b. Fiftly it is undeniable that the Knights Citizens Burgesses and Commons in Parliament elected by the suffrages of the severall Counties Cities and Burroughs of England do really and legally represent all the Commons and the Lords and they the whole Realm and all the people of England so that what ever Tax is imposed and assented to by them or by both Houses onely without the King who represents no man but Himselfe alone is in point of Law imposed and assented to by all the Commons and whole Realm of England as the recitals in all our Statutes and Law-bookes resolve though the King assent not to it If therefore as our Law-books clearely resolve without dispute and the experience of all Corporations Parishes and Mannors evidenceth past contradiction all Ordinances and Bylaws made for the common good of Corporations Parishioners Tenants of a Mannor and the like by all or the greater part of the Corporations Parishioners Tenants and Taxes imposed by them for the Common good as repairing of Churches High-waies Bridges reliefe of the poore and the like shall binde the rest even in point of Law without the Kings assent Then by the same or better reason the impositions and Taxes now laid upon the subjects by the assent and Ordinances of both Houses of Parliament representing the whole Commons and Realme of England who actually assent likewise to these Taxes and Assessements in and by them must and ought in point of Law to oblige all the Subjects in this case of necessity at least as long as the Parliament continues sitting and this their representation of them remains entire especially being for the necessary defence of the Parliament Kingdome Religion all our lives estates liberties lawes against an invading Army of Papists and Malignants in a case of extraordinary extremity This I shall further cleare by some ancient and late judgements in point Mich. 14 Ed. 2. rot 60. in the Kings Bench William Heyborne brought an Action of Trespasse against William Keylow for entering his house and breaking his chests and taking away 70 pounds in money the Defendant pleading Nor guilty the Jury found a speciall Verdict that the Scots having entred the Bishopricke of Durham with an Army and making great burning and spoyles thereupon the Commonalty of Durham whereof the Plantiffe was one met together at Durham and agreed to send some to compound with them for a certaine summe of money to depart the Country and were all sworne to performe what compositions should be made and to performe what Ordinance they should make in that behalfe and that thereupon they compounded with the Scots for 1600 Markes But because that was to be paid immediately they all consented that William Keylow the Defendant and others should goe into every mans house to search what ready money was there and to take it for the raising of that summe and that it should be suddenly repaid by the Communalty of Durham And that thereupon the Defendant did enter into the Plaintiffs house and broke open the chest and tooke the seventy pounds which was paid accordingly towards that composition And upon a Writ of Error in the Kings Bench it was adjudged for the Defendant against the Plaintiffe that the action did not lie because he himselfe had agreed to this Ordinance and was sworne to performe it and that the Defendant did nothing but what he assented to by Oath and therefore is accounted to doe nothing but by his consent as a servant to him and the Commonalty of Durham therefore he was no trespasser Which case was agreed for good Law by all the Judges in the late Case of Ship-money argued in the Exchequor Chamber though neither King nor Parliament consented to this Taxe or Composition This is the Parliaments present case in effect The King having raised an Army of Papists Delinquents Forraigners Irish Rebels disaffected Persons and actually invading the Kingdom and Parliament with it Hereupon the Parliament were inforced to raise an Army to defend themselves and the Realm against these Invasions For maintenance whereof they at first made use onely of voluntary contributions and supplies proceeding onely from the liberality of some private persons best affected to the publike service Which being xehausted The Lords and Commons considering what a solâ—mne Covenant and Protestation themselves had made and taken and the Subjects likewise throwout the Realm to maintain and defend as farre as lawfully they might WITH THEIR LIVES POWER AND ESTATES The true Reformed Protestant Religion c. As also THE POWER AND PRIVILEDGES OF PARLIAMENT THE LAWFULL RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF THE SUBJECT And every person that maketh this Protestation in whatsoever he shall do in the lawfull pursuance of the samâ— c. as in the Protestation made by both Houses consents when fullest And considering that the whole Commons and Kingdoms assents were legally and actually included in what they assented in Parliament for the necessary defence of the Realm the Subjects Parliaments Priviledges Rights and the Reformed Religion all actually invaded endangered by an Ordinance of both Houses without the Kings consent then absent from and in open hostilitie against them impose a generall Assessement upon all the Subjects NOT EXCEEDING THE TWENTIETH PART OF THEIR ESTATES And for non-payment prescribe a distresse c. Why this Assessement in this case of necessitie being thus made by assent of both Houses and so of all the Kingdom in them in pursuance of this Protestation should not as legally yea more justly oâ—lige every particular subject though the King assented not thereto as well as that agreement of the men of Durham did oblige them even in point of Law Justice Conscience transcends my capacitie to apprehend and if the first Case be Law as all the Judges then and of late affirmed the latter questionlesse must be much more Legall and without exceptions M. 32. and 33. Eliz. in the Kings Bench in the Chamberlain of Londons case it was adjudged That an Ordinance made by the Common Councell of London only that all Clothes should be brought to Blackwell-hall to be there veiwed searcheâ— and measured before they were sold and that a penny should be paid for every Cloth for the Officer that did the same and that six shillings eight pence should be forfeited for every Cloth not brought thither and searched was good to binde all within the Citie and that an Action of Debt would lye at the Common Law both for the duty and forfeiture because it was for the publike benefit of the City and Common-Wealth M. 38. Eliz. in the Common-Pleas it was adjudged in Clerks Case That an Ordinance made by assert of the Burgesses of Saint Albanes whereof the Plaintiffe was one for assessing of a certain summe of Money upon every Inhabitant for the erecting of Courts there the Term being then adjourned thither from London by reason of the Plague with a pâ—nalty to beâ—lâ—â—yed by distresse for non-payment of this Tax
reign by the Statutes of 33. El. c. 1. Sâ—paratist◠〈…〉 39. El. c. 5. Râ—gues are to be banished and in Calice heretofore a woman might be justly banished the Town for adultâ—ry and a scould at this day after three convictions is to be banished out of Westminster and rowed ovâ—r the Thames from thence thorough the water at the tayl of a Boat for the quiet of the City Then much more may any private seditious turbulent Malignants â—e justly restrained to some safe places where they may do no harme till the warres and troubles be ended or themselves reâ—laimed Fifthly By the Common and Statute Law of the Realm yea by Magna Charta it self cap. 30. the Lands Rents Goods and Persons of Priors and other aliens Merchants or others residing in England may be and have been usually seized or and sâ—cured or else their persons banished the Realm and borders of England during the warres with others of that Nation lâ—ast they should assist them in the warres with their Estates persons or intelligences or betray the Kingdom or plâ—ces where they resided to the Enemy And upon this ground by the expresse Statutes of 2. H. 4. cap. 12. 20. 1. H. 4. cap. 7 8. 3. H. 5. cap. 3. 4. H. 5. cap. 6. 1. H. 6. cap. 3. the Irish Brittains Welshmen and Scots because we had frequent warre with them were not permitted to purchase either Houses or Lands or to remain in any Fort Town or City neer the Borders of Scotland or Wâ—lâ—s but banished thence and their Goods and persons seised on in times of warre to prevent treachery intelligence and assistance of the Enemy A thing generally practised and warranted in all States and Kingdoms as well as in England by the very Law of Nations as just and necessaâ—y in times of warres as Martinus Laudensis de Râ—praesaliis de Bello Henricus Ranzovius his Commentarius Bellicuâ— Geâ—rgius Obbrectus Disput Juridca de Bellâ— Henriâ—us Bocâ—rus de Jure Prâ—gnae Hungâ— Grotius Albericus Gentilis in their Books de Jure Belli and all Historians evidence Therefore lawfull for the Parliament to practise at this present as well as the King or any others Sixthly In times of Forraign Invasions the Parliament hath enjoyned all Inhabitants neer the Sea-coasts or Marches of Scotland and Wales to repair to their Houses and Lands there with all their Families for the defence and safâ—tie of the Realm under pain of imprisonment and confiscation of their Goods and Revenues there and elsewhere as is evident by 13. E. 3. nu 21. Parl. 1. and Parl. 2. n. 20. 23. Eliz. â—4 the Statutes confining Papists to their Houses and sundry other Presidents Theâ—efore by like reason they may confine Malignants in times of warre for the publike peace and safetie and disarme them to for a time a Constables may by the Law disarme and imprison peace-breakers fray-makers riotors and others to prevent bloodshed quarrels and preserve the publike peace Thirdly For the plundering of Malignants and sequestring their Estates I answer that I think the Parliament never yet approved the plundering or in plain English robbing of any man by any of their forces they having plundered no places taken by assault for ought I hear though the Kings forces on the contrary have miserably plundered all the Kingdom almost except the Papists who are most exempted from this rapine and some few chief Malignants yea those very Persons Souldiers Cities Towns which by their very Articles of surrender were not to be plundered witnesse Taunton Bridgewater Bristol Gainsborow where many have been pillaged to their naked skins notwithstanding their Ariticles of agreement solemnely sworn to depart quietly with bag and baggage without interruption and the Towns to be free from plunder contraty to the very Law of warre and Arms which may instruct all others not to trust them henceforth If any of the Parliaments forces have misbehaved themselves in plundering any Malignants or disaffected persons more then by seifing of their Arms distraining their Goods for imposed Assessements or sequestring their Plate Moneyes Estates for the publike service upon promise of repayment and restitution I know the Houses have publikely by expresse Ordinances inhibited disavowed the fact and exposed the disorderly Delinquents to condigne punishments even to the losse of their lives if any please to prosecute them by way of inditement or Martiall Law For my part I abhorre all violence plunder rapine and disorders in Souldiers as contrary to the Law of God Obadiah 10. to 16. Luke 3. 14. and leave those who are guiltie of them to the severest publike justice as offenders against the Law of Nature of Nations of the Land yea of Warre it self But God forbid the Parliament should be unjustly charged with all the misdemeanours of their Souldiers which they prohibit detest censure more then the King with all the barbarous rapes murthers cruelties rapines and monstrous insolencies which his Cavaliers every where perpetrate without punishment or restraint especially the blood-thirsty Irish Popish Rebels among them who having shed so much English Protestants blood in Ireland ere they came over hither of which they vaunt is such an high dishonour to God and the English Nation if their own blood be not shed for it by the hand of vengeance here that I wonder with what face or spirit His Majestie or any English Protestant can patiently suffer these Irish Rebels to shed any more Protestant English bloud breath in English ayre who have cut the throats of so many thousand innocent English both here and elsewhere and are like to cut all our throats ere long as they have designed unlesse their throats be first cut by us But yet for the plundering of such Malignants goods and houses who are opposite to the whole Kingdom and Parliament and will not joyn with them in the common cause which concerns us all as it hath sundry patterns in the Barons Warres against the Poictovines and their faction in Henry the third his raign and afterwards against the Spensers in Edward the second dayes formerly touched so it hath one observeable generall resolution of the whole body of the Lords and Commons warranting it in King Johns raign even then when they all took up Armes to enforce him to confirm the great Charter it self which our Opposites cry out to be violated by the Parliaments moderate seisures onely by way of distresse or sequestration For the Barons Knights and Commons with their whole Army being mâ—t tâ—gether in London which joyned with them to gain this Charter from the King sent from thence Letters to all the Earls Barons and Knights throughout England who seemed though but fainedly to adhere to the King exhorting them with this Commination That as they loved the indemnitie of their Goods and possessions thâ—y should dâ—sert a perjured King and adhearing faithfully to them should with them inviolâ—bly stand and effectually contend for the Liberties and Peace of the
justice that Tyrants and the subverters of Law and the Republike should be curbed charity that the oppressed should be releeved and have a helping hand extended But those who take away these things take away piety justice charity from among men and desire them to be altogether extinguished So he If this then be an irrefragable verity that forraine States and Princes are so farre obliged to assist and relieve those of the same Religion and all others whose liberties rights priviledges are forcibly invaded which our Parliament and State by their assistance if the Netherlands and other Protestant States both in Quaene Elizabeths King James and King Charles his reigne approved and justified both by words Acts of Parliament and reall performances then certainly those of the self-same Church Nation Kingdom and fellow Subjects under the self-same Prince betweene whom there is a farre nearer relation much stricter obligation and more strong ingagements ought mutually to aide and assist each other to the uttermost of their abilities when their Religion Lawes Liberties be violently invaded their dearest native Countrey wasted sacked plundered burned ruined in a hostile warre-like manner with open force of Armes either by the King himselfe or a prevailing Malignant Popish faction who have surreptitiously possessed themselves both of his person and affections which they have gotten into their owne over-ruling power How much then it now concernes every reall Protestant within this Realme of England and all other his Majesties Dominions to unite all their common forces together unannimously to protect defend maintaine and propagate our established reformed Religion fundamentall Lawes Liberties the very Priviledges of Parliaments their estates liberties lives the peace welfare and common good of their dearest native Countrey and our three united Realmes against all Popish Malignant forces now in armes to invade eclipse impaire subvert sacke ruine them and how monstrously unnaturally unchristianly and detestably impious treacherous perfidious all those English Irish and Scottish Protestants proclaime themselves to the present and future age who now trayterously joyne their forces with the Malignant Popish party or prove uncordiall false treacherous and perfidious to their Religion Liberties Countrey and the Parliment who have not onely waged imployed but confided in them and contribute their uttermost endeavours to betray enslave undermine and to sacke burne and totally overturne them as many we finde have done to their eternall infamy I here referre to every mans judgement and conscience seriously to determine Certainly such unnaturall monsters such trayterous Judasses such execrable infamous Apostates as these can expect no other reall remuneration of this their treachery and perfidiousnesse but the ruine of their credits the detestation of their persons memories the confiscation of their estates the extirpation of their families the execrations of all good men the severest judgements of God and utter confusion with horrors of conscience tormenting them constantly day and night whiles they continue languishing under all these miseries here and the sharpest torments the very largest dangers the hottest flames in hell for ever hereafter and those Antichristian Papists who now are and have beene so faithfull active zealous couragious industrious liberall bountifull if not prodigall to prosecute their owne interests designes to maintaine and propagate their false erroneous detestable Religion superstitions idolatries both in England and Ireland with the effusion of their bloud expence and forfeiture of all their estates and never yet deserted or became treacherous to their false execrable cause or Religion in the least degree shall all joyntly rise up in judgement against them both here and hereafter to their sempiternall infamy reproach and most just condemnation O consider this all yee who now so much forget neglect betray both your God your Christ Religion Lawes Liberties Countrey Parliament yea your very selves your soules bodies and posterities Consider with your selves the bitter curse denounced by God himselfe against Meroz Judg. 5. 23. Consider the fatall dismall end of treacherous Judaâ— Matth. 27. 3. 4 5. Acts 1. 18. 19 20. Consider that dreadfull speech of our Saviour Christ Marke 8. 35 36 37 38. Whosoever will save his life shall lose it but whosoever shall lose his life for my sake and the Gospels shall save it For what shall it profit a man if he shall gaine the whole world and lose his owne soule or what shall a man give in exchange for his soule whosoever therefore shall be ashamed of me and of my word in this adulterous and sinfull generation of him also shall the sonne of man be ashamed when he commeth in the glory of his Father with the holy Angels If we suffer with him we shall also reigne with him if we deny him he will also deny us If we be but fearfull in the cause of Christ we shall be sure to have our part in the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone Rev. 21. 8. O what then will be our portion if we be unzealous negligent perfidious to it or professed enemies especially in open armes against it when it cries out to us for our necessary assistance every where If Jesus Christ will render tribulation to them which doe but trouble his people yea and shall be very shortly revealed from Heaven with his mighty Angels in flaming fire taking vengeance on all them that onely know not God and that obey not the Gospel of Jesus Christ who shall be punished with everlasting destruction from the presence of the Lord and from the glory of his power 2 Thes 1. 6. to 10. O where shall all those ungodly sinners Rebels and Traytors appeare who now every where murther plunder persecute extirpare Gods dearest Saints and not onely refuse to owne but even desert betray the cause of God and their Countrey who refuse not onely cordially maintaine the very truth of God the Gospel of Christ and which themselves in shew not onely pretend to know but professe but also joyn with Papists and Malignants openly to fight against and totally to suppresse it Certainly if judgement shall beginne at the house of God it selfe as now it doth and if the righteous who defend the cause of God and the Kingdome shall scarcely be saved what these mens dreadfull end and judgement at last shall be transcends my thoughts to conceive my expressions to relate all I can say is this it will be superlatively miserable and grievous that eternity of incomprehensible torments will onely be able to demonstrate the infinity and execrablenesse of their sinne O then let all of all sorts consider seriously of this and all the premises and the Lord give them understanding and grace to keepe a good conscience and discharge their severall trusts and bounden duties faithfully cheerefully to their God Religion King Countrey and the Parliament in all things that so they may enjoy the honour comfort benefit of all their faithfull endeavours to defend promote and propagate Religion Lawes liberties and the publike welfare here
great Councell of Parliament at Paris where among many Acts made for the weale of the Realme he with the assent of the Lords and Commons there assembled enacted for a Law after that day to be continued That all Heires of the Crowne of France their fathert being dead may be crownned as Kings of France so soone as they attained to the age of fourteene years And in the fifteenth yeare of his reigne the Duke of Flanders granted to those of Gaunt such Articles of agreement for the confirmation of their liberties the repealing of illegall taxes the electing of their owne Officers the Dukes Councellours and the like which you may read in Fabian as plainly manifest this whole Dukedome and people to be of greater jurisdiction then himselfe though invested with regall authoritie and that he had no power to impose any taxes on them without their grant and consent the contrary whereof caused many bloudy warres among them Charles the seventh after Fabians account but sixt after the French History a Childe of thirteene yeares by reason of the difference between the Lords who should be Vicegerent was by the advice of the major part of the Lords for the common good of the Realme Crowned at Raynes within the age of fourteen yeares contrary to a Law made in the eleventh yeare of his Father In the fourth yeare of his reigne the Citizens of Paris murmuring and grudging for divers impositions and taxes unduely leavied upon them suddenly arose in great multitudes intending to have distressed some of the kings Houshold Whereupon soone after the Kings Councell considering the weaknesse of the Treasure and his great charges and needs and assembling a Parliament of the Rulers of Paris Roan and other good Townes exhorted them to grant the King in way of Subsidy twelve pence in the pound of all such Wares at that day currant for the defence of the Realme and subjects To the which request after consultation taken it was answered That the people were so charged in times past that they might not beare any more charges till their necessity were otherwise relived and so the King and his Councell at this time were disappointed In his seventh yeare by the Duke of Angeau his procuring a tax was laid upon the Commons of France without the three Estates Which to bring to effect many friends and promoters were made as well of Citizens as others Whereupon the Commons of Paris and Roan became wilde assembled in great companies chose them Captains and kept watch day and night as if enemies had been about the Citie utterly refusing to pay that Tax This Charles being none of the wisest Prince ruled by his houshold servants and beleeving every light Tale brought unto him marching against the Duke of Brittaine as he came neare a wood was suddenly met of a man like a Beggar which said unto him Whither goest thou Sir King beware thou goe no further for thou art betrayed and into the hands of thine enemies thine owne Army shall deliver thee With this monition the King was astonied and stood still and began to muse In which study one of his followers that bare his Speare sleeping on Horsback let his Spear fall on his fellowes Helmet with which stroke the King was suddenly feared thinking his enemy had come unawares upon him wherefore in anger he drew his sword slew foure of his owne Kinghts ere he refrained and took therewith such a deadly fear as he fell forthwith distracted and so continued a long season being near at the point of death VVhereupon his brother Lewes of Orleans being but young the States of France thought it not convenient to lay so heavy a burthen upon so weake shoulders wherefore his two Vncles the Dukes of Berry and Burgaine BY AVTHORITY OF THE STATES OF THE LAND specially assembled in Parliament upon this occasion tooke upon them to rule the Realme for that season it being ordered by a speciall Law that they should abstain from the name of Regent unfit in this sudden accident the King being alive and of years And because the Duke of Berry had but an ill name to be covetous and violent and was therefore ill beloved of the French his younger brother Philip Duke of Burgoyn had the chiefe charge imposed on him and though the Title was common to both yet the effect of the author tie was proper to him alone who changed divers Officers After which the Duke of Orleance was made Regent being the Kings younger brother who pressing the people with quotidian taxes and tallages and the spirituall men with dismes and other exactions he was at length discharged of that dignitie and the Duke of Burgoyne put in that authoritie After this our King Henry the fift gaining a great part of France and pretending a good title to the Crowne recited at large by Hall and Iohn Speed the Frenchmen to settle a peace made this agreement with King Henry That he should marry Katharine the French Kings daughter and be admitted Regent of France and have the whole government and rule of the Realme during Charles his life who should be King of France and take the profits of the Crowne whilest he lived and that after the death of Charles the Crowne of France with all rights belonging to the same should remaine to King Henry and to his Heires Kings That the Lords spirituall and temporall and the Heads and Rulers of Cities Castles and Townes should make Oath to King Henry to be obedient to his lawfull commands concerning the said Regency and after the death of Charles to become his true subjects and liegemen That Charles should in all his writing name King Henry his most dearest sonne Henry King of England and inheritour of the Crowne of France That no imposition or tax should be put upon the Commons of France but to the necessary defence and weale of the Realme and that by the advice of both Councels of the Realmes of England and France such stablished Ordinances might be devised that when the said Realme of France should fall to the said Henry or his Heires that it might with such unity joyne with the Realme of England that one King might rule both Kingdomes as one Monarch reserved alwayes to either Realme all Rights Liberties Franchises and Lawes so that neither Realme should be subject unto other c. VVhich Articles were ratified and agreed with the consent of the more part of the Lords spirituall and temporall of France But Charles dying his sonne Charles the eight was by some part of France and many Lords reputed and knowledged King but not crowned whiles the Duke or Bedford lived and remained Regent our Henry the sixth both in Paris and many other cities being allowed for king of France After his death his sonne Lewes the eleventh 〈◊〉 Fabian accounts by strength of friends was crowned king of France who refused the counsell and company of his Lords and drew unto him as
enjoyed the Crowne till Aragon seased on the Realme Jone Queene of Naples married Andrew second sonne to Charles King of Hungary whom she hanged at her window for insufficiency after marrying Iames of Tarragou she beheaded him for lying with another woman and was at last driven out of her Kingdome by Lewes of Hungary and hanged at the same window where she hanged her first husband Peter Duke of Venice was for his tyranny and misgovernment besieged in his palace by the people which they fired and then taking him his wife and sonne dragged them unto the butchery where they chopped them in pieces and threw him to the dogs to be devoured notwithstanding all their submissions and intreaties on their knees Anno 977. So Duke Falier and many other Dukes have beene condemned to death and executed by the States of Venice and that justly as Bodine grants Multitudes of such like presidents occur in most other Dukedoms and Principalities which I will not name because they want the title of Kings though Aquinas truly holds That a Kingdome is so called from ruling therefore he who hath others under his government is said to have a Kingdome in reality though not in propriety of speech and so are Kings in verity though not in title I might adde to these many more examples manifesting what miseries and untimely deaths tyrannicall Kings and Princes have undergone in all ages and States being commonly deposed poysoned murthered but I shall for brevity passe over these examples remitting the Readers to Aristotle Aelian and Doctor Beard his Theatre of Gods Judgements and come nearer home to Scotland as having nearest relation to England Scotland WHat soveraigne power and jurisdiction the Realme Parliaments and Nobles of Scotland have claimed and exercised over their Kings who saith Buchanan can neither make Laws Warre Peace nor conclude of any great affairs of the Realm without a Parliament which hath there and in Hungary Poland Denmarke Swethland been oft-times summoned not onely without but against their Kings consents and how frequently they have questioned imprisoned censured deposed yea judicially sentenced their Kings for their tyrannies oppressions whoredoms murders 〈◊〉 and evill administrations you may reade at large in George Bucanan King James his owne Tutor in his Booke De Iure Regni apud Scotos and his Rerum Scoticarum Historia Where this their Soveraigne power iâ— so largely vindicated debated demonstrated and the chiefe objections against it cleared so abundantly that I shall not adde one syllable to it but present you with some Historicall examples which confirme it Fergusius the first King of Scotland dying and leaving two sons infants unable to governe the Realme the Scots thereupon considering what dangers might befall them both at home and abroad during their infancy at last concluded after much debate and setled this for a standing law that when any King died leaving his son under age and unfit to governe the next of their kinred who should be esteemed fittest to raigne should enjoy the soveraigne power and that he being dead then the succession of the Crowne should returne to the children of the deceased King being of age to rule which Law continued constantly for many hundred yeeres untill the reigne of Kenreth the third By this Law Feritharis brother to Fergusius abtained the Crowne and reigned fifteene yeeres with much justice and modesty after which his Nephew Ferleg desiring to raigne demanded his Fathers Kingdome of his Uncle who being willing to resigne it to him called an assembly of the estates made an Oration in praise of Ferleg profered to resigne the Crowne unto him But such was all the assemblies love to Feritharis and hatred to Ferleg for this his preposterous affectation of the Crowne that they detested the act and denied the motion both with frownes and verball reprehentions Whereupon Ferleg conspired his Uncles death which being discovered they thought him worthy of death but for Fergusius his fathers sake his life was spared and he onely imprisoned after which making an escape he fled first to the Picts then to the Britous and in the meane time Feritharis dying by the treachery of Ferleg as was suspected Ferleg by the unanimus sentence of all was condemned and put from his Crowne being absent and his brother Mainus created King Dornadilla the fourth King of Scotland dying leaving Reuther his sonne under age and unfit to raigne the people made Notatus his brother King who playing the tyrant banishing murthering and oppressing the people Donald of Galloway raised an Army against him expostulated with him for his tyranny and wished him to resigne the Crown to Reuther which he refusing to do and justifying his tyranny hereupon Donald gave him battell slew him and made Reuther King without the peoples suffrages Upon which the Nobles being offended because the power of the Parliament was by this meanes abolished and the election of the supreame Magistrate made onely by one man tooke up Armes both against Ruther and Donald gave them battell twice in one day and tâ—oke Ruther their new King prisoner who afterwards dying and leaving There his sonne an infant scarce ten yeeres old they according to the Law formerly made and received in this case made his unkle Ruther King who after seventeene yeeres reigne voluntarily resigned his Crowne to his Nephew There in whose commendation he made an Oration the people hardly permitting it There soone after growing very vitious and flagitious slaying the Nobles and filling the Realme with robberies the Governours pittying the deploâ—able state of the Realme resolved to punish him for it of which he being informed fled to the Brittains where he spent his daies in contempt and ignominy not daring to returne Conan a prudent and discreet man being elected Viceroy in the meane time which office he held almost twelve yeeres till the death of There In the reigne of Finnan the tenth King of Scotland that the roots of tyranny might be cut off it was decreed That Kings should command nothing of greater moment to be dâ—re but by the authority of the publique Councell Durstus the eleventh King giving himselfe to all deboistnesse first banished his fathers friends from him as the troublesome reprehenders of his pleasures and sending for the most vitious young men to be his familiar companions gave himselfe wholly to luxury and venery He prostituted his wife daughter to the King of Britains to his companions and then banished her At last the Nobles conspiring against him he awaking as it were out cut of sleepe considering that he should finde no place of safety neither at home nor abroad being equally hated of strangers and subjects thought best to counterfeit repentance of his former life for so he might retaine both his Crowne and in time inflict punishments on his enemies Wherefore recalling his wife from exile he first of all endeavoured to reconcile himselfe to the Britains then calling the chiefest of his
further reliefe in the easiest way to support his warres the Lords condescended to grant the ninth sheafe of all their corne and the ninth fleece and Lambe of all their flockes to the King for the two next yeares so as the custome of Mal-tolt newly imposed on Wools should be released and this grant not drawne hereafter into custome as a precedent to their prejudice Who acquainting the Commons therewith they after deliberation As to the Kings supply returned this Answer Num. 8 9. That they thought it meet the King should be supplyed and were ready to ayde him as they had alwayes formerly beene but yet as the ayde was granted in this case they durst not assent to it untill they had consulted and advised with the Commons in the Country for which end they craved time to goe into their Counties and that Writs might issue to summon another Parliament on the Octaves of Saint Hillary of the richest Knights in every Shire at a short day to come which was condescended to After which Num. 9 10 11. they gave this answer in writing concerning the three Articles propounded to them First As to the keeping of the peace of the Realme that the Justices of the Peace had sufficient power already to that purpose onely they adde that disturbers of the peace should not be let out of Prison but upon sufficient Bayle and that no Charters of pardon should be granted to Felons but by common consent in Parliament and all other pardons held as voyd To the second they answered That the King before his going beyond the Seas had taken so good order and appointed such sufficient Guardians to defend the Marches of Scotland who were best able to guard those parts that the enforcement of them by the Kings Councell would be sufficient without any charge to the Commons Only they ordered that every man who had Lands in the Marches of Scotland of what condition soever they were should reside upon them to defend them as it had beene formerly ordained without charge to the Commons To the third concerning the guard of the Seas The Commons prayed that they might not be charged to give Counsell in things of which they had no conisance or charge and that they were advised that the Barons of the Ports which at all times have honours before all the Commons of the Land and are so enfranchized to guard the Sea betweene us and strangers if so be it fals out that they will enter and assaile our Land that they contribute to no aydes nor charges on the said Land but receive profits without number arising by the Sea for the Guard aforesaid Wherefore the Commons are advised that they ought to maintaine a guard upon the Sea as the Commons do upon the Land without taking or demanding wages Likewise there are other great Townes and Havens which have a Navy that are in the same case and are bound to guard the Sea And as for the safeguard of the Watch-houses upon the Sea by Land let the guard of them be made by the advice of the Knights of the Shire where the said Guardians are assigned in the safest manner that may be without charge of the Commons And that the people of the Land of what condition soever which have lands on the Coast shall keepe residence upon those Lands the better to repulse the enemies from the Land so that for their abiding there they shall be discharged to give any aide toward the same guard elsewhere Num. 13. The Commons frame and demand a generall pardon upon grant whereof they promise to aide the King with monies Num. 14. They make an Ordinance for increase of monies in the Realme Num. 15. Because the ships of England went not out together in Fleetes to trade but severally out of desire of gaine and covetousnesse and so many of them were taken by the Enemies of the King and the men slaine and murthered to the dishonour of the King and the whole Realme it was agreed and assented in full Parliament that all the Navy should stay and be arrested till further order were given to the contrary Num. 16. It was accorded and assented in Parliament that the Bishops and Lords in the Parliament should send Letters to the Archbishop of Yorke and the Clergy of his Province under their Seales to excite them to grant a convenient ayd for the guard of the Marches of Scotland for the defence of the Church the Realme and themselves as the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury had done Num. 17. It is accorded that Master Robert de Scardeburgh shall be put into the Commission which shall be sent into the Country of Yorke to survey the Array of the people which shall be chosen for the defence of the Realme in lieu of Sir Thomas de Blaston That Sir Richard Chastell shall be put in the Commission to survey the Array in the Counties of Notingham and Denby and John Feriby in the County of Lancaster Num. 18. It is assented that the people of Holdernes shall be Arrayed taxed and make ayde for the guarding of the Marches of Scotland and other businesses of the King in those parts notwithstanding the Commission made to them to guard the Sea Num. 21. The Lords who have Lands towards the Marches of Scotland are commanded and prayed by writs and Letters to repaire thither for defence thereof namely the Lords of Ros Wake Mowbray Clifford and Master William Daubeny Steward of the Earle of Richmond and that those who could not in this case goe in proper person should send their people to the Lords in the Marches In the second Parliament held this yeare by appointment of the first Octabis Hilarii 13. Ed. 3. Num. 2. 5. Edward Duke of Cornwall Guardian of England in the Kings absence being hindered by other businesses to be present in this Parliament by Letters Patents under the Kings great Seale appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury and others to supply his place and hold the Parliament Num. 6 7 8 9. The Commons for the defence of the Realme Sea and Marches of Scotland granted the King thirty thousand sackes of Wooll and the Earles and Barons the ninth sheafe Fleece and Lambe within their Demesne Lands and agreed to raise a great summe of money presently to set out a fleet of Ships to Sea fraught with men of armes and archers for defence of the Realme Num. 10. All the Merchants of England were summoned by writ to appeare at Westminster in proper person to conferre upon great businesses concerning the Kings honour the salvation of the Realme and of themselves Num. 11. The Mariners of the Cinque-ports upon their departure promised to make their ships ready by Mid-Lent and were to receive a summe of money to helpe defray their charges herein and the men of the Cinque-ports promised to defray the moity of the costs and the Kings Counsell the other moity but not in name of wages but out of speciall grace and
said in full Parliament that if a treaty of peace or truce should be entertained betweene their Lord the King and his adversary of France that they thought it expedient and necessary if it should please the King that Mounseur de Guyen because he is the most sufficient person of the realme shall goe to the same Treaty And the King said that he liked it well if it pleased the said Lord de Guyen and thereupon Mounseur de Guyen said that he would with a very good will travell and doe any thing which might turne to the honour and profit of the King and of his realme In the Parliament of the 14 H. 6. Num. 10. The Kings grant of the custody of the Town and Castle of Calice the Towne of Risbanke the Castles of Hamures Marke Oye Stangate Bavelingham and of the Castle and Dominion of Guynes in Picardy to be made to Humfrey Duke of Glocester his unkle in the presence of the Lords spirituall and temporall then being in the present Parliament was on the 29 day of October read before them which being understood and mature deliberation taken thereupon the severall reasons of the said Lord being heard it was at last by their assent and consent agreed and ordered that the said Duke should have the custody of the said Towne Castles and premises to the end of nine yeeres then next ensuing which Charter was subscribed by all the Lords there present In the Parliament of 31 H. 6. Num. 41. pro custodia Maris it was enacted For as much as the King considering that as well divers His Clergy men of this his realm inhabiting nigh the coast of the Sea and others His Subjects using the Trade of Merchandises have been oftentimes grievously imprisoned distressed put to great sufferances and ransomes and their Ships Vessels and Merchandises of great value taken upon the Sea by his enemies and also Merchant strangers being under his leageance amity safegard or safe conduct upon the Sea have been robbed and spoyled against the forme and contents of such truces and safe conducts signed His Highnesse willing and intending sufficiently to provide for the remedy of such inconveniences and to eschew and avoyd all such robberies and dispoylers HATH BY THE ADVICE AND ASSENT OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL in his high Court of Parliament assembled desired certaine great Lords of this realme that is to say Richard Earle of Salisbury John Earle of Shrewsbury John Earle of Worcester James Earle of Wiltshire and Iohn Lord Sturton with great Navies of Ships and people defensible in great number purveyed of abiliments of warre to intend with all diligence to their possibility the safeguard and keeping of the Sea For which cause the subsidies of Tonnage and Poundage granted to the King for his naturall life this Parliament that they might be applied to such uses and intent as they be granted the King BY THE ADVICE AND ASSENT OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL AND COMMONS IN THIS PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED AND BY AUTHORITY OF THE SAME were granted to the said Earles and Lord Sturton and the survivers of them for three whole yeeres with power for them to appoint Collectors to receive and collect them in every Port without rendering any account so as they kept the covenants and endentures made between the King and them for the safegard of the Seas with a proviso that this Act during the three yeeres should not be prejudiciall to the custome of the Towne or Castle of Calice or Rishbanke for the payment of the wages and arreares of the Souldiers there And over that if the goods of any of the Kings liege-people or any of his friends be found in any Vessell of the Kings enemies without any safe conduct that then the said Earles and the Lord Sturton shall take and depart it among them and their retinue without any impeachment according to the Statute thereupon made In the Parliament of 33 H. 6. Num. 27. the said Lords were discharged of the custody of the Sea by the Parliament in these words For as much as the Earles of Salisbury Shrewsbury and Worcester and the Lord Sturton besought the Kings Highnesse in this present Parliament that it might like his Highnes and Excellency of his Noble grace to have them clearely discharged of the keeping of the Sea the King therefore and for other causes moving his Highnesse BY THE ADVICE OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL IN THE SAID PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED the 30 day of Iuly the 23 day of the same Parliament admitted their desire and would that the said Earles and Lord Sturton or any other THAT HAD THE KEEPING OF THE SEA BY AN ACT MADE IN THE LAST PARLIAMENT begun and holden at Redding and ended at Westminster be from the 30 day of July fully discharged of the keeping of the same and that IT SHOULD BE ENACTED OF RECORD In the Parliament of 39 H. 6. Num. 32. The King BY THE ADVICE OF THE LORDS SPIRITUALL AND TEMPORALL AND COMMONS IN THIS PARLIAMENT ASSEMBLED AND BY AUTHORITY THEREOF ordained and established that his dearest cosin Richard Duke of Yorke rightfull heire to the Countries of England and France and of the Lordship and Land of Ireland have and take upon him the power and labour to ride into the parts of England and Wales where great rebellions murders riots spoylings executions and oppressions be used committed and attempted to represse subdue and appease them And also to resist the enemies of France and Scotland within the realme And further granted ordained and established by the said advice and authority that every Sheriffe with the power and might of his Sheriwicke and every Major Bailiffe Officer Minister and Subject of the said realme of England and of Wales shall attend upon his said cousin for the said intent as the case shall require and to the same intent be ready at the command of his said cousin and the same obey and performe in like case as they ought to doe at his commandement after the course of the Lawes of England and in Wales after the customes there c. And to cite no more presidents in so cleare a case in the Parliament of 21 Iacobi ch 33. The Temporalty having granted three intire Subsidies and three Fifteenes and tenths to King James towards the maintenance of the warres that might then suddenly insue upon the breach with Spaine and more particularly for the defence of the realme of England the securing of Ireland the assurance of the states of the united Provinces with the Kings friends and allies and for the setting forth of the Navy-royall did by that Act for the better disbursing of the said ayd and mannaging that warre according to the Parliaments true intention by that very Act wherein they gave the Subsidies did especially appoint eight Aldermen and other persons of London Treasurers to receive and issue the said moneys and appointed ten Lords and Knights particularly named in the Act to be of the Kings
that We c. out of meere and free will have given and granted to all Archbishops Bishops Eâ—rles Barons and to all free men of this our Realm of England and by this our present Charter have confirmed FOR US AND OUR HEIRS FOR EVERMORE these liberties underwritten to have and to hold to them and their Heirs OF US AND OUR HEIRS FOR EVERMORE c. together with the whole tenour and title of this Charter and the two last Chapters of it All those customs and liberties aforesaid which we have granted to be holden within our Realme as much AS APPERTAINETH TO US AND OUR HEIRS WE SHALL OBSERVE And for this our gift and grant of those Liberties c. our Subjects have given us the fifteenth part of all their moveables And We have granted to them on the other part that NEITHER WE NOR OUR HEIRS shall procure or doe any thing whereby the Liberties in this Charter contained shall be infringed or broken We confirme and make strong all the same FOR US AND OUR HEIRS PERPETUALLY not the Parliament All these I say infallibly demonstrate that this Statute of Magna Charta did never extend unto the Parliament to restraine its hands or power but onely to the King his Heirs Officers Courts of Justice and particular subjects So that the Parliaments imprisoning of Malignants imposing Taxes for the necessary defence of the Realm and seizing mens goods or imprisoning their persons for non-payment of it is no wayes within the words or intent of Magna Charta as Royallists and Malignants ignorantly clamour but the Kings his Officers Councellours and Cavalliers proceedings of this nature are cleerly most direct violations of this Law And that which puts this past dispute are the severall Statutes of 25. Edward 3. cap. 4. Statute 5. 37. Edward 3. cap. 18. 38 Edward 3. cap. 9. 42. Edward 3. cap. 3. 17. Richard 2. cap. 6. and the Petition of right it self all which expresly resolve that this very objected Law of Magna Charta extends onely to the King himselfe his Privy Councell Judges Justices Officers and inferiour Courts of Justice but not unto the supream Court of Parliament which no man for ought I finde ever yet held to be absolutely obliged by it before the Kings late recesse from Parliament The next Statute is that of 34. Edward 1. cap. 1. No tallage nor aid shall be taken or leavied BY US AND OUR HEIRS not the Parliament in our Realme without the good will and assent of the Archbishops Bishops Earls Barons Knights Burgesses and other free men of the Land which the Statute of * 25. Edward 1. thus explains But by the common consent of the Realme The Statute of 14. Edward 3. cap. 21. and Statute 2. cap 1. thus If it be not by common consent of the Prelatos Earles Barons and other great men and Commons of our said Realme of England AND THAT IN PARLIAMENT The Statute of 25. Edward the third cap. 8. thus If it be not BY COMMON CONSENT AND GRANT IN PARLIAMENT The Statute of 36. Edward the third cap. 11. thus That no Subsidie nor other charge be set nor granted upon the Woolls by the Merchants nor by NONE OTHER from henceforth WITHOUT THE ASSENT OF THE PARLIAMENT The Statute of 45. Edward 3. cap. 4. thus It is accorded and stablished That no imposition or charge shall be put upon Woolls Woollfels or Leather othâ—r then the custome and subsidie granted to the King WITHOUT THE ASSENT OF THE PARLIAMENT and if any be it shall be repealed and holden for none And the Petition of Right 3. Caroli thus By which Statutes and other good Statutes of this Realm your Subjects have inherited this freedom that they should not be compelled to contribute any Taxe Tallage Custome Aide or other like charge not set BY COMMON CONSENT IN PARLIAMENT Now it is as evident as the noonday sunshine that these Acts onely extend to the King his Heirs Councell Officers inferiour Courts and private Subjects onely and that the Parliament is precisely excepted out of the very intent and letter of them all having free power to impose on the Subjects what Aids Taxes Tallages Customes and Subsidies they shall deem meet by the expresse provision of all these Laws concerning the granting and imposing of Subsidies Therefore by the direct resolution of these Acts the Kings his Councellors present contributions assessements and ransoms imposed on the Subjects are illegall against the letter and provision of all these Acts but the Parliaments and Houses lawfull approved and confirmed by them True will Royallists and Malignants answer who have no other evasion left but this If the King were present in Parliament and consenting to these contributions and taxes of the twentieth part there were no doubt of what you alleage but because the King is absent and not only disassents to but prohibits the payment of this or any Parliamentary Assessments by his Proclamations therefore they are illegall and against these Laws 1 To which I answer First that the King by his Oath duty the ancient custom and Law of the land ought of right to be alwayes present with his Parliament as he is now in point of Law and not to depart from it but in cases of urgent necessity with the Houses free consents and then must leave Commissoners or a Deputy to supply his absence This is not onely confessed but proved by a Booke lately printed at Oxford 1642. with the Kings approbation or permission intituled No Parliament without a King pag. 5. to 16. where by sundry presidents in all Kings Reignes it is manifested That Kings were and ought to be present in their Parliaments which I have formerly cleared If then the King contrary to these Presidents his Oath Duty the Laws and Customs of the Realme the practice of all his Progenitors the rules of nature which prohibit the head to separate it selfe from the body and will through the advice of malignant Councellours withdraw himselfe from his Parliament yea from such a Parliament as himselfe by a speciall Act hath made in some sort perpetuall at the Houses pleasure and raise an Army of Papists Delinquents Malignants and such like against it and that purposely to dissolve it contrary to this very Law of his for its continuance why this illegall tortious act of his paralleld in no age should nullifie the Parliament or any way invalid its Impositions or Proceedings for their own the Kingdoms Peoples and Religions preservation all now indangered transcends any reasonable mans capacity to apprehend 2. The right and power of granting imposing assenting unto Assessements Taxes Subsidies and such like publique charges in Parliament for the publique safety rests wholly in the Commons and Lords not King and is their owne free act alone depending no waies on the Kings assent nor necessarily requiring his personall presence in Parliament This is evident First by the expresse letter of the forecited Acts No Subsidy Tax Ayde
the mediation of timorous men he made peace with the Barons for a time promising inviolably to observe the Provisions of Oxford that all the Kings Castles thoroughout England should be delivered into the custody of the Barons that all Aliens within a certain time should void the Realm except those who should be thought faithfull thereunto by the unanimous consent of the Kingdom and that faithfull and profitable natives of the Realm should thenceforth dispose of the affairs of the Kingdoms under the King But THE QUEEN instigated with foeminine malice contradicted it all she could which made the people revile and cast dirt and stones at her as she was going to Windsore enforcing her to retire again to the Tower How William Longshamp Bishop of Ely Lord Chancellour of England Earl John and others when they disturbed the peace of the Realm and turned Malignants were apprehended besieged imprisoned excommunicated and their Goods and Castles seised on by the Lords and Commons one of Parliament yea during the time of King Richard the first his absence and captivitie you may read at large in Roger de Hovedon Holinshed Daniel and others Why then the Lords and Commons in Parliament may not now much more do the like for their own and the whole Kingdoms safety I can yet discern no shadow of reason I will not trouble you with Histories shewing what violent unlawfull courses Kings and People have sometimes used to raise moneyes in times of warre by sacriledge rapine and all manner of indirect means I rather wish those Presidents and their occasions buried in eternall silence then reduced into practise and verily perswade my self that every ingenuous true born Englishman who bears a reall naturall affection to his Countrey or a Christian love to his Brethren the Parliament and Religion will according to his bounden duety the Protestation and Covenant which he hath taken rather freely contribute his whole estate if need so require towards the just defence of his Countrey Libertie Religion and the Parliament against the treacherous Conspiracies of the Pope Jesuites forraign Catholikes Irish Rebels English Papists and Malignants who have plotted their subvertions then repine at or neglect to pay any moderate Taxes which the Parliament shall impose or inforce the Houses to any extraordinary wayes of Levying Moneyes for want of ordinary voluntary supplyes to maintain these necessary defensive warres I shall close up all in a few words The Parliament hath much against their wills been inforced to this present defensive warre which they have a most just and lawfull power to wage and manage as I have elsewhere evidenced by the Fundamentall Laws of the Realm yea by the Law of God of Nature of Nations This warre cannot be maintained without Moneyes the sinews of it wherefore when voluntary contributions fail the Houses may by the same Laws which enabled them to raise an Army without the King impose necessary Taxes for the maintaining of it during the warres continuance else their Legall power to raise an Army for the Kingdoms defence would be fruitlesse if they might not Levy Moneyes to recrute and maintain their Army when raised which Taxes if any refuse to pay they may for this contempt be justly imprisoned as in cases of other Sudsidies and if any unnaturally warre against their Countrey or by way of intelligence advise or contribution assist the common Enemy or seduce or withdraw others by factious slanderous speeches against the Power and Proceedings of the Parliament from assisting the Parliament in this kinde they may for such misdemeanours upon conviction be justly censured confined secured and their estates sequestred rather then the Republike Parliament Religion or whole Kingdom should miscarry It is better that one should perish then all the Nation being the voyce of God Nature and resolution of all Laws Nations Republikes whatsoever If any hereticall scismaticall or vitious persons which may poyson others with their pernicious false doctrines or vitious wicked lives appear in the Church they may after admonition if they repent not yea and de facto are or ought to be excommunited the Church and societie of all faithfull Christians so as none may or ought to converse with them till their repentance If this be good Law and Divinitie in the Church the banishing and confining of pestilent Malignants in times of warre and danger must by the self-same reason be good Law and Divinitie in the State I have now by Gods assistance notwithstanding all distracting Interruptions Avocations Remoraes incountring me in this service ran through all Objections of moment which the King or any opposites to this Parliament have hitherto made against their proceedings or jurisdictions and given such full answers to them as shall I trust in the generall abundantly clear the Parliaments Authoritie Invocency Integritie against all their clamarous malignant Calumnies convince their Judgements satisfie their consciences and put them to everlasting silence if they will without prejudice or partialitie seriously ponder all the premises and ensuing Appendix which I have added for their further satisfaction information conviction and the confirmation of all forecited domestick Laws Presidents by forraign examples and authorities of all sorts And if any shall yet continue obstinate and unresolved after so many convincing Reasons Presidents Authorities or still retain an ill opinion of the Parliaments proceedings I shall desire them onely seriously to consider the most execrable conspiracy of the Pope Jesuites and Popish party in all His Majesties three Realms to extirpate the Protestant Religion subvert the Government Parliament and poyson the King himself if he condescend not to their desires or crosse them in their purposes whom they have purposely engaged in these warres still continued by them for this very end to enforce the King to side with them and so gain possession of his person to accomplish this designe of theirs as is cleerly evidenced to all the world by Romes Master-Peece the English Pope the Declaration of the Lords and Commons concerning the Rise and Progresse of the Irish Rebellion and then advisedly to consider in what great present danger the Kingdom King Parliament and Religion are when the Popish Partie and forces now in Arms have gained the Kings Princes and Duke of Yorkâ—s persons into their custodie the Cities of Chester and of late Bristoll the Keyes of England with other Ports to let in all the Irish Rebels upon us to cut our throats in England as they have cut above an hundred and fortie thousand of our Protestant brethrens throats already in Ireland it being one part of their designe now presently to be executed as appears by sundry Examinations in the Irish Remonstrance for which end some thousands of Irish Rebels who have all embrued their hands there in English bloud are already landed here and are in great favour and command about the King To which if they adde the omnipotent over-ruling power of the Queen the Head of that partie with the
put him under good and convenient guiding and of assent they chose Eudo a man of great fame and worth to be King of the Land for the terme of his life and to guide the Land till Charles should come to his lawfull age whom they put under Eudo his tuition making him King in his stead who was crowned of Walter then Archbishop of Senys After which when Eudo knew he should dye he called before him the Lords and Nobles of France charging them by solemne Oath that after his death they should immediately crowne Charles for their King whom he had brought up with diligence in learning and all Princely vertues being then of age to governe Charles comming to the Crowne the Danes miserably walled his Kingdomes Whereupon his Nobles and people assembled themselves in sundry companies and went to the King shewing their misery and blaming his fearfulnesse and negligence that he no more for him resisted the Danes cruelty Whereupon he out of feare belike lest they should chuse another King to protect them compounded with Rollo chiefe Commander of the Danes giving him all Normandy and his owne Daughter in Marriage to purchase peace Charles being afterwards slaine by Hebert Earl of Vermendoyes Algina his wife mistrusting the Frenchmen fled secretly with her young sonne Lewes Heire to the Crowne to Edward the Elder into England Whereupon that the Land might not be without a Ruler the Lords of France assembled at Paris and there tooke Councell to elect a new King where after long debate they named and crowned Raulfe sonne to Richard Duke of Burgundy King as next Heire to the Crown but young Lewes Raulfe dying after he had reigned 12 yeares the Nobles hearing that Lewes was alive in England sent for him into France and crowned him their King Lewes the 6. dying without issue being the last King of Pipens blood who enjoyed the Crowne 10. discents Hugh Capet usurped the Crowne putting by Charles Duke of Loraigne Vncle and next heire to Lewes whom by the Treason of the Bishop of Laon he took prisoner After which the Crowne continued in this Hugh and his Heires Philip the 2. of France by a counsell of his Prelates was excommunicated for refusing to take Ingebert his wife whom he unlawfully put from him and to renounce Mary whom he had married in her stead And calling a Parliament they concluded that King Iohn of England should be summoned to appeare as the French Kings Liege-man at another Parliament to be holden at Paris within 15. dayes after Easter to answer to such questions as there should be proposed to him for the Dutchy of Normandy and the County of Angeou and Poytiers who not appearing at the day Philip hereupon invaded and seized them After which Lewes the 9. and Henry the 3. of England in a parliament at Paris made a finall composition for these Lands Lewes the 10. being under age was thought of many unsufficient to govern the Realm and when he had a mind to goe to the holy Warre as it was then deemed he did not undertake it but by the advice of his great Councell of Spirituall and Temporall Lords and persons who assisted him therein Philip the 4. in the 27. yeare of his Raigne raised a great Taxe throughout France which before that time was never heard nor spoken of by his absolute Prerogative without consent of his Estates in Parliament which had the sole power of imposing Taxes Which Taxe all Normandy Picardy and Champaigne allying themselves together utterly refused to pay which other Countries hearing of tooke the same opinion so that a great rumour and murmur was raised throughout the Realme of France in such wayes that the King for pacifying the people was faine to repeale the said Taxe Lewes 11. of France dying without issue male left his Queen great with child whereupon Philip his Brother reigned as Regent of France till the childe was borne which proved a male named Iohn who dying soone after Philip was crowned King at Paris albeit that the Duke of Burgoyn and others withstood his Coronation and would have preferred the Daughter of King Lewes But other of the Lords and Nobles of France would not agree that a woman should inherit so great a Kingdome it being contrary to the Salique law This Philip by advise of evill counsell set a great Taxe upon his Commons to the Fifth part of their movable goods at which they murmured and grudged wondrous sore and before it was levied hee fell into a Feaâ—â—r Quartan and great Flixe whereof hee dyed which Sickenesse fell upon him by prayer of the Commons for laying on them the said grievous Taxe Charles the fifth of France having a purpose to drive all the English cut of Aquitaine and other parts of his Kingdome and being provided of all things which he thought needfull for the doing of it yet would not undertake the warre without the counsell and good liking of the Nobility and people whose helpe he was to use therein Wherefore he commanded them all to be assembled to a Parliament at Paris to have their advice and by their wisdome to amend what had by himselfe not altogether so wisely been done and considered of And this warre being at last decreed by the Councell prospered in his hand and tooke good successe Whereas when the Subjects see things done either without counsell or contrary to the wills and decrees of the Senate or Councell then they contemne and set them at naught or else fearfully and negligently do the command of their Princes of which contempt of Lawes Magistrates and seditious speeches ensue among the people and so at length most dangerous rebellion or else open conspiracy against the Prince as Bodin observes This Charles dying without Issue Maie leaving his Wife great with Childe Philip Earle ofValoyes his Nephew was by the Barons and Lords made Protector and Regent of the Realme of France untill such time as the Queene was delivered who being brought to bed of a Daughter onely hereupon Philip was crowned King Betweene him and King Edward the third of England and their Councells arose great disputations for the Right and Title to the Crowne of France for it was thought and strongly argued by the Councell of England for so much as King Edward was sonne and sole Heire to his Mother Queene Isabel daughter to King Philip le Beaw that he should rather be King of France then Philip de Valoyes that was but Cousin German to Philip le Beaw Of which disputations the finall resolution of the Lords and Parliament was That for an old Decree and Law by Authority of Parliament long before made which the English much oppugned that no woman should inherite the Crowne of France therefore the Title of Edward by might of the Frenchmen was put by and Philip by an Act of the whole French State by which his right was acknowledged admitted to the Government of the same After
of their Kingdom and Estates assembled as some falsly averre they are because our Royalists and Court Doctors parallell England with France making both of them absolute Monarchies and our greatest malignant Councellors chiefe Designe hath been to reduce the Government of England to the late modell and new arbitrary proceedings of France which how pernicious they have proved to that unfortunate Realm what infinite distructive civill warres and combustions they have produced and to what unhappy tragicall deaths they have brought divers of their Kings Princes Nobles and thousands of their people the premisses other Storyes will so far discover as to cause all prudent Kings and Statesmen to steer the Helme of our own and other Kingdoms by a more safe steddy and fortunate compasse Thus I have done with France and shall recompence any prolixity in it with greater brevity in other Kingdoms when I have overpassed Spain From France I shall next steer my course to the Kingdomes and Kings of Spaine whom Iacobus Valdesius Chancellor to the King of Spain in a large Book de Dignitate Regum Regnorumque Hispaniae printed at Granado 1602. professedly under takes to prove to be of greater dignity and to have the Precedency of the Kings and Kingdoms of France which Cassanaeus and all French Advocates peremptorily deny The first Kings of Spain over-run by the Goths and Wisigoths are those their Writers call the Gothish Kings who as Michael Ritius de Regibus Hispaniae L. 1 2. Iohannis Mariana de rebus Hispaniae L. 2 3. the Generall History of Spain and othes affirme were elected by and had their authority from the people You may reade their lives and successions at large in these Authors and finde some of there dis-inherited and deposed by their subjects others of them in ward during their minorities to such as the State appointed others murdered but all of them subject to the Lawes of their Realms as it is evident by the expresse ancient Law of the Wisigoths having this Title Quod tam Regia potestas quam populorum universitas Legum reverentiae sit subjecta by other lawes thereto annexed by Iohannis Mariana De Rege Regis institutione L. 1. c. 9. Those whom they properly call Kings of Spain had their royall authority derived to them conferred on them by the people upon this occasion Spain being a Provincesubject to the Roman Empire was spoyled over-runne and possessed by the barbarous Moors for many years in which time the Spanyards oft solicited the Roman Emperours for ayde to expell the Moors but could gain none Whereupon to free themselves and their Countrey from slavery they chose one Pelagius for their Captain by whose valour they conquered the Moors and thereupon by unanimous consent Elected and Crowned Pelagius King of Oviedo whom the Spanish Writers mention as the first King of Spain And this their desertion by the Emperours the Spanish Writers generally hold and g Iacobus Valdesius proves it largely to be a sufficient lawfull ground for the Spanyards even by the generall law of Nations to cast off their subjection to the Roman Empire and to elect a King erect a Kingdom of their own exempt from all subjection to the Emperor since they purchased their own libertie and Countrey from the Gothes by conquest of themselves alone without any aide or assistance from the Roman Emperours to whom for this reason they hold themselves and their Kingdom no wayes subject yet for all this they deem their Kings inferiour to their whole Kingdoms and censurable yea deposable by them as is cleer by the forecited passage of the Bishop of Burgen Ambassadour to the King of Spain in the Councell of Basill and by Johannis Mariana the Jesuites Book de Rege Regis Institution dedicated to Philip the third King of Spain printed at Madrit in Spain by this Kings own speciall priviledge Dated at Madrit January 25. 1599. and after this reprinted at Mentz in Germany Anno 1605. Cum privilegio sacrae Caesariae Majestatis to wit of the Emperour Radulph the second permissu Superiorum who certainly would not thus specially approve authorize this Book for the Presse had it maintained any Positions contrary to the Laws or derogatory to the Prerogative Royall of the Crownes and Kingdoms of Spain though other States cannot so well digest it In this very Book the Authour who hath likewise written a large History of the affaires and Kings of Spain professedly maintains in a speciall Chapter wherein he debates this Question Whether the power of the Republike or King be greater That the whole Kingdom State and People in every lawfull Kingdom and in Spain it selfe are of greater power and authority then the King His reasons which I have for brevity digested into number in his own words are these First because all Royall Power that is lawfull hath its originall from the People by whose grant the first Kings in every Republike were placed in their Royall Authoritie which they circumscribed with certain laws and sanctions lest it should too much exalt it selfe to the distruction of the Subjects and degenerate into a Tyrannie This appears in the Lacedaemonians long since who committed onely the care of Warre and procuration of holy things to the King as Aristotle Writes Also by a later example of the Aragonians in Spain who being incited with an earnest endeavour of defending their libertie and not ignorant how the hights of Libertie are much diminished from small beginnings created a middle Magistrate like the Tribunall power commonly called at this time Aragoniae Iustitia the Justice of Aragon who armed with the lawes authoritie and endeavours of the people hath hitherto held the Royall Power included within certain bounds and it was specially given to the Nobles that there might be no collusion if at any time having communicated their counsell among themselves they should keep assemblies without the Kings privity to defend their Lawes and Liberties In these Nations and those who are like them no man will doubt but that the authoritie of the Republike is greater then the Kings Secondly because in other Provinces where the people have lesser and the Kings more power and all grant the King to be the Rector and supream Head of the Commonwealth and to have supream authoritie in managing things in times of warre or peace yet there the whole Commonwealth and those who represent it being chosen out of all Estates and meeting together in one place or Parliament are of greater power to command and deny than the King which is proved by experience in Spain where the King can impose no Taxes nor enact no Laws if the people dissent or approve them not Yea let the King use art propound rewards to the Citizens sometimes speak by threats to draw others to consent to him solicite with words hopes and promises which whether it may be well done we dispute not yet if they shall resist their judgement shall be
Brotherhood and Estates of this Province sent to K. Alphonso divers Articles which they beseeched him to confirme promising for their part that this should be their last Assembly and that the name and effect of their Brotherhood should remain for ever extinct and the Province be for ever united to the Crown of Castile if he would confirme those Articles to them being 17. in number which he did The chiefe were these That the King nor his Successors should not alien any place of his Demesnes That the Gentlemen and their goods should be free and exempt from all Subsidies as they had been heretofore That they and others of the Countrey should be governed according to the customes and rights of Soportilla And that divers Townes and Villages therein specified should be free from all Tributes and Impositions About the yeer 1309. Mahumet King of Granado becomming casually blind was soon after deposed by his own Brother and the great men of his Realme who were discontented and disliked to be governed by a blind King who could not lead them to the warres in person Which Kingdome went by Election commonly as is evident by his three next successours and Mahumet the sixth King of Granado Anno 1307. Lewes Hutin was crowned King of Navarre at Pampelone where he sware to observe the Lawes and Rights of the Realme After which Anno 1315. Philip the long was elected by the Estates of Navarre to be their king in right of his wife but it was upon conditions drawn in writing which they tendered to him and the Queen to subscribe and sweare to before the solemnities of their Coronation in the Estates assembled at Pampelone which they yeelded willingly unto whereof the principall Articles were these 1. First to the Estates to maintain and keep the Rights Lawes Customes Liberties and priviledges of the Realme both written and not written whereof they were in possession to them and their successours for ever and not to diminish but rather augment them 2. That they should disannull all that had been done to the preiudice thereof by the kingâ— their Predecessors and by their Ministers without delay notwithstanding any Leâ— 3. That for the tearme of 12. yeares to come they should not coyne any money but such as was then currant within the Realme and that during their lives they should not coyne above one sort of money and that they should distribute part of the revenues profits and commodities of the Realme unto the Subiects 4. That they should not receive into their service above foure strangers but should imploy them of the Countrey 5. That the Forts and Garrison of the Realme should be given unto Gentlemen borne and dwelling in the Countrey and not to any stranger who should do homage to the Queen and promise for to hold them for her and for the lawfull Heire of the Countrey 6. That they should not exchange nor engage the Realme for any other Estate whatsoever 7. That they should not sell nor engage any of the Revenues of the Crowne neither should make any Law nor Statute against the Realme nor against them that should lawfully succeed therein 8. That to the first sonne which God should give them comming to the age of twenty yeares they should leave the kingdome free and without factions upon condition that the Estates should pay unto them for their expences an hundred thousand Sanchets or other French money equivalent 9. That if God gave them no children in that case they should leave the Realme after them free with the Forts in the hands of the Estates to invest them to whom of right it should belong 10. That if they infâ—inge these Articles or any part of them the Subiects should be quit of their Oath of subiection which they ought them These Articles being promised and sworne by the king and Queen they were solemnly crowned and the Deputies of the Estates Noblemen and Officers of the Crown took their obedience to them Vpon this agreement all the Castles and places of strength in Navarre were put into the hands of the Estates who committed them unto the custody of faithfull knights in whose keeping they continued a Catalogue of which Castles with the names of the knights that guarded them by the Estates appointment in the yeare 1335. you may read at large in the Generall History of Spaine Before this Anno 1328. the Estates of Navarre assembled at Puenta la Reyna to resolve without any respect TO WHOM THE REALM OF NAVARRE BELONGED whether to Edward king of England or to Iane Countesse of Eureux The Estates being adjourned to Pampalone the chief Town of the Realme their opinions were divers many holding that king Edward should have the Realm as Granchilde born of the daughter to Queen Iane daughter to King Henry rather then the Countesse of Eureux in regard of the Sex others with more reason held for the Countesse who was in the same degree but daughter to a Son and Heir to Queen Iane. These prevailed drawing the rest to their opinion whereupon the Countesse was declared true and lawfull Queen of Navarre the Realm having been vacant above four Moneths And untill that she and Count Philip her husband should come and take possession of the Realm they declared the Regent and Viceroy Don Iohn Corberan of Leet Standard bearer of the Realm and Iohn Martines of Medrado Lo here a Parliament of the Estates of Navarre summoned by themselves without a King determining the Right of succession to the Crown appointing a Vicegerent and prescribing such an Oath and Articles to their king as you heard before Anno 1331. king Philip of Navarre to administer justice erected a new Court of Parliament in Navarre which was called New to distinguish it from the old HE AND THE THREE ESTATES of the Realm NAMING MEN WORTHY OF THAT CHARGE Queen Iane and Philip deceasing their son Charles the second surnamed the Bad for his crueltie and ill manners was called by the three Estates of Navarre to Pampelone and there crowned in their Assembly after the manner of his Ancestors swearing to observe the Lawes and Liberties of the Country After which a far stricter Oath was administred to Charles the 3. An. 1390. Anno 1325. In a generall assembly of all the Estates of Arragon Don Pedro son to the Infant Don Alphonso was sworn presumptive Heir and Successor to the Crown after the decease of his Grandfather and Father the which was there decreed and practised for that Don Pedro Earl of Ribagorca did maintain that if his brother Don Alphonso should die before then Father the Realm did belong to him by right of propriery being the third brother rather then to his Nephew the son of the second brother In this Assembly the Articles of the generall priviledges were confirmed and it was ordained for a Law That no Freeman should be put to the Racke and that confiscations should not be allowed but in Cases of
people that partly out of revenge partly to prevent further oppressions and to provide for their owne securitie corrupting his servants with money they sent their agents into his chamber in the night and slew him Not to mention the murther of King Duncan by Machbed who usurped his Crowne through his pusillanimity this Machbed omitting no kind of libidinousnesse cruelty and tyrannizing over the people for 18 yeares space together trusting to the predictions of certaine wisards that he should neven be overcome till Bernane wood did come to Dunsinane Castle and that he should never be slaine by any man borne of a woman At last Mackduffe governour of Fiffe joyning himselfe to some few patriots who had escaped this Tyrants sword met at Bernane wood and early in the morning every man bearing a bough in his hand the better to keepe them from discovery tooke Dunsinane Castle by scalado whence Machbed escaping was pursued overtaken and urged to fight bp Mackduffe to whom the Tyrant replyed in scorne that in vaine hee attempted his death for it was his destinie never to be slaine by any man borne of a woman Now then said Mackduffe is thy fatall houre come for I never was borne of a woman but violently cut out of my mothers wombe she dying before I was borne which words so daunted the Tyrant though otherwise valiant that he was easily slaine and Malcolme Conmer the true heire of the Crowne seated in the Throne King Donald being odious and cruell to his subjects they sent for Duncan Malcombes bastard who expelled him the Realme and was created King in his steed who proving harsh cruell and Imperious to his Subjects fell into their hatred and was beheaded in the night by Marpender Earle of Murry corrupted with money by Donald to murther him Donald permitting the Isles to be taken and possessed by Magnus King of Norway and suffering his Realme to be wasted by a secret agreement thereupon the Scots sent for Edgar Malcombes sonne to take possession of the Crowne who entring into Scotland with small forces Donald being deserted by his people betooke himselfe to flight but being apprehended and brought backe to Edgar he was cast into prison and not long after dyed King Malcolme the fourth at a Parliament at Yorke parting with divers of his Crowne-lands to King Henry without his peoples consents so farre incurred their hatred that upon his returne they beseiged him at Barwick and almost tooke him prisoner but by the mediation of some of his Councell who informed the Nobles that the King was by violence fraud circumvented by the King of England of the ancient patrimony of the Crowne land they resolved to recover it by war the Scottish Nobility affirming that the king had not any power to diminish or part with any lands appertaining to the Crown without all their consents in Parliament This King after some encounters making a peace with the English upon unequall termes wherein he parted with some of his ancient territories out of his pusilanimity against his Nobles consent hereupon he grew so odious and contemptible to them that they were all weary of his government and caused many to take up Armes and Rebell against him After the death of King Alexander the third there was a Parliament summoned at Scone to consult about the creating of a new King and the government of the Realme during the Inter-regnum where first of all they appointed fix men to rule the Realme for the present and then heard and discussed the severall Titles pretended to the Crowne the finall determination whereof they referred to King Edward the first of England as to the Supreame Soveraigne Lord of the Realme who selecting 12. Scottish and 12. English Councellors to assist him After full hearing by generall consent of all adjudged the Crown to Iohn Baylioll husband to King Alexanders nightest Kinswoman The Scots considering his simplicity and unaptnes to governe them and scarce confiding in him being an Englishman and elected by the K. of England cōstituted them 12. Peers after the manner of France to wit 4. Bishops 4. Earles and 4. Lords by whose advise the King and all the affaires of the Realme were to be governed and directed He was taken and kept prisoner by the English After the death of Robert Bruce the Scots before their King was crowned created a Vice-Roy to govern the Realme who suppressed the theeues and Robbers Edward Bayliol sonne to Iohn Bayliol succeding Bruce was afterwards rejected and deposed by the Scots for adhereing too closely to the English K. Edward and David Bruce elected K. in his place Robert the 2 d. of Scotland when a peace was propounded between France England and Scotland by the Pope willingly consented thereunto but his Nobles being against it his assent alone was in vaine because the King of Scotland alone can make no firme peace nor truce nor promise which shall bind but by publike consent in Parliament King Robert the 3 d. dying of griefe for the captivity and imprisonment of his Son Iames taken prisoner by our King Henry the 4 th as he was going into France the Scots hereupon appointed Robert his uncle by common consent for their Vice-roy till Iames the first of that name right heire of the Cowne were enlarged Iames being freed and Crowned summoned a Parliament wherein an ayde was granted him to pay his ransome with much difficulty he had many Civill wars with his Subjects and at last was murthered by Robert Grame and his confederats from whom he received 28. wounds in his Chamber in the night wherof he presently died Iames the 2. his son being but 7. yeares old at his death Alexander Leviston was chosen Protector and William Crichton made Chancellor by Parliament Which the Earle Douglas storming at committed many insolencies in a hostile manner After which Alexander and his faction opposing the Chancellor and commanding that none should obey him the Chancellor thereupon fortified Edenborough Castle and as the King was hunting early in the morning seized upon him with a troop of Horse brought him to Edinburgh Castle where he detained him from the Protector till the peace of the Kingdom and present divisions should be setled which lasting very long by reason of Earle Douglas his ambition power and covetousnes who raised many grievous civill wars he was at last stabbed to death by the King himselfe Anno 1452. contrary to his promise of safe conduct to the Court under the Kings and Nobles hands and seales Wherupon his brethren and Confederats meeting at Sterling resolved to revenge his death and tied the Kings and Nobles writing of safe conduct to an horses taile which they led through the streets of Sterling railing at the King and his Councell as they went and when they came into the market place where they had 500. trumpets sounding they by an Herald proclaimed the King and all that were with him fedifragus perjured and enemis of all good
men and then spoiled and burned the Towne Coâ—ntry with all places else that were firme to the King betweene whom and the kings party a bloody civill warre to the spoyle of the Countrey continued above two yeares space with various successe till at last with much difficulty this fire was extinguished and the King casually slaine with the breaking of a Cannon whose sonne James the 3. being but 7. yeeres old was proclaimed king in the Campe and the Queen Mother made Regent till a Parliament might be called to settle the government but when the Parliament assembled upon the Oration of Kenneth Archbishop of Saint Andrewes shewing the Inconveniences and unfitnesse of a womans Government they Elected 6. Regents to governe the King and Realme during his minority After which Bodius was made Vice-roy This king being seduced by ill Courtiers and Councellors which corrupted him thereupon divers of the Nobles assembling together resolved to goe to the Court to demand these ill Councellors and seducers of the King and then to execute them which they did accordingly and that with such fury that when they wanted cords to hang some of them they made use of their horses bridles and every one strave who should be forwardest to doe this execution The king promising reformation was dismissed but in steed of reforming he meditated nothing but revenge blood and slaughter in his minde and plotting secretly to murther the Nobles in Edenburg by the helpe of Earle Duglasse he detesting the fact and revealing the Treachery thereupon the Nobles who formerly desired onely his reformation tooke up Armes to destroy him as one incorrigible and implacable whereupon they made the Kings sonne Vice-roy and knowing the kings perfidiousnesse would yeeld to no termes of peace unlesse he would resigne up his Crown to his son which he refusing thereupon they gave him battle and slew him as a common enemie After which calling a Parliament they created his son Iames the fourth king who comming under the power of the Duglasses rescued himselfe at last from them and invading England Anno. 1542 when he proclaimed Oliver Sincleer his favorite Generall the Scottish Nobility tooke it in such indignation that they threw downe their weapons and suffered themselves to be taken prisoners whereupon the king growing sicke with griefe and anger soone after dyed Anno. 1555. Mary the Daughter of king Iames the sixth of Scotland and heire to the Crowne being within age her mother Queene Mary by common consent was made Regent and shee by common consent and councell of the Nobles married to Francis Dolphine of France In the meane time there hapning some troubles and warres about the reformed Religion which many of the Nobles and people there contented for the Queene Mother granting those of the Religion a confirmation of their liberties and Religion by way of Truce for 6 moneths she in the meane time sends for Souldiers out of France wherewith she endeavoured to suppresse Religion with the remaining liberty of the Scots and to subject them to the French Whereupon the Nobles of Scotland who stood for the defence of their Religion and Liberties by a common decree in Parliament deprived the Queene Mother of her Regencie make a league with our Queene Elizabeth being of the reformed Religion and receiving ayde both of men and money from her besieged the Queene Mother in Edenburgh Castle where she dyed of griefe and sicknesse After which they expelled the French and procured free exercise of the Reformed Religion In the meane time Francis dying the Queene sends for Henry Steward out of England where he and his Father had beene Exiles marries and proclaimes him king Iuly 29. 1564. which done she excluded the Nobility from her Councells and was wholly advised by David Ritzius a Subaudian whom she brought with her out of France and did all things by his Councell wherewith the Nobles being much discontented finding him supping with the Queene in a little Chamber commanded him to rise out of the place which did little become him and drawing him out of the Chamber stabbed him to death Anno. 1565. The Queene soone after was delivered of a sonne and heire Iames the 6. and then admits Iames Hepburne Earle of Bothwell into most intimate familiarity with her setting him over all affaires of the Realm granting nothing to any petitioner almost but by him and her husband Steward being dead whether of a naturall death or poyson is yet in controversie she married Bothwell openly without the Lords and Parliaments consents Hereupon the Nobles tooke up armes against Bothwel and the Queen besieged the Queen till she rendred her selfe prisoner upon this condition that she should adjure and resigne her interest in the Crowne and Kingdome to her infant sonne which they compelled her to performe and appointed Iames Earle of Morton Vice-roy and Protector during the Kings Minority In the meane time the Queene was committed prisoner to the Castle of the Isle of the Lake Leuine where corrupting Duglasse her keeper the Earle of Mortons Nephew and a shipmaster she escaped to the Hamiltons in safety who having raised Forces to free her waited her comming on the shoare But the Vice-roy scattering these forces soone after the Queene thereupon fled into England Anno. 1568. Where Queene Elizabeth taking her expulsion ill laboured that she might be restored to the Crowne which could not be effected but by Armes or mediation and neither of them without knowledge of the cause Whereupon the Queene sent for the Vice-roy and Councell of Scotland into England to answere the complaints of their Queene against them which they did in a writing composed by Buchanan and afterwards Printed both in Latine and English wherein they shewed the grounds and order of their proceedings against their Queene wherewith the Queene and Councell were satisfied that they had proceeded rightly and orderly yet to keepe both sides in suspence she pronounced no definitive sentence The Vice-roy departing into Scotland was afterwards murthered by the Hamiltons and Matthew Steward Earle of Leseux made Vice-roy in his steed The Queene in the interim treated with Thomas Howard Duke of Northfolke about a match with him and to seise upon the Realm of Scotland whereupon he was committed to the Tower and she restrained after which she was solemnly arraigned and condemned to death by the Parliament of England for conspiring Queene Elizabeths death c. and for it beheaded at Fotherringham Castle Feb. 8. 1587. The History of which Queenes life is more at large related by Buchanan and others and her imprisonment and Deposition professedly justified as lawfull by his Treatise De Iure Regni apud Scotos compiled for that purpose to which I shall referre the Reader What the Lords and Realm of Scotland have done within these 5. yeers last past in defence of their Religion Lawes Liberties by holding generall Assemblies Parliaments taking up armes seising the Forts and Ammunition of the Realm and marching into England against the
22. 80. n. 4. 108. n. 29. 141. n. 2. Covarunius Quaest Illust. T. 2. 396. n. 2. 4. Hugo Grotius de Jure Belli l. 1. c. 4. sect 7. l. 2. c. 14. sect 11. and elsewhere Marius Salamonius de Principatu Eccardus de lege Regia with others cited by them Hookers Ecclesiasticall Polity l. 1. sect 10. p. 69 70 71. a pregnant place Albericus Gentilis de Iure Belli l. 3. c. 10. 15. Ioannes Mariana de Rege Regum Instit l. 1. c. 1. to 10. Sparsim Iunius Brutus Vindiciae contra Tyrannos Quaest 3. p. 83. to 94. with whose words I shall close up this observation having elle where particularly proved the verity thereof and answered all Obiections against it from misinterpreted Scriptures We say now writes he that the people constitute Kings deliver Kingdoms approve Kings elections with their suffrages which God would have to be thus that so whatsoever authority and power they should have they should next to him referre it to the people and therefore should bestow all their care thoughts industrie for the peoples profit neither verily should they think themselves advanced above other men for their excellency of nature no otherwise then men are over Heards and Flocks but should remember that being born in the same condition with others they were lifted up from the ground unto that condition by the suffrages as it were by the Shoulders of the people upon whose Shoulders the burthen of the Common-weale should for a great part rest After which he proves by Deut. 17. and divers forecited presidents in Scripture that God gave the Election and Constitution of the kings of Israel to the people and that notwithstanding the succession of the kingdom of Iudah was by God entailed afterwards to the Linage of David yet the Kings thereof actually reigned not before they were ordained by the people Whence we may conclude that the Kingdom of Israel if we respect the stock was certainly hereditary but if we regard the persons altogether elective But to what end was this if the Election appear as it is confessed but that the remembrance of so great a dignitie conferred by the people should make them alwayes mindefull of their duty So likewise among the Heathens we read that Kings were constituted by the people for when they had wars abroad or contention at home some one man of whose fortitude and justice the multitude had a great opinion was by common consent assumed for King And among the Medes saith Cicero Deioces was of an Arbitrator made a Iugde of a Iudge created a King and among the Romanes the first Kings were elected Therefore when Romulus being taken away the Inter-regnum of the hundred Senators was displeasing to the Romans they accorded that afwards Kings should be chosen by the Suffrages of the people the Senate approving it And Tarquin the proud was therefore reputed a Tyrant for that being created neither by the people nor Senate he held the Empire onely by force and power Wherefore Caesar although he invaded the Empire by force yet that he might cosen the people at least with some pretext of Law would seem to have received the Empire from the Senate and people But Augustus although he was adopted by Caesar yet he never bare himselfe as heire of the Empire by divise but rather received it as from the Senate and people as did also Caligula Tiberius Claudius whereas Nero who first invaded the Empire by force and wickednesse without any colour of Law was condemned by the Senate Since then no man could be born an absolute King no man can be a King by himselfe no man can reigne without the people Whereas on the contrary the people may both be and are by themselvs and are in time before a King it most certainly appears that all Kings were first constituted by the people Now albeit that from the time that Sons or Nephews imitated the vertues of their parents they seem to have made kingdomes as it were hereditary to themselves in certain Countries where the free power of Election may seem in some sort to have ceased yet that custome hath continued in all well constituted kingdomes that the children of the deceased kings should not succeed untill they were as de nono newly constituted by the people nor should not be acknowledged as heires to their Fathers but should onely then at length be reputed kings when they had as it were received investiture of the Realme from those who represent the Majesty of the people by a Scepter and Diadem In Christian kingdomes which at this day are said to be conferd by succession there are extant most evident footsteps of this thing For the kings of France Spain England and others are wont to be inaugurated and as it were put into possession of the Realm by the States Senators Nobles and great men of the Realm who represent the universality of the people in the same manner as the Emperours of Germany are by the Electors and the kings of Poland by the Vaynods or Palatines where the intire right is onely by election neither is royall Honour yeelded to them in the Cities of the kingdomes before they have been duly inaugurated Neither also heretofore did they compute the time of the reigne but from the day of the inauguration which computation was accurately observed in France And that we may not be deceived by reason of any continued stories of succession even in those very kingdoms the States of the Realme have oft times preferred a kinsman before a sonne the second sonne before the eldest is in France Lewis the brother before Robert Earl of Dreux also Henry the second brother before Robert Capet the Nephew with others elsewhere Yea and the same kingdome by Authority of the People hath been translated from one Nation and Family to another whiles there were lawfull heires extant from the Merouingi to the Carlingi from the Carlingi to the Capets which hath been likewise done in other Realms as it sufficiently appears out of the truest Histories And that we may not recede from the kingdome of France which hath ever been reputed the pattern of the rest in which I say succession seemes to have obtained greatest strength We read that Pharamond was elected Anno 419. Pipen An. 751. Pipens sonnes Charles the great and Charlemain 768. not having respect of the Father Charlemain being at last taken away 771. the Brothers part did not immediatly accrue to Charli the Great as is usually done in inheritances but by the determination of the people and publike Councell and by them Ludovicus pius was elected An. 812. although he were the sonne of Charles the great Yea in the very Testament of Charles which is extant in Nauclerus he Intreats the People by the Common Councell of the Realm to elect one of his nephews whō they pleased as for his Vncles he bids thē rest satisfied with the Decrée of the people Whence
then the King over the people which also appears in Vercingetorix who pleaded his cause before an assembly of the people In the Kingdoms of Spain especially in Valentia and Catteloigne of the Arragonians it is even thus for the Soveraignty of the Realme is in the Justice of Aragon as they call it therefore the great men who represent the people fear not to tell the King in direct terms both in his very Coronation it self and likewise every third year in the generall assembly of their Estates Tantum valemus nos quantum vos We are as powerfull as you but the Justice of Aragon is above us both who rules more than you Yea oftentimes what things the King hath asked what he hath injoyn'd the Iustice hath prohibited nay he never dares to impose any tribute without the authority of that Assembly In the Realms of England and Scotland the Supreme power is in the Parliament usually wont to be held almost every year Now they call a Parliament the Assembly of the Estates of the Realme where the Bishops Earls Barons Deputies of the Cities and Counties by common suffrage determine of the Republikes affairs whose authority is so sacred that what things soever it shall once establish it is unlawfull or a wicked act for the king to abrogate Likewise all the Officers of the Realme are wont to receive their Offices from that Assembly and those who ordinarily assist the King or Quéen in Councell In brief other Christian Kingdoms as Hungary Bohemia Denmarke Sweden and the rest have all their Officers of the Realm or Consuls of the Royall Empire who by their own Authority have sometimes used even to depose their Kings themselves as Histories teach or fresh memory sufficiently manifests Neither is there verily any cause that we should think the Royall Authority to be thereby deminished or that Kings should hereby suffer as it were a diminution of their heads Truly we deem not God the lesse potent for this because he cannot sin by himself nor his Empire more restrained because it cannot be ruined nor grow worse therefore not a King if that he who may offend by himself be sustained or kept from sinning by anothers help or if peradventure he had lost any Empire by his own negligence or fault that he may retain by anothers prudence What do you think any man lesse healthy because Phisitians sit round about him who dehort him from intemperance who interdict him the eating of hurtfull meats who likewise oft-times purge him against his will and resisting Or whether doest thou think those Phisitians who take care of his health or flatterers who obtrude the most unwholsome things to be more his friends Therefore this distinction is altogether necessary to be adhibited Some are friends of the King others of Caesar those are friends of Caesar who serve Caesar those friends of the King or Emperour who serve the Kingdom For since any one is called a King for the Kingdoms sake and the Kingdom consists in the people but the Kingdom being lost or decayed the King must altogether cease to be a King or at least be lesse a King those verily who shall study the profit of the Kingdom are truly the Kings friends those who neglect or subvert the profit of the Realm are truly his Enemies and as thou canst by no means separate the Kingdom from the people nor the King from the Kingdom so neither the friends of the King from the friends of the Kingdom or people yea verily as those who truely love Caesar would rather have him to be a King then a private man nor can they have him a King without a Kingdom in good sooth those shall be the Kingdoms friends who are Caesars and those who would seem to be more the friends of Caesar then of the Kingdom or people are truly to be reputed Flatterers and most pernicious enemies But and if they bee truely friends is it not manifest that the King will become more powerfull and stable as Theopompus said of the Ephori when instituted by how much those shall be more and more powerfull to whom the profit of the people or Realm shall be commanded and committed But perchance thou wilt say You tell me of the Senators Peers and Officers of the Realm but I on the contrary see nothing but Ghosts and as it were ancient Cote-Arms in Tragedies but I scarce any where discern any foot-steps of ancient libertie and authoritie Finally you may see most men every where to look to their own affairs to flatter kings to cheat the people scarce any where maist thou finde one who takes pity of the mascerated people much lesse who will give help to the miserable but if there be any who are truely of that minde or thought to be so they are judged Rebels or Traitors they are banished and they are compelled to begge even their very food What the thing is thus It seems almost alwayes and in every place the audacitie of Kings or partly the prevarication partly the slothfulnesse of the Nobility hath been such that kings may seem to have usurped that licentiousnesse wherewith most of them at this day seem to wax insolent by a long prescription of time but the people may seem to have determined their Authority or to have lost it by not using it For so it happens for the most part that no man takes care for that which all are bound to take care of that which is committed to all no man thinks it is commended to him Yet notwithstanding against the people neither this prescription nor prevarication doth any thing It is a vulgar saying that no prescription can hurt the king or Exchequer much lesse all the people who are potenter then the King and for whose sake the Prince hath this priviledge for why else is the Prince only the administrator of the Exchequer but for the people the true proprietors as shal be after proved Furthermore is not this a known truth that no violence no not in the longest lasting servitude can be prescribed against liberty But and if thou objectest that Kings were constituted by the people who perchance lived above five hundred yeer since not by the people extant at this day I answer that although kings doe die the people in the mean time as neither any other Universitie never dyeth for as flowing waters make a perpetuall river so also the vicissitude of birth and death an immortall people Therefore as the Rheine Seine Tyber is now the same as it was above a thousand years agoe so likewise the Germane French Roman people are the same unlesse Colonies shall have casually intervened neither can their right be any wayes changed either by the flux of water or change of individuals Besides if they attribute the Kingdom received not to their people but to their Father he to his Grandfather and so upwards could he transfer more right to another then himself first had But and if he
WHO IS SEDITIOVS The same Doctrine is taught by Dominicus Soto de Iustitia l. 5. quaest 1. art 3. Ludovicus Molina Tom. 4. De Iustitia Iure Tract 3. disp 6. to 20. Dominicus Bannes 2 a. 2 ae quaest 64. Art 3. Dub. 2. Petrus de Aragon 2. 2 ae vu 64. art 3. Explicatio art p. 248. Michael Bartholomaeus Salon de Iustitia Iure in 2. 2 ae Tom. 1. qu. 64. art 3. cont 1. pag. 385. Petrus de Lorca in 2. 2 ae D. Thomae quaest 40. art 3. sect 3. throughout specially Disput 50. n. 2. Disp 52. 53. Azorius Tom. 2. l. 21. disp 5. qu. 8. 5. Franciscus Victoria Relectio De Iure Belli n. 9. 14. Alphonsus Salmeron in cap. 13. Epist ad Romanos Disp. 5. Fran. Suarez in Defensione fidei l. 3. cha 3. l. 6. chap. 4. throughout specially num 5. 6. 13. 14. 15. 16. Ioan Gerson de Auferibilitate Papae where also he avers consid 6. that one who is truly Pope may lawfully bee bound imprisoned and put to death for his offences though the head of the Church as Papists hold as well as Kings the head of their Realmes Dionysius Cathusianus de Regim Polit. Artic. 19. Franciscus Tollet in summa l. 5. c. 6. Leonardus Lessius de Iustit Iure c. 9. dub 4. Tannerus Tom. 3. disp 4. qu. 8. dub 3. Emanuel Sa. in Aphorism Verb. Tyrannus n. 2. Iohannis Mariana De Rege Regis Instit l. 1. c. 5 6 7 8. Alvarus Pelagius de Plan. Eccles l. 1. c. 21. Simancha Pacensis de Cathol instit tit 23. n. 11. p. 98. tit 45. n. 25. p. 209. Gregorie de Valencia Tom 3. p. 444. Cardinall Bellarmine de Pontif. Rom. l. 5. c. 6. 7. 8. Tract de Potest Sum. Pontif. advers Gul. Barcl p. 97. Iac. Gretzerus Pharetra Tertulliana Vespertilio Haeritico-Politicus Ludovicus Richehom Expostulatio Aplogetica pro Societate Iesiu Vincentius Filiucius Tra. 28. p. 2. dis 4. prae Dec. n. 12. Mart. Becanus Anglicana de Potestate Regis Pontificis Caspar Schoppius Alexi Pharmacum Regium Collyrium Regium Valentine Jacob. An. 1524. and Iohn Tanquerel Anno. 1561. whose opinions are recorded by Bochellus Decreta Eccles Gal. l. 5. tit 4. c. 6. 8. the Cardinall of Como his Letter from Rome 30. January 1584. to Doctor Parrey to murder Queen Elizabeth Franciscus de Verona Constant in Apolog. pro Io Chastel p. 133. Bonarscius the Iesuite Amphith p. 101. Barclay l. 3. advers Monarch c. 8. l. 6. c. 23. 24. erarius in c. 3. Iudicum Hieronymus Blanca Rerum Aragonens Commentarius passim Cajetan upon Aquinas his forecited Summes the Doctors of Salamancha in their Determination Anno 1602. recorded by G. Blackwell qu Bip. p. 56. and Doctor John White his Defence of the Way c. 6. p. 16. Governado Christiano p. 43. Antonius Massa Tract contra Duell n. 78. 79. Baldus 3. Consid 313. Cavarruvias Quaest Illustr T. 2. 505. n. 1. 399. n. 6. Vasquius contro Illustr 16. n. 15. 19. 21. 17. n. 1. 23. 20 n. 344. n. 3. 73. n. 12. 13. 5. 72. n. 7. and elsewhere Hemingius Arnisa us de Authoritate Principum p. 18. 50. 77. 80. 83. 95. 122. Fran. Hotomani Franco-Gallia c. 6. 7. 10 13. 15. 18. 19. c. To which I might adde our English Priests and Iesuites as Doctor Nicholas Saunders Visib Monarch p. 70 71. Doctor Allen Parsons Creswell Philopater Rossaeus Doleman p. 32. to 74. sparsim with sundry others all professedly averring Aquinas his Doctrine and the premisses yea farre exceeding them in sundry particulars many or most of them attributing sufficient Authority and power to the Pope and Prelates alone without the Parliaments Nobles Peers or Peoples assent to depose adjudge Haereticall or tyrannicall Kings to death and devote them to assassination which all Protestants unanimously disclaim But wee need not fish in these unwholesome Romish Streams of Tyber or make use of these Popish Champions whom I have onely named to stop the mouthes of all Papists Priests Iesuites who now much exclaim against the Parliaments present defensive Warre condemning all for Rebels and Traitors who assist the Parliament against their invading traiterous Rebellious armed Forces both in Ireland and England they being in verity such themselves yea the originall contrivers fomenters the principall abettors of the present bloody destructive civill Wars in both our Realms 〈…〉 which most confirms me in this beliefe is a particular late Discovery of the horrid Conspiracy of Con the Popes late Nuncio here and his Iesuited Popish Confederates to undermine and extirpate the Protestant Religion to raise the Scottish and succeeding Irish and English Wars thereby to ingage the King to resort to them for assistance under pretence whereof to rise up in arms and work him to their own conditions or else to poyson him with a Indian poysoned Nut after the example of his Father and then seize upon the Prince and train him up in their Antichristian Religion as you may reade at large in Romes Masterpeece to which I shall referre you for fuller satisfaction from one of the chief Conspirators own Confession But passing by all these I shall proceed to Authorities of Lawyers and Divines professing the Protestant Religion Georgius Obrectus a publike Professor of Law and Advocate to the City of Strasburge in his Disputatio Juridica 1. De Princâ—piis Belli layes down these severall Positions for Law Num. 125. to 139. That all the Inferiour Magistrates in the Empire or other Kingdoms collectively considered are above the Emperour and Kings themselves that if they be unjustly assaulted with unjust violence by any whomsoever they may by a necessary and just warre defend both themselves and theirs and repell and prosecute the unjust assailants That if the Superiour Magistrate neglect to do his duty as if the Turke should invade any Countrey and the Supreme Magistrate would not resist him the inferiour Magistrate may call the people to Arms raise an Army and exercise all forces policie and devices against the common enemy of Christians Or if the Supreme Magistrate should exercise manifest Tyrannie it is verily lawfull to the Inferiour to undertake the care of the Republike which he endeavours to oppresse with all his power That those who represent all the people as the Electors Palatines Nobles Parliament may admonish the Prince of his duty and ought to seek by all means to divert him from his Tyrannicall and impious purpose but if he proceeds and repenteth not being frequently admonished but wilfully subverts the Common-wealth obstinately perverts Laws hath no care of faith covenants justice piety and tends onely to this that he may perpetrate any thing with impunity and impiously reign over mens consciences then verily he is accounted a Tyrant that is an enemy of God and man whence if he hath proceeded to that hight of malice that hee cannot bee expelled but by armed force It is Lawfull for the Electors Palatines
one of us may breake or fall from it by dissimulation secret intelligence or in any sort whatsoever And that for the preservation of our holy Catholike and Romish Faith and the accomplishment of the Pacification as also for the expulsion of Spaniards and their adherents with all due obedience to his Majesty for the good and quiet of our Countrey and the maintenance of our Priviledges rights Freedomes Statutes Customes and antient uses For the effecting whereof we will use all meanes possible imploying both Money Men Counsell and goods yea and our lives if it were necessary And that none of us may in private give any counsell advice or consent nor have any secret conference with them that are not of this Union nor yet reveale unto them in any sort what hath or shall be treated of in this Assembly or resolved but shall wholly conforme himselfe according to our generall and common resolution And in case that any Province Estate Countrey Towne Castle or House were besieged assaulted invaded or opprest in any sort whatsoever yea if any of us or any others having indeavoured himselfe for his Countrey and the just defence thereof against the Spaniards or for other causes depending thereon as well in generall as particular should be sought after imprisoned ransomed molested or disquieted in his person and goods honour and estate or otherwise we promise to give him assistance by all the said meanes yea and to procure the liberty of them that shall be imprisoned either by force or otherwayes upon paine to be degraded of their Nobility Name Armes and Honour and to be held perjured disloyall and enemies to our Countrey before God and men and to incurre the note of Infamy and cowardise for ever And for the strengthening of this our holy Union of Association we have signed these presents the tenth of January 1577. Underneath were the signatures of the Deputies of every Province Prelates Noblemen and Commissioners for Townes and underneath them was written the agreation of the Councell of State as followeth The Deputies of the generall Estates here under-written having required them of the Councell of State committed by his Majesty for the government of the Netherlands to consent unto and allow of that which is contained in the Union above written The Councell in regard of the said request and the reasons therein contained have as much as in them lay allowed and doe allow by these presents the said Union according to the forme and tenor Made at Brussels in the State-house in the Assembly of the said States the tenth of January 1577. And underneath was written By the commandement of the Lords of the Councell of State Signed Berrii If any shall here object that Kings are of divine institution whence Dei gratia By the grace of God is peculiarly annexed to their Titles and not communicated unto Subjects Therefore though they prove never so flagitious or tyrannicall they may in no wise be forcibly resisted or questioned by their Nobles and Parliaments for their crimes I answer briefely because I have elswhere largely dissipated this objection First that Kings are no more of divine institution then any other inferiour Magistrates Officers or Princes whatsoever as the Scriptures abundantly evidence But all other inferiour Magistrates Officers and Princes whatsoever are resistible questionable censurable and deposible for their tyranny wickednesse and misgovernment by the Parliaments censure as I have proved notwithstanding their divine institution therefore such degenerating Kings too as well as they in such cases Secondly all Ministers of the Gospel are as much if not farre more Jure divinâ— and by Gods owne ordination as Kings are a truth undeniable But they for their offences and misdemeanors contrary to their function may be both forcibly resisted censured deprived degraded yea and executed notwithstanding their divine right and institution as the Canons of most Councels the practise of all ages yea the expresse letter of the 26. Article of the Church of England with all our Episcopall Canons and Canonists attest Therefore tyrannicall degenerating Kings may be so too by the selfe-same reason in some cases Thirdly this Title of Dei gratia in publike Writs anciently hath beene and yet is common to Bishops Prelates inferiour Magistrates and Subjects as well as to Kings as sundry precedents in our Law bookes Matthew Paris Salon with others attest and Mr. John Selden in his Titles of Honour part 1. chap. 7. Sect. 2. p. 123. professedly proves at large to whom I shall referre you But these both lawfully may be and alwayes have beene forcibly resisted questioned convented deprived censured for their tyranny and misdemeanors notwithstanding this their stile of Dei gratia or pretence of divine institution yea we know that Bishops have beene lately thrust out of many Churches notwithstanding their long pretended Ius Divinum to support their Hierarchy and Iohn Gerson a Papist hath writ a particular Treatise De Auferibilitate Papae notwithstanding the Popes pretended Divine Title to his Monarchy which may be now and one day shall be totally abolished Therefore tyrannicall degenerous Kings may be justly resisted censured deprived as well as they and royalties changed into other governments by the peoples and kingdomes common consents if they see just cause If any secondly object That Kings are annoynted at their Coronation Therefore their persons are sacred irresistible unquestionable unpunishable for any tyrannicall or exorbitant actions whatsoever I briefly answer first that every Christians Baptisme being a Sacrament of Christs owne institution at least his spirituall unction and sanctification as I have formerly proved makes a person as sacred yea more holy then Kings annoynting being no Sacrament can or doth of it selfe make the person of any King whatsoever A truth which no Christian can without blasphemy deny But Baptisme and the inward unction of the spirit of grace and sanctification exempts no Christians from resistance censure punishments of all sorts in case they commit any exorbitant or capitall crimes as experience tels us Therefore Kings Coronation annoyntings cannot doe it Secondly Priests anciently were and at this day too in the Roman Church are annoynted as well as Kings and so are children and sicke persons that I say not Altars Bels c. with Chrisme and extreame Vnction But these Unctions conferre no such immunity to Priests children sicke men others c. Therefore neither can this annoynting doe it to Kings especially now being no divine institution Thirdly The annoynting of Kings is not common to all Christian Kings many of them especially in former times having beene crowned without any annoynting at all but peculiar to Emperours and to the Kings of Ierusalem France England and Sicily the foure annoynted Kings onely as Albericus Restaurus Castaldus Antonius Corsetus Azorius Cassanaeus and sundry others affirme out of the old Roman Provinciall though some other Kings have now and then beene
annoynted when they were crowned as Mr. Selden proves Since therefore all Kings persons are reputed sacred as well as these foure who are annoynted and these Kings as soone as the Crowne descended to them even before their Unctions and Coronations were deemed as sacred and inviolable as before it is certaine that their very enoyling of it selfe makes no addition to their personall immunities from just resistance publike censures or deprivations for grosse unsufferable publike crimes Fourthly the annoynting of Christian Emperours and Kings is not very ancient Charles the great being the first annoynted Emperour if we beleeve Mr. Selden The first annoynted King in France was Pipin about the yeare 750. the annoynting of their Clovis the first about the yeare 500. with that holy Vial of never-decaying Oyle reserved at Rheimes to annoynt their Kings which they say a Dove brought downe from Heaven to annoynt him with a ridiculous Monkish fable much insisted on by Bochellus and other French-men who relate the grand solemnity used in the carrying and recarrying of this fabulous Vial at the French Kings Coronations being not at his Coronation as many fondly mistake but onely at his baptisme as Mr. Selden manifests by pregnant authorities The annoynting of Kings is farre more ancient in England then in any other Realme as Mr. Selden notes out of Gildas yet Egfert is the first of whose annoynting there is any intimation in our Histories about the yeare 790. To adde to the holinesse of which ceremony some of our Monkes in latter ages have forged a Legend as good as that of the holy Viol at Rheimes that the Virgin Mary gave to Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury during his exile under Henry the second a golden Eagle full of precious Oyle inclosed in a stone vessell commanding him to preserve it foretelling him that the Kings of England annoynted with this Oyle should be Champions of the Church and bountifull and victorious as long as they had this Eagle oyle How late the Unction of Kings began in other Realmes you may read at large in Mr. Selden and how the later Kings of Judah were annoynted and with what unguent or Oyle the curious may read at leisure in Cunaeus This annoynting therefore of Kings being not of divine institution of such puny date in most Realmes and no wayes necessary nor essentiall to the constitution or Inauguration of any Christian King can adde no immunity or priviledge at all to the persons of Kings much lesse exempt them from all forcible resistance just censures or deprivation it selfe if there be just and reall cause to proceed criminally against them in case of incorrigibility as I have elsewhere more fully demonstrated and therefore shall no further expatiate in this particular here onely I shall conclude with one notable History which proves it I read in Gulielmus Neubrigensis that for an hundred yeares space and more though there were a numerous succession of Kings in Norway yet none of them ended his life by old age or sicknesse but all of them perished by the sword leaving the soveraigne power of the Realme to their murderers as to their lawfull successors so as to all those who are knowen to have reigned there for so long a time that which is written might seeme to have reference Hast thou slaine and also taken possession The Nobles of this Land out of a pious endeavour desirous to heale this infamous mischiefe obteining now the vigour of a Law as it were through long custome decreed That the new King should be solemnly annoynted with a mysticall unction and crowned so as no man should dare from thenceforth to lay hands on the Lords annoynted For till that time none in that Nation hath ever beene consecrated King after an Ecclesiasticall manner but whosoever had Tyrannically slaine a King put on the person and power of a King thereby and left the same likewise after a little fortune to his murtherer by a law of inveterate custome which verily out of a certaine Christian simplicity was thought by many to have beene therefore so frequently done because none of the former Kings had deserved to be initiated with the solemnitie of a Royall Vnction Therefore Haco being slaine who had succeeded King Jnge slaine by him when the succession of the Crowne seemed to belong to one Magnus a child Nephew to Jnge the Wisemen and Nobles of the Realme by a common Decree caused the said child to be solemnly consecrated to be the Lords annoynted and crowned with a Diadem By which deed they thought that they had a Prince made sacred to them and that the disgrace of the ancient custome was thereby abolished But when Magnus had reigned some few yeares in great prowesse and happinesse a most infamous Priest Suerus surnamed Birkebain usurped a Tyranny twice defeated Magnus by warlike stratagems and at last utterly routed and slew him in battell notwithstanding his annoynting and usurping the Crowne renounced his holy orders married a wife and would have beene crowned by the Archbishop of that Land but he being a great man would neither be moved with prayers nor threats to annoynt an exectable head with sacred Vnction for which he was banished the Countrey at last after two great victories against two competitors who were slaine Suerus obtained the Royall Crowne with mysticall Vnction by the hands of a certaine Bishop compelled thereunto under paine of death as it were secure by his frequent successes from the uncertaine end of a long prospering tyranny c. By which History it is evident that it is but a childish simplicity to beleeve that the ceremony of annoynting Kings can of it selfe make Kings persons sacro-sanct or preserve them from violence or assassinations since it no way prevented this mischiefe in this Realme nor yet in any other the very first King for whose personall safety this ceremony of annoynting and crowning was introduced among the Norwegians and Danes being not long after slaine by his Subjects and competitor in battell I shall close up this with the notable sentence of deprivation solemnly given and executed against Wenceslaus the Emperour notwithstanding his annoynting The sentence of Degradation and Deprivation of the Emperour Wenceslaus King of Romans pronounced by the Electors of the Empire in the yeare of our Lord. 1400. IN the name of God Amen We John by the grace of God Archbishop of the Church of Mentz Arch-chancellor of the sacred Roman Empire throughout Germany make knowne to all men present and to come What various manifold and grievous as well incommodities as discords have for many yeares since beene brought into the holy Church continuing even to this present and daily sprouting up more abundantly to the most grievous convulsion imminution and dissipation of the sacred Roman Empire which ought to be a Garrison to the Church of God and the Christian world as they cannot be all written so the mischiefes daily increasing do manifestly enough