right we know in their Capacity and understanding they are a people Ingenious In Labour Industrious In Courage Valiant In Body Hard Active and Comely More might be said but in commending them we do but in effect commend our selves For they are of one Piece and Continent with us And Truth is we are participant both of their Vertues and Vices For if they have been noted to be a people not so tractable in Gâ—vernment we cannot without flatteâ—ing our selves free our selves altogether from that Fault Being indeed a thing incident to all Martiall People As we see it evident by the Example of the Romans and others Even like unto Fierce Horses that though they be of better service then others yet are they harder to guid and to mannage But for this Objection Mr. Speaker I purpose to answer it Not by Authority of Scripture which saith Beatius est dare quam accipere But by an Authority framed and derived from the Judgement of our selves and our Ancestors in the same case as to this point For Mr. Speaker in all the Line of our Kings none useth to carry greater Commendation then his Majesties Noble Progenitour King Edward the First of that Name And amongst his other Commendations both of War and Pollicy none is more celebrated then his purpose and Enterprise for the Conquest of Scotland As not bending his Designes to glorious Acquests abroad but to solid strength at home which nevertheless if it had succeeded well could not but have brought in all those Inconveniences of the Commixture of a more Opulent Kingdome with a less that are now alledged For it is not the Yoke either of our Arms or of our Lawes that can alter the nature of the Climate or the Nature of the Soyl Neither is it the Manner of the Commixture that can alter the Matter of the Commixture And therefore Mr. Speaker if it were good for us then it is good for us now And not to be prised the less because we paid not so dear for it But a more full Answer to this Objection I refer over to that which will come after to be spoken touching Surety and Greatness The fourth Objection Mr. Speaker is not properly an Objection but rather a preoccupation of an Objection of the other side For it may be said and very materially whereabout do we contend The Benefit of Naturalization is by the Law in as many as have been or shall be born since his Majesties Comming to the Crown already setled and invested There is no more then but to bring the Ante-Nati into the Degree of the Post-Nati that Men grown that have well deserved may be in no worse case then children which have not deserved And Elder Brothers in no worse case then yonger Brothers So as we stand upon Quiddam not Quantum Being but a little difference of Time of one Generation from another To this Mr. Speaker it is said by some That the Law is not so but that the Post-Nati are Aliens as well as the rest A point that I mean not much to argue Both because it hath been well spoken to by the Gentleman that spake last before me And because I do desire in this Case and in this place to speak rather of Convenience then of Law Onely this will I say That that Opinion seems to me Contrary to reason of Law Contrary to form of pleading in Law And Contrary to Authority and Experience of Law For Reason of Law when I meditate of it Methinks the wisdom of the Common Laws of England well observed is Admirable in the Distribution of the Benefit and protection of the Laws According to the severall Conditions of Persons in an excellent Proportion The Degrees are four but bipartite Two of Aliens and Two of Subjects The first Degree is of an Alien born under a King or State that is an Enemy If such an one come into this Kingdom without safe Conduct it is at his perill The Law giveth him no protection neither for Body Lands nor Goods So as if he be slain there is no Remedy by any Appeal at the parties sute although his wife were an English Woman Marry at the Kings sute the Case may be otherwise in regard of the offence to the Peace The Second Degree is of an Alien that is born under the faith and Allegiance of a King or State that is a friend Unto such a Person the Law doth impart a greater Benefit and protection That is concerning things personall Transitory and Moveable As Goods and Chattels Contracts and the like But not concerning Freehold and Inheritance And the reason is because he may be an Enemy though he be not For the State under the Obeisance of which he is may enter intoy Quarrell and Hostility And therefore as the Law hath but a Transitory Assurance of him so it rewards him but with Transitory Benefits The third Degree is of a Subject who having been an Alien is by Charter made Denizen To such an one the Law doth impart yet a more ample Benefit For it gives him power to purchase Free-Hold and Inheritance to his Own use And likewise enables the Children born after his Denization to inherit But yet nevertheless he cannot make Title or convey Pedegree from any Ancestour Paramount For the Law thinks not good to make him in the same Degree with a Subject born Because he was once an Alien and so mought once have been an Enemy And Nemo subitò fingitur Mens Affections cannot be so setled by any Benefit as when from their Nativity they are inbred and inherent And the fourth Degree which is the perfect Degree is of such a Person that neither is Enemy nor can be Enemy in time to come Nor could have been Enemy at any time past And therefore the Law gives unto him the full Benefit of Naturalization Now Mr. Speaker if these be the true Steps and Paces of the Law no Man can deny but whosoever is born under the Kings Obedience never could in Aliquo puncto temporis be an Enemy A Rebell he mought be but no Enemy And therefore in Reason of Law is naturalized Nay contrary-wise he is bound Iure Nativitatis to defend this Kingdome of England against all Invaders or Rebels And therefore as he is obliged to the protection of Arms And that perpetually and universally so he is to have the perpetuall and universall Benefit and protection of Law which is Naturalization For Form of Pleading it is true that hath been said That if a Man would plead another to be an Alien He must not onely set forth negatively and privatively that he was born out of the Obedience of our Soveraign Lord the King But affirmatively under the Obedience of a forrain King or State in particular which never can be done in this case As for Authority I will not press it you know all what hath been published by the Kings Proclamation And for Experience of Law we see it in the Subjects of Ireland
Time to be perfected both for the Compiling and for the Passing During all which time if this Mark of Strangers should be denied to be taken away I fear it may induce such a Habit of Strangeness as will rather be an Impediment then a preparation to further proceeding For he was a wise Man that said Opportuni Magnis Conatibus Transitus Rerum And in those Cases Non progredi est Regredi An like as in a pair of Tables you must put out the former writing before you can put in new And again that which you write in you write Letter by Letter But that which you put out you put out at once So we have now to deal with the Tables of Mens Hearts wherein it is in vain to think you can enter the willing Acceptance of our Laws and Customs except you first put sorth all Notes either of Hostility or Forrain Condition And these are to be put out simulet semel at once without Gradations whereas the other points are to be imprinted and engraven distinctly and by degrees Thirdly whereas it is conceived by some that the Communication of our Benefits and priviledges is a good Hold that we have over them to draw them to submit themselves to our Laws It is an Argument of some probability but yet to be answered many wayes For first the Intent is mistaken Which is not as I conceive it to draw them wholy to a Subjection to our Lawâ— But to draw both Nations to one uniformity of Law Again to think that there should be a kind of Articulate and Indented Contract That they should receive our Laws to obtain our priviledges it is a Matter in reason of Estate not to be expected Being that which scarcely a private Man will acknowledge if it come to that whereof Seneca speaketh Beneficium accipere est Libertatem vendere No but Courses of Estate do describe and delineate another way Which is to win them either by Benefit or Custome For we see in all Creatures that Men do Feed them first and Reclaim them after And so in the first Institution of Kingdomes Kings did first win People by many Benefits and Protections before they prest any Yoke And for Customeâ— which the Poets call Imponere Morem Who doubts but that the Seat of the Kingdome and the Example of the King resting here with us our Manners will quickly be there to make all things ready for our Laws And lastly the Naturalization which is now propounded is qualified with such Restrictions as there will be enough kept back to be used at all times for an Adamant of drawing them further on to our Desires And therefore to conclude I hold this Motion of Vnion of Laws very worthy and arising from veâ—y good Minds but not proper for this Time To come therefore to that which is now in Question It is no more but whither there should be a Difference made in this priviledge of Naturalization between the Ante-Nati and the Post-Nati Not in point of Law for that will otherwise be decided but onely in point of Convenience As if a Law were now to be made de novo In which Question I will at this time onely answer two Objections And use two Arguments and so leave it to your Judgement The first Objection hath been That if a Difference should be it ought to be in favour of the Ante-Nati Because they are Persons of Merit Service and Proof whereas the Post-Nati are Infants That as the Scripture saith know not the Right Hand from the Left This were good Reason Mr. Speaker if the Question were of Naturalizing some particular Persons by a private Bill But it hath no proportion with the generall Case For now we are not to look to respects that are proper to some but to those which are common to allâ— Now then how can it be imagined but that those that took their first Breath since this happy Vnion inherent in his Majesties Person must be more assured and affectionate to this Kingdome then those generally can be presumed to be which were sometimes Strangers For Nemo subitò fingitur The Conversions of Minds are not so swift as the Conversions of Times Nay in Effects of Grace which exceed far the Effects of Nature we see Saint Paul makes a difference between those he calls Neophites That is newly grafted into Christianity And those that are brought up in the Faith And so we see by the Lawes of the Church that the Children of Christians shall be Baptized in regard of the Faith of their Parents But the Child of an Eâ—hnick may not receive Baptism till he be able to make an understanding Profession of his Faith Another Objection hath been made That we ought to be more provident and reserved to restrain the Post-Nati then the Ante-Nati Because during his Majesties time being a Prince of so approved Wisdome and Iudgement we need no better Caution then the Confidence we may repose in Him But in the Futuâ—e Reigns of succeeding Ages our Caution must be in Re and not in Personâ But Mr. Speaker to this I answer That as we cannot expect a Prince hereafter less like to erre in respect of his Judgement so again we cannot expect a Prince so like to exceed if I may so term it in this point of Beneficence to that Nation in respect of the Occasion For whereas all Princes and all Men are won either by Merit or Conversation there is no Appearance that any of his Majesties Descendants can have either of these Causes of Bounty towards that Nation in so ample Degree as his Majesty hath And these be the two Objections which seemed to me most Materiall why the Post-Nati should be left free and not be concluded in the same Restrictions with the Ante-Nati whereunto you have heard the Answers The two Reasons which I will use on the other side are briefly these The one being a Reason of Common Sense The other a Reason of Estate We see Mr. Speaker the Time of the Nativity is in most Cases principally regarded In Nature the Time of planting and setting is chiefly observed And we see the Astrologers pretend to judge of the Fortune of the Party by the Time of the Nativity In Lawes we may not unfitly apply the Case of Legitimation to the Case of Naturalization For it is true that the Common Canon Law doth put the Ante-Natus and the Post-Natus in one Degree But when it was moved to the Parliament of England Barones unâ voce responderunt Nolumus Leges Angliae mutare And though it must be confessed that the Ante-Nati and Post-Nati are in the same Degree in Dignities yet were they never so in Abilities For no Man doubts but the Son of an Earl or Baron before his Creation or Call shall inherite the Dignity as well as the Son born after But the Son of an Attainted Person born before the Attainder shall not inherit as the After born shall notwithstanding Charter of Pardon
Commons graced with the first Vote of all the Commons Selected â—or that Cause Not in any Estimaâ—ion of my Ability For therein so wise an Asâ—embly could not be so much deceived but in an acknowledgement of my Extream Labours and Integrity in that Businesse I thought my self every wayes bound Both in Duty to your Majesty And in â—rust to that House of Parliament And in Consent to the Matter it self And in Conformity to mine own Travailes and Beginnings Not to neglect any paines that may tend to the furtherance of so excellent a work Wherein I will endeavour that that which I shall set down be Nihil minus quam verba For Length and Ornament of Speech are to be used for perswasion of Multitudes and not for Information of Kings especially such a King as is the only instance that ever I knew to make a Man of Plato's Opinion That all Knowledge is but Remembrance And that the Mind of Man knoweth all Things and demandeth only to have her own Noâ—ions excited and awaked Which your Majesties rare and indeed singular Gift and faculty of swift Apprehension and infinite Expansion or Multiplication of anoâ—her Mans Knowledge by your own as I have often observed so I did extreamly admire in Goodwins Cause Being a matter full of Secâ—ets and Mysteries of our Lawes meerly new unto you and quite out of the Path of your Education Reading and Conference Wherein neverthelesâ—e upon a Spark of Light given your Majesty took in so Dexterously and Profoundly as if you had been indeed Anima Legis Not only in Execution but in understanding The Remembrance whereof as it will never be out of my mind so it will alwayes be a warning to me to seek rather to excite your Judgemâ—nt briefly then to enform it tediously And if in a Matter of that Nature how much more in this wherein your Princely Cogitations have wrought themselves and been conversant And wherein the principall Light pâ—oceeded from your self And therefore my Purpose is onely to break this Matter of the Vnion into certain short Articles and Questions And to make a certain kind of Anatomy or Analysis of the Parts and Members thereof Not that I am of Opinion that all the Questions which I now shall Open were fit to be in the Consultation of the Commissioners propounded For I hold nothing so great an Enemy to good Resolution as the Making of too many Questions Specially in Assemblies which consist of many For Princes for Avoyding of Distraction must take many Things by way of Admittance And if Questions must be made of them rather to suffer them to arise from others then to grace them and authoâ—ize them as propounded from themselves But unto your Majesties private Consideration to whom it may better sort with me rather to speak as a Remembrancer then as a Counceller I have thought good to lay before you all the Branches Lineaments and Degrees of this Vnion that upon the Viâ—w and Consideration of them and their Circumstances your Majesty may the more clearly discern and more readily call to mind which of them is to be embraced and which to be rejected And of these which are to be accepted which of them is presently to be proceeded in and which to be put over to further time And again which of them shall require Authority of Parliament and which are fitter to be effected by your Majesties Royall Power and Prerogative or by other Pollicies or Means And lastly which of them is liker to Passe with Difficulty and Contradiction and which with more Facility and Smoothnesse First therefore to begin with that Question that I suppose will be out of question Whether it be not meet that the Statutes which were made touching Scotland or the Scottish Nation while the Kingdomes stood severed be repealed It is true there is a Diversity in these For some of these Lawes consider Scotland as an Enemy Countrey Oâ—her Lawes consider it as a Forrain Countrey onely As for Example the Law of Rich. 2. Anno 7º which Prohibiteth all Armour or Victuall to be carried to Scotland And the Law of 7º of K. H. the 7. that Enacteth all the Scottish Men to depart the Realm within a time prefixed Both these Lawes and some others resepct Scotland as a countrey of hostility But the of Law of 22 of Ed. 4 that endueth Barwick with â—he Liberty of a Staple where all Scottish Merchandizes should resort that should be uttred for England And likewise all English Merchandizes that should be uttered for Scotland This Law beholdeth Scotland onely as a Forrain Nation And not so much neither For there have been erected Staples in Towns of â—ngland for some Commodities with an Exclusion and Restriction of other Parts of England But this is a Matter of the least Difficulty your Mâ—sty shall have a Calender made of the Lawes and a Brief of the Effect And so you may judge of them And the like or Reciproque is to be done by Scotland for such Lawes as they have concerning England and the English Nation The Second Question is what Lawes Customes Commissions Officers Garrisons and the like are to be put down discontinued or taken away upon the Borders of both Realms This Point because I am not acquainted with the Orders of the Marches I can say the lesse Herein falleth that Question whether that the Tennants who hold their Tennant Rights in a greater Freedome and Exemption in Consideration of their Service upon the Borders And that the Countreys themselves which are in the same respect discharged of Subsidies and Taxes should not now be brought to be in one degree with other Tennants and Countreys Nam cessante caussâ tollitur Effectus Wherein in my Opinion some time would be given Quia adhùc eorum Messis in Herbâ est But some present Ordinance would be made to take effect at a future time considering it is one of the greatest Points and Marks of the Division of the Kingdomes And because Reason doth dictate that where the Principall Solution of Continuity was theâ—e the Healing and Consolidating Plaister should be chiefly applyed There would be some further Device foâ— the utter and perpetuall Confounding of those Imaginary Bounds as your Majesty termeth them And therefore it would be considered whether it were not convenient to Plant and Erect at Carleil or Barwick some Counsell or Court of Iustice the Iurisdiction whereof might extend part into England and part into Scotland With a Commission not to proceed precisely or meerly according to the Lawes and Customes either of England or Scotland But mixtly according to Instructions by your Majesty to be set down after the Imitation and Precedent of the Counsell of the Marches here in England Erected upon the Vnion of Wales The third Question is that which many will make a great Question of though perhaps your Majesty will make no Question of it And that is Whether your Majesty should not make a stop or stand
may arise or be made against this Worke. Obj. 1. That it is a Thing needlesse And that the Law as it now is is in good Estate Comparable to any Forrain Law And that it is not possible for the Wit of Man in respect of the Frailty thereof to provide against the Incertainties and Evasions or Omissions of Law Resp. For the Comparison with Forraine Lawes it is in vaine to speak of it For men will never agree about it Our Lawyers will maintain for our Municipall Lawes Civilians Schollars Travaillers will be of the other Opinion But Certain it is that our Lawes as they now stand are subject to great Incertainties and variety of Opinion Delayes and Evasions Whereof ensueth 1. That the Multiplicity and length of Suites is great 2. That the Contentious Person is armed and the Honest Subject Wearied and Oppressed 3. That the Iudge is more Absolute Who in doubtfull Cases hath a greater stroak and Liberty 4. That the Chancery Courts are more filled the Remedy of Law being often obscure and dâ—â—â—â—fâ—ll 5. That the ignorant Lawyâ—r shrowdeth his Ignorance of Law in that doubts are so frequent and many 6. That Mens Assurances of their Lands and â—staâ—eâ— by Patents Deedes Wills are often subject to question and hollow And many the like Inconveniâ—ncâ—es It is a good Rule and Direction For that all Lawes Secundum Magis Minus do participate of Incertainties That folâ—oweth Mark whether the Doubts that arise are only in Cases of Ordinary Experience Or which haâ—pen not every day â—f in the first Only impute it to frailty of Manâ—â—oresight that cannot reach by Law to all Cases But if in the Lâ—ttâ—r be assured there is a fault in the Law Of this I say no more but that To give every Man his Due Had it not been for Sâ— Edward Cookes Reports which though they may have Errors and some peremptory and Extrajudiciall Resolutions more then are warranted Yet they containe infinite good Decisions and Rulings over of Cases The Law by this Time had been almost like a Ship without ballast For that the Cases of Modern Experience are fled from those that are adjudged and ruled in Former time But the Necessity of this Worke is yet greater in the Statute Law For First there are a number of Ensnaring Penall Lawes which lay upon the Subject And if in bad times they should be awaked and put in Execution would grinde them to powder There is a learned Civilian that expoundeth the Curse of the Prophet Pluet super eos Laqueos of Multitude of Penall Lawes Which are worse then showres of Hayle or Tempest upon Cattle for they fall upon Men. There are some Penall Lawes fit to be retained but tâ—â—ir â—enalty too great And it is ever a Rule that any ovâ—â— great Penalty besides the Acerbity of it deads the Execution of the Law There is a further Inconvenience of Penall Lawes Obsolete and out of Vse For that it brings a Gangrene Neglect and Habite Disobedience upon other wholesome Lawes that are fit to be continued in Practise and Execution So that our Lawes endure the Torment of Mezentius The living die in the Armes of the dead Lastly there is such an Accumulation of Statutes concerning one matter And they so crosse and intricate as the Certainty of Law is lost in the Heape As your Majesty had Experience last day upon the Point Whether the Incendâ—ary of New-market should have the benefit of his Clergy Obj. 1. That it is a great Innovation And Innovations are dangerous beyond foresight Resp. All Purgings and Medecines either in the Civile or Naturall Body are Innovations So as that Argument is a Common place against all Noble Reformations But the trâ—th is that this work ought not to be termed or held for any Innovation in the suspected sense For those are the Innovations which are quarrelled and spoken against that concern the Consciences Estates and Fortunes of particular persons But this of General Ordinance pricketh not particulars but passeth Sine Strepiâ—u Besides it is on the favourable part For it easeth it presseth not And lastly it is rather matter of Order and explanation then of Alteration Neither is this without President in former Governments The Romans by their Decemvirs did make their Twelve Tables But that was indeed a new Enacting or Constituting of Lawes Not a Registring or Recompiling And they were made out of the Lawes of the Graecians not out of their own Customes In Athens they had Sexvir which were standing Commissioners to watch and to discern what Lawes waxed unproper for the Time And what new Law did in any branch crosse a former Law and so Ex Officio propounded their Repeales King Lewis the 11th of France had it in his intention to have made one perfite and uniform Law out of the Civil Law Roman and the Povinciall Customes of France Iustinian the Emperour by Commissions directed to divers persons Learned in the Lawes reduced the Roman Lawes from Vastness of Volume and a Labyrinth of incertainties Unto that course of the Civill Law which is now in use I find here at home of late years That King Henry the 8th in the Twenty seventh of his Raign was authorized by Parliament to nominate Thirty two Commissioners part Ecclesiasticall part Temporall to purge the Canon Law and to make it agreeable to the Law of God and the Law of the Realm And the same was revived in the Fourth year of Edward the 6th though neither took effect For the Lawes of Lycurgus Solon Ninos and others of ancient time they are not the worse because Grammer Schollars speak of them But things too ancient wax Children with us again Edgar the Saxon King collected the Lawes of this Kingdome and gave them the Strength of a Faggot bound which formerly were dispersed The Statutes of King Edward the First were fundamentall But I doubt I err in producing so many Examples For as Cicero saith to Caesar so may I say to your Majesty Nil Vulgare te Dignum Videri possit Obj. 3. In this purging of the course of the Common Lawes and Statutes much good may be taken away Resp. In all Purging some good Humours may pass away But that is largely recompensed by Lightning the Body of much bad Obj. 4. Labour were better bestowed in bringing the Common Lawes of England to a Text Law as the Statutes are And setting both of them down in Method and by Titles Resp. It is too long a Businesse to debate whether Lex Scripta aut non Scripta A Text Law or Customes well registred with received and approved Grounds and Maximes and Acts and Resolutions Judiciall from Time to Time duely entred and reported Be the better Form of Declaring and Authorizing Lawes It was the principall Reason or Oracle of Lycurgus That none of his Lawes should be written Customes are Lawes written in Living Tables And some Traditions the Church doth not disauthorize In all Sciences they are the soundest that keep close
glory to judge the World That the Sufferings and Merits of Christ as they are sufficient to do away the Sinns of the whole World so they are onely effectuall to those which are Regenerate by the Holy Ghost Who breatheth where he will of Free Grace which Grace as a Seed Incorruptible quickeneth the Spirit of Man and conceiveth him anew a Son of God and Member of Christ So that Christ having Mans Flesh and Man having Christs Spirit there is an open passage and Mutuall Imputation whereby Sin and Wrath was conveyed to Christ from Man And Merit and Life is conveyed to Man from Christ VVhich Seed of the Holy Ghost first figureth in us the Image of Christ slain or crucified through a lively Faith And then reneweth in us the Image of God in Holinesse and Charity though both imperfectly and in degrees farre differing even in Gods Elect As well in regard of the Fire of the Spirit as of the Illumination thereof which is more or lesse in a large proportion As namely in the Church before Christ VVhich yet neverthelesse was partaker of one and the same Salvation with us And of one and the same Means of Salvation with us That the Work of the Spirit though it be not tyed to any Means in Heaven or Earth yet it is ordinarily dispensed by the Preaching of the Word The Administration of the Sacraments The Covenants of the Fathers upon the Children Prayer Reading The Censures of the Church The Society of the Godly the Crosse and Afflictions Gods Benefits His Iudgements upon others Miracles The Contemplation of his Creatures All which though some be more principall God useth as the Means of Vocation aâ—d Conversion of his Elect Not derogating from his power to call immediately by his Grace and at all Howers and Momentâ— of the Day That is of Mans Life according to his good pleasure That the Word of God whereby his Will is revealed continued in Revelation and Tradition untill Moses And that the Scriptures were from Moses Time to the times of the Apostles and Evangelists In whose Age aftâ—r the comming of the Holy Ghost the Teacher of all Truth the Book of the Scriptures was shut and closed so as not to receive any new Addition And that the Church hath no power over the Scriptures to teach or command any Thing contrary to the written Word But is as the Ark wherein the Tables of the First Testament were kept and preserved That is to say the Church hath onely the Custody and Delivery over of the Scriptures committed unto the same Together with the Interpretation of them but such onely as is conceived from themselves That there is an Universall or Catholick Church of God dispersed over the face of the Earth which is Christs Spouse and Christs Body Being gathered of the Fathers of the old World of the Church of the Iewes of the Spirits of the Faithfull Dissolved and the Spirits of the Faithfull Militant and of the Names yet to be born which are already written in the Book of Life That there is also a Visible Church distinguished by the outward VVorks of Gods Covenant and the Receiving of the Holy Doctrine with the Use of the Mysteries of God and the Invocation and Sanctification of his Holy Name That there is also an Holy Succession in the Prophets of the New Testament and Fathers of the Church from the time of the Apostles and Disciples which saw our Saviour in the Flesh unto the Consummation of the Work of the Ministry which persons are called from God by Gift or inward Anointing And the Vocation of God followed by an outward Calling and Ordination of the Church I believe that the Soules of those that dye in the Lord are blessed and rest from their Labours and enjoy the Sight of God yet so as they are in Expectation of a further Revelation of their Glory in the last Day At which time all Flesh of Man shall arise and be changed and shall appear and receive from Iesus Christ his Eternall Iudgement And the Glory of the Saints shall then be full And the Kingdome shall be given up to God the Father From which Time all things shall continue for ever in that Being and State which then they shall receive So as there are three Times if Times they may be called or parts of Eternity The first the Time before beginnings when the Godhead was onely without the Being of any Creature The Second the Time of the Mystery which continueth from the Creation to the Dissolution of the World And the Third the Time of the Revelation of the Sonnes of God which Time is the last and is everlasting without change FINIS A Perfect List of his Lordships true Works both in English and Latin In English AN Apology touching the Earl of Essex The Elâ—ments of the Common Laws of England Advancement of Learning Essayes with the Colours of Good and Evil. Charge against Duels History of the Reign of King Henry the seventh Counsels Civil and Moral Or the Essayes revised and enriched Translation of certain Psalms into Verse The Natural History with the Fable of the New Atlantis Miscellany Works containing A Discourse of a Warr with Spain Miscellany Works containing A Dialogue touching an Holy Warr. Miscellany Works containing A Preface to a Digest of Laws Miscellany Works containing The Beginning of the History of K. Henry the 8. History of Life and Death translated into English De Augmentis Scientiarum translated into English by Doctour Guilbert Watts of Oxford This present Volume with the Particulars contained in the same In Latine DE Sapientiâ Veterum Instauratio Magna Historia Ventorum Historia Vitae Mortis De Augmentis Scientiarum Historia Regni Henrici Septimi Regis Angliae Sermones Fideles sive Interiora Rerum Dialogus de Bello Sacro Nova Atlantis Historia Naturalis versa et evulgata operâ— et curâ Iacobi Gruteri Opera Philosophica et alia nondum sed propediem Deo favente Typis mandanda As for other Pamphlets whereof there are severall put forth under his Lordships Name they are not to be owned for his Books Printed for VVilliam Lee and are to be sold at his shop at the Turks-Head in Fleetstreet ANnotations upon all the New Testament A Systeme or Body of Divinity in 10. Books wherein the Fundamental and main Grounds of Religion are opened in Folio 1654 about 240. Sheets The Saints Encouragement in Evil times in 120. 1651. All written by Edward Leigh Esquire Master of Arts in Magdalen Hall in Oxford An Exposition of the Prophecie of Haggee in fifteen Sermons by that famous Divine Iohn Reynolds D.D. in 40. 1649. An Exposition of the Psalms of Degrees The Young mans Tutor both wriâ— by T. Stint in 80. Herestography or a Description of all the Heresies and Sectaâ—ies of these later times by Eph. Pagit 40. with new Additions 1654. of the Ranters and Quakers Contemplations Sighs and Groans of a Christian published by W.
either of private Interest of Meum Tuum or of publick Service And the publick consisteth chiefly either in Voyce or in Office Now it is the First of these Mr. Speaker that I will onely handle at this Time and in this Place And reserve the other two for a Committee Because they receive more Distinction and Restriction To come therefore to the Inconveniences alledged on the other part The first of them is that there may ensue of this Naturalization a surcharge of people upon this Realm of England which is supposed already to have the full charge and content therefore there cannot be an admission of the adoptive without a Diminution of the Fortunes and Conditions of those that are Native Subjects of this Realme A grave Objection Mr. Speaker and very dutifull For it proceedeth not of any unkindness to the Scottish Nation but of a Naturall Fastness to our selves For that Answer of the Virgins Ne forte non sufficiat Vobis Nobis proceeded not out of any Envy or malign humour but out of providence and that originall charity which begins with our selves And I must confess Mr. Speaker that as the Gentleman said when Abraham and Lot in regard of the Greatness of their Families grew pent and straitened it is true that Brethren though they were they grew to difference and to those words Vade iâ— ad Dextram ego ad sinistram c. But certainlyâ— I should never have brought that Example on that side For we see what followed of it How that this Separation ad Dextram and ad Sinistram cauâ—ed the miserable Captivity of the one Brother and the Dangerous though prosperous War of â—he other for hiâ— Rescous and Recovery But to this Objection Mr. Speaker being so weighty and so pâ—incipall I mean to give threâ— severaâ—l Anâ—wers every one oâ— them being to mine understanding by it self sufficient The first is that this Opiniâ—n of the Number of the Scottisâ— Naâ—ion that should be likely to plant themselves here amongst us will be found to be a Thing rather in Conceit then in Event For Mr. Speaker you shall find these plausible Similitudes of a Tree that will thrive the better iâ— it be removed in to the more fruitfull Soyl And of Sheep or Catâ—ell that if they find a Gap or passage open will leave the more barren Pasture and get into the more rich and plentiâ—ull To be but Arguments meerly superficiall and to have no sound Resemblance wiâ—â— the Transplanting or Transferring of Families For the Tree we know by nature as soon as it is set in the better Ground caâ— fasten upon it and take Nutriment from it And a sheep as soon as he gets into the better Pasture what should let him to graze and feed But there longeth more I take it to a Family or particular Person that shall remove from one Nation to another For if Mr. Speaker they have not Stock Means Acquaintance and Custome Habitation Trades Countenance and thâ— like I hope you doubt not but they will starve in the midst oâ— the rich Pasture And are far enough off from grazing at their pleasure And therefore in this Point which is conjectuâ—alâ— Experience is the best Guâ—de For the Time past is a Pattern oâ— the Time to come I think no Man doubteth Mr. Speaker buâ— his Majesties first comming in was as the greatest Spring-tâ—de for the Confluence and Enâ—rance of that Nation Now I woulâ— fain understand in thesâ— four years space and in the Fulness and Strength of the Current and Tide how many Families of the Scottish Men are planted in the Citties Eurroughs and Towns of this Kingdom For I do assure my self that moâ—e then some Persons of Quality about his Majesties Persoâ— here at the Court and in London And some other inferiour Persons that have a Dependancy upon them The Return and Certificate if such a Survey should be made would be of a Number extremely small I report me to all your private knowledges of the places where you inhabit Now Mr. Speaker as I said Si in Ligno viridi ita fit quid fiet in arido I am sure there will be no more such Spring-Tâ—des But you will tell me of a multitude of Families of the Nationâ— in Polonia And if they multiply in a Country so far off how much more here at hand For that Mr. Speaker you must impute it of necessity to some speciall Accident of Time and place that draweth them thither For you see plainly before your eyes that in Germany which is much nearer And in France where they are invited with priviledges And with this very priviledge of Naturalization yet no such Number can be found So as it cannot be either nearness of place or priviledge of Person that is the Cause But shall I tell you Mr. Speaker what I think Of all the places in the world near or far of they will never take that course of life in this Kingdome which they content themselves with in Poland For we see it to be the Nature of all men that they will rather discover Poverty abroad then at home There is never a Gentleman that hath over-reached himself in Expence and thereby must abate his Countenance but he will rather travell and do it abroad then at home And we know well they have good high Stomacks and have ever stood in some terms and Emulation with us And therefore they will never live here except they can live in good fashion So as I assure you Mr. Speaker I am of Opinion that the strife which we now have to admit them will have like Sequele as that Contention had between the Nobility and People of Rome for the admitting of a Plebeian Consul which while it was in Passing was very vehement and mightily stood upon And when the People had obtained it they never made any Plebeian Consul No not in 60. years after And so will this be for many years as I am perswaded rather a Matter in Opinion then in use or effect And this is the First Answer that I give to this main Inconvenience pretended of Surcharge of People The Second Answer which I give to this Objection is this I must have leave to doubt Mr. Speaker that this Realm of England is not yet peopled to the full For certain it is that the Territories of France Italy Flaunders and some parts of Germany do in equall space of Ground bear and contain a far greater Quantity of People if they were mustred by the Poll. Neither can I see that this Kingdom is so much inferiour unto those sorrain Parts in fruitfulness as it is in population which makes me conceive we have not our full charge Besides I do see manifestly among us the Badges and Tokens rather of Scarceness then of Press of People as Drowned Grounds Commons Wastes and the like Which is a plain Demonstration that howsoever there may be an overswelling throng and press of People here about London which is most
of Man to which they have not applyed themselves Thereby to insinuate their Untruths and abuses to the World And indeed let a Man look into them and he shall find them the only Triumphant Lies that ever were confuted by Circumstances of Time and Place Confuted by Contrariety in themselves Confuted by the Witness of infinite Persons that live yet and have had particular Knowledge of the Matters But yet avouched with such Asseveration as if either they were fallen into that strange Disease of the Mind which a Wise Writer describeth in these words Fingunt simul creduntque Or as if they had received it as a principall Precept and Ordinance of their Seminaries Audacter calumniare semper aliquid haeret Or as if they were of the Race which in old time were wont to help themselves with Miraculous Lies But when the Cause of this is entred into Namely that there passeth over out of this Realm a number of Eager and Unquiet Schollers whom their own Turbulent and Humourous Nature presseth out to seek their Adventures abroad And that on the other side they are nourished rather in Listening after News and Intelligences and in Whisperings then in any Commendable Learning And after a time when either their Necessitous Estate or their Ambitious Appetites importune them they fall on devising how to do some acceptable service to that side which maintaineth them So as ever when their Credit waxeth Cold with Forrain Princes Or that their Pensions are ill pay'd Or some Preferment is in sight at which they levell Straitwayes out commeth a Libell pretending thereby to keep in life the party which within the Realm is contrary to the State Wherein they are as wise as he that thinketh to kindle a Fire by blowing the dead Ashes When I say a man looketh into the Cause and Ground of â—his plentifull yield of Libells he will cease to marvaile considering the Concurrence which is as well in the Nature of the â—eed as in the travell of Tilling and dressing yea and in the Fitnesse of the Season for the Bringing up of those infectious weeds But to verefie the Saying of our Saviour Non est Discipulus super Magistrum As they have sought to deprave her Majesties Government in her self So have they not forgoâ—ten to do the same in her principall Servants and Counsellers Thinking belike that as the Immediate Invectives against her Majesty do best satisfie the Malice of the Forreiner So the slander and Calumniation of her principall Counsellours agreed best with the Humours of some Male-contents within the Realm Imagining also that it was like they should be more scattered here and freelier dispersed And also should be lesse odious to those Forrainers which were not meerely partiall and passionate who have for the most partâ— in detestation the Traiterous Libellings of Subjâ—cts directly against their Naturall Prince Amongst the Rest in this kind there hâ—th been publisâ—â—d this present year of 1592. a Libel that giveth place to none of the Resâ— in Malice and untruths Though inferior to most of them in penning and Sâ—ile The Authour having chosen the vaine of a Luciâ—nist And yet being a Counterfeit even in that kind The Libell is intitulâ—d A Declaration of the true Causes of the great Troubles presupposed to be intended against the Realm of England And hath a Semblance as if it were bent against the Doings of her Majâ—sties Ancient and Worthy Counsellor the Lord â—urghley Whose Carefuâ—ness and Paines her Majesty hath used in her Counsells and Actions of this Realm for these 34. years space in all dangerous Times And amidst many and mighty practises And with such succâ—sse as our Enemies are put still to their Paper-shot of such Libels as these The memory of whom will remain in this Land when all these Libels shall be extinct and forgotâ—en According to the Scripture Memoria Iusti cum landibus at Impiorum Nomen putrescet But it is more then evident by the parts of the same Book that the Authors Malice was to her Majesty and her Covernment As may especially appear in this That he charged not his Lordship with any particular Actions of his private Life Such power had Truth whereas the Libels made against other Counsellors have principally insisted upon that part â—ut hath only wrested and detorted such Actions of Sate as in Times of his Service have been Mannaged And depraving them hath ascribed and imputed to him the Effects that have followed Indeed to the Good of the Realm and the Honour of her Majesty Though sometimes to the Provoking of the Maliâ—e but Abridging of the Power and Meanes of Desperate and Incorâ—igible Subjects All which Slanders as his Lordship might justly despise Both for their Manifest Vntruths and for the Basenesse and Obscurity of the Authour So neverthelesse according to the Moderation which his Lordship useth in all Things Never claiming the Priviledge of his Authority when it is Question of satisfying the World He hath been content that they be not passed over altogether in Silence Whereupon I have in particular Duty to his Lordship amongst others that do Honour and Love his Lordship And that have â—iligently observed his Actions And in Zeal of Truth collected upon the Reading of the said Libell certain Observations Not in Form of a just Answer lest I should fall into the Error whereof Salomon speaketh thus Answer not a Foole in his own kind least thou also be like him But only to discover the Malice to reprove and convict the Untruths thereof The Points that I have observed upon the Reading of this Libell are these following 1. Of the Scope or Drift of the Libeller 2. Of the present Estate of this Realm of England whether it may be truly avouched to be Prosperous or Afflicted 3. Of the Proceedings against the pretended Catholiques whether they have been Violent or Moderate and necessary 4. Of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christendom And to what Causes it may be justly imputed 5. Of the Cunning of the Libeller in Palliation of his Malicious Invective against her Majesty and the State with pretence of taxing onely the Actions of the Lord Burleigh 6. Certain true Generall Notes upon the Actions of the Lord Burleigh 7. Of diverse particular Vntruhs and Abuses dispersed through the Libell 8. Of the Height of Impudency that these Men are grown unto in Publishing and Avouching Vntruths with particular Recitall of some of them for an Assay 1. Of the Scope or Drift of the Libeller It is good Advice in dealing with Cautelous and Malicious persons Whose Speech is ever at distance with their Meanings Non quid dixerint sed quò spectârint videndum A Man is not to regard what they affirm or what they hold But what they would convey under their pretended Discovery and what turn they would serve It soundeth strangely in the Eares of an English Man That the Miseries of the present State of England exceed them of former times whatsoever One would
And was not without some other Seditions and Troubles As namely the great Contestation of his Prelates King Henry 2. his Happinesse was much deformed by the Revolt of his son Henry after he had associated him and of his other Sonnes King Hen. 3 besides his continuall Wars in Wales was after 44. years raign unquieted with Intricate Commotions of his Barons As may appear by the Mad Parliament held at Oxford and the Acts thereupon ensuing His Son King Ed. 1. had a more flourishing Time then any of the other Came to his Kingdom at ripe years and with great Reputation after his voyage into the Holy Land And was much loved and obeyed contrived his Wars with great Judgement First having reclaimed Wales to a setled Allegeance And being upon the point of Vniting Scotland But yet I suppose it was more honour for her Majesty to have so important a piece of Scotland in her hand And the same with such Justice to render up Then it was for that worthy King to have advanced in such Forwardnesse the Conquest of that Nation And for King Edward 3. his Raign was visited with much Sicknesse and Mortality So as they reckoned in his dayes 3. severall Mortalities One in the 22. year Another in tâ—e 35. year And the last in the 43. year of his Raign And being otherwise Victorious and in Prosperity was by that onely Crosse more afflicted then he was by the other Prosperities comforted Besides he entred hardly And again according to the Verse Cedebant ultima primis His Latter Times were not so prosperous And for King Henry 5. as his Successe was wonderfull so he wanted Continuance Being extinguished after 10. years Raign in the Prime of his Fortunes Now for her Majesty we will first speak of the Blessing of Continuance as that which wanted in the Happiest of these Kings And is not only a great favour of God unto the Prince but also a singular Benefit unto the People For that Sentence of the Scripture Misera Natio cùm multi sunt principes eius is interpreted not only to extend to Divisions and Distractions in Government but also to Frequent Changes in Succession Considering that the Change of a Prince bringeth in many Charges which are Harsh and Vnpleasant to a great part of Subjects It appeareth then that of the Line of Five hundred and fourescore years and more containing the Number of 22. Kings God hath already prolonged her Majesties Raign to exceed sixteen of the said Two and Twenty And by the end of this present year which God prosper she shall attain to be equall with two more During which time there have deceased four Emperours As many French Kings Twice so many Bishops of Rome Yea every State in Christendome except Spain have received sundry Successions And for the King of Spain he is waxed so infirm and thereby so Retired as the Report of his Death serveth for every years News whereas her Majesty Thanks be given to God being nothing decayed in vigor of Health and strength was never more able to supply and sustain the weight of her Affairs And is as far as standeth with the Dignity of her Majesties Royall State continually to be Seen to the great comfort and Hearty Ease of her People Secondly we will mention the Blessing of Health I mean generally of the People which was wanting in the Raign of another of these Kings which else deserved to have the second place in Happinesse which is one of the great Favours of God towards any Nation For as there be three Scourges of God War Famine and Pestilence so are there three Benedictions Peace Plenty and Health Whereas therefore this Realm hath been visited in times past with sundry kinds of Mortalities as Pestilences Sweats and other Contagious Diseases it is so that in her Majesties Times being of the continuance aforesaid there was only towards the Beginning of her Raign some Sicknesse between Iune and February in the Citty but not dispersed into any other paâ—t of the Realm as was noted which we call yet the Great Plague Because that though it was nothing so Grievous and so Sweeping as it hath been sundry times heretofore yet it was great in respect of the Health which hath followed since Which hath been such especially of late years as we began to dispute and move Questions of the Causes whereunto it should be ascribed Untill such time as it pleased God to teach us that we ought to ascribe it onely to his Mercy By touching us a little this present year but with a very Gentle Hand And such as it hath pleased him since to remove But certain it is for so many years together notwithstanding the great Pestering of people in Houses The great Multitude of Strangers and the sundry Voiages by Seas All which have been noted to be Causes of Pestilence The Health Vniversall of the People was never so good The third Blessing is that which all the Politick and Fortunate Kings before recited have wanted That is Peace For there was never Forreiner since her Majesties Raign by Invasion or Incursion of Moment that took any footing within the Realm of England One Rebellion there hath been onely but such an one as was repressed within the space of seven weeks And did not wast the Realm so much as by the Destruction or Depopulation of one poor Town And for wars abroad taking in those of Leeth those of New-Haven the second Expedition into Scotland the wars of Spain which I reckon from the year 86 or 87 before which time neither had the King of Spain withdrawn his Embassadours here residing neither had her Majesty received into protection the united Provinces of the Low Countries And the Aid of France They have not occupied in time a third part of her Majesties Râ—ign Nor consumed past two of â—y Noble House whereof France took one and Flanders another And very few besides of Quality or Appearance They have scarce mowed down the overcharge of the People within the Realm It is therefore true that the Kings aforesaid and others her Maiâ—sties Progenitours have been Victorious in their Wars And have made many Famous and Memorable Voyages and Expediâ—tions into sundry parts And that her Majesty contrarywise from the bginning put on a firm Resolution to content her self within those Limits of her Dominions which she received And to entertain Peace with her Neighbour princes which Resolution she hath ever since notwithstanding she hath haâ— Rare Opportunities Iust Claims and pretences and great and mighty Means sought to continue But if this be objected to be the lesse Honourable Fortune I answer that ever amongst the Heathen who held not the Expence of Blood so precious as Christians ought to do The peaceable Government of Augustus Caesar was ever as highly esteemed as the Victories of Iuliuâ— his Uncle and that the Name of Pater Patriae was ever as Honourable as that of propagator Imperii And this I
adde further that during this inward Peace of so many years in the Actions of War before mentioned which her Majesty either in her own Defence or in Iust and Honourable Aides hath undertaken The Service hath been such as hath carried no Note of a People whose Militia were degenerated through Long Peace But hath every way answered the ancient Reputation of the English Arms. The fourth Blessing is Plenty and Abundance And firstâ— for Grain and all Victualls there cannot be more evident Proof of the Plenty then this That whereas England was wont to be â—ed by oâ—her Countries from the East it sufficeth now to feed other Countries So as we do mâ—ny times transport and serve sundry Forrain Countries And yet there was never the like Multitude of People to eat iâ— within the Realm Another evident Proof thereâ—f may be that the good yields of Corn which have been together with some Tolleration of Vent hath of late time invited and enticed Men to break up more Ground and to convert it to Tillage then all the Penal Laws for that purpose made and enacted could ever by Compulsion effect A third Proof may be that the Prices of Grain and Victuall were never of late years more Reasonable Now for Arguments of the great wealth in all other Respects let the Points following be considered There was never the like Number of fair and Stately Hâ—uses as have been built and set up from the Ground since her Majesties Raign Insomuch that there have been reckoned in one Shire that is not great to the Number of 33 Which have been all new built within that time And whereof the Meanest was never built for two Thousand pounds There were never the like Pleasures of goodly Gardens and Orchards Walks Pooles and Parks as do adorn almost every Mansion House There was never the like Number of Beautifull and Costly Tombes and Monuments which are erected in sundry Churches in Honourable Memory of the Dead There was never the like Quantity of Plate Iewels Sumptuous Moveables and Stuff as is now within the Realm There was never the like Quantity of Wast and unprofitable Ground Inned Reclaimed and Improved There was never the like Husbanding of all Sorts of Groundâ— by Fencing Manuring and all kinds of good Husbandry The Towns were never better built nor peopled Nor the principall Faires and Markets never better customed nor frequented The Commodities and Ease of Rivers cut by hand and brought into a new Channell Of Peeres that have been built Of Waters that have been forced and brought against the Ground were never so many There was never so many excellent Artificers nor so many new Handy-Crafts used and exercised Nor new Commodities made witâ—in the Realm Sugar Paper Glasse Copper divers Silks and the like There was never such Compleat and Honourable Provision of Horse Armour Weapons Ordnance of the Warr. The Fifth Blessing hath been the great Population and Multitude of Families encreased within her Majesties dayes For which Point I refer my Self to the Proclamations of Restraint of Building in London The Inhibition of Inmates of sundry Citties The Restraint of Cottages by Act of Parliament And sundry other Tokens of Record of the Surcharge of People Besides these parts of a Government blessed from God wherein the Condition of the People hath been more happy in her Majesties Times then in the Times of her Progenitours There are certain Singularities and Particulars of her Majesties Raign whereiâ— I do not say that we have enjoyed them in a more ample Degree and Proportion then in former Ages As it hath fallen out in the Points before mentioned But such as were in Effect unknown and untasted heretofore As first the Purity of Religion which is a Benefit Inestimable And was in the time of all former Princes untill the dayes of her Majesties Father of Famous Memory unheard of Out of which Purity of Religion have since ensued beside the principall Effect of the true Knowledge and Worship of God three Points of great Consequence unto the Civill Estate One the stay of a mighty Treasure within the Realm which in foretimes was drawn sorth to Rome Another the Dispersingâ— and Distributionâ— of those Revenues Amounting to a Third part of the Land of the Realm And that of the goodliest and the richest sort which heretofore was unproâ—itably spent in Monasteries Into such Hands as by whom the Realm receiveth at this day Service and Strength And many Great Houses have been set up and augmented The Third the Mannaging and Enfrâ—nchising of the Regall Dignity from the Recognition of a Forraign Superior All which Points though begun by her Father and continued by her Brother were yet neverthelesse â—fter an Eclipse or Inteâ—mission Restored and Reestablished by her Majesties Self Secondly the Fineness of Money For as the Purging away of the Drosse of Religion the Heavenly Treasure was common to her Majesty with her Father and her Brother So the Purging of the Baâ—e Monâ—y the â—arthly Treasure hath been altogether proper to her Majesties own Times Whereby our Moneys bearing the Naturall Estimation of the Stamp or Mark both every Man resteth assured of his own vallew and free from the losses and Deceits which fall out in other places upon the Rising and Falling of Moneys Thirdly the Might of the Navy and Augmentation of the Shipping of the Realm which by politique Constitutions for Maintenance of â—ishing And the Encouragement and Assistance given to the undertakers of New Discoveries and Trades by Sea is so advanced as this Island is become as the Naturall Scite thereof deserveth the Lady of the Sea Now to passe from the Comparison of Time to the Comparison of place We may find in the States abroad Cause of Pitty and Compassion in some But of Envy or Emulation in none Our Condition being by the good Favour of God not Inferiour to anâ— The Kingdome of France which by reason of the Seat of the Empire of the West was wont to have the precedence of the Kingdomes of Europe is now fallen into those Calamities that as the Prophet saith From the Crown of the Head to the Soal of the Foot there is no whole place The Divisions are so many and so intricate of Protestants and Catholicks Royalists and Leaguers Burbonists and Lorainists Patriots and Spanish As it seemeth God hath some great Work to bring to passe upon that Nation yea the Nobility divided from the Third Estate And the Towns from the Field All which Miseries truly to speak have been wrought by Spain and the Spanish Faction The Low-Countries which were within the Age of a young Man the Richest the best Peopled and the best Built Plots of Europe are in such Estate as a Countrey is like to be in that hath been the Seat of thirty years War And although the Sea-Provinces be rather encreased in Wealth and Shipping then otherwise yet they cannot but mourn for their Distraction from
Athenians could rest which was if the Deputies of the Lacedemonians could make it plain unto them that after these and these things parted withall the Lacedemonians should not be able to hurt them though they would So it is with us As we have not justly provoked the Hatred or Enmity of any other State so howsoever that be I know not at this time the Enemy that hath the Power to offend us though he had the Will And whether we have given just Cause of Quarrell or Offence it shall be afterwards touched in the feurth Article Touching the true Causes of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christenâ—ome As far as it is fit to justifie the Actions of so High a Prince upon the Occasion of such a Libell as this But now concerning the Power and Forces of any Enemy I do find that England hath sometimes apprehended with Jealousie the Confederation between France and Scotland The one being upon the same Continent that we are and breeding a Souldier of Puissance and Courage not much differing from the English The other a Kingdom very Opulent and thereby able to sustain Wars though at very great Charge And having a brave Nobility And being a Near Neighbour And yet of this Conjuncâ—ion there never came any Offence of Moment But Scotland was ever rather used by France as a Diversion of an English Invasion upon France then as a Commodity of a French Invasion upon England I confesse also that since the Vnions of the Kingdom of Spain and during the time the Kingdom of France was in his Entire A Conjunction of those two potent Kingdoms against us might have been of some Terrour to us But now it is evident that the State of France is such as both those Conjunctions are become Impossible It resteth that either Spain with Scotland should offend us or Spain alone For Scotland thanks be to God the Amity and Intelligence is so sound and secret between the the two Crowns Being strengthened by Consent in Religion Nearnesse of Blood and Continuall good Offices reciprocally on either side as the Spaniard himself in his own Plot â—hinketh it easier to alter and overthrow the present State of Scotland then to remove and divide it from the Amity of England So as it must be Spain alone that we should fear which should seem by reason of his Spacious Dominions to be a great Over-match The Conceit whereof maketh me call to mind the Resemblance of an Ancient writer in Physick who labouring to perswade that a Physician should not doubt sometimes to purge his Patient though he see him very weak Entreth into a Distinction of Weakness and saith there is a Weakness of Spirit and a Weakness of Body The latter whereof he compareth unto a man that were otherwise very strong but had a great pack on his Neck So greatâ— as made him double again So as one might thrust him down with his Finger Which Similitude and Distinction both may be fitly applyed to matter of State For some States are Weak through want of Means and some VVeak through Excesse of Burthen In which rank I do place the State of Spain which having outcompassed it self in embracing too much And being it self but a barren Seed-plot of Souldiers And much Decayed and Exhausted of Men by the Indies and by continuall wars and so to the State of their Treasure being endebted and engaged before such times as they waged so great Forces in France And therefore much more since Is not in brief an Enemy to be feared by a Nation Seated Manned Furnished and Pollyced as is England Neither is this spoken by guesse For the Experience was Substantiall enough and of Fresh Memoâ—y in the late Enterprise of Spain upon England What Time all that Goodly Shipping which in that Voyage was consumed was Compleat what Time his Forces in the Low Countries was also full and Entire which now are wasted to a fourth part What time also he was not entangled with the Matters of France But was rather like to receive Assistance then Impediment from his Friends there In respect of the great Vigour wherein the League then was while the Duke of Guise then lived and yet neverthelesse this great preparation passed away like a Dream The Invincible Navy neither took any one Barque of ours Neither yet once offered to land But after they had been well Beaten and Chased made a Perambulation about the Northern Seas Ennobling many Coasts with VVracks of Mighty ships and so returned home with greater Derision then they set forth with Expectation So as we shall not need much Confederacies and Succours which he saith we want for the breaking of the Spanish Invasion No though the Spaniard should nestle in Brittain and supplant the French and get some Port-Townes into their hands there which is yet far off yet shall he never be so commodiously seated to annoy us as if he had kept the Low-Countries And we shall rather fear Him as a wrangling Neighbour that may Trespass now and then upon some Stragling ships of ours then as an Invader And as for our Confederacies God hath given us both Meanes and Minds to tender and relieve the States of others And therefore our Confederacies are rather of Honour then such as we depend upon And yet nevertheless the Apostata's and Huguonets of France on the one part For so he termeth the whole Nobility in a manner of France Among the which a great part is of his own Religion which maintain the clear and unblemished Title of their Lawfull and Naturall King against the seditious popular And the Beere-Brewers and Basket-Makers of Holland and Zealand As he also termes them on the other have almost banded away between them all the Duke of Parma's Forces And I suppose the very Mines of the Indies will go low or ever the one be Ruined or the other recovered Neither again desire we better Confederacies and Leagues then Spain it self hath provided for us Non enim verbis faedera confirmantur sed jisdem vtilitatibus We know to how many States the King of Spain is odious and suspected And for our selves we have incensed none by our Injuries Nor made any Jealous of our Ambition These are in Rules of Pollicy the Firmest Contracts Let thus much be said in Answer of the Second Branch concerning the Number of Exteriour Enemies Wherein my Meaning is nothing lesse then to attribute our Felicity to our Pollicy Or to nourish our selves in the Humour of Security But I hope we shall depend upon God and be vigilent And then it will be seen to what end these False Alarums will come In the Third Branch of the Miseries of England he taketh upon him to play the Prophet as he hath in all the rest play'd the Poet And will needes Divine or Prognosticate the great Troubles whreunto this Realm shall fall after her Majesties Times As if he that hath so singular a Gift in Lying of the present Time and Times past had
nevertheless an extra-ordinary Grace in telling Truth of the Time to come Or as if the Effect of the Popes Curses of England were upon better Ad-vise adjourned to those dayes It is true it will be Misery enough for this Realm whensoever it shall be to leese such a Soveraign But for the rest we must repose our selves upon the good pleasure of God So it is an unjust Charge in the Libeller to impute an Accident of State to the Fault of the Government It pleaeth God sometimes to the end to make Men depend upon him the more to hide from them the clear sight of future Events And to make them think that full of Vncertainties which proveth Certain and Clear And sometimes on the other side to crosse Mens expectations and to make them full of Difficulty and Perplexity in that which they thought to be Easie and Assured Neither is it any New Thing for the Titles of Succession in Monarchies to be at Times lesse or more declared King Sebastian of Portugall before his Journey into Affrick declared no Successor The Cardinall though he were of extream Age and were much importuned by the King of Spain and knew directly of 6. or 7. Competitours to that Crown yet he rather established I know not what Interims then decided the Titles or designed any certain Successor The Dukedome of Ferrara is at this Day after the Death of the Prince that now liveth uncertain in the point of Succession The Kingdom of Scotland hath declared no Successor Nay it is very rare in Hereditary Monarchies by any Act of State or any Recognition or Oath of the People in the Collaterall Line to establish a Successor The Duke of Orleans succeeded Charles the 8th of France but was never declared Successor in his time Monsieur d' Angoulesme also succeeded him but without any Designation Sonnes of Kings themselves oftentimes through desire to raign and to prevent their Time wax dangerous to their Parents How much more Cousens in a more Remote Degree It is lawfull no doubt and Honourable if the Case require for Princes to make an establishment But as it was said it is rarely practised in the Collaterall Line Trajan the best Emperor of Rome of an Heathen that ever was At what time the Emperours did use to design Sucessours Not so much to avoid the Vncertainty of Succession as to the end to have Participes Curarum for the present Time because their Empire was so vast At what Time also Adoptions were in use and himself had been Adopted yet never designed a Successour but by his Last Will and Testament Which also was thought to be suborned by his Wife Plotina in the Favour of her Lover Adrian You may be sure That nothing hath been done to prejudice the Right And there can be but one Right But one thing I am perswaded of that no King of Spain nor Bishop of Rome shall umpire nor promote any Beneficiary or Feodatory King as as they designed to do Even when the Scottish Queen lived whom they pretended to cherish I will not retort the matter of Succession upon Spain but use that Modesty and Reverence that belongeth to the Majesty of so great a King though an Enemy And so much for this Third Branch The Fourth Branch he maketh to be touching the Overthrow of the Nobility And the Oppression of the People wherein though he may percase abuse the Simplicity of any Forreiner yet to an English Man or any that heareth of the present Condition of England he will appear to be a Man of singular Audacity and worthy to be employed in the defence of any Paradox And surely if he would needs have defaced the generall State of England at this time he should in wisdome rather have made some Friarly Declamation against the Excesse of Superfluity and Delicacy of our Times then to have insisted upon the Misery and Poverty and Depopulation of the Land as may sufficiently appear by that which hath been said But neverthelesse to follow this Man in his own steps First concerning the Nobility It is true that there have been in Ages past Noblemen as I take it both of greater Possessions and of greater Command and Sway then any are at this day One Reason why the possessions are lesse I conceive to be because certain Sumptuous Veins and Humours of Expence As Apparell Gaming Maintaining of a kind of Followers and the like Do raign more then they did in times past Another Reason is because Noblemen now a dayes do deal better with their younger Sons then they were accustomed to do heretofore whereby the principall House receiveth many Abatements Touching the Command which is not indeed so great as it hath been I take it rather to be a Commendation of the Time then otherwise For Men were wont factiously to Depend upon Noblemen whereof ensued many Partialities and Divisions besides much Interruption of Iustice while the great Ones did seek to bear out Those that did depend upon them So as the Kings of this Realm finding long since that kind of Commandement in Noblemen Vnsafe unto their Crown and Inconvenient unto their People thought meet to restrain the same by Provision of Lawes whereupon grew the Statute of Reteiners So as men now depend upon the Prince and the Lawes and upon no other A Matter which hath also a Congruity with the Nature of the Time As may be seen in other Countries Namely in Spain where their Grandees are nothing so Potent and so absolute as they have been in Times past But otherwise it may be truly affirmed that the Rights and preheminences of the Nobility were never more duly and exactly preserved unto them then they have been in her Majesties Times The Precedence of Knights given to the younger Sons of Barons No Subpena's awarded against the Nobility out of the Chancery but Letters No Answer upon Oath but upon Honour Besides a Number of other Priviledges in Parliament Court and Countrey So likewise for the Countenance of her Majesty and the State in Lieutenancies Commissions Offices and the like there was never a more Honourable and Gracefull Regard had of the Nobility Neither was there ever a more Faithfull Remembrancer and exacter of all these particular preheminences unto them Nor a more Diligent Searcher and Register of their Pedegrees Alliances and all Memorialls of Honour then that MAN whom he chargeth to have overthrown the Nobility Because a few of them by immoderate Expence are decayed according to the Humor of the time which he hath not been able to resist no not in his own House And as for Attainders there have been in 35 years but Five of any of the Nobility whereof but Two came to Execution and one of them was accompanied with Restitution of Blood in the Children Yea all of them except Westmerland were such as whether it were by Favour of Law or Government their Heirs have or are like to have a great Part of their Possession And so much
for the Nobility Touching the Oppression of the People he mentioneth four points 1. The Conâ—umption of People in the Wars 2. The Interruption of Traffick 3. The Corruption of Iustice. 4. The Multitude of Taxations Unto all which points there needeth no long Speech For the first thanks be to God the Benediction of Crescite and Multiplicamini is not so weak upon this Realm of â—ngland but The Population thereof may afford such Losse of Men as were sufficient for the Making our late Wars and were in a perpetuity without being seen either in City or Countrey We â—ead that when the Romans did take Cense of their People whereby the Citizens were numbred by the Poll in the beginning of a great War and afterwards again at the ending there sometimes wanted a Third Part of the Number But let our Muster Books be perused those I say that certifie the Number of all Fighting Men in every Shire of vicesimo of the Queen At what time except a Handfull of Souldiers in the Low Countries we expended no Men in the VVars And now again at this present time there will appear small Diminution There be many Tokens in this Realm rather of Presse and Surcharge of People then of Want and Depopulation which were before recited Besides it is a better Condition of Inward Peace to be accompanied with some Exercise of no Dangerous Warr in Forrain parts then to be utterly without Apprentisage of Warr whereby People grow Effeminate and unpractised when Occasion shall be And it is no small strength unto the Realm that in these Warrs of Exercise and not of Perill so many of our People are trained And so many of our Nobility and Gentlemen have been made Excellent Leaders both by Sea and Land As for that he objecteth we have no Provision for Souldiers at their Return Though that Point hath not been altogether neglected yet I wish with all my Heart that it were more Ample then it is Though I have read and heard that in all Estates upon Casheering and Disbanding of Souldiers many have endured Necessity For the Stopping of Traffique as I referred my Self to the Muster-Books for the First So I refer my Self to the Custome-Books upon this which will not lye And do make Demonstration of no Abatement at all in these last years but rather of Rising and Encrease We know of many in London and other places that are within a small time greatly come up and made Rich by Merchandizing And a Man may speak within his Compasse and affirm That our Prizes by Sea have countervailed any Prizes upon us And as to the Iustice of this Realm it is true that Cunning and Wealâ—h have bred many Sutes and Debates in Law But let those Points be considered The Integrity and Sufficiency of those which supply the Iudiciall places in the Queens Courts The good Laweâ— that have been made in her Majesties time against Informers and Promoters And for the bettering of Trialls The Example of Severity which is used in the Star-chamber in oppressing Forces and Fraâ—des The Diligence and Stoutness that is used by Iustices of Assises in Encountring all Countenancing and Bearing of Causes in the Countrey by their Authorities and Wisedome The great Favours that have been used towards Coppy-holders and Customary Tenants which were in ancient times meerly at the Discretion and Mercy of the Lord And are now continually relieved from hard Dealing in Chancery and other Courts of Equity I say let these and many other Points be considered and Men will worthily conceive an Honourable Opinion of the Iustice of England Now to the Points of Levies and Distributions of Money which he calleth Exactions First very coldly he is not abashed to bring in the Gathering for Paules Steeple and the Lottery Trifles Whereof the former being but a Voluntary Collection of that Men were freely disposed to give never grew to so great a Sum as was sufficient to finish the Work for which it was appointed And so I imagine it was converted into some other use like to that Gathering which was for the Fortifications of Paris save that the Gathering for Paris came to a much greater though as I have heard no competent Sum. And for the Lottery it was but a Novelty devised and followed by some particular persons and onely allowed by the State being as a Gain of Hazzard Wherein if any Gain was it was because many Men thought Scorn after they had fallen from their greater hopes to fetch their odd Money Then he mentioneth Loanes and Privy Seales Wherein he sheweth great Ignorance and Indiscretion considering the Payments back again have been very Good and Certain And much for her Majesties Honour Indeed in other Princes Times it was not wont to be so And therefore though the Name be not so pleasant yet the Vse of them in our Times have been with small Grievance He reckoneth also new Customes upon Cloathes and new Impost upon Wines In that of Cloathes he is deceived For the ancient Rate of Custome upon Cloathes was not raised by her Majesty but by Queen Mary a Catholique Queen And hath been commonly continued by her Majesty Except he mean the Computation of the odd yards which in strict Duty was ever answerable Though the Error were but lately looked into or rather the Tolleration taken away And to that of Wines being a Forrain Merchandize and but a Delicacy and of those which might be forborn there hath been some Encrease of Imposition which can rather make the Price of Wine Higher â—hen the Merchant poorer Lastly touching the Number of Subsidies it is true that her Majesty in respect of her great Charges of her Warrs both by Sea and Land against such a Lord of Treasure as is the King of Spain Having for her part no Indies nor Mines And the Revenues of the Crown of England being such as they lesse grate upon the People then the Revenues of any Crown or State in Europe Hath by the Assent of Parliament according to the ancient Customes of this Realm received divers Subsidies of her People which as they have been employed upon the Defence and preservation of the Subject Not upon Excessive Buildings nor upon Immoderate Donatives Nor upon Triumphs and Pleasures Or any the like veines of Dissipation of Treasure which have been Familiar to many Kings So have they been yielded with great good will and cheerfulness As may appear by other kinds of Benevolence presented to her likewise in Parliament which her Majesty neverthelesse hath not put in Ure They have been Taxed also and Asseissed with a very Light and Gentle Hand And they have been spared as much as may be As may appear in that her Majesty now twice to spare the Subject hath sold of her own Lands But he that shall look into other Countries and conâ—ider the Taxes and Tallages and Impositions and Assises and the like that are every where in use Will find that the English Man is the most
protest That in Case this Realm should be invaded with a Forrain Army by the Popes Authority for the Catholick Cause as they term it they would take part with her Majesty and not adhere to her enemies And whereas he saith no Priest dealt in matter of State Ballard onely excepted it appeareth by the Records of the Confession of the said Ballard and sundry other Priests That all Priests at that time generally were made acquainted with the Invasion then intended and afterwards put in Act And had received Instructions not onely to move an Expectation in the People of a Change But also to take their Vows and Promises in Shrift to adhere to the Forrainer Insomuch that one of their Principall Heads vaunted himself in a Letter of the Devise sayingâ— That it was a Point the Counsell of England would never dream of Who would imagine that they should practise with some Noble-Man to make him Head of their Faction whereas they took a Course onely to deal with the People And them so severally as any One apprehended should be able to appeal no more then Himself except the Priests who he knew would reveal nothing that was uâ—tered in Confession So Innocent was this Princely Priestly Function which thiâ— Man taketh to be but a matter of Conscience and thinketh it Reason it should have free Exercise throughout the Land 4. Of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christendom And to what Causes it may be justly assigned IT is indeed a Question which those that look into Matters of State do well know to fall out very often though this Libeller seemeth to be more ignorant thereof whether the Ambition of the more Mighty State or the Iealousie of the Lesse Mighty State be to be charged with Breach of Amity Hereof as there be many Examples so there is one so proper unto the present Matter As though it were many years since yet it seemeth to be a Parable of these Times and namely of the Proceedings of Spain and England The States Then which answered to these two Now were Macedon and Athens Consider therefore the Resemblance between the two Philips of Macedon and Spain He of Macedon aspired to the Monarchy of Greece as He of Spain doth of Europe But more apparently then the First Because that Design was discovered in his Father Charles the fifth and so left him by Descent whereas Philip of Macedon was the first of the Kings of that Nation which fixed so great Conceits in his Breast The Course which this King of Macedon held was not so much by great Armies and Invasions Though these wanted not when the Case required But by Practise By sowing of Factions in States and by Obliging sundry particular persons of Greatnesse The State of Opposition against his Ambitious procedings was onely the State of Athens as now is the State of England against Spain For Lacedemon and Thebes were both low as France is now And the rest of the States of Greece were in Power and Territories far inferiour The People of Athens were exceedingly affected to Peace And weary of Expence But the Point which I chiefly make the Compaâ—ison was that of the Oratours which were as Counsellours to a Popular State Such as were sharpest fighted and looked deepest into the Projects and and spreading of the Macedonians doubting still that the Fire after it licked up the Neighbour States and made it self Opportunity to passe would at last take hold of the Dominions of Athâ—ns with so great Advantages as they should not be able to remedy it were ever charged both by the Declarations of the King of Macedon and by the Imputation of such Athenians as were corrupted to be of his Faction as the Kindlers of Troubles and Disturbers of the Peace and Leagues But as that Party was in Athenâ— too Mighty so as it discountenaâ—ced the true Counsels of the Oratours And so bred the Ruine of that Stâ—te And accomplishedâ— the Ends of that Philip So it is to be hoped that iâ— a Monarâ—hy where there are commonly better Intelligences and Resolutions then in a popular State those Plots as they are dâ—tected already So they will be resisted and made Frustrate But to follow the Libeller in his own Câ—urse the Sum of that which he delivereth concerning the Imputation As well of the Interruption of the Amity between the Crowns of England and of Spain As the Disturbance of the generall Peace of Christendome Unto the English Proceedings and not to the Ambitiâ—us Appetites of Spain may be reduced into Three Points 1. Touching the Pâ—oceeding of Spain and England towards their Neighbour States 2. Touching the Proceeding of Spain and England beâ—wâ—en themselves 3. Touching the Articles and Conditions which it pleaseth him as it were in the behalf of England to Pen and propose for the treating and Concluding oâ— an Vniversall Peace In the First he discovereth how the King of Spain nâ—â—er offered Molestation Neither unto the States of Italy upon which he confineth by Naples and Millaine Neither unto the States of â—ermany unto whom â—e confineth by a part of â—urgundy and the Low-Countries Nor unto Portugall till it was devolved to him in Title upon which he confineâ—h by Spain But contrariwise as one that had in precious regaâ—d the Peace of Christendom he designed from the beginning to turn his whole Forces upon the Turk Oâ—ely he confesseth that agreeable to his Devotion which apprehended as well the purging of Christendom from Heresies as the Enlarging thereof upon the Infidels He was ever ready to give Succours unto the French Kingâ— agâ—inst the Huguonotts especially being their own Subjects Whereas on the other side England as he affirmeth hath not only sowed Tâ—oubles and Dissentions in France and Scotland The one their Neighbour upon the Continent The other divided onely by the Narrow Seas But also hath actually invaded both Kingdomes For as for the Matters of the Low-Countries they belong to the Dealings which have passed by Spain In Answer whereof it is worthy the Consideration how it pleased God in thâ—t King to cross one Passion by another And namely that Passion which mought have proved dangerous unto all â—urope which was his Ambition by another which was only hurtfull to himself and his own Which was Wrath and Indignation towards his Subjects the Netherlands For after that he was setled in his Kingdom and freed from some Fear of the Turk Revolving his Fathers design in aspiring to a Monarchy of â—urope casting his Eye principally upon the two Potent Kingdomes of France and England And remembring how his Father had once promised unto himself the Conquest of the one And how himself by Marriage had lately had some Possession of the other And seeing that Diversity of Religion was entered into both these Realmes And that France was fallen unto Princes weak and in Minority And England unto the Government of a Lady In whom he did not expect that Pollicy of Government Magnanimity Felicity which since he
hath proved Concluded as the Spaniards are great Waiters upon Time ground their Plots deep upon two Points The one to profess an extraordinary Patronage Defence of the Roman Religion making account thereby to have Factions in both Kingdoms In England a Faction directly against the State In France a Faction that did consent indeed in Religion with the King and therefore at first shew should seem unproper to make a Party for a Forreiner But he foresaw well enough that the King of France should be forced to the end to retain Peace and Obedience to yeeld in some things to those of the Religion which would undoubtedly alienate the Fiery and more violent sort of Papists Which Preparation in the People added to the Ambition of the Family of Guise which he nourished â—or an Instrument would in the end make a Party for him against the State as since it proved and mought well have done long before As may well appear by the Mention of League and Associations which is above 25. years old in France The other Point he concluded upon was That his Low-Countries was the aptest place both for Ports and Shipping in respect of England And for Sciâ—uation in respect of France having goodly Frontier Townes upon that Realm And joyning also upon Germany whereby they might receive in at Peasure any Forces of Almaines To annoy and offend either Kingdom The Impediment was the Inclination of the People which receiving a wonderfull Commodity of Trades out of both Realmes especially of England And having been in ancient League and Confederacy with our Nation And having been also Homagers unto â—rance He knew would be in no wise disposed to either War Whereupon he resolved to reduce them to a Martiall Government Like unto that which he had established in Naples and Millain upon which suppression of their Liberties ensued the Defection of those Provinces And about the same time the Reformed Religion found entâ—ance in the same Countries So as the King enflamed with the Resistance he found in the first Part of his Plots And also because he mought not dispense with his other Principle in yielding to any Toleration of Religion And withall expecting a shorter work of it then he found Became passionatly bent to Reconquer those Countries Wherein he hath consumed infinite Treasure and Forces And this is the true Cause if a Man will look into it that hath made the King of Spain so good a Neigbbour Namely that he was so entangled with the Wars of the Low-Countries as he could not intend any other Enterprise Besides in Enterprizing upon Italy he doubted first the Displeasure of the See of Rome with whom he meant to run a Course of strait Conjunction Also he doubted it might invite the Turk to return And for Germany he had a fresh Example of his Father who when he had annexed unto the Dominions which he now possesseth the Empire of Almaign neverthelesse sunck in that Enterprize whereby he perceived that the Nation was of too strong a Composition for him to deal withall Though not long since by practise he could have been contented to snatch up in the East the Countrey of Emden For Portugal first the Kings thereof were good Sons to the See of Rome Next he had no Colour of Quarrel or pretence Thirdly they were Officious unto him yet iâ— you will believe the Genuese who otherwise writeth much to the Honour and Advantage of the Kings of Spain It seemeth he had a good mind to make himself a way into that Kingdom seeing that for that purpose as he reporteth he did artificially nourish the yong King Sâ—bastian in the Voyage of Affrick expecting that overthrow which followed As for his Intention to warr upon the Inâ—idels and Turks it maketh me think what Francis Guicciardiue a wise writer of History speaketh of his great Grandâ— Father Making a Judgement of him as Historiographers use That he did alwayes mask and vail his Appetites with a Demonstration of a Devout and Holy Intention to the Advancement of the Church and the Publick Good His Father also when he received Advertisement of the taking of the French King prohibited all Ringings and Bonfires and other Tokens of Joy and said Those were to be reserved for Victories upon Infidels On whom he meant never to warre Many a Cruzada hath the Bishop of Rome granted to him and his Predecessours upon that Colour Which all have been spent upon the Effusion of Christian Bloud And now this year the Levies of Germans which should have been made under hand for France were coloured with the pretence of Warr upon the Turk Which the Princes of Germany descrying not onely brake the Levies but threatned the Commissioners to hang the next that should offer the like Abuse So that this Form of Dissembling is Familiar and as it were Hereditary to the King of Spain And as for his Succours given to the French King against the Protestants he could not chuse but accompany the Pernicious Counsels which still he gave to the French Kings of breaking their Edicts and admitting of no Pacification but pursuing their Subjects with Mortall Warre with some Offer of Aides which having promised he could not but in some small Degree perform whereby also the Subject of France namely the violent Papist was enured to depend upon Spain And so much for the King of Spaines proceedings towards other States Now for ours And first touching the Point wherein he charâ—â—th us to be the Authours of Troubles in Scotland and France It will appear to any that have been well enformed of the Memoâ—iâ—s of these Affaires That the Troubles of those Kingdomes were indeed chiefly kindled by one and the same Family of the Guise A Family as was partly touched before as particularly dâ—voted now for many years together to Spain as the Order of the Iâ—suiâ—es is This House of Guise â—aving of late years extraordinarily flourished in the eminent Verâ—ue of a few Persons whose Ambition neverthelesse was nothing inferiour to their vertue But being of a House notwithstanding which the Princes of the Bloud of France reckoned but as strangers Aspired to a Greatness more then Civill and proportionable to their Cause wheresoever they had Authority And accordingly under Colour of Consanguinity and Religion they brought into Scotland in the year 1559 and in the Absence of the King and Queen French Forces in great numbers whereupon the Ancient Nobility of that Realm seeing the imminent danger of Reducing that Kingdome under the Tyranny of Strangers did pray according to the good Intelligence between the two Crowns hâ—r Majesties Neigh â—ourly â—orces And so it is true that the Action being very Just Honourable her Majesty undertook it expelled the Strangers and restored the Nobility to their Degrees and the State to Peace After when Certain Noble-Men of Scotland of the same Faction of â—uâ—se had during the Minority of the King possessed themselves of his Person to the end to abuse his Authority
many wayes And namely to make a Breach between Scotland and England her Majesties Forces were again in the year 1582. by the Kings best and truest Servants sought and required And with the Forces of her Maâ—esty prevailed so far as to be possessed of the Castle of Edenborough the principall part of that Kingdome which neverthelesse her Majesty incontinently with all Honour and Sincerity restored After she had put the King into good and faithfull Hands And so ever since in all the Occasions of Intestine Troubles whereunto that Nation hath been ever subject she hath performed unto the King all possible good Offices and such as he doth with all good Affection acknowledge The same House of Cuise under Colour of Alliance during the Raign of Francis the second and by the Support and practâ—â—â— of the Queen Mother who desiring to retain the Regency under her own Hands during the Minority of Charles the ninth used those of â—uise as a Counterpoise to the Princes of the Bloud obtained also great Authority in the Kingdome of France whereupon having raised and moved Civill Warrs under preâ—ence of Religion But indeed to enfeeble and depresse the Ancient Nobility of that Realm The contrary Part being compounded of the Bloud Royall and the Greatest Officers of the â—rown opposed themselves onely against their Insolency And to their Aides called in her Majesties Forces giving them for security the Town of New-Haven which neverthelesse when as afterwards having by the Reputation of her Majesties Confederation made their Peace in Effect as they would themselves They would without observing any Conditions that had passed have had it back again Then indeed it was held by force and so had been long but for the great Mortality which it pleased God to send amongst our Men. After which time so far was her Majesty from seeking to sowe or kindle New Troubles As continually by the Sollicitation of her Embassadours she still perswaded with the Kings both Charles the 9th and Hen. the 3d to keep and observe their Edicts of Pacification and to preserve their Authority by the Union of their Subjects which Counsell if it had been as happily followed as it was prudently and sincerely given France had been at this day a most Flourishing Kingdome which is now a Theater of Misery And now in the end after that the Ambitious Practises of the same House of Guise had grown to that Ripeness that gathering further strength upon the weakness and Misgovernment of the said King Hen. 3d He was fain to execute the Duke of Guise without Ceremony at Bloys And yet neverthelesse so many Men were embarqued and engaged in that Conspiracy as the Flame thereof was nothing asswaged But contrarywise that King Hen. grew distressed so as he was enforced to implore the Succours of England from her Majesty Though no way interessed in that Quarrell Nor any way obliged for any good offices she had received of that King yet she accorded the same Before the Arrivall of which Forces the King being by a sacrilegious Iacobine murthered in his Camp near Paris yet they went on and came in good time for the Assistance of the King which now raigneth The Justice of whose Quarrell together with the long continued Amity and good Intelligence which her Majesty had with him hath moved her Majesty from time to time to supply with great Aides And yet she never by any Demand urged upon him the putting into her Hands of any Town or Place So as upon this that hath been said let the Reader judge whether hath been the more Just and Honourable Proceeding And the more free from Ambition and Passion towards other States That of Spain or that of England Now let us examine the proceedings reciproque between themselves Her Majesty at her Comming to the Crown found her Realm entangled with the Wars of France and Scotland her nearest Neighbours which Wars were grounded onely upon the Spaniards Quarrell But in the pursuit of them had lost England the Town of Calice Which from the 21. year of King Edward 3 had been possessed by the Kings of England There was a meeting near Burdeaux towards the end of Queen Maries Raign between the Commissioners of France Spain and England and some Overture of Peace was made But broke off upon the Article of the Resâ—itution of Callice After Queen Maries Death the King of Spain thinking himself dischaâ—ged of that Difficulty though in hoâ—our he was no lesse bound to it then before renewed the like Treaty wherein her Majesty concurred so as the Commissioners for the said Princes met at Chasteau Cambraâ—ssi near Cambray In the proceedings of which Treaty it is true that at the first the Commissioners of Spain for form and in Demonstration onely pretended to stand firm upon the Demand of Calliceâ— but it was discerned indeed that the Kings Meaning was after â—ome Ceremonies and perfunctory Insisting thereupon to grow apart to a â—eace with the French excluding her Majesty And so to leave her to make her own Peace after her People Had made his Wars Which Covert Dealing being politickly looked into her Majesty had reason being newly invested in her Kingdom And of her own Inclination being affected to Peace To conclude the same with such Conditions as she mought And yet the King of Spain in his Dissimulation had so much Advantage as she was fain to do it in a Treaty apart with the Frâ—nch whereby to one that is not informed of the Counsels and Treaties of State as they passed it should seem to be a voluntary Agreement of her Majesty whereto the King of Spain would not be party whereas indeed he left her no other choice And this was the first Assay or Earnest penny of that Kings good affection to her Majesty About the same time when the King was sollicited to renew such Treaties and Leagues as had passed between the two Crowns of Spain and England by the Lord Cobham sent unto him to acquaint him with the Death of Queen Mary And afterwards by Sir Thomas Challenor and Sir Thomas Chamberlain successively Embassadours Resident in his Low Countries Who had order divers times during their Charge to make Overtures thereof both unto the King and certain principall persons about him And lastly those former Motions taking no effect By Viscount Montacute and Sir Thomas Chamberlain sent unto Spain in the year 1560 no other Answer could be had or obtained of the King but that the Treaties did stand in as good Force to all Intents as new Ratification could make them An Answer strange at that time but very conformable to his Proceedings since which belike even then were closely smothered in his own Breast For had he not at that time some hidden Alienation of Mind and Design of an Enemy towards her Majesty So wise a King could not be ignorant That the Renewing and Ratifying of Treaties between Princes and States do adde great Life and Force both of Assurance to the parties themselves
England brake forth Who but the Duke of Alva then the Kings Lievetenant in the Low-Countries and Don Guerres of Espes then his Embassador Lieger here were discovered to be chief Instruments and Practisers Having complotted with the Duke of Norfolk at the same time As was proved at the same Dukes Condemnation that an Army of 20000. Men should have landed at Harwich in aid of that Part which the said Duke had made within the Realm And the said Duke having spent and imployed 150000. Crownes in that Preparation Not contented thus to have consorted and assisted her Majesties Rebells in England He procured a Rebellion in Ireland Arming and Sending thither in the year 1579 an Arch-Rebell of that Country Iames Fitz Morrice which before was fled And truly to speak the whole course of Molestation which her Majesty hath received in that Realm by the Rising and Keeping on of the Irish hath been nourished and fomented from Spainâ— but afterwards most apparently in the year 1580 he invaded the same Ireland with Spaâ—ish Forces under an Italian Colonell By Name San Iesopho being but the Fore-runners of a greater Power Which by Treaty between Him and the Pope should have followed But that by the speedy Defeat of those former they were discouraged to pursue the Action Which Invasion was proved to be done by the Kings own Orders both by the Letters of Secretary Escouedo and of Guerres to the King And also by divers other Letters wherein the particular Conferences were set down concerning this Enterprise between Cardinall Riario the Popes Legate and the Kings Deputy in Spain Touching the Generall the Number of Men the Contribution of Money and the Manner of the Prosecuting of the Action And by the Confession of some of the Chiefest of those that were taken Prisoners at the Fort Which Act being an Act of Appaâ—rent â—ostility added unto all the Injuries aforesaid And accompanied with a continuall Receit Comfort and Countenance by Audâ—ences Pensions and Employments which he gave to Traytours and Fugitives both English and Irish As Westmerlâ—nd Paget Englâ—field Baltinglasse and Numbers of others Did sufficiently jusâ—ifie and warrant that pursuit of Revenge which either in the Spâ—yl of Carthagena and San Domingo in the Indies by Mr Drakâ— Or in the undertaking the protection of the Low-Counâ—reysâ— whâ—n the Earl of Leicester was sent over afterwards follâ—wed For befoâ—e that time her Majesty though she stood upon her Guard in respect of the just Cause of Jealousie which tâ—e Sundry Injuries of that King gave her yet had entred into no Oâ—â—ensiâ—e Acâ—ion against Him For â—oth the Voluntary Forces which Don Antonio had collected in this Realm were by express commandâ—ment restrained And Offer was made of Restitution to the Spanish Embassadour of such Treasure as had been bâ—ought into this Realm upon Proof that it had been taken by â—rong And the Duke of Anjou was as much as could stand with the near Treaty of a Marriage which then was very foâ—waâ—d between her Majesty and the said Duke Diverted from the Enterprise of â—landers But to conclude this Point when that some yeares after the Invasion and Conquest of thâ—s Land Intended long before but through many Crosses aâ—d Impediments which the King oâ— Spain found in his Plots deferred Was in the year 1588 attempted Her Majesty not forgetting her own Nature was content at the same Instant to Treat of a Peace Not ignorantly as a Prince that knew not in what forwardness his preparations were For she had discovered them long before Nor fearfully as may appear by the Articles whereupon her Majesty in that Treaty stood which were not the Demands of a Prince afraid But onely to spare the shedding of Christian Bloud And to shew her constant Desire to make her Raign Renowned rather by Peace then victories which Peace was on her part treated sincerely But on his part as it should seem was but an Abuse Thinking thereby to have taken us more unprovided So that the Duke of Parma not liking to be used as an Instrument in such a Case in regard of his particular Honour would sometimes in Treating interlace That the King his Master ment to make his Peace With his Sword in his Hand Let it then be tried upon an indifferent view of the proceedings of England and Spain Who it is that Fisheth in Troubled Waters And hath disturbed the Peace of Christendome And hath written and described all his Plots in Bloud There follow the Articles of an Vniversall Peace which the Libeller as a Commissioner for the Estate of England hath propounded and are these First that the King of Spain should recall such Forces as of great compassion to the Naturall People of France he hath sent thither to defend them against a Relapsed Huguonott Secondly that he suffer his Rebells of Holland and Zeland quietly to possesse the places they hold And to take unto them all the Rest of the Low-Countries also Conditionally that the English may still keep the possession of such Port-Towns as they have and have some half a dozen more annexed unto them Thirdly thâ—t the English Rovers mought peaceably go to his Indies And there take away his Treasure and his Indies also And thâ—se Articles being accorded he saith might follow that Peace which passeth all understanding As he calleth it in a scurrile and prophane Mockery of the Peace which Christians enjoy with God by the Attonement which is made by the Bloud of Christ whereof the Apostle saith That it passeth all understanding But these his Articles are sure mistaken And indeed corrected are briefly these 1. That the King of France be not impeached in Reducing his Rebels to obedience 2. That the Netherlands be suffered to enjoy their Ancient Liberties and Priviledges And so Forces of Strangers to be with-drawn both English and Spanish 3. That all Nations may trade into the East and West Indies yea discover and occupy such parts as the Spaniard doth not actually possesse And are not under Civill Government notwithstanding any Donation of the Pope 5. Of the Cunning of the Libeller in Palliation of his malicious Invectives against her Majesty and the State with pretence of Taxing onely the Actions of the Lord Burghley I Cannot rightly call this Point Cunning in the Libeller but rather good will to be Cunning without skill indeed or Judgement For finding that it had been the Usuall and Ready practise of Seditious Subjects to plant and bend their Invectives and Clamours Not against the Soveraigns themselves but against some such as had Grace with them and Authorities under them He put in ure his Learning in a wrong and unproper Case For this hath some Appearance to cover undutifull Invectives when it is used against Favourites or New Vpstarts and suddain-risen Counsellours But when it shall be practised against One that hath been Counsellour before her Majesties Time And hath continued longer Counsellour then any other Couâ—sâ—llâ—ur in Europe One that must needs have been Great
Gate of London called Lud-Gate being in decay was pulled down And built anew And on the one side was set up the Image of King Lud and his two Sons who according to the Names was thought to be the First Founder of that Gate And on the other side the Image of her Majesty in whose time it was reedified whereupon they published that her Majesty after all the Images of the Saints were long beaten down had now at last set up her own Image upon the Principall Gate of London to be adored And that all Men were forced to do reverence to it as they passed by And a watch there placed for that purpose Mr. Iewell the Bishop of Salisbury who according to his Life died most godly and patiently At the Point of Death used the Versicle of the Hymne Te Deum Oh Lord in thee have I trusted let me never be confounded Whereupon suppressing the rest they published that the principall Champion of the Hereticks in his very last words cryed he was confounded In the Act of Recognition of primo whereby the Right of the Crown is acknowledged by Parliament to be in her Majesty The like whereof was used in Queen Maries time The words of Limitation are In the Queens Majesty and the Naturall Heires of her Body and her lawfull Successours Upon which word Naturall they do maliciously and indeed villanously gâ—osse That it was the Intention of the Parliament in a Cloud to convey the Crown to any Issue oâ— her Majesties that were Illegitimate Whereas â—he word Heire doth with us so necessarily and pregnantly import Lawfulness As it had been Indecorum and uncivill speaking of the Issues of a Prince to have expressed it They set forth in the year a Book with Tables and Pictures of the Persecutions against Catholiques Wherein they have not onely stories of 50. years old to supply their Pages But also taken all the persecutions of the Primitive Church under the Heathen and translated them to the practise of England As that of Worrowing Priests under the Skins of Bears by Doggs and the like I conclude then that I know not what to make of this Excesse in Avouching untruths save this That they may truly Chaunt in their Quires Linguam nostram magnificabimus Labia nostra nobis sunt And that they that have long ago forsaken the Truth of God which is the Toucâ—-stone must now hold by the Whet-stone And that their Ancient Pillar of Lying wonders being decayed they must now hold by Lying Slaunders And make their Libells Successours to their Legend A TRUE REPORT Of the detestable TREASON INTENDED By Doctor RODERIGO LOPEZ A Physician attending upon the Person of the QVEENES MAIESTY Whom He for a Sum of Money promised to be paid him by the King of Spain did undertake to have destroyed by Poyson with certain Circumstances both of the Plotting and Detecting of the same TREASON Penned during the Queens Life THe King of Spain having found by the Enterprise of 88 the Difficulty of an Invasion of England And having also since that time embraced the Matters of France Being a Dessigne of a more easie nature and better prepared to his Hand Hath of necessity for a timeâ— layed aside the Prosecution of his Attempts against this Realm by open Forces As knowing his Meanes unable to wield both Actions at once As well that of England as that of France And therefore casting at the Fairest hath in a manner bent his whole strength upon France making in the mean time onely a Defensive War upon the Low-Countries But finding again that the Supports and Aides which her Majesty hath continued to the French King are a principall Impediment Retardation to his prevailing there according to his Ends He hath now of late by all means projectâ—ed to trouble the Waters here to cut us out some work at home That by practise without Diverting and Employing any greâ—â— â—orceâ— he mought neverthelesse divert our Succours from France According to which purpose he first proved to move some Innovation in Scotland Not so much in hope to alienate the King from the Amity of her Majesty as practizing to make a Party there against the King himself Whereby he should be compelled to use her Majesties Forces for his Aâ—â—istance Thenâ— he sollicited a Subject within this Realm being a Person of great Nobility to rise in Arms and levy War against her Majesty which practise was by the same Nobleman loyally and prudently revealed And lastly rather as it is to be thought by the Instigation of our Traiterous Fugitives in Forrain paâ—ts And the corrupter Sort of his Counsellours and Ministers then of his own nature and Inclination either of himself or his said Counsellours and Ministers using his name have descenâ—ed to to a course against all Honour All Society and Humanity Odious to God and Man Detested by the Heathen themselves which is to take away the Life of her Majesty which God have in his pâ—ecious Custody by violence or poyson A Matter which mought be proved to be not onely against all Christianity and Religion but against Nature the Law of Nations the Honour of Arms The Civil Law The Rules of Morality and Pollicy Finally to be the most Condemned Barbarous and Ferine Act that can be imagined yea supposing the Quarrells and Hostility between the Princes to be never so Declared and so Mortal yet were it not that it would be a very Reproach unto the Age that the Matter should be once disputed or called in question it could never be defended And therefore I leave it to the Censure which Titus Livius giveth in the like case upon Perseus the last King of the Macedons afterwards overthrown taken with his Children led in Triumph by the Romans Quem non justuÌ„ Bellum gerere Regio Animo sed per omnia clandestina grassari scelera LatrocinioruÌ„ ac veneficiorum cernebant But to proceed certain it is that even about this present time there have been suborned and sent into this Realm divers persons some English some Irish corrupted by Money and Promises And resolved and Conjured by Priests in Confesâ—ion to have executed that most wretched and horrible Fact Of which Number certain have been Taken and some have sufâ—fered and some are spared because they have with great sorrow confessed these Attempts and detested their Suborneâ—s And if I should conjecture what the reason is why this cursed enterprise was at this time so hotly and with such diligence pursued I take it to be chiefly because the Matters of France waxe ripe And the King of Spain made himself ready to unmask himself and to reap that in France which he had been long in sowing In regard that there being like to be a Divulsion in the League by the Reconciliation of some of the Heads to the King the more passionate Sort being destiâ—uted by their Associates were like to cast themselves wholly into the King of Spains Arms And to dismember some important Piece
Vnitâ—g of whose Hearts and Affectâ—ons is the Life and true End of this Work For the Ceremoniall Crowns the Question will be whether there shall be framed one new Imperiall Crown of Britain to be used for the times to come Also admitting that to be thought Convenient whether in the Frame thereof there shall not be some Reference to the Crowns of Ireland and France Also whether your Majesty should repeat or iterate your own Coronation and your Queens or onely ordain that such new Crown shall be used by your Posterity hereafter The Difficulties will be in the Conceit of sâ—me Inequaliâ—y whereby the Realm of Scotland may be thought to be made an Accession unto the Realm of England But that resteth in some Circumstances for the Compounding of the two Crowns is equall The Calling of the new Crown the Crown of Brittain is equall Onely the Place of Coronation if it shall be at Westminster which is the Ancient August and Sacred place for the Kings of England may seem to make an Inequality And again if the Crown of Scotland be discontinued then that Ceremony which I hear is used in the Parliament of Scotland in the absence of the Kings to have the Crowns carried in solemnity must likewise cease For the Name the main Question is whether the Contracted Name of Brittain shall be by your Majesty used or the Divided Names of England and Scotland Admitting there shall be an Alteration then the Case will require these Inferiour Questions First whether the Name of Brittain shall not onely be used in your Majesties Stile where the entire Stile is recited And in all other Forms the Divided Names to remain both of the Realms and of the People Or otherwise that the very Divided Nameâ— of Realms and People shall likwise be changed or turned into special or subdivided Names of the Generall Name That is to say for Example whether your Majesty in your Stile shall denominate your self King of Brittain France and Ireland c. And yet neverthâ—lesse in any Commission Writ or otherwise where your Majesty mentioneth England or Scotland you shall retain the ancient Names as Secundum Conâ—uetudinem Regni nostri Angliae or whether those Divided Names shall be for ever lost and taken away and turned into the subdivisions of South-Britain and North-Britain and the People to be South-Brittains and North-Brittains And so in the Example aforesaid the Tenour of the like clause to run Secundum Consuetudinem Britanniae Australis Also if the former of these shall be thought convenient whether it were not better for your Majesty to â—ake that Alteration of Stile upon you by Proclamation as Edward the third did the Stile of France then to have it enacted by Parliament Also in the Alteration of the Stile whether it were not better to transpose the Kingdom of Ireland and put it immediatly after Britain and so place the Islands together And the Kingdom of France being upon the Continent last In regard that these Islands of the Western Ocean seem by Nature and Providence an entire Empire in themselves And also that there was never King of England so entirely possest of Ireland as your Majesty is So as your Stile to run King of Britain Ireland and the Islands Adjacent and of France c. The Difficulties in this have been already throughly beaten over but they gather but to two Heads The one Point of Honour and Love to the former Names The other Doubt lest the Alteration of the Name may induce and involve an Alteration of the Lawes and Pollicies of the Kingdom Both which if your Majesty shall assume the Stile by Proclamation and not by Parliament are in themselves satisfied For then the usuall Names must needs remain in Writs and Records The Formes whereof cannot be altered but by Act of Parliament And so the point of Honour satisfied And again your Proclamation altereth no Law And so the Scruple of a tacite or implyed Alteration of Lawes likewise satisfied But then it may be considered whether it were not a Form of the greatest Honour if the Parliament though they did not enact it yet should become Suiters and Petitioners to your Majesty to assume it For the Seales That there should be but one Great Seal of Britain and one Chanceller And that their should only be a Seal in Scotland for Processes and ordinary Iustice And that all Patents of Graunts of Lands or otherwise as well in Scotland as in England should passe under the Great Seal here kept about your Person It is an Alteration internall whereof â— do not now speak But the Question in this Place is whether the Great Seales of England and Scotland should not be changed into one and the same Form of Image and Superscription of Britain which Neverthelesse is requisite should be with some one plain or manifest Alteration lest there be a Buz and suspect that Grants of Things in England may be passed by the Seal of Scotland Or è converso Also whether this Alteration of Form may not be done without Act of Parliament as the Great Seales have used to be heretofore changed as to their Impressions For the Moneys as to the Reall and Internall Consideration thereof the Question will be whether your Majesty should not continue two Mints which the Distance of Territory considered I suppose will be of Necessity Secondly how the Standards if it be not already done as I hear some doubt made of it in popular Rumour may be reduced into an Exact proportion for the time to come And likewise the Compuâ—ation Tale or Valuation to be made exact for the Moneys already beaten That done the last Question is which is onely proper to this place whether the Stamp or the Image and Superscription of Britain for the time forwards should not be made the self same in both places without any Difference at all A Matter also which may be done as our Law is by your Majesties Prerogative without Act of Parliament These Points are Points of Demonstration Ad faciendum populum But so much the more they go to the Root of your Majesties Intention which is to imprint and inculcate into the Hearts and Heads of the People that they are one People and one Nation In this kind also I have heard it passe abroad in Speech of the Erection of some new Order of Knighthood with a Reference to the Vnion and an Oath appropriate thereunto which is a Point likewise deserveth a Consideration So much for the Externall Points The Internall Points of Separation are as followeth 1. Severall Parliaments 2. Severall Councels of Estate 3. Severall Officers of the Crown 4. Severall Nobilities 5. Severall Lawes 6. Severall Courts of Iustice Trialls and Processes 7. Severall Receipts and Finances 8. Severall Admiralties and Merchandizings 9. Severall Freedomes and Liberties 10. Severall Taxes and Imposts As touching the Severall States Ecclesiasticall and the severall Mints and Standards and the severall Articles
and Treaties of Intercourse with Forrain Nations I touched them before In these Points of the straight and more inward Vnion there will interveyn one principall Diffiâ—ulty and Impediment growing from that Root which Aristotle in his Politicks maketh to be the Root of all Division and Dissention in Common Wealths And that is Equality and Inequality For the Realm of Scotland is now an Ancient and Noble Realm substantive of it self But when this Island shall be made Britain then Scotland is no more to be considered as Scotland but as a part of Britain No more then England is to be considered as England but as a part likewiâ—e of Britain And consequently neither of these are to be considered as Things entire of themselves but in the Proportion that they bear to the Whole And therefore let us imagine Nam id Mente Possumus quod actu non Possumus that Britain had never been divided but had ever been one Kingdome Then that part of Soyl or Territory which is comprehended under the Name of Scotland is in quantity as I have heard it esteemed how truly I know not Not past a third paâ—t of â—ritain And that part of Soyl or Territory which is comprehended under the Name of England is two parts of Britain Leaving to speak of any Difference of Wealth or Population and speaking onely of Quantity So then if for Example Scotland should bring to Parliament as much Nobility as England then a Third part should countervail two parts Nam si Inaequalibus aequalia addas omnia erunt â—naequalia And this I protest before God and your Majesty I do speak not as a Man born in England but as a Man born in Britain And therefore to descend to the particulars For the Parliaments the Consideration of that Point will fall into four Questions 1. The first what proportion shall be kept between the Votes of England and the Votes of Scotland 2. The Second touching the Manner of Proposition or possessing of the Parliament of Causes there to be handled Which in England is used to be done immediaâ—ly by any Member of the Parliament or by the Prolocutor And in Scotland is used to be done immediatly by the Lords of the Articles Whereof the one Form seemeth to have more Liberty and the other more Grâ—vity and Maturity And therefore the Question will be whether of these shall yield to other Or whether there should not be a Mixture of both by some Commissions precedent to every Parliament in the Nature of Lords of the Articles And yet not Excluding the Liberty of propounding in full Parliament afterwards 3. The Third touching the Orders of Parliament how they may be compounded and the best of either taken 4. The Fourth how those which by Inheritance or otherwise have Offices of Honour and Ceremony in both the Parliaments as the Lord Steward with us c. may be satisfied and Duplicity accommodated For the Councells of Estate while the Kingdomes stand divided it should seem necessary to continue severall Councells But if your Majâ—styâ— should proceed to a strict Vnion then howsoever your Majesty may establish some Provinciall Councells in Scotland as there is here of Yorke and in the Marches of Wales Yet the Question will be whether it will not be more convenient for your Majesty to have but one Trivy Councell about your Person Whereof the Principall officers of the Crown of Scotland to be for Dignity sake howsoever their Abiding and Remaining may be as your Majesty shall imploy their Service But this Point belongeth meerely and wholy to your Majesties Royall Will and Pleasure For the Officers of the Crown the Consideration thereof will fall into these Questions First in regard of the Latitude of your Kingdom and the Distance of Place whether it will not be Matter of necessity to continue the severall Officers because of the Impossibility for the service to be performed by one The Second admitting the Duplicity of Officers should be continued yet whether there should not be a Difference that one should be the Principall Officer and the other to be but Speciall and Subalterne As for example one to be Chancellour of Britain and the other to be Chancellour with some speciall Addition As here of the Dutchy c. The Third if no such specialty or Inferiority be thought fit then whether both Officers should not have the Tiâ—le and the Name of the whole Island and Precincts As the Lord Chanceller of England to be Lord Chanceller of Britain And the Lord Châ—nceller of Scotland to be Lord Chanceller of Britain But with severall proviso's that they shall not intromit themselves but within their severall precincts For the Nobilities the Consideration thereof will fall into these Questions The First of their Votes in Parliament which was touched before what proportion they shall bear to the Nobility of England Wherein if the Proportion which shall be thought â—it be not full yet your Majesty may out of your Prerogative supply it For although you cannot make fewer of Scotland yet you may make more of England The Second is touching the Place and Precedence wherein to marshall them according to the Precedence of England in your Majesties Stile And according to the Nobility of Ireland That is all English Earles first and then Scottish will be thought unequall for Scotland To marshall them according to Antiquity will be thought unequall for England Because I hear their Nobility is generally more ancient And therefore the Question will be whether the indifferentest way were not to take them enterchangeably As for Example First the Ancient Earl of England And then the Ancient Earl of Scotland And so Alternis Vicibus For the Lawes to make an intire and perfect Vnion it is a Matter of great Difficulty and Length Both in the Collecting of them and in the Passing of them For first as to the Collecting of them there must be made By the Lawyers of either Nation a Disgest under Titles of their severall Lawes and Customesâ— Aswell Common Lawes as Staâ—utes That they may be Collated and Compared And that the Diversities may appear and be discerned of And for the Passing of them we see by expeâ—rience that Patrius Mos is dear to all men And that Men are bred and nourished up in the Love of it And therefore how harsh Changes and Innovations are And we see likewise what Disputation and Argument the Alteration of some one Law doth cause and bring forth How much more the Alteration of the whole Corps of the Law Therefore the first Question will be whether it be not good to proceed by parts and to take that that is most necessary and leave the rest to Time The Parts therâ—fore or Subject of Lawes are for this purpose fitliest distributed according to that ordinary Division of Criminall and Civill And those of Criminall Causes into Capitall and Penall The Second Question therefore is Allowing the Generall Vnion of Lawes to
within the Compasse of any Moderation But theâ—e Things being with us to have an orderly passage under a King who hath a Royall power and approved Judgement And knoweth as well the Measure of Things as the Nature of them It is surely a needlesse Fear For they need not doubt but your Majesty with the advise of your Councell will discern what Things are intermingled like the Tares amongst the wheat which have their Roots so enwrapped and entangled as the one cannot be pulled up without endangering the other And what are mingled but as the Chaffe and the Corn which need but a Fanne to sift and sever them So much therefore for the first Point of no Reformation to be admitted at all For the Second Point that there should be but one form oâ— Discipline in all Churches And that imposed by necessity of a Commandement and prescript out of the word of God It is a Matter Volumes have been compiled of and therefore cannot receive a brief Redargution I for my part do confesse that in Revolving the Scriptures I could never find any such Thing But that God had left the like Liberty to the Church Government as he had done to the Civill Government To be varied according to Time and Place and Accidents which neverthelesse his high and Divine Providence doth order and dispose For all Civil Governments are restrained from God unto the general Grounds of Justice and Manners But the Policies and Forms of them are left Free So that Monarchies and Kingdoms Senates and Seignories Popular States and Communalties are lawfull And where they are planted ought to be maintained inviolate So likewise in Church Matters the Substance of Doctrine is Immutable And so are the generall Rules of Government But for Rites and Ceremonies And for the particular Hierarchies Policies and Disciplines of Churches they be left at large And therefore it is good we return unto the ancient Bounds of Vnity in the Church of God which was One Faith One Baptisme And not one Hierarchy one Discipline And that we observe the League of Christians as it is penned by our Saviour which is in substance of Doctrine this He that is not with us is against us But in Things indifferent and but of circumstance this He that is not against us is with us In these things so as the generall Rules be observed That Christs Flock be fed That there be a Succession in Bishops and Ministers which are the Prophets of the new Testament That â—here be a due and reverent use of tâ—e power of the Keyes That those that preach the Gospel live of the Gospel That all things tend to edification That all things be done in order and with decency And the like The rest is left to the Holy wiâ—dome and Spirituall Discretion of the Master Builders and inâ—eriour Builders in Christs Church As it is excellently alluded by that Father that noted That Christs Garment was without Seam and yet the Churches Gâ—rment was of divers Colours And thereupon setteth down for a Rule In veste varietas sit scissura non fit In which Variety neverthelesse it is a safe and wise Course to follow good Examples and Presidents But then by the Rule of Imitation and Example to consider not onely which are Best but which are the Likeliest as namely the Goverâ—ment of the Church in the purest Times of the first Good Emperours that embraced the Faith For the Times of Persecution before Temporall Princes received our Faith As they were excellent Times for Doctrine and Manners so they be unproper and unlike Examples of outward Government and Policie And so much for this Point Now to the particular Points of Controversies or rather of Reformation Circumstances in the Government of Bishops FIrst therefore for the Government of Bishops I for my part not prejudging the Presidents of other Reformed Churches do hold it warranted by the Word of God and by the Practise of the Ancient Church in the better Times And much more convenient for Kingdoms then Parity of Ministers and Government by Synods But then further it is to be considered that the Church is not now to plant or Build But onely to be proiâ—ed from Corruption And to be repaired and restored in some decayes For it is worth the Noting that the Scripture saith Translato Sacerdotio necesse est ut Legis fiat Translatio It is not possible in respect of the great and neer Sympathy between the State Civill and the State Ecclesiasticall to make so main an alteration in the Church but it would have a perillous operation upon the Kingdoms And therefore it is fit that Controversie be in Peace and Silence But there be two Circumstances in the Administration of Bishops Wherein I confesse I could never be satisfied The one the sole Exercise of their Authority The other the Deputation of their Authority For the First the Bishop giveth Orders alone Excommunicateth alone Iudgeth alone This seemeth to be a Thing almost without Example in good Government and therefore not unlikely to have crept in in the degenerate and corrupt Times We see the greatest Kings and Monarchs have their Councells There is no Temporall Court in England of the Higher sort where the Authority doth rest in one person The Kings Bench Common Pleas and the Exchequer are Benches of a certain Number of Judges The Chancellour of England hath an Assistance of twelve Masters of the Chancery The Master of the Wards hath a Councell of the Court So hath the Chancellour of the Dutchy In the Exchecquer Chamber the Lord Treasurer is joyned with the Chancellour and the Barons The Masters of the Requests are ever more then One. The Iustices of Assise are two The Lord Presidents in the North and in Wales have Councells of divers The Star-Chamber is an Assembly of the Kings Privy Counâ—ell aspersed with the Lords Spirituall and Temporall So as in Courts the principall Person hath ever eitheâ— Colleagues or Assessours The like is to be found in other well governed Common-Wealths abroad where the Iurisdiction is yet more dispersed As in the Court of Parliament of France And in other places No man will deny but the Acts that passe the Bishops Iurisdiction are of as great Importance as those that passe the Civil Courts For Mens Souls are more precious then their Bodies or Goods And so are their Good Names Bishops have their Infirmities have no Exception from that generall Malediction which is pronounced against all Men Living Vae Soli nam si ceciderit c. Nay we see that the fiâ—st Warrant in Spirituall Causes is directed to a Number Dic Ecclesiae which is not so in Temporall Matters And we see that in generall Causes of Church Government there are as well Assemblies of all the Clergy in Councells as of all the States in Parliament Whence should this sole exercise of Jurisdiction come Surely I do suppose and I think â—pon good Ground That Ab Initio non fuit ita
and Countenance and Reputation to the World besides And have for that cause been commonly and necessarily used and practised In the Message of Viscount Montacute it was also contained that he should crave the Kings Counsell and Assistance accorâ—ing to Amity and good Intelligence upon a Discovery of certain pernicious Plots of the House of Guise to annoy this Realm by the way of Scotland whereunto the Kings Answer was so Dark and so cold as Nothing could be made of it Till he had made an Exposition of it himself by effects in the expresse Restraint of Munition to be carried out of the Low-Countries unto the Siege of Leith Because our Nation was to have supply thereof from thence So as in all the Negotiations that passed with that King still her Majesty received no satisfaction but more and more suspiâ—ious and Bad Tokens of evill affection Soon after when upon that Project which was disclosed before the King had resolved to disannull the Liberties and Priviledges unto his Subjects the Netherlands anciently belonging And to establish amongst them a Marshall Government which the People being very Wealthy And inhabiting Townes very strong and Defensible by Fortifications both of Nature and the Hand could not endure there followed the Defection and revolt of those Countries In which Action being the greatest of all those which have passed between Spain and England the Proceeding of her Majesty hath been so Just and mingled with so many Honourable Regards as Nothing doth so much clear and acquite her Majesty not only from Passion bâ—t also from all Dishonourable Pollicy For first at the beginning of the Troubles she did impart unto Him faithfull and sincere Advise of the Course that was to be taken for the quietting and appeasing them And expresly forewarned both himself and such as were in principall Charge in those Countries during the Warsâ— of the danger like to ensue if he held so heavy a Hand over that People leâ—â— they should cast themselves into the Arms of a Stranger But finding the Kings Mind so exulcerate as he rejâ—cted all Counsell that tended to Mild and Gracious proceeding her Majesty neverthelesse gave not over her Honourable Resolution which was if it were possible to reduce and reconcile those Countries unto the obedience of their Naturall Soveraign the King of Spain And if that mought not be yet to preserve them from alienating themselves to a Ferrain Lord As namely unto the French with whom they much treated And amongst whom the Enterprise of Flanders was ever propounded as a Mene to unite their own Civill Dissensions Bâ—t patiently temporizing expected the good effect which Time mought breed And whensoever the States grew into Extremitieâ— of Despair and thereby ready to embrace the Offer of any Forrainer Then would her Majesty yield them some Relief of Moneyâ— or permit some Supply of Forces to go over unto them To the end to interrupt such violent Resolution And still continued to mediate unto the King some Just and Honourable Capitulations of Grace and Accord Such as whereby alwayes should have been preserved unto him such Interest and Authority as He in Iustice â—ould claim Or a Prince moderately minded would seek to have And this Course she held interchangeably seeking to mitigate the Wrath of the King and the Despair of the Countries Till such Time as after the Death of the Duke of Anjou Into whose Hands according to her Majesties prediction but against her good liking they had put themselves The Enemy pressing them the united Provinces were received into her Majesties Protection which was after such Time as the King of Spain had discovered himself not onely an Implacable Lord to them but also a proâ—essed Enemy unto her Majesty having actually invaded Ireland â—nd designed the Invasion of England For it is to be noted thaâ— the like Offers which were then made unto her Majesty had been made to her long before but as long as her Majesty conceived any Hope either of Making their Peace Or entertaining her own with Spain she would never hearken thereunto And yet now even at last her Majesty retained a singular and evident Proof to the World of her Justice and Moderation In that she refused the Inheritance and Soveraignty of those Goodly â—rovinces which by the States with much Instance was pressed upon her and being accepted would hâ—ve wrought greater Contentment and Satisfaction both to her People and theirs Being Countries for the Scite Wealth Commodity of Traffick Affection to our Nation Obedience of the Subjects well used most convenient to have been annexed to the Crown of England And withall one Charge Danger and Offence of Spain onely took upon her the Defence and Protection of their Liberties Which Liberties and Priviledges are of that Nature as they may justly esteem themselves but Conditionall Subjects to the King of Spain More justly then Aragon And may make her Majesty as justly esteem the ancient Confederacies and Treaties with Burgundy to be of Force rather with the People and Nation then with the Line of the Duke because it was never an Absolute Monarchy So as to summe up her Majesties Proceedings in this great Action they have but this That they have sought first to restore them to Spain Then to keep them from Strangers And never to purchase them to Her Self But during all that time the King of Spain kept one tenour in his Proceedings towards her Majesty Breaking forth more and more into Injuries and Contempts Her Subjects trading into Spain have been many of them Burned Some cast into the Gallies Others have died in Prison without any other Crimes committed but upon Quarrells pickt upon them for ther Religion here at home Her Merchants at the Sack of Antwerpe were diverse of them spoyled and put to their Ransomesâ— though they could not be charged with any Part-taking Neither upon the Complaint of Doctor Wilson and Sir Edward Horsey could any Redresse be had A generall Arrest was made by the Duke of Alva of English mens both Goods and Persons upon pretence that certain Ships stayed in this Realm laden with Goods and Money of certain Merchants of Genoa belonged to that King which Money and Goods was afterwards to the uttermost value restored and payed back Whereas our Men were far from receiving the like Iustice on their side Doctor Man her Majesties Embassadour received during his Legation sundry Indignities himself being Removed out of Madrid and Lodged in a Village As they are accustomed to use the Embassadours of Moores His Sonn and Steward forced to assist at a Mass with Tapers in their Hands Besides sundry other Contumelies and Reproaches But the Spoyling or Damnifying of a Merchant Vexation of a Common Subject Dishonour of an Embassadour Were rather but Demonstrations of ill Disposition then Effects If they be compared with Actions of State Wherein He and his Ministers have sought the Overthrow of this Government As in the year 1569. when the Rebellion in the North part of