so shamfully auoucheth the contrary The second act enacted or Statute saith he made in that high infernal Consistory was concerning Church Abbey lands c. all which must be vnder the holy Society of Iesus presently vpon the establishing of the spiritual monarchie which done their Father General must cal out 4. Iesuits and two secular priests who must be also demy Iesuits these six vicars I pray God not of hell for of heauen they are not like six Duch peeres shal haue the lands meanes c. resigned ouer to their hands for to allow to Bishops persons Vicars c. a competent stypend only to liue on euen as the Turkes Bassaes Genisaryes do lyue vnder him Thus wryteth he as out of the said book wherof no one word is there but all to the contrary The third Statute saith he was made concerning the nobility gentry such as to omit others Sir Robert Cecil Sir Iohn Fortescue c. with sundry other knights and Squyres all which were limited by that blynd prophane parlament what retinue they should keep how much should be allowed them to spend yearly c. And do yow not think these men to be more then half frantick that publish such deuises in print The fourth Statute saith he was made concerning the common lawes of this land consisted in this principal poynt that all the great Charter of England must be burnt all the manner of holding lands in fee simple fee tayle franke almayne c. must be brought into villany schoggery and popularity c. Thus he saith but if yow read the book it selfe yow shal find the playne contradictory of all put downe in the said Memorial For in the fourth Chapter of the third part therof which is intituled Of the Innes of Court and study of common lawes c. the whole course of the same lawes is persuaded to he continued with supply of some points that may be found wanting and reformation of others that may be abused so as all this heer alleadged is a meere fiction in the ayre The fifth Statute saith he was concerning Calumniation with a prouiso in the forsaid Statute that whosoeuer did offend a Iesuit or speak against this high Counsel of Reformation it should be lawful for the Fathers or their Synodical ministers to defame detract calumniate him or her at their pleasure be who they shal be noble peere or Prince Bishop Cardinal or the Pope himself c. To this deuised Statute we know not what ro say seing there was neuer any such word or thought The sixt Statute saith he in the forsaid high Counsel of Reformation may wery wel be called the Statute of Retractation which is a hoate counterblast to the former horneblast of Calumniation it goes vnder the tenour of a prouiso that if such such things do happen then the persons defamed contemned and condemned ad inferos aliue shal be as highly exalted aduaunced and elcuated ad caelos after their death c. This they wryte which being matters of meere madnes as yow see and neuer dreamed of by the author deserue only contempt and compassion for answere especially seing that in the end of all their babling about this book of reformation Statutes therin conteyned they conclude their whole treatese thus Happie were some men yf they might but haue a sight of that Statute book c. No doubt but he should fynd notable stuffe in it that would serue for many purposes c. This he seemeth to say of himself cōfessing herby that he neuer saw the book by him impugned so that whatsoeuer he hath set downe in almost 20. pages togeather against the same is not ouely without book but also must needs be forged and deuised hy himself And this is sufficient to shew the mans honesty and the credit of his compagnions and cause All which being considered litle more needeth to be said in this place for direction of discreet prudent Catholiks how to beare themselues which is the argument of this Chapter in this tyme of controuersy and contention raysed by the common aduersary and mayntayned by his instruments wherin we can say no more but as the holy Apostle S. Iohn said vnctio docebit the sweet direction of Gods holy spirit wil be a sufficient guide vnto Catholiks in this behalf and the discretiō or discerning of spirits so often and highly commēded by S. Paul and by vs before recommended wil yeild aboundāt light for the same For he that shal but a litle consider with himself on what side goeth the spirit of modesty patience longanimity obedience truth charity mortification feare of God and the like and on the other side the playne contrary spirits of clamors rage reuenge enuy and emulation audacious speches disobedience contempt resistance temerarious assertions false and slaunderous asseuerations as out of their books haue byn shewed He that wil weigh further with himself where how and when and by what men and against whome and vpon what causes and motiues these emulations and contentions were first begone and haue byn continued synce and what manner of men out of all sorts of discontented people haue runne vnto them against their Superiors maisters Fathers benefactors what ends the most of thē haue had or are like to haue according as in our Apologie we haue declared He that wil ponder moreouer how and by whome this great worke of Englands conuersion was begonne and hath byn mayntayned synce and is brought to the state wherin now it standeth and that the vnion of this body hath euer consisted in due subordination of one to another which these men now cannot abide it wil be very easy to frame a sound iudgment of the whole cause and men that handle it For first denyed it cannot be that priests and Iesuits ioyning all togeather at the beginning of the Seminaryes both at Doway Rhemes Rome and other places afterwards to wit D. Allen D. Saunders D. Stapleton D. Bristow D. VVebbe many other graue men of our nation togeather with the help credit and assistance of the Fathers of the Society both there and els 〈◊〉 did set this cause first on foot and haue promoted the same euer synce with conioyned labors of teaching preaching wryting bookes and the like and God hath prospered their labors as by the effects we see which being so it is easy to perceaue what spirit this is now which goeth about to seperate and disioyne all this agayne vnder fond and odious pretences that they are of diuers bodyes of diuers Societyes and of different vocations c. Is not this that diuelish spirit of dispersing so much detested by Christ himself in the ghospel Consider we pray yow who do gather and who do disperse And then further yf we consider wherfore these dispersers haue made all this trouble and diuision all this foule breach in our publike cause
ouerthrow therby the Popes institution of the Archpriest their intention must needs be consequently to exclude all Papal authority and iurisdiction from the kingdome of England except the prince of what religion soeuer agree thervnto VVhich doctrine of what quality it is no man can but see And for better explication therof we are in this place to aduertise the Reader that albeit we haue said so much already in our Apologie about this matter as was needful for that place and the obiections made by these people did require yet hauing both thought and sought more of that poynt since by occasion of the often vrging it we find somwhat to be added heere to wit that the Appellation to Rome in the first instance which there we mentioned was rather an antecedent or preamble to the law it selfe of Premunire then the cheefe substance therof which preamble was begon specially vnder K. Henry the second in the cause of S. Thomas of Canterbury about the yeare 1170. and continued on vntil towards the later end of the raigne of K. Edward the 3. to wit about the yeare 1375. which was but a yeare before the said Kings death when VVickclif now had begone to styrre against Cleargie men and the king being impotent permitted the gouernment most to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster his fourth some at great variance in those dayes with the bishops namely VVickam and Courtney the first of VVinchester the second of London and himselfe not a litle incensed with Iohn VVickcliffes new diuelish persuasions against the cleargy and religious men VVherfore a contention being in those dayes about the collation of benefices and bishopricks in England wherof the Popes were wont to dispose for the most part they concluded in England after many contentions and disputes and many sendings forth and back to Auinion in France where the Popes at that tyme resided that such prouisions of benefices should not be sought nor made from the Pope immediately for the tyme to come but only in England by consent of the prince and confirmation afterward of the Pope for the most principal benefices and dignityes and whosoeuer should contrary to this procure prouisions immediately from the Pope or any other power or iurisdiction contrary to this lawe should incurre the penaltyes therof And this to haue byn the only true meaning and intent of the said law and lawmakers that were Catholiks is euident by all authors that haue wrytten therof And in this sense there is no controuersy among vs for that later Popes haue eyther agreed thervnto or permitted the same and we see the like in vre also in other Catholike countreys at this day by agreement and composition betwene the Sea Apostolike Princes and Catholike Cleargie But besides this sense and meaning of the law there hath byn another inuented by heretiks and enemyes synce that tyme as though by this law all external iurisdiction of the bishop of Rome should be vtterly excluded from England not only in prouiding of benefices whervnto are annexed temporalityes but euen in matters also meere spiritual In which sense K. Henry the eight Father of her Maiestie was persuaded by some of his Counsel infected with Luthers Doctrine at that tyme to condemne the Card. of Yorke and all his English Cleargie in the losse of all their temporalityes by pretence of this law for admitting the authority and iurisdictioÌ„ of the Popes legats Campegius the said Cardinal without the kings expresse licence And in this sense also hath the Popes authority byn called forrayne and external and vtterly excluded from England by diuers lawes statutes oathes set forth by Protestants against the same since that tyme. And in the same sense and signification being plainly false and heretical as yow see do these libellers vrge it now against the Archpriest and others that admit and approue his authority though meerly spiritual as all the world seeth as hauing nor benefice nor temporality annexed to it or ioyned with it And so we see with what kynd of people these men are drawen by passion to conspire and iump The third point of their argumeÌ„t in this book is to shew that nether the Pope nor any other ecclesiastical power what soeuer hath any authority to restrayn punish or presse by way of force or armes immediatly or by others any Christian teÌ„poral prince whatsoeuer for any delict of heresy Apostasy impugnation of Christian faith extirpation of religion or other cryme whatsoeuer though neuer so much danger or damage should eâ—sâ—e by his default to the commouwealth or to the rest of Christendome And this irreligious paradox they go about to maintayne throughout their whole book alleadging fond childish argumeÌ„ts for the same as that the word of the spirit not the swords of the flesh or any arme of man is that which giueth life and beauty to the Catholike Churche and that the promise made to S. Peter is a sure and sufficient ground to defend Catholike religion without armes And other such faÌ„cies which the Anabaptistes do vse to proue that there should be no external force or ciuil magistrate vsed by Christians and as Martyn Luther disputed when he would prooue that warre was not to be waged against the Turke for religion especially at the Popes direction And yet are our men so confident in these their follies as they are not ashamed to say in the same place to Catholiks Giue no eare deare Catholikes to any priuate VVhisperings or Iesuitical persuasions to the contrary all arguments that can be brought assure your selues are false and vnlearned sophistifications Thus they say and thus they assure Catholiks but much more sure are wee that this is pride ignorance â—olly and falshood in them for that they cannot but know that all the Catholike learned men of Christendome are against them in this position and that the proofes and reasons which they alleadge for the same called by these men heere priuate VVhisperings Iesuitical persuasions and vnlearned sophistications are so learned and weighty as they are not able to answere one of them and if we should heere set downe the ranke of authors that haue wrytten of this point within these 400. yeares as also in our dayes against heretikes and atheists and conuinced the same by most learned demonstrations both out of scriptures councelles fathers and theological reasons to wit that albeit directly the supreme pastor of Christs Churche according to the coÌ„mon opinion of diuynes haue not temporal dominion or iurisdiction ouer christian temporal princes that are supreame in their owne states yet indirectly for conseruation and defence of religion when it is impugned or put in hazard by them he may also vse the sword or help of temporal forces for his restraint eyther immediatly from himself or by other princes at his direction if we say we should cyte heere all the learned Catholike authors of all nations that haue wrytten and
benefices but ample commission rather for all parts with a sufficient stipend to liue vpon vntil things be better setled Lo heere that which is spoken to great good purpose for some few preachers only to be free from any particular charge and this for a while to the end they may attend to all places is turned odiously by these men to all priests in general VVhat wil yow say of this malitious kynd of dealing but the narrownesse of this place suffereth vs not to passe herein any further There remayneth then the third part of this book concerning the laytie conteyning the Prince with his counsel the nobility communalty and hath this title in the first chapter therof Of the laity temporalty in general of their agreement and concurrance with the Cleargie most needful for both their good the difference also of both their states And then the Chapter beginneth thus By that which I haue spoken in the first Chapter and second part of this memorial about Cleargymen the difference and distinction may appeare that is betwixt these two principal braunches of a Christian and Catholike comon-wealth to wit the Cleargie and layty which is a distinction obserued from the very beginning of Christian religion and the primatiue Church as may appeare by the first second third eight seauenty and diuers other cannons of the first general Counsel of Nice where often mention is made of this distinction And before that againe Tertullian a most learned and auncient wryter not only setteth downe the same distinction of cleargy and lay-men as receaued generally in his tyme but sheweth also and reprehendeth earnestly the emulation and enuy that euen then begonne by art of the diuel to be in diuers of the laity against the Cleargie c. VVe cannot prosecute the rest at large but only giue yow a gesse what manner of matter it is which ensueth by the first entrance and so the next chapter being of the Prince and the counsel begynneth thus As the Prince in euery common-wealth is the head and hart from whence all lyfe and vigour principally cometh vnto the same so aboue all other things is it of importance that he be wel affected and disposed and so much the more in England aboue other countreys by how much greater and eminent his authority is and power with the people more then in diuers other places by which meanes it hath coÌ„men to passe that England hauing had more store of holy kings in ancient tymes then many other contreys togeather came to haue also religion and piety more aboundaÌ„tly setled by their meanes then diuers realmes about them c. Thus there The 3. Chapter is of the nobility and gentry beginning in these words By the nobility of England we do vnderstand according to the fashion of other countreys not only noble men of title but gentlemen esquyres knights and other degrees that be aboue yeomen husband men and the communalty in which inferior sort of nobility beneath Barons I meane of knights esquyres and gentlemen there is not that distinction obserued betwixt their degrees in forraine countreys as in ours and I take ours farre the better and more laudable order This nobility then and gentry being the cheef members of our Realme are carefully to be preserued by our Catholike Prince in their ancient honors dignityes and priuiledges and whatsoeuer iniury or disestimation hath byn layd vpon them these later yeares by occasion of heresy it is to be remooued and particular inquiry is to be made by commissioners appointed by the parlament For this purpose wherin and in what points the nobility of England hath byn iniured dishonored or oppressed to the end that supplication may be made to the Catholike Prince for remedy therof And as the ancient nobility of England in tymes past came to that dignity in the common-wealth and to their credit estimation both with Prince and people first for their piety and zeale in Christian religion and secondly for their fidelity and valour in seruice of their prince and countrey so their heyres and posterity must conserue the same by the self same meanes c. And so he followeth on with many other considerations which wee pretermit The 4. Chapter of this part is intituled Of the Innes of Court and study of the common lawes with diuers considerations also about the lawes themselues c. About which subiect diuers important points are suggested for making that study to florish with more honour and profit of the weale-publike and the students good The 5. Chapter is Of the common people of England and how greatly they are to be cherished and made of which Chapter beginneth thus The communalty being the body and bulk of the Realme and those that sustayne the poyse and labour of the same they are greatly to be cherished nowrished esteemed conserued and next after the planting of true religion and knowledge of God greate care is to be had of their enâ—itching for that as Constantius the Emperour was wont to say the princes true treasure are the coffers of his subiects and especially of the communalty who if they be poore and needy can neyther pay their landlords nortil or mannure their ground nor help the Prince in his necessityes And by the communalty in this place I vnderstand labouring nun seruingmen husbandmen yeomen aertificers citizens and marchants all which labour and â—oyle to the end that others may liue in rest And in England their condition as before I haue touched was wont to be more prosperous and happy then in any countrey els of the world besides and may be againe by the grace of God with the restoring of true religion the losse wherof brought not only spiritual but also temporal misery vpon vs all and our Realme c. Thus wryteth he there laying downe many excellent meanes for comfort of this communalty which we wil not prosecute in this place for breuityes sake nor say any more at all of this whole book or Treatese but only remit our selues to the iudgment of the indifferent Reader to gesse by this litle he hath seene what manner of matter and with what piety moderation and tender loue of our countrey the whole is wrytten which these men so spitefully do maligne and cauil at And this shal be sufficient for a tast of this fourth book Touching the third intituled A conference about the next succession to the Crowne of England had in the yeare 1593. for that it is in printe and in the hands of many and the contents therof sufficiently knowen we shal need to say lesse but only to note vnto the Reader the like great passion and intemperate folly of these our brethren in exclaming now so eagerly against it which not long ago when they were in good tune they liked wel and highly commended and wheras it is knowen that it came forth with the consent liking and approbation at least of our
religious it is for yow and to yow I speake Thus he wryteth and were it not that the gauling and spiteful speech which after he vseth against diuers men of great worth do argue the wryter of somwhat more then simplicity and folly this might passe with laughter as yow see but hearing him say afterward VVe do disdaine and renounce from our hartes both Archpriests and Iesuits as arrant traytors c. And againe in the very next page thus to glory and professe Disobedient VVe are to the Archpriest as an vsurper on the â—ehalfe of the Cath. Sea of Rome And then againe for further explication of his meaning Disobedient we are to the diuel and all his instrumental vsurped authorityes And yet further Neuer shal the Cath. Church or common welth of England find so wicked a member as a VVolsey a Persons a Creswel a Garnet a Blackwel c. These we say and many other like speches beeing fouÌ„d euery where in this preface do manifestly shew that not only wisdome wanteth in the wryter but some other more necessary vertues also to a Christian Catholike and much more a priest as he professeth himselfe to be But now wil we shew yow another example of folly and malice ioyned to geather out of the beginning of their second books preface to the end yow may see that both were wrytten by one spirit their words are these yeilding a reason of publishing thersaid book against the Archpriest And at this tyme say they we are the rather moued so to do to set forth this narration of matters passed in VVisbich because it hath pleased M. Blackwel our said Archpriest very lately to send to his twelue Assistants to be diuulged a certaine censure or we know not what to tearme it a sheet of paper fraught nether with wit honest dealing discretion or learning but in effect with as many shifts and lyes almost as lynes in derogation not only of some of the said books set out by our brethren tearming the same as if eyther he himselfe or some of his commaunders the Iesuits had made them to be seditious books but likewise taketh vpon him to touch the said contention not in many words but with much folly and great vntruâ—h we wil be bold by way of Preface a little to touch them c. By these words the reader may take a scantling of their coÌ„temptuous spirit who speak so disorderly of their lawful Superior a man of knowne vertue and learning for so myld and modest an admonition vpon their first two libels as yow shal now heare by their owne relation For thus they wryte These are say they his words to wit the Archpriests in his admonition The first point of your books sayth he meaning the diuision at VVisbich was a thing long since ended with great edification and by the meanes principally of those which are most condemned by yow It toucheth the greater and better part of that company it nothing concerneth our authority it being more ancient and hauing orders taken at the attonement by their owne consent It is wel knowen at Rome by whose meanes they were disanulted nether is it more vnsitting for those which liued in one house to institute rules for such as voluntarily demaunded and accepted them then to procure a sodality abroad Thus wrote our Reuerend Father the good Archpriest and as these men do confesse it is all he wrote of this point of VVisbich and let the Reader be iudge whether any Superior in the world could wryte more myldly more humbly especialy if he consider the outragious iniuryes done him in these two first books or libels set out by his Rebellious subiects against him and notwithstanding all this his patience and modesty consider we pray yow with what intemperance they do canuase these few words of his heere set downe For hauing recyted his words they say Thus farre our Archpriest and it is all he wryteth to his Assistants of this matter which we the rather note to shew the extremity of his pride in supposing by such an answere to the said books concerning that diuision to wâ—pe away those imputations matters wherwith both F. Garnet and F. VVeston and he himselfe in some sorte are charged Thus wryte these men being angry as it seemeth that their patient Superior vouch-safed not them more words of contention about this matter of VVisbich in his admonition to his Assistants which how iust a quarrel it is let wiser men iudge but much more whether so few so modest and so fatherly words vttered by a Superior without naming any do merit so contumelious a censure from subiects as to accuse him of extremity of pride lack of wyt and honesty discretion learning truth and humility in wryting them Is it possible that so high pride as heere is obiected can be gathered out of so lowly words without high folly and higher maleuolence But we shal aleadge yow another example in a different kynd of foly or rather frenzie vsed by these passionate people which is to grace and praise indeed their aduersaryes whome they seek most to disgrace by telling good things of them and deprauing them only by their owne comentaryes as in this example last alleadged of M. Blackwel whose words recited by them selues being most commendable as yow haue seene they endeauour by fond and childish inâ—â—rpretations of their owne to make them reprochful And the like they do oftentymes concerning F. VVeston alleadging both his words and deeds worthie of praise in themselues and then seking to discredit the same by their wresting comentaryes wherof we haue giuen some examples in the former chapter and we may ad therunto now this which they relate of him his behauiour and speech when M. Dolman one of their owne side came vnto F. VVeston to request him the residue who made the greater part of the company to returne to the common conuersation of the troublesome and dissolute againe whose answere to their demaund they set downe thus VVould God said F. VVeston with most earnest affection as it seemed that yow M. Doleman were as able to persuade the rest as yow haue done me for my owne parte I mynd to giue ouer and meddle no further but to commend the cause to God assuring yow yf I could do the least of this house good for his soules health by laying my head vnder his feete I would most willingly do it c. And thus farre this dissembling Iesuite Let any true Christian man iudge now of this vnchristian censure of so myld godly and Christian words let our brethren but aleadge vs truly some such of any of their side and we shal both beleeue them and praise them But they can bring nothing of like quality from theirs and yow haue heard the quite contrary by their owne letters and subscriptions alleadged by vs in our Apologie and heere in these books yow may reade them in euery line shewing a
wish that a playne contrary course were taken by vs towards them from that which they haue vsed towards vs seing that our cause doth beare it which is of contrary state and condition to theirs for wheras their cause being false and infirme they would neuer consent to come to any indifferent tryal or disputation with the Catholiks I would wish that seing our cause is true and substantial and the more it is tryed the more it wil appeare that once at least at the beginning ful satisfaction were giuen by all English Catholiks to them and all other heretiks of the world by as ful free equal and liberal disputations as possibly could be deuised within our Realme c. Thus he wryteth and then setteth downe diuers particulars about the meanes lawes and conditions that might be prescribed for the good preformance of this affayre cōcluding in these words And thus much for gayning of those that haue byn deceaued by error and are of good nature and think they do wel and do hold a desyre to know the truth and follow the same and finally do hope to be saued as good Christians and do make accompt of an honest and true conscience though they be in heresy c. So saith he and much more which we omit and by this we may see in part this mannes disposition that he resolueth nothing of himself but only propoundeth to be taken or left in parte or in whole as shal be thought best And thus much for a tast of the first part of this Memorial The second part of this worke concerneth the Cleargy contayning Bishops Priests Churches vniuersities and religious orders both men and women and hath this title to the first Chapter therof Of the Cleargie in general what they are and ought to do at the next chaunge and how soundly to be vnited with the laytie c. which Chapter beginneth thus Hauing to speak of the Cleargie in general which God from the beginning of his Church vouchsafed to name his owne portion for that they were dedicated more peculiarly then other men to his diuine seruice and our Sauiour to cal them by the most honorable name of the light of the world and sale of the earth the first point of all to be remembred vnto them seemeth to be that yf euer there were a tyme wherin the effect of these names were needful to be shewed and put in execution it wil be now at the begining of our countreys next conuersion whose fal and affliction may perhaps in great part be ascribed to the want of these effects in former tymes past c. And furthermore it may be considered that the State of the Cleargie in England after our long desyred reduction and happy entrance of some Cath. Prince ouer vs and after so long and bitter storme of cruel persecution wil be much like vnto that which was of the general Church of Christendome in tyme of the first good Christian Emperour Constantine the great after the bloudy persecutions of so many infidel Tyrants that went before him for thre hundred yeare togeather at what tyme as God on the one side prouided so many notable zealous and learned men for the establishing of his Church as appeareth by the three hundred and eightene most worthy Bishops gathered togeather in the first general counsel of Nice so on the other side the diuel ceased not to styrre vp amongest the Cleargie of that tyme diuers and sundry diuisions emulations contentions some of indiscreet zeale against such as had fallen and offended in tyme of persecution and some other grounded vpon worse causes of malice emulation and ambition tending to particular interest wherby both that good Emperour in particular and all the Church of God in general were much troubled and afflicted and many good men scandalized and God almighties seruice greatly hindred and the common enemy comforted And considering that the tymes men matters and occasions may chaunce to fal out very like or the same in Englād whensoeuer it shal be reduced to the Catholike faith againe great and special care is to be had least semblable effects should also follow to the vniuersal preiudice of our common cause VVherfore this ought to serue as a preparatiue both for our Prince and people to put on the same pious and generous mynd that Constantyne did to beare patiently with the infirmityes of men and remedy all matters the best he may and the people but especially priests to beware of like deceyt of the diuel and among other things if perchance in tyme of persecution cause hath byn giuen or taken of offence or disgust betweene any persons whatsoeuer that haue laboured in Gods seruice and do tend al to one end to procure effectualy now that it be altogeather cut of and put in obliuion and this especially amongst the Cleargie and by their meanes also amongst others And if there should be any vnquiet or troublesome spirit found that vnder any pretence would sow or reap or maytaine diuision that the holy Apostles counsel be followed with him which is to note and eschue him to the end that all may ioyne cheerfully and zealously to the setting vp of this great and important worke of reformation And thus much for concord This is his beginning of the second part and conforme therunto is the prosecution therof shewing in the second and third chapters how bishopricks deanryes and other cheefe prelatyes ought to be prouided with the first and what maner of men are to be procured for them And wheras some of these calumniators haue giuen out and wrytten also in books that this father would first destroy the auncient subordination and hierarchie of the english Church this is refuted by the very titles of these chapters and much more by his whole discourse therin and secondly haue affirmed that he would haue no clergie man to haue any propriety in any ecclesiastical lyuing but only to be put to pensions this also is euidently false in Bishopricks deanryes Archdeanryes Canonryes and the like as may appeare in the chapter heere mentioned for that he persuadeth these first of all to be prouided of incumbents and thirdly it is no lesse false in particular cures and common benefices as is cleare by that he suggesteth Cap. 2. for their furnishing with fit men by way of opposition and trial both for learning and maners And wherof then thinke yow arose the calumniations of putting priests to pensions yow shal heare it out of the fathers owne words I haue spoken before saith he of English preachers to be sent ouer into the realme with diligence at the beginning allotting to euery bishop so many as may be had for that purpose and that he deuyde them as he shal thinke most needful and that for some yeares it wil be more commodious perhaps for the publike and more liberty for the preachers priests themselues to haue no appropriation or obligation to any particular
late Cardinal Allen Sir Francis Englefield and others the most principal Catholiks of our nation beyond the seas as by their owne hands is yet extant what malepert saucinesse is this of a few yonglings so bitterly now to inueigh against it And if we wil consider the contents therof we shal more maruaile at so insolent dealing of these indiscreet and rash greene heads deuowed wholy as it semeth to carp at other other mens actions though they vnderstand them not For what argument we pray yow could there be more important graue serious and necessary to be handled at that tyme when this book was wrytten English affayres standing as they did and do then the matter of succession to our crowne wherof both religion and Realme spirituality and temporality for the most part dependeth especially the subiect of the former book for two they are in number is of such weight and consideration and so ought to be with Catholiks as it were irreligious to be ignorant or carelesse therin to wit that in all pretence and pretenders ro reigne ouer Christians and succession to crownes the consideration of true Cath. religion is the principal point to be respected and that this is conforme to all lawes both diuine and humane but especially to the ancient accustomed lawes of our land and that no good Catholike may or can dispence with himselfe or others in this point for any humaine respect or consideration whatsoeuer which point is so substantially prooued by all variety of learning both ecclesiastical and prophane and by so many examples and customes of all nations in 9. seueâ—al chapters as our enuious brethren cannot turne their hands to answere any one thing therin contayned though neuer so much they maligne both the matter and the wryter And this of the first book handling matters in general against heretikes and Atheists But the second book of this conference conteyning ten Chapters passeth further on from generalityes to particularityes setting downe all the particular titles preteÌ„ces and pretenders which are or may be probably of the blood royal of our land with an open protestation of all indifferency therin vsed without hurt hinderance or preiudice to any which Protestation for that it wypeth of all the cauillations which these men or others of their humour do endeauour to lay against the wryter as though he had penned the same partially in fauour of some particular prince we haue thought good to set his owne words downe in this place which ate these Hauing to speak saith the common lawyer in this discourse of many princes peeres and nobles of the royal blood of England to all which by law of nature equity and reason he affirmed that he bare reuerent honour and respect and to discusse their seueral pretentions rights interests and titles to the crowne he said that his meaning was to offend hurt or preiudice none nor to determine any thing resolutely in fauour or hinderance of any of their pretences or claymes of what side family faction religion or other party soeuer he or she were but rather plainly and indifferently wihout hatred or partial affection to or against any to lay downe syncerely what he had heard or read or of himselfe conceaued that might iustly be alleadged in fauor or disfauour of euery â—iteler Thus wryteth and protesteth he and seing that whatsoeuer he putteth downe in this affayre is registred in our owne cronycles and both the authors and places alwayes cyted by him for his defence and for the discent of blood and genealogie in euery preson named and that the obiections and arguments to and fro in euery pretence and pretenders are layd forth clearly without partiality we do not see what reason or probability in the world our discontented preists can haue yf they be Catholiks so intemperatly to exclayme against this book which in the iudgment of farre wyser Catholiks and more disappassionate then themselues was most needful at that tyme when it was wrytten and is greatly profitable now and wil be most of all hereafter for so much as the first parte therof openeth mens eyes to se their due obligation to religion aboue all other respects and considerations and the second shewing the variety of pretenders togeather with their reasons and propinquityes of blood and other pretences giueth more scope to theÌ„ that shal haue to do therin that yf the said due circumstance of Cath. religion be not fouÌ„d in one it may be sought and preferred in another which is no smal help and comodity to right meaning consciences And thus much now being opened and declared we would aske of these our out cryars what they haue in reason to say or reply in this case They tel vs in diuers places of this last libel of Important Considerations and other where that the wryting of this worke is greatly misliked and thought preiudicial and that for this cause that one M. Paget a cheef man of their crew hath answered the same which maketh vs somwhat to maruaile For albeit we haue seene a certayne vayne pamphlet set forth about this matter said to be printed at Colen 1600. others think rather at Paris Intituled A discouery of a conterfes Conference c. And though we doubt not much of M. Pagets affection in these affayres neyther of his desyre to contradict the supposed author of the said book of succession as yow may wel perceaue by that we haue alleadged more largely in our Apologie and albeit on the other side we easily persuade our selues that the wryters of this last rayling and heretical libel of important considerations do know sufficiently who was the true author of the forsaid foolish pamphlet for the good intelligence they haue one with another of that contradicting company yet hardly can we yeild to thinke so basely of M. Pagets wit howsoeuer his wil be that so contemptible a thing should come from him and his pen we would rather thinke it to be of a certaine neighbour of his of greater title in learning but of lesse discretion and capacity in wit or reason wherunto yf nothing els yet the very fond and ridiculous title would induce vs which yf yow wil heare it all is this A discouery of a counterfet Conference held at a counterfet place by counterfet Trauellers for the aduauncement of a conterfet Title c. VVherunto yf he had added By a counterfeite Catholike or companion all had byn ful of counterfets it had fitted both the knowen vanitie of the counterfet doctors stile and the quality of his person There followeth the Preface or Epistle to the author of the Conference wherin no one thing of moment is handled but a quarel pickt against him for not putting downe his name wherunto we may answere with those words of S. Paul Inexcusabilis es o homo qui iudicas in quo enim iudicas alterum teipsum condemnas cadem enim agis qâ—ae iudicas Thow
In the seauenth place yow are to ponder certayne notes of his set downe in the margent of his book wherby for breuityes sake we leaue yow to gesse what is handled more at large in the text First then he complayneth in one note thus That the Queene must seeme to be put in security for her tyme for these are the words of his marginal note and from that he passeth to other matters of like substance and quality as may appeare by these other marginal notes following to wit first that the wryter of this conference neyther profiteth the king nor the common cause by discourse of succession And then againe to the same effect he maketh this other annotation The disseruice done to the king by this Conference And yet further in another margent The book of Conference was not printed with the late Kings priuâ—â—y or liking And yet againeâ— This author and lawyer do mock and abuse the K. of Spaine By all which yow may see how dutiful a seruant to the K. of Spaine this discouerer would make himself which yet lying in Paris we maruaile much that he would professe so openly as also how he wil like of these confederates of his faction now gone thither out of England we meane the reuolted priests who in all their late books and libels do band against the said king and shew egregious hatred and enmity towards him But each one of these good fellowes speaketh for himself and for the tyme present and as it standeth best for him at that instant hauing no other vnion or agreement with his followes but to impugne a third and all their barking is but as of little whelpes against them that passe athwart them and when all is done they may be gotten againe with a bit of bread And we haue seene a letter of one of them wrytten from Paris to Spaine not long since wherin he offereth that yf he might haue but 4. or 5. Crownes the moneth from that king he would be content as before And we haue the original letter to shew yf need be though for this tyme we wil conceale his name And the like may yow presume of this eager discouerer that yf any least commodity might be had from Spaine or els where he would quickely bite at it as he did while it was to be had though for the present they say he is most busy and earnest in Paris to set forward the seditious that seek to lay the foundation of their fauour and credit as wel in England as with the K. most Christian by professing auersion from Spaine and this is thought a wise politike course by them but the end wil prooue all And so we returne to the treatese of our counterfet discouerer againe VVe haue shewed hitherto what trifles he hath handled in his vayne and idle discouery not touching any one substantial point of so many of great moment as are contayned and handled in the said two books of succession For to speak nothing of the second book wherin matters are treated historically for the most part what more weighty or important matters can be handled about the right and interest of the succession of any crowne then is treated in the first book by the author of the coÌ„ference as for example whether gouernmeÌ„t â—e by law of nature diuine or humane how monarchies and kingdomes were begon and continued and by what right how great and high reuerence is due vnto Princes and yet how in some cases they may be restrayned or chasisted by the common wealth what interest Princes haue in their subiects goods lands and lyues How oathes made vnto them do bynd and what oathes princes themselues as namely those of England do make in their coronation to the common wealth and how farre they bynd VVhat is due to only succession by birth or propinquity of blood without other needful circumstances concurring therwith what are the principal points which a Catholike and godly common welth ought to respect in admitting or excluding any pretender to a crowne or Principality and how greuously they do synne that neglect these considerations for interest feare negligence or other humane respects c. All these and diuers other most worthie and weighty points are handled in the first book only of the conference to say nothing of the second which is yet of more variety with great aboundance and store of proofes arguments and demonstrations wherof no one at all is answered or so much as touched by this discouerer but only certaine impertinent trifles as hath byn said and therby is discouered his owne weaknes and his folly displayed And yet to the end not to seeme wholy to say nothing he standeth finally vpon two fond calumniations the first that the conference conteyneth popular doctrine perilous to Princes states and common wealthes c. And herof he giueth certayne vayne and foolish examples of Antonio Perez that raysed some trouble against the K. of Spaine in Aragon and of George Buchanan in Scotland and of the Prince of Oreâ—ge in Flanders c. But this cauil is answered at large in the third Chapter of the said first book of Conference others that ensue shewing that there is no reason why the lawful graue iust and orderly proceeding of true subiects and moderate commoÌ„ wealthes against pernicious or vnlawful princes should be stayned or their iust authority left them by all law both diuine and humane should be denied for that some wicked and trooble some subiects haue against law and order misbehaued themselues against their lawful princes The other cauil is that this conference is iniurious to the king of Scotland with whome the discouerer would gladly get some credit by malitious impeaching of others and to this end he noteth in his margent these words The authors extreame malice against the king of Scotland But whether this lightheaded discouerer doth shew himselfe more malitious in setting downe so malignant a marginal note or the author of the conference in wryting so temperaâ—ly and reuerently as he doth as wel of the king of Scotlands pretence to England as of all other princes and pretenders to that crowne besides let the indifferent reader be iudge Sure we are that in reading ouer that part which toucheth his Maiestie of Scotland we neuer discouered any the least malice at all in the wryter but rather a very indifferent mynd to haue the vttermost right of euery man knowne without offering wrong or iniury to any according to which indifferency the said king of Scotlands title is set downe in the very first place in that book as first and cheef pretender among the rest neyther is there any one thing emitted to our knowledge that truly and rightly may be said or added in setting out of the same title And when the exceptions made by the opposite pretenders against him are declared nothing is auouched which is not openly knowne to be true neyther any thing
them their iorney and messuage but the common agreeing in this that they are messengers sent by the Queene and Counsel of England to the Pope to offer liberty of conscience vpon condition that the Iesuits with the Archpriest his frends may be recalled out of England others go further for suspition yow know hath no end affirming that they are hyred to make debate and set sedition and to deuide Catholiks one against another and finally to be spyes against them both at home abroad and that they are in the way also to be heretiks themselues or worse c. These things are wrytten related and easily beleeued by many and now consider yow whether this be a good way for our brethren to recouer their same againe which they fondly say was taken from them by Iesuits and the Archpriest before while they were quiet which yet we cannot see how it can be veryfied in the sight of any wise man seing that the litle pamphlet of schisme wherof they most complayne as calling them schismatikes for their first rebellion though it were somwhat sharp yet was it nether printed nor published to the world nor did it name any one man in particular and was soone after recalled againe by the Archpriest vpon the first attonement and consequently could not be said truly to infame any man but he that would name himself to be within the compasse of those censures and hard speeches vsed therin and cyted by the author out of Church Cannons for they are not his words but of the said sacred Canons against Schisme and â—â—â—â—atikes But suppose there had byn iust offence giuen by that treatese was this other a good meanes â—ow yow to remedy their fame VVas not this according to the fable of Esope of the fish that leapt out of the frying pan into the fire But let vs passe from these other countreys to Rome it selfe and to the censure of men there where their cause is like to be tryed and ended and so we wish withal our harts what think yow wil men iudge and speak of them there euen vpon the first rumour of these their new styrres so many hauing ben made by them and their fellowes there before so obstinately maintayned by the cheefe of these that are tumultuous heere now VVil not his Hol. remember what passed for three yeares togeather almost in that most scandalous tumultuation of turbulent students in the Colledge VVil he not remember the end that ensued the means that were vsed the manners of the men and the effects that they brought forth VVil not the Card. Protectors Visitors and other officers imployed by his Hol. in appeasing those tumults such we meane as yet are liuing knew how these matters past think wel of our nation and tel a good tale for these people there when they shal heare of their new attempts VVil not Baronius Bellarmine Boscius and other learned men that haue wrytten so high praises of our English priests hertofore be more then half ashamed now when they shal vnderstand of these mens wrytings and doyngs to the contrary And as for the Roman broyles and seditions and other raysed afterwards els where by the same men and their consorts there are extant diuers letters and wrytings of three principal Card. Caâ—tan Burghesius and Sega the first two being Protector and viceprotector whose latyn letters these men of meere folly and vainty haue printed of late as testimonyes against themselues in their book intituled Relatio compendiosa turbarum c. The third was appointed Visitour of the said Colledge and tumultuous people by his Hol. that now is So as all threâ— being lawful superiors and iudges in this preiudicated naughty cause their condeÌ„nation against them must needs be of vndoubted credit and authority with all wise and indifferent men And for that of the foure priests which are said to be in Paris for the present of these tumultuous we find two by name in the Catalogue of the said Card. Sega prefixed before his visitation and intituled Catalogus eorum alumnorum qui in Collegiâ— Anglicano tumulinantur annâ— Domini 1596. A list of the students that are tumultuous in the English Colledge which are Anthony Champney and Francis Barnby and that a third is found in the register of the same Colledge to haue byn expelled by the Protector Card. Boncompagno nephew to Pope Gregory the xiij in the yeare 1585. vnder the name of Christophor Bagshaw and that we vnderstand further that many of their other cheefe companions remayning in England are contayned also in the same catalogue or list of the Card. Visitour which list hath 38. names and furthermore for that moreouer the true causes of that tumultuation were the very same which haue byn since and are for the present of these of England to wit liberty and freedome from all subiection with hatred of order discipline and superiority that the same men were principally impugned there which are now to wit the fathers of the society that held them in order and besydes all this that the very self same poynts were pretended then by the tumultuous which are now to wit that the fathers of the Society should be called forth out of England and be put from the gouernment of the Seminaryes for these causes and considerations we say though in our Apologie we haue set downe some points of this wise and learned Card. Sega his iudgemeÌ„t in this matter so long and diligently handled by him aswel about the spirit of these our tumultuous people as also of their manners merits we think good in this place to ad somwhat more of his deliberation and graue resolution in this affayre taken out of his formentioned book of visitatioÌ„ of the Colledge dedicated to his Hol. vpoÌ„ the 14. of March 1596. especially we shal let yow heare what he wryteth about the two foresaid demaundâ— and petitions made by the troublesome of that tyme and renewed now againe by these of ours to wit the remouing of the fathers out of England and from the gouernment of the Seminaryes of which matter he wryteth to his Hol. thus in the 25. Chapter of his book the title of which Chapter is this Petitiones alumnorum tumultuantium c. The petitions of the troublesome schollers togeather with the breef answers of the fathers c. And here yow must note that he had in foure and twenty former Chapters set downe all the complaints and accusations of the said tumultuous with the fathers answers and reproof anexed to euery thing obiected and now heere in the 25. Chapter he setteth downe the exorbitant demaunds of the said tumultuous for redresse of all of which demaunds the first is this that followeth Vt amoueantur Patres Soc. non tantum ab Anglia verum etiam à regimine huius Collegij Romani that the Fathers of the Society be remooued not only from England but also from the gouernment of the Roman
were in Rome at their arriual these And the like course by all probabilitie wil his Hol. according to his accustomed clemency take with them if they go thither and so we all do most earnestly desyre and that all may be wel and soundly examined and ended And yet to prosecute the argument of this Chapter somwhat further to the effect we haue begone we cannot but aduertise our said brethren of their great folly and indiscretion in taking this course of clamors in their way towards Rome for â—ecouering as they pretend their same nothing being more opposite and coÌ„trary theirunto then to professe a cause so many wayes reiected and condemned there already as partly by his Hol. owne Breues partly by this Card. sentence of visitation you haue already heard especially they adding publikely two circumstances which must needs with his Hol. make their matter farre worse The first that whoras in the former styrres of Rome it was but suspected that heretiks and the common enemy had secretly their hand therin and were eyther ayders or abetterers to make those demaunds of remouing Iesuits from England and from the Colledges now it is openly knowen and confessed that they are the cheef dealers and styrrers therunto The second not much vnlike to this is that wheras in the former broyles of Rome some of the troublesome did vnder hand only and by indirect meanes seek to bring in some princes Embassadors to fauour their sedition by making it a matter of State as though they had byn contradicted only by men depending of Spaine now these our brethren do manifestly in the sight of all the world attempt the same seditious course by running to â—aris and seeking to informe falsely his most Christian Maiestie that he hath interest in their tumultuations and that it is a matter of State for him to fauour them for that they oppose themselues against Spaniards and Iesuits deuoted to them VVhich vnchristian deuise tending to set Christian princes togeather by the eares about our countrey affayres as it cannot be but odious to God and all good men that heare of it so aboue all other it is iniurious to his Holines whose spiritual authority and ordinations are drawen by these men to matters of state as we haue before both in the Apologie and this book noted about his Hol. institution of the Archpriest malitiously drawne by them to matter of Premunire and no lesse malitious is this to entangle now their obedience to wards his Holines with interest of secular princes For we would aske them heere seriously in all law of reason or honesty what can it concerne the state eyther of the King of France or Spaine that these men should obay or disobay the Ecclasiastical substitute of his Holines in England Is this to be made a matter of state by these new Statists is this a thing to intrecat secular Princes and monatches with all no truly but only where there is intent to set sedition and to put in garboyle and variance secular princes with the Pope therby themselues to be free to say and do what they list vnder the protection of some of those princes abused by them as Martin Luther and his parteners did vnder the protection of Fredericke Duke of Saxony when they ment to be tumultuous and to break with the Pope himself protesting on the other syde no lesse obedience then these men do now though we hope these meane better but the course is not vnlike nor other effects hitherto These points then and circumstances as we said his Hol. of his wisdome cannot but consider and then hearing furthermore as is probable he eyther hath or wil do of their bold and intemperate speches vttered already in their booksâ— as that his Holines could not appoint them an Archpriest without their consent and that in doing so he did against the Church Canons warning him also very presumptuoufly of his daâ—nger of damnation therby in those woords of the scripture Qui amat periculum peribit in eo He that loueth danger shal perish therin affirming moreouer that they had sufficient power to examine and demurre not only vpoÌ„ the Cardinal Protectors letters as they did though written in his Holines name expressely but vpon his Holines letters also them selues if they had come from him c. And conforme to this when his Breue came they saying therof that they knew not out of what shop it was procured And then further that his Hol. was not endewed with the worthy gyft of the holy Ghost tearmed discretio spirituum when he made his deputation to the Card. Protector for ordayning the Archprist c. And then againe that his Holines was deceaued in sesting vp the Archpriest as Pius 5. was in his fact against her Maiestie and that it was no vnusual thing with Popes so to be deceaued in matters of fact c. And yet moreouer that the Archpriest is an vsâ—rpâ—r in the behalf of the Sea of Rome that F. Campion M. Sherwyn and other martyrs ought plainly and reseluttly to have professed to stand against the Pope if he should mooue armes for religion and not hold their peace or eschue the question as they did c. That his Hol. hath no authority to mooue warre for religion against any temporal prince whatsoeuer or for whatsoeuer cause or pretence c. And that they wil oppose themselues against him yf he should come in person in any such attempt and that they wil also reueale whatsoeuer they shal come to know therin And finally that all the hurts damages losses deaths rackings and other calamityes hitherto suffered by Catholiks in England are to be layed not so much vpon the persecutors as vpon the rash vnlawful and inconsiderate doings and wrytings not only of Englishmen but especially of Popes themselues as Pius 5. Gregory the 13. Syxtus Quintus and now this Pope for concurrance in this last attempt in Ireland c. VVhen all these things we say shal be read heard and vnderstood by his Hol. and that they professe to do this for recouering of their good names and credit both with his Hol. others abroad yow may easily gesse what wil be thought of them and what opinion wil be conceaued both of their affection wisdome in choosing such meanes to obtayne their purpose And so much shal suffice for Rome and forraine nations and countreys And now it shal not be amisse to returne to England againe and to consider what credit or reputation they can gayne there by this their maner of proceeding For first with Catholiks who doth not see the infinite iniuryes which they haue done them and do lay daily vpon them by discrediting so much as lyeth in them both their cause and persons and that with all sort of men both at home and abroad Their cause in that they would persuade the whole world that all is seditioÌ„ conspiracy and rebellion among