowledge of their owne felicity and their mindes so disposed that their blessings may feele no interruption May your Majestie long continue in peace the comfort and honour of these times and the best example for the future But if you shall be forc't to draw your sword may your enemies submit and tastpart of your mercy if not perish in your Victories This is the prayer of your Majesties Most Humble most Loyall and most Obedient Subject WM. HABINGTON THE HISTORIE OF EDWARD THE FOVRTH KING OF ENGLAND RICHARD Duke of Yorke overthrowne by his owne rashnesse and the happie conduct of Queene Margaret at the battaile of Wakefield left the justice of his Title with a more prosperous fortune to his Sonne Edward His head during life busied with expectations of Soveraigntie after death was mockt with a paper Crowne and fixt on a pole was set on the walls of Yorke For the Queene to make his pretentions to the Kingdome the common scorne forgot that compassion she owed humaine calamitie and in a phantasticke cruelty exposed it thus to the barbarous mirth of the be holders With him dyed his younger sonne Edmond Earle of Rutland then but twelve yeares old comming too soone with his tutor to the schoolâ— of Warre and learning at first the sharpest lesson from the Lord Clifford who most inhumanely â—tab'd him prostrate at his feete intreating but for life In the very Haven after a long and tempestuous voyage thus perisht the Duke of Yorke as if it had beene in the fate of al the Richards who were either in fact oâ— title Kings of England to end by violent deathes Richard the first and second preceding him His sonne Richard the Tyrant and Richard Duke of Yorke his Nephew following him in the like disaster though severall wayes and upon different quarrels This great overthrow was suddenly rumor'd through the whole Kingdome and stretched up to the highest to advance the reputation of the Queenes felicitie And soone it arrived at Glocester where Edward Earle of March lay with some small forces expecting directions from his Father By whose death perceiving himselfe in so foule weather to sit alone at the helme he began more warily to steere his course and considering how dangerous leasure is to increase the apprehension of misfortune removed to Shrewesbury By the way his armie swel'd up to three and twenty thousand fighting men which might appeare strange if we weigh the necessary unexperience of his youth being then but eighteene yeares of age and the slender retinue that usually weights on infelicitie But now he was the head of the great body of that faction which his Father at the expence of so long trouble had purchased to his side and them the Queenes nature implacable to mercy made resolute onely to hope for safety by running into the common danger Moreover all the men of power who inhabited betweene Glocester and Shrowsbury had dependancie on him as heire to Mortimer or held in chiefe of his mighty confederate the Earle of Warwicke With this sudden and unexpected accesse of forces he entertain'd a confidence to be able to revenge his fathers injurie and obtaine that greatnesse as yet had beene in vaine attempted Hee therefore lookt about where he might on the best advantage make experience of his fortune Fortune appearing easie to be courted as if enamord on his youth having beene seldome observed but froward to age in any designe that depends chiefely upon courage And occasion was immediately offerd certaine discovery being made of a great power raised by the adverse party with purpose to surprise him in the amazement of the late misfortune The Armie consisted of Welch and Irish according to the severall Nations of the two Commanders Jasper Earle of Pembrooke and Jaems Earle of Ormond Pembrooke halfe brother to Henry the sixt as sonne to Queene Catherin dowager to Henry the fifâ— by Owen Teuther and Ormond a most faithfull servant to the house of Lanchaster by whose gift in England he enjoyed the Earledome of Wiltshire Against these two the Earle of March led backe his Forces and in a large plaine neere Mortimers crosse on Candlemas day in the morning gave them battell Before the fight the Sunne as by many Authors it is averd appeared to the Earle in the resemblance of three Sunnes and suddenly united into one the truth of which I will not dispute But certainely the pretension of such apparitions strangely prevailes with the superstitious multitude and hath beene both the practise and advantage of the most expert Commanders Yet how this omen could bee expounded happie to his de signe I understand not unlesse we seeke the interpretation from the event for that indeed gave him the victory and brought the glory of the two adverse Generalls over to his side so that the three Sunnes which with equall brightnesse appeared in the morning before evening shin'd alone in him For the two Earles and the whole Armie were put to flight with the slaughter of three thousand eight hundred on the place many Welch and some English of name were taken prisoners and afterward at Hereford beheaded among whom an extraordinary fortune hath made Owen Teuther most the discourse of Posterity For the good luck of an amiable person wrought him into the affection and soone after advanced him to the marriage of Catherin daughter of France and Widdow to the most glorious Prince our Nation ever gain'd honour by Yet all that this so envied splendor in a wife got him was to render his life obnoxious to imprisonment and faction and his death more eminention a scaffold This victory raysed Edwards imaginations high so that now he resolved to spend his fortune no longer on small enterprises And least the spirit of his Armie should begin to languish having no enemie neere to finde him in imployment he resolved to search for one about London whether he had
absolute ruine to his hopes For though here hee heard first the comfort of his being father to a sonne yet was this sonne borne poorely in Sanctuary and christned without the ceremonies belonging to a Prince and if fortune beyond expectation alterd not heire apparent onely to his fathers misery Neither did that wild insurrection of the men of Kent which ensued presently upon his flight effect any thing or so much as openly pretend for King Edward But some disorder'd companies gathering into one hoped to fish faire in the troubled streame of the Kingdome and by the advantage of the present distraction of state to purchase treasure to themselves Whereupon they directed their march if such straglers can bee said to march towards London where by the Earle of Warwick and the Lord Major they were soone supprest and some for the generall terror made examples in their punishment But after this all things tended presently to quiet and King Henry set at libertie went in solemne procession to Pauls Church the Clergy Nobility and Commonalty reacknowledging all obedience to him And as if there were left no memory of King Edward or hope to re-establish his title every man addrest himselfe to King Henry and all his former servants recover'd their lost honours and places But that this might not appeare to be the act of faction but the universall consent of the Kingdome a Parliament was summond wherein nothing was denied which the prevailing partie thought fit to be authoriz'd King Edward therefore and all his adherents were attainted of high treason their lands and goods confiscated He and his posterity for ever disabled to inherit not onely the Crowne but any other hereditary estate His claime to the kingdome rejected as a most unjust pretention and his former government condemn'd as of tirannous usurper And that there might be a great example of their justice John Tiptoft Earle of Worcester Lord high Constable of England having beene apprehended in the Forrest of Waibrige on the top of a high tree which exprest the precipice of his fortune was on the Tower bill beheaded Next they proceeded to intaile the Crowne upon King Henry and his beires males for default of which to George Duke of Clarence and his heires forever By which inâ—â—ile the â—arle of Warwicke showed not onely the extent but the insolency of his greatnesse iâ—â—â— if the title of the kingdome appertained to them who were nearest in alliance to him not next in blood to the Crowne For if the justice of Lancasters claime had the preheminence for wâ—â—t of issue of King Henry why should not the soveâ—â—inty fall to the Duke of Soâ—â—â—inerâ—set Or iâ—â—haâ— line were crooked in respect of baâ—â—idie why not to the house of Portugall without any blemish desâ—ending from John of Gâ—int Or if the house of Yorke bad the better title why was George Duke of Clarence thâ—â— set downe but second in the liâ—â—â—ile Or if the right were in Was wick himselfe for his power order'd and disorder'd all why was the kingdome to descend first of all to the younger daughter But preposterous ambition never knew how to give an account to reason Their were â—he â—â—â—leâ— of Oxford Pâ—â—brooke and mâ—â—y otherâ— restored to their â—states and â—ilâ—s and â—he Duke of Clarence that greater hopes â—â—ight â—â—â— invite him to reâ—â—â—â—st to his brother possest of the Dutchy of Yorke And lastly the government of the King and kingdome â—o â—â—mitted to the Duke of Clarence and the Earle of Warwick so that King Henry in whose best of fortune it was never to possesse more then the name of King seem'd not to be set at libertie but onely to have changed his keeper and get his prison somewhat more enlarged But Queene Margaret and Prince Edward though by the Earle recald found their fate anâ— the winds so adverse that they could not land in England to taste this running banquet to which fortune had invted them And stayd so long by necessity that disâ—â—â—tion instructed them in the end there was no hope of felicitie scarce of safetiâ— in then returne The re-establishment of King Henry in the kingdome by the universall acclamation of the Parliament and the generall silence of â—â—â— other â—â—â—â—ion â— no man so much as mentioâ—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â—â— of Yorke to â—â—led â—hâ—â— servour of respect with which the Duke of Burgundy had aâ—â—â—â—st imbraced â—â—â—â—g Edward Especially which the tâ—â—ison'd â—â— Mouâ—siâ—ur â—â—itleere was apparens for of â—â—â—iceâ—â—â—â— â—â—â—â— the King and the Duke ever thought themselves secure he having declared himself â—â— for faithfully they rewarded him so liberally But â—ow the â—â—aytor turn'd his iâ—â—â—â—â— outward and with the loudest proclay â—â—â—â—â—â—â— joy for the prosperitie of Warwicke And so farre did vanitie of his former services betray him that he boasted even hiâ— treason for merit And what ev 〈…〉 ageâ— the King sent to him he rejected with sâ—â—â—â—e to â—â—â—â—se 〈…〉 ne â—â—iable affront hee wore enamel'd iâ—â— hisâ— hâ—â— the Beare and raggeâ—â— staffe the Earles â—â—â—â—â—zance The neglect which accompanied his adversitie made the King weaâ—y of any â—uither dependaâ—â—â—eâ— and urge the Duke to have licence for departing For although the Dutchesse neglected no duty of a sister and wooed him most passionately to a longer stay yet so little had his fortune instructed him to patience that neither love nor fright of danger could detaine him longer For the Duke was distemperd with such an ague of discurtesie that those fits which before came but every third or fourth day became now quotidian neither knew the King to how high and dangerous a malice the disease in time might rise His importunitie therefore in the end prevail'd and underhand obtain'd a large supply of money and some men Foure great Shippes of Holland and foureteene of the Easterlings men of warre well arm'd he hired for the transportation of his Forces Which consisted of the English who accompanied him in his flight and had escaped over after him and two thousand Dutch men With the Shippes hee convenanted that they should serve him till fifteene dayes after his landing and to the Dutch Souldiers hee gave such large promises that they vowed their lives to the greatest crueltie of his Fortune At Ravenspur in Yorke-shire he landed where the people naturally devoted to the house of Lancaster showed in the malice of their lookes what evill lucke they wisht him though they wanted courage with their armes to oppose him Which so dismall aspect made him more wary in his march to Yorke fearing it might presage the generall rising of the Countrey But when hee came thither and found the Citizens so well pleas'd with the present state and so in their opinion confirm'd for King Henry hee began to despaire the recovery of the Crowne And in that resolution perceiving them obstinate beyond any hope of remove fashion'd his behaviour to a new art Whereupon since he could not move them to obedience by the authority of his unquestion'd right to the Crowne by
wanting age to take armes and who shortly appeared to threaten no lesse dangerous They desired him as he respected confederacy with England and the common pollicy of Princes not to disobliege the King by comforting his enemies and succouring such who could bring nothing but ruine to their abettors Neither to preferre faith to two miserable exiles before love to a Prince who had both the power and intention to joyne with him in any warre that might tend to the safety or honour of his Dutchy They concluded with an earnest request that he would deliver up into their hands the two fugitives that such order might be taken as was safest for the present state Or if the too scrupulous observance of an oath perplex'd him that at least such care might be had that they might neither attempt confederacy abroad or a power to enable them to returne home The Duke made answer that in point of honour he could not condiscend to the Kings first demand having upon their arrivall there given them his word But for the second part he would beyond the Kings owne desire consult for the safeguard of his Majesty and restraining them from any power to attempt new enterprizes And perhaps as it would preserve his reputation clearer to the World so would it more advance the Kings purpose to let them remaine in Brittaine rather then to have them returned into England Considering at home they had a great kindred and by the slaughter of the rest were growne chiefe of the faction of Lancaster Whereas if they continued with him they should be in a free but a safe custody in a Country where they were so farre from power that they wanted acquaintance And that himselfe would narrowly looke that no discontended persons should resort to them or that they should make their addresses to any other Prince Whereupon he intreated his Majesty to consider him as a Confederate most religious in maintenance of that amity heretofore so happily begun and hitherto so faithfully maintaind With this answer the Embassadors return'd and the Duke made good his promise to the King For presently he remooved all their English servants and set Brittaines to attend them who did rather observe then serve them Men who cunningly markt not onely who made their dependancies upon them of the English or with what people they held intelligence but even their lookes and sent the Coppy of them into England oftentimes with a false interpretation Then that two together might not animate each other and enter into dangerous Councells they were kept divided and all communication either by language or letter absolutely interdicted And that both being in the same sufferance might not conspire to the same escape there was a guard set upon them who narrowly though respectively waâ—châ— them So that we may guesse this great care the King tooke for their restraint to have wrought a strange effect Richmond esteeming himselfe more considerable as he was more suspected and by the feares of the King making valuation of his owne pretences Great thoughts crept into his minde by the circumspection of such great Princes and the vulgar both abroad and at home began to beleive for they alwayes thinke there are strange depths even in the shallowes of Princes actions there was much mistery in Richmond title and danger in his liberty Whereas had he lived unsuspected by the King he had perhaps dyed unobserv'd by the world By this negotiation with Britaine having secured himselfe of these two Earles who might endanger trouble to the kingdome at home he began to looke abroad whether yet hee had never liberty to cast his eye His pleasures or dangers higherto so taking up his time that he had onely serv'd his appetite or safety But now hee had quieted all civill troubles and even rooted up the very feare of warre hereafter He therefore thought it necessary to looke first upon France a nation which had made benefit of our ruine and while we busied our thoughts and courage in destruction of each other recovered so much life they were growne dangerous Of their farther growth the King was fearefull and resolv'd if he could not make them lesse at least to keepe them at a stay Whereupon having intelligence of a marriage in agitation betweene Duke Charles brother to Lewis the Eleventh and then heire apparent to the Crowne and the daughter and sole heire of Charles Duke of Burgundy he endeavoured by all art to breake off the treaty For he considered how formidable the French would grow to our kingdome should the so large territory of the seventeene Provinces with the other dominions of the Duke be added How they would then be enabled to revenge those many injuries the fortune of our victories had done them when we should be left to our owne armes the Burgonian by whose aide we had enterd and conquerd France now prepared to warre upon us How France superiour alwayes to the English in multitude and extent of territory and defective onely in commodious Havens would by this be enlarged with a mighty Sea coast and as good men for Navigation as the world then had By which they would have absolute command at Sea and keepe us within the narrow limits of our Island If they would permit us that These considerations made the King sollicit both the Duke of Brittaine and the Count S. Paul the two earnest meditators for Duke Charles to desist from farther negotiation in the marriage Brittaine he moved to reflect upon his owne danger if Charles should survive King Lewys as by course of yeares it was probable and have so great an Empyre under his command That greater Princes like greater Rivers swallow up the lesse and after a while retaine no memory of them And if he presumed upon the friendship betweene him and Duke Charles and the many courtesies done him it was a trecherous hope that never yet kept faith That Brittaine never enjoyd all the priviledges appertaining to the Dutchy but when France was disabled to infringe them VVith the Count S. Paul he dealt another way by representing to him the neere friendship that ought to be betweene them too in respect of the so neere alliance being Vncle to his Queene By which he intreated him not to urge a businesse so prejudiciall to the safety of the Crowne of England which in a neere degree concern'd his owne blood VVithall he advised him to take care of himselfe and not to exasperate too farre King Lewys to whom the treaty of this marriage was most unpleasing in regard to the safety of his owne estate To foment discord betweene brothers being injurious to religion and unsafe to pollicy For Nature reunites them and throwes both their mallices on him who occasioned the first breach and who for the most part is yeelded up a sacrifice to the reconcilement He concluded with the madnesse of his actions who would provoke the just anger of so subtill and so revengefull a Prince for the fraile amity
a suspence of armes and to desire a firme peace in future They there offerd if the occasion of beginning this warre were as it was pretended to give the English full satisfaction So that he could have no colour of continuing in hostilitie but onely a desire to execute his indignation upon a Countrey already sufficiently destroid For concerning the marriage they were prepared when it should please the King of England to accomplish it And for any other injury offered to the English they were ready to make restitution The Duke of Glocester returnd in answer That his comming thither was to right the honour of his Countrey often violated by the Scots and restore the Duke of Albanie unjustly commanded to exile to his native soile and the dignitie of his birth As for the marriage of the Prince of Scotland with the daughter of England he knew not how his brothers resolution stood at the present whereupon hee required repayment of the money lent to their King upon the first agreement And withall a delivery of the Castle of Barwicke up into his hands without which hee protested to come to no accord But the Scottish Lords labourd by all meanes to have avoided the surrender of a place so important by pretending how anciently it ever appertaind to their Crowne by parting with which now they should appeare at too deare and base a price to have purchast peace No argument could prevaile against Glocesters resolution whereupon they yeelded Barwicke with covenant too by no Art hereafter to labour the reduction of it They likewise appointed a day for restitution of all those monies lent by King Edward and promise upon a full discussion to make satisfaction for all damages done the English by any inroade of the Scottish borderers And for the Duke of Albanies provision whose safetie in this expedition was principally pretended a generall pardon for him and his followers was granted together with an obolition of all discontents Whereby he was reinvested in all his former dignities and places and by consent of the nobilitie of Scotland proclaimd Lievetenant of the Kingdome With this Lord the Duke of Glocester endeavor'd a most entire friendship and by all industrie imployd for his advancement in authoritie studied how to make him firme to his purposes if occasion should hereafter present it selfe to require his ayde And questionlesse howsoever the fortunes of these two Dukes accorded not in every point yet there was in their ambitions some kind of sympathy Both being brothers to Kings and both the Kings by the insolencie or licenâ—iousnesse of their actions become obnoxious to a publicke scandall But Albanie had the advantage in a more deserv'd and universall hatred to the King his brother whereby he might not improbably expect to bee King in fact however his brother were in title And Glocester had the start in that the King his brothers ease apparently tended to the shortning of his life and then he remaining the onely Prince of the blood fit to governe was not unlikely to governe as King both in fact and title To the advancement of any such designe a perfect amitie with Scotland Glocester could not but imagine most necessary Haying therefore setled businesses there with all increase of glory to the English name and by consequence to his owne hee return'd to Barwicke which according to the former agreement had beene yeelded to the Lord Stanley Thence in all solemnitie of greatnesse hee came toward London to yeeld an account of his prosperous enterprize By the way permit the honour of this action to bee divulged to the greatest applause whereby to insinuate his reputation into the opinion of the Commons and to show how much more nobly he in this expedition against Scotland had managed the peace for honour of the English nation then his brother had in his undertaking against France Considering that in lieu of a little money which King Edward got from King Lewys he had taken the onely place of strength whereby the Scots might with safetie to themselves have endangerd us And brought them to what conditions he appointed forcing the King to immure himselfe while the English at libertie spoild the Countrey and possest themselves of his capitall Towne of Edenborough And farther by Glocesters flatterers it was urged that if their Generall had but had commission ample enough hee would not have returnd without reduction of the kingdome of Scotland to the Crowne of England Obedience to a superior command fixing so suddaine a period to his actions And certainly in this expedition the Duke of Glocester laid the foundation of all his after atchievements for here having by a free spoile of every towne except onely Edenborough purchast the affection of the common Souldier whose aime in warre is gaine and licence and by sober order and great courage together with a brave zeale ever to bring honour to his side wonne estimation from the nobler sort hee began to imagine himselfe reputed generally onely unhappy in wanting a good title to the kingdome The difference betweene him and his brother the one possest the other deserv'd the Crowne And his thoughts farther flatterd him that it could not prove hereafter difficult upon any hansome occasion to perswade the people who already thought him worthy also to thinke it fit to make him King But these his blacke intentions came not yet to light and indeed they were so monstrous that they would not onely have manifested the uglinesse of their shape had they now appear'd but like imperfect and deformd births beene buried soone as produced Cunningly therefore by simulation of a most serious love to his brother and publiquely ascribing the whole glory of the action to his direction he declin'd suspition Being welcom'd by the King with all the demonstrations of joy who congratulated his owne felicitie in having with so little charge and no losse tamed all the insolency of the Scots and reduced Barwick He therefore to show how much he approved the conditions of the peace went solemnly in procession from Saint Stephens Chappell accompanied with the Queene and a mightie retinue of the greatest Lords into Westminster Hall where in presence of the Earle of Angus the Lord Grey and Sir James Liddall Embassadors extraordinary from Scotland the peace was ratified During the warre with Scotland and after the conclusion of this peace the King discoverd to the people his naturall disposition Which being bountifull and courteous farre from the proud state then in practise with the Tyrants of the East begot a generall affection and made the subject comparing their felicity with the misery of their fathers to blesse the present government The administration likewise of the Lawes being orderly without violence or partialitie caused all the former injustice to be cast either upon the licence of warre or the predominancie of some faction The King absolutely quit in opinion And even from lust which was reputed his bosome sinne toward the later end of his life he was