King of Spains power And none of them were well pleased to see the Provinces of Flanders joyned to his Crown which by reason of their situation circuit and opulency were of such consideration as when they were only in the hands of the house of Burgundy had oft-times reduced France to great straits and troubled England and the near adjacent parts of Germany more then once In France after the unfortunate mischance of Henry the second who was wounded as he was running a Tilt and died at the celebration of his daughters marriage with the King of Spain and his sisters with the Duke of Savoy Francis the second succeeded in the Crown whilst he was yet a child The Government of the Kingdom was therefore wholly in the hands of his mother Catherine of Medicis but so distracted and so full of factions as it could not be in greater disorder nor more confused Heresie which was first in secret and fraudulently crept into France shew'd it self now bare-faced And her Fautorers hiding their own ambitious ends under the deceitfull visard of conscience proceeded from their first Court-contentions to the taking up of arms to the great detriment of the whole Kingdom Those hereticks were called Hugonots nor is it well known from whence that word proceeded and Lodovick of Burbone Prince of Conde made himself the chief head thereof he was brother to Anthony King of Navar first Prince of the bloud-royal and his chief rather guider then follower was Jasper di Coligni Admiral of France who proved afterwards the plague of that Kingdom and at last his own ruine But the chief heads who maintained the Catholick cause were not less suspected and especially those of the house of Guise out of a received opinion that under the specious zeal to religion they hatched divers designes of bringing themselves to greater power France whilst thus afflicted within her self could not contribute much to the afflictions of others Yet it was evidently discerned that what fomentation from thence could be expected to the troubles of Flanders would never be wanting especially by the instigation of the Hugonots In England the succession of that Kingdom and of Ireland was fallen to Elizabeth daughter to Henry the eight Queen Mary who was wife to Philip King of Spain dying without issue Mary was not more resolute in restoring the Catholick faith in England then Elizabeth was in resuppressing it incited thereunto by the example of her mother Anne of Bullen and for fear lest by the Laws of the Church her succession might prove illegitemate from which fear she thought her self secure under the Dogmata of heresie Elizabeth making Religion thus subservient to State Interest would have heresie to be received throughout all England and Ireland And detesting the Pope and King of Spain by which two she might be the most indamaged she likewise endeavoured to prejudice them as much as she could She therefore persecuted the Church infinitely in England and was very intent upon all those sinister successes which might befall the King of Spain especially in Flanders where his power was nearest unto her and from whence she did most suspect it From those parts of Germany which lie nearest to Flanders all those heretick Princes who were there Masters of any States or Dominions shewed the same disposition against the Church and the King of Spain But the most considerable amongst them and of whom the greatest fear was had for that he was more amidst the Austrian Forces of Germany and Flanders was the Prince Elector Palatine of Rhine 'T was therefore much to be feared that from these external parts all the inward commotions of Flanders were upon all occasions to be fomented This was the condition of Affairs and the disposition of minds in Flanders when the King was there and upon his departure for Spain I will take my rise in the History which I undertake to write from hence after having with as much brevity as I could acquainted you with what hath already been said The King was resolved to go for Spain to the which he was moved not only out of his particular natural addiction to those Kingdoms as out of mature wisdome and advised choice He saw his vast Empire hardly well setled and consolidated after the so many voyages and great pains of his Father and finding it composed of so many members and so far divided one from another he thought it expedient that he should share out and disperce the vigor and spirit of government from out the principall part thereof as doth the heart in humane bodies and certainly Spain was to be reputed not onely the most important but the fittest place for this purpose there wanted not moreover many other urgent necessities which required the Kings presence and particularly those which were occasioned partly by the danger of Heresie which was already begun there and partly by jealousies of the Moors wherewith Spaine was greatly infected and with whom it was greatly feared that upon any intestine commotion the neighbouring Moors of Africa would joyn themselves The chiefest business which before the Kings departure was taken into consultation was to whom he should leave the government of Flanders in his absence Two Ladyes neerly allyde unto the King by blood were taken into consideration the one was Christierna Dutches of Loraine who was daughter to a sister of the Emperour Charls the fifth and the other Margaret Dutches of Parma naturall daughter to the same Emperour great was the contestation before it was resolved which of the two was to be preferred Christierna was the elder very well known in Flanders by reason of the neighbor-hood of Loraine praised for her great wisdom in having worthily discharged the Government of that State remaining still a Widdow and the afore mentioned Peace of Cambray which by her means she being there present in person was managed and concluded had very much increased her reputation By which successe Flanders being freed from the molestation of Arms she won more upon the affection of the Flemings Orange was chiefly for her out of the hopes he had of marrying one of her Daughters and therefore labored her Election as much as he could hoping also by that marriage that the government of Flanders might be more sway'd by him then by Christierna But the Kings inclination bore him at last to like best of Margaret as she who had been born and bred up in Flanders and who having her Husbands Estates of Parma and Piacensa in midst the forces of the Dukedom of Millan in Italy and resolving to send her onely son Alexander to the Court of Spain promised a more absolute dependency upon the King where on the contrary the house of Loraine by reason of the condition of the Country and more in respect of interest was inforced to depend almost wholly upon the Crown of France besides the great desire which the Flemish themselves shewed to have Christierna for their Regent made the King Spanish officers
the Heretick government which she had introduced within her Kingdom began to totter that a great many Catholicks were still in England that Ireland was almost wholly Catholick and that to cause innovations in those parts particularly in matters of Religion no Prince would be more forward therein then the King of Spain She therefore desired to see her neighbour Countries involved in Heresie hoping that people withdrawing themselves from the obedience of the Church would the easelier be perswaded to doe the like from that of their Prince and that one rebellion added to another affairs should be so imbroiled in those parts as there should be no design of troubling her To this purpose the Hugonot Faction in France was at first favoured by her and now more then ever who joyed to see the progress thereof so great in that Kingdom But her design in this point was chiefly upon Flanders for from thence by reason of the vicinity of those Countries unto hers both before and much more after the Duke of Alva was entred there with his Forces grew the greatest suspitions which she had of the King of Spains power Wherefore she graciously received all those who fled from Flanders to England and nourisht the complaints which they made against the Spaniard and much more the hatred and ill will which they bore them Nor content to favour them in her own Dominions she did the like with the Hereticks of France and Germany with whom she held continual correspondencie and bore great sway But though these offices did help yet were they more then needed either for the one or the other faction That of the Hugonots was already so increased in France as they designed to ground a popular Commonwealth upon the ruines of the Monarchy The government in Religion which they had imbraced was of this form And desirous that their Politick interests should be guided by the like they pretended that the King should permit them to meet in the general and in the particular Assemblies and to treat of what concerned their body apart which was to make a total separation from the State within the State King Charles was then got out of his minority and shewed himself to be both generously and piously given But by reason of his youth the government was still managed by the Queen his mother who set upon by the ambition of the Hereticks and almost no less by the like of the Catholicks did temporise amongst so many and so fierce storms and sought to shun danger since she knew not how to oppose it Arms had already been several times both taken up and laid down and the King had endeavoured to allay the fire of Civil wars by divers Edicts of Pacification as they termed them since the times would not suffer him totally to extinguish it But the Edicts served but to little purpose to restore quiet to that Kingdom since the factions were more inflamed then ever Nor were Arms laid down but that they might be taken up again with more advantage To this end the Hugonots held close intelligence with the Queen of England and with the Hereticks of Germany And because the King of Spain assisted King Charles and did integrally favour the Catholick cause and especially by the Flanders Forces therefore did not the Hugonots omit to foment the Flemish in their bad inclinations Secret intelligence had ever past as we have already said between the Prince of Orange and Coligni the Admiral of France But after Orange his retreat to Germany their practises grew hotter The one of them plotted the ruine of France which was already begun the other the ruine of Flanders which was shortly to begin Nor is it to be said how much the Hugonots desired to see the like troubles ensue in Flanders as France did already suffer under that they might have companions abroad and to make but one cause of two to the end that it might be so much the better defended by common forces and honested by reciprocal examples So that Coligni and the other Chieftains of the Heretick faction used all possible diligence to make the Flemish who were fled into France suddenly endeavour the like novelty which they greatly desired to raise up of themselves in their Country From Germany likewise the Heretick Princes and the Hans-Towns of the same Faction seemed for the same reasons to have the same ends in the affairs of Flanders Yea before the rise of Luthers Heresie all the Princes and the Hans-Towns of Germany which together with the Emperor their head doe compose the body of the Empire were not well pleased to see that the House of Austria first by the addition of Flanders and then by that of Spain should be so much exalted Till then they had looked upon the fortune of that House with an envious eye When Charles the Fifth was come to the Imperial Crown they turned their envy into open fear lest from being Head of the German government he might become absolute Prince of that Empire They saw that how great soever his design might be his Forces were equivalent in greatness thereunto And their fear in this point was rather increased then diminished by the entry of Heresie into Germany For they apprehended lest under the colour of reordering the affairs concerning Religion he might intend to advantage his own Authority the more easily in those which regarded the State Hence in a great part were occasioned the troubles of those Countries hence their so many Dyets and particularly the Accords which insued in point of Religion And though when Charles dyed the House of Austria was divided and that the greatest power thereof remained in that Branch which was transplanted into Spain and that on the other side the Hereticks had great Forces in Germany yet feared they much the neighbourhood of Flanders They suspected that the Forces of that House might upon all occasions be on that side united against them to boot that by the opportunity of that situation they saw too great advantages arose to the Austrians in Germany to continue the enjoyment of the Empire and that in stead of being elective it might become hereditary in that Family and that the possession might remain in the Catholick part with the exclusion of the Heretical They therefore fauthor'd by all the means they might the Novelties which had insued in Flanders in the Government of the Dutchess of Parma They favoured Heresie fomented Sedition counsell'd their chief Leaders and endeavoured by all other means to cause such Troubles in those Provinces as that the King of Spain might either wholly lose them or not quietly enjoy them They termed Flanders the Lower-Germany and reputed it as joyned to the body of their own Upper-Germany by reason of the connexion of Countries the conformity of speech and manner of living and by the community of Traffick and Rivers of which 't is arguable whether the Rhine be more commodious to higher Germany by the longer course thereof or
manner as it will be too hard a matter for any Foreign Nation to land there much more hard to keep there when they are landed That Kingdom is inclosed and fortified on all sides by the Sea the Havens there are but few and any Fleet may be easily kept from entring thereinto The English yield not to any Nation of the world for skill in maritime affairs and their maretime Forces together with those that will be added to them by Holland and Zealand may without doubt oppose whatsoever Fleet Spain can set forth at least by way of defence But say that our men were landed in the Kingdom how can we hope to establish them there Usually in the making of Conquests some internal disposition is required and there is a continual necessity of external aids to maintain them There can no safe correspondencie be hoped for from the English it being a Nation which will suffer no other Government then its own And succours from elswhere will be so hard to be effected so expensive and so uncertain as the Forces of Spain which are already so distracted will never be able to supply them Hath not your Majesty experience by your marriage with Queen Mary how much the English doe hate all manner of Foreigners and how contrary all the Laws of the Kingdom are there unto Is not the Rebellion of Flanders sufficient to let out the best blood of Spain without adding thereunto that which you shall suddenly see arise in England Then since there is so little hope of any good success in this affair methinks it were better to let it alone and so to resent the wrongs done unto you by the Queen as fighting with her at her own weapons not to come to open war upon her States If war shall be made and the design not succeed how much more will she oppress the Catholicks of England and of Ireland How will she foment the troubles in Flanders nourishing still her own desire of usurping the government thereof And how much more justly shall she plot all manner of mischief with the Hollanders and Zealanders to the Crown of Spain in the Indies and in all other parts So as by this enterprise no glory or advantage will redound to your Majesty but shame and loss Let your Majesty therefore bend all your might to end the Rebellion of Flanders The Duke of Parma's Army being reinforced by Land and the Provinces of Holland and Zealand being set upon by Sea with the same Forces which would be imployed against England your Majesty may safely believe to see that Rebellion subdued and the Church restored to its former right as also your Royal Crown If in the mean while the Queen of England shall continue to aggravate her offences yet more against your Majesty then may you resent your self against her in open war with more expedition more advantage and more happy success The former success will doubtlesly very much help the other where as on the contrary if the design of assaulting England misgive as it is to be feared it will for my part I fear and I wish my fears may prove false the Rebellion of Flanders will never have an end The Duke of Parma being desired to signifie his mind in this point seemed to incline to this second opinion And howsoever if the business concerning England were to precede he said that some Port or Haven in Zealand was first to be won and this out of two very important reasons The one that upon any occasion the Spanish Fleet might have some safe and near refuge and the other that the Kings Havens in the Province of Flanders might not be hindred by the Hollanders and Zealanders in the Duke of Parma's transporting his Army into England The King staggering between these two opinions was a while in dispute with himself which of them to follow But in fine it appeared that the securing of England did so absolutely draw with it the putting an end to the Rebellion of Flanders as it was resolved in Spain to make all the speed and all the greatest preparations that might be for the execution of this enterprise The King was afterwards the more encouraged herein by the disposition he found in the Pope not only of approving but of favouring the design Sixtus Quintus was then Pope who appeared very zealous in maintaining the universal cause of the Church In the particular of England he considered what had befaln in the time of Pius Quintus by whom he had been made Cardinal When Pope Pius found that the Queen of England grew still more perverse in prosecuting the Catholicks and to doe all ill to Religion both at home and abroad he at last published an Apostolical Bull wherein was contained such punishments against her as the Church in like cases had alwayes wont to inflict But instead of being thereby bettered the Queen grew more cruel and impious Nothing was seen or heard of in that Kingdom but a perpetual irremissible fury against Catholicks some were banisht others imprisoned others deprived of their goods together with their Country and many bereft both of goods and life The Priests were chiefly persecuted and Heresie triumphing over their punishments and to see their Ministery already wholly routed out 't was thought the Queen intended fully to extinguish all the remainder of Catholick Religion and all the footsteps of that Piety which for so many Ages had so exceedingly flourisht there Nor was her hatred towards the Church bounded within her own Dominions it was known how greatly and how continually she fomented the Heretical factions of Germany France and Flanders to nourish troubles there and particularly to beat down the Catholick religion by her means likewise Scotland was greatly subverted and her beheading of the Queen of Scots who had been alwayes very zealous in the Catholick cause was generally detested by all the Catholick Princes of Europe and in particular had caused much horror in the Pope Wherefore joyning this with many other actions whereby the Queen did so cruelly afflict the Church and disturb the publike peace almost every where he considered he was not to let slip the occasion now presented of favouring the King of Spains aforesaid enterprise thereby to advantage the Catholike cause universally over all Europe and particularly in England and Ireland To this purpose he thought it fit to make a Subject of England Cardinal and this was Doctor Allen who was one of the antientest and most qualified Ecclesiasticks both for learning wisdom and goodness of all those of that Nation that were abroad Allen was then at Rome and the Popes intention was to send him into Flanders and then into England in case the design should succeed there to exercise such Ministerial duties as should upon such an occasion be most needfull for the service of the Church and particularly for those Catholicks The Pope being thus minded the King applied himself with all fervencie to the business and to make very
Kingdom and especially in the two Cities of Tourney and Valenciennes On the side of Germany the Hereticks sought in like manner to infect Friesland and all that neighbouring part of the low Countryes within land But the infection was greater which was brought both by Sea and Land into Holland and Zealand by meanes of the commerce which the Cities in the Baltick Sea had in Amsterdam and in Midleburg both of them places of great Traffick as also in many other towns of great Traffick both in Holland and Zealand Great was the commerce of Traffickers likewise into both those Provinces from England And Hereticall Ministers entring on all sides under the profession of Merchants they accompanied their seditious writings with words of mouth yet more seditious reproving the Flemish in particular of their too much remisness and patience in bearing the yoke which as they said was laid upon their consciences That Germany had thrown it off long ago as they might see even against the forces of Charls the fifth that England had now happily done the like and that the reformed Religion made daily great advancements in France that they might then know their own power and how to make use of it that the Regent was a woman wholly in their power Granville a forreiner and hated by the Country that the King was far off and but little hopes of his ever returning thither in person and to what end did the disarmed Authority of the Princes serve but to make them be the more scorned and lesse feared The Heretical Ministers and other Sectaries fill'd the ears and mindes of the Flemish in all parts with these conceits which infused impiety and sedition And in concourse of time it was discovered that Orange held intelligence particularly with the Admirall of France which was contracted upon the occasion he had of entertaining himself in France with Henry the second as one of the hostages of Philip the second in performance of the Peace of Cambray as hath been said and time produced at last that Orange took for his fourth and last wife a daughter of the same Admirals though the Admirall was then dead as shall be said in its due place This correspondency in endeavours between them was easily contracted by the similitude of their natures For both of them were very Ambitious and Fraudulent and did equally endeavour to advance their own private Fortunes by the publike ruine In fine in the opinion of all men the one was born to be the cause of France's misfortunes the other of the calamities of Flanders And both of them by their Tragical ends shewed what punishment is reserved for those who losing all respects either of Lawes or God do erect their Altars here below to Ambition and impiety and to the Idols of other immoderate and blinde Humane passions The Kingdom of France was at this time involved in great troubles Francis the second was dead whom Charls the ninth succeeded at the age of ten years Catherine of Medicis mother to them both retained the chief place in Government in Charls his time as well as she had done in his Brothers who not able to sustain it but by intreaty or prayer was forced to devide it sometimes with the Catholikes sometime with the Hugonots But still in danger of the Ambitious designes which was discovered in both the parties France was never agitated with greater Tempests then these And the Hugonot faction prevailing then continually more in the Kingdom 't is no wonder if the Hereticks took the boldness to foment the evils from that part which were a hatching in Flanders expecting that by the conjuncture of times and actions they might come from secret fomenting to open conspiracy A midst so many forreine Plots and home difficulties the Regent was every day more straitened in matter of Religion On the one side Granville encouraged her to have the Edicts executed one the others side the Governours of the Provinces desired to be excused shewing that the number of the Hereticks was already too great and that in many places the Magistrates themselves were infected with Heresie It was known notwithstanding that they did not what they might have done were it either that they desired some dishonour and shame might redound to Granville from such disorders who had the chief stroke in Government or that the King should be the more inforced to seek for remedy therein by their means They continued their former complaints against Granville and discovered an apparent hatred and scorn of him as was particularly seen upon a certain occasion which was thus At a certain Feast there hapned to be Count Egmont the Marquess of Berghen who was likewise one of the chief Lords of the Country and Governour of Henault and Min Here Montigni Brother to Count Horne and divers other of their Friends where a discourse hapned were it casuall or premeditated upon the Liveries which the Pages and foot-men of the Lords and other chiefest of the Court wore here one of them rising up said Why doe we not all make one and the same Livery which by the similitude of our colours may denote the conformity of our mindes the proposition was instantly entertained and lots being drawn who should chuse the Livery it fell to Egmont and he chose one with a certain Odde Coule or Hood which in Flanders are Buffonelike and are wont to be put on the heads of Fools or Jesters Many others of the Court presently took up this livery and for divers dayes there was no other work done in Brussels The Dutchesse was hereat offended for none doubted but that this habit had relation to the Cardinals habit and that this was done in derision of him Besides it might be feared that this might be the beginning of a league and union within the Court which might soon spread abroad throughout the whole Country to the great prejudice of the King The Dutchess laid this particularly to Egmonts charge who excused it as a thing which had hapned casually and without any intention of offending the Cardinal and much lesse of proving prejudicial to the Kings service They then left off their Coule and took for their common impressa a bundoll of Arrowes tide up together which was an impressa often used in the Kings coyn They would have it beleeved that this signified their joynt union in the Kings service but it was generally thought that this union had for its end the defence of publike Priviledges and their conformable sense to conspire unanimously against Granville nor was it long ere this conspiracie broke forth for people growing still more haughty not being able to discend to dissimulation as neither was the Cardinal on his behalf nor yet to any sort of going lesse especially when he saw himself so bitterly provoked Orange Egmont and Horn together with divers others combined joyntly together against him and these three in particular resolved to write a letter to the King which was to this purpose How
should receive a full pardon from the King That the Citizens should return to the true obedience of the Church and King That those who would not live after the Catholick profession might enjoy their goods any where out of the Country That the souldiers should be suffered to march out with theirs Arms bagage and Colours flying That the City should pay 20000 pound to keep from being sackt And that the Princess of Espenoy might be suffered to go freely whether she pleased with all her wealth goods substance and family Thus was Tornay yielded and the Princess at her coming forth was received with such applause in the Kings Camp as it might be judged she came forth not as Conquered but as Conqueress The news this mean while continued that the Duke of Alanson would be quickly in Flanders and that without returning to France he would come directly from England and land in Zealand The Archduke Mathias had till this time kept in the Low-Countries and agita ted with many hopes could never fix upon any From the beginning he could not be Governour there by the Kings approbation He had enjoy'd nothing but likelyhoods in the Rebels Government and nothing but the Title in the management of the Militia yet he thought he merited by suffering Wherefore discovering the Rebels resolution of changing Prince he flattered himself mainly upon that occasion with new and ardent hopes He omitted not to make those things be suggested which might make most for his advantage and particularly his Austrian bloud of Germany which for so many years and with such satisfaction to the people had Governed Flanders But being but little listned unto and less considered and afterwards excluded out of all he was fain to be content and to return to his friends and former condition in Germany VVhen therefore it was noised that Alanson was in England and that he would be speedily in Flanders Mathias tarryed no longer but going by Cullen past over the Rhine and returned to his usual abode in the Emperours Court This year ended with his departure and with the Signior d' Altapenna's indeavour to surprise Bergen ap Zome which Town he was very near surprising for he and his men had already won one Gate and were begun to get more inward when the Garison betaking themselves to their Arms and the people flocking from all parts the Royalists were forced to go out many of them being slain and many wounded In the beginning of the year 1582. certain news was brought to Flanders at last that the Duke of Alanson was departed from England with intention of landing in Zealand After having been entertained many days with much feasting and honourable treatment he went from London and within three days came to Flushing The Queen made him be attended with a great Fleet of her ships which were commanded by Charls Howard Lord Admiral of England and would have him waited upon by divers of the chiefest Lords of her Kingdom amongst which was the Earl of Lester who was then in great Authority and favour with her When Alanson was come to Flushing he was received by Orange Espenoy and a great many other personages of quality who were come thither to that purpose They brought him from thence to Midleburg where staying a few days he came to Antwerp attended by above 50 Flemish ships gloriously trimed he landed upon the banks of Scheld near the Citadel and was met with an incredible applause and concourse of people After the wonted ceremonies of interchangeable oaths he entred on horseback into the City which was every where set out with triumphant Arches and other publick demonstrations of joy for his arrival Alanson being thus brought into his new Principality it was not long ere he began to know that hardly was the appearances or shadow thereof left unto him On the other side the Flemish began quickly to comprehend that he had brought with him nothing but the outside of vain hopes and of spetious titles He could not obtain any Forces of consequence from the King his brother and from the Queen of England such and so many only as by his means the Dominion of those Countries might rather be taken from the King of Spain then enjoyed by himself Wherefore the heat of that first welcome quickly cooled and the Inhabitants of Antwerp began to take some distaste at the Duke in point of Religion The Hereticks were already so prevalent there as but very little share of exercise remained for the Catholicks who had recourse unto the Duke to remedy the oppression which they received On the contrary the others endeavoured by all means to continue their advantages and though some satisfaction was at last given to the Catholicks yet were not they therewithall quieted nor did the Hereticks on their sides seem to be satisfied But an untoward accident which happened not long after had likely to have given him an â—ll favoured welcome and to have indangered his life Which was this A young Spaniard of mean birth in Biscay having resolved to kill Orange and taking bothtime and place fitting for his purpose in Orange his own hous discharg'd a musket in his face and wounded him so as at the first he was thought to be dead The noise being heard many hasted thither and astonished at the spectacle without further adoe slew the offender The news of this flew suddenly from the house to the Piazza and from the Piazza to every least corner of the City Nor is it to be said what a commotion it caused amongst the people Every one ran with anxiety from one place to another to know the truth thereof and lamenting one another and as if not only the Father of the Country but even the Father of every particular Family had been slain they bewailed the privat and publick misfortune which they thought had befaln them In this agitation it was whispered that the French had been the authors of this misdeed that they might rid their hands of Orange and thereby make the Duke of Alansons Authority the more free The baser sort of people turning their commisseration into fury ran headlong to Alansons house intending to kill all the French that they should find there and peradventure not to spare his own person In this interim the first fear was seised in Orange his house for the wound being searched was found not to be mortal the bullet had only past through both his cheeks beaten out some of his teeth and occasioned the loss of much bloud which for a while hindred his speech But when he knew it was a Spaniard who had shot him and heard what danger the French were in and even Alanson himself he writ some Tickets with him own hand and sent abroad divers in his own name who cleared the business and freed the multitude of their suspitions When all tumults were ceased they fell to search into the fact that they might make the juster resentment The most common opinion was
See the form was ordained which the inquisitors were to observe in the expunging of Heresie The substance whereof was That they should proceed with all rigor in seeking out those who were infected with Heresie and in punishing them according to the penalties appointed the execution whereof was committed to the Magistrates of Cities and to the Provincial Councels with provision to be had that no particular Tribunals should be introduced for the inquisition as it was formed and as for the new Erection of Bishopricks it was carried as hath been said in the relation The King having ordered matters of Religion thus declared that for all things else the former ancient Government should be continued wherein next unto the Regent the Councel of State should have the first place of which were many of the chief Lords of Flanders and because it was impossible to confide in them all therefore the King gave private instructions that the Regent in matters of greatest jealousies and weight should abridge the number to a few and intrust the chief managing thereof in the hands of the Bishop of Arras whom to this purpose he left with her Before the King went from Gaunt he would make a new creation of Knights of the golden Fleece in the places of many that were dead And amongst others he honoured some Lords of that Country with that Order whose Ancestors had formerly been thereof Finally the King preparing for his journey and being desirous first to give such instructions to the Dutchesse of Parma as were most convenient for the administration of Government he took her one day aside and as it is reported said thus unto her I could not give you a greater testimony my beloved Sister of my confidence in you then that which I have now deposited into your hands in assigning over unto you the Government of these Provinces of Flanders You see their situation by how much they are the more remote from my other Kingdoms so much the neerer are they to be endangered by the States which do inviron them T is true France is now at peace with me but 't is not so within it self being full of Factions and in the hands of a childe who instead of giving Lawes will be enforc'd to receive them to boote that the emulation which hath alwayes been and ever will be between France and Spain is too much known The Queen of England who Oppugnes the Religion which I defend will alwayes be plotting to the prejudice of my forces particularly those of Flanders the same suspitions almost out of the same reasons may be had of the Heretick Princes of the neighbouring parts of Germany As also for the spite they bear to see the Empire continue so long in my blood These neighbours will still be practising some innovations here And the most dangerous business which can be apprehended from them will be their infecting the People with Heresie and the making the Nobility upon such occasions aspire to Novelties They will then endeavour to incite the vulgar people to madness by the poison of false opinions and to withdraw them by degrees from liberty to licenciousness from licenciousness to tumults and from tumults to Rebellion And without doubt the introducing of Heresie being permitted these other evils will consequently follow True piety and falie cannot cohabit together And when people begin once to differ in their beliefe the great ones break forth presently into Novelties and by a thousand false pretentions turn Religion into Faction Miserable effects are seen hereof in Germany and no lesse miserable are already begun in France Therefore to preserve Flanders from so dangerous evils care must be had above all things to keep her free from Heresie and that only the Catholike Religion be practised there Which is the true and ancient Religion and which alone is profest in my other Kingdoms From hence doth my Family acknowledge her chiefest greatness and by the means thereof as Subjects are more united within themselves in the worship of the Altars and Temples so are they by her means also the closer tyed together in obedience to their Princes and Magistrates So as I by defending and sustaining of her am by her defended and sustained And rendring hereby the greatest service that I can to God I do consequently the greatest advantage I can to my Crown I go from hence therefore resolved that the Edicts published against the Hereticks in these Provinces be inviolably executed wherein I shall desire you to use your greatest vigilancy and to be sure that your sence be the same that mine is which is not notwithstanding that a setled Inquisition be introduced here I see the differences between these Provinces and those which have received it But on the other side the greatest evils require the strongest remedies To boot that this doth not oppose the priviledges of the Provinces nor the form of that Government which I have promised and sworn unto Nay to tollerate the introducing of heresie would be the greatest violation thereof I could commit Since hitherto it hath wholly been grounded upon the Catholick Religion and all things would be disturbed and quite overthrown if I should give any allowance to the bringing in of heresie When this danger shall be provided for it will make the remedy the easier for the other which may arise from some peccant humour of ambition in some of the great ones Ambition usually seeks out pretences so as course must be taken that no such be found Of all other pretensions that of conscience is the most specious and they who plot most against the common good seem by this way to be most zealous in procuring it Let this so plausible occasion be taken away the other which may move the people to commotions will the more easily cease You my sister very well know the humours of the people of Flanders and how they ought to be govern'd They are born almost as much to liberty as to subjection He that commands must entreat and oft-times must yield instead of obtaining To such natures 't is fit to adjust a proportionate Government You must therefore use all possible diligence in maintaining the accustomed Priviledges and Immunities of the Country and endeavour to satisfie the people in them they being almost wholly constituted in their power The common people live peaceably when at ease and quiet and 't is little to be feared that the ambitious can either discompose them by hidden fraud or grow more bold by open conspiracy to move them to commotion and yet you must by all means endeavour to keep the Nobility devout to my service by particularly giving them their due imployments their due respects and by assuring them that they shall always see my father supervive in me in favouring and protecting them Thus it may be hoped that affairs may here succeed happily and that none of the great ones instead of expecting honours and favours from me will provoke me to rigour and severity But
river side and without much gainsaying quickly put them to the rout Many of them were drowned in the river many slain and many taken prisoners Amongst others Hostrat was wounded and soon after died of his wounds This action put a period to all Orange his hopes of seeing the Countrie rise and to the like of the Flemish malecontents of ever exciting any He was the more troubled at this success because his hopes were much increased at this time by advertisements that he had received of great succours sent from the French Hugonots which were at hand They were led on by Monsieur Genlis and sent by the Prince of Conde out of the abovesaid ends which the Hugonots had to foment the neighbourghring revolutions of Flanders that they might the better establish their own in France Orange thinking now on nothing else but how to put himself into some safe condition left Brabant and went into the Contiguous Provinces of Namures and Hennault to meet the French succour which he did and so make his retreat the surer Genlis had about some 4000 foot with him and 1500 horse Orange was somewhat inheartned by the coming of these men for many of his own men were missing and many ran away every day and the rest being ill disciplined and worse paid and threatning continually to mutiny he thought to return back the same way to Germany But finding the Mause at that time very high and greater opposition then before in the Legeiois he turned again into the Province of Hennault From thence he continued his retreat towards France and having in vain tryed the Castle of Cambray before he quitted Flanders being still close pursued by the Duke of Alva he at last went out of Flanders and staid near St. Quintains at the entrance into Picardy Here according to the diversity of designes he divided his men and those of France into several parts The High-Dutch quite spent by hunger and hardships returned to Germany Orange staid a while in France to renew the former practises with the chief Hugonots and his brother Lodovick tarryed there afterwards for the same end till their second coming from Germany and France against the Duke of Alva as shall be said in its due place The Duke having gotten so important a Victury without the loss of almost any one of his Army or rising of any place he distributed his soldiers into their several quarters and about the end of the year returned as in triumph into Brussels And for that it appeared he had merited no less for his service done to Religion then to the King Pope Pius Quintus sent him soon after the Helmet and Trunchion which are presented only to great Princes and particularly to such who by some famous action have deserved well of the Church This mean while these prosperous proceedings of the Spanish forces in Flanders were looked upon with a clean contrary eye by the Queen of England She had hitherto assisted the troubles in those parts rather in secret then barefaced but when she saw that those of Nassaw were driven out and that the King of Spains forces were now more potent there then ever she returning to her former fear of having them so near at hand resolved to let slip no occasion whereby she might more openly prejudice the Kings affairs in those parts There were two of her privy Councel who then bore great sway with her The one was Robert Dudly Earl of Lester a Gentleman of Noble descent and great imployment And the other William Cecil her Secretary of State who being but of mean bloud though of great wisdom passing through divers Court-Offices to the managing of State-affairs had drawn almost the whole Government of the Kingdom upon him Both these had chiefly perswaded the Queen still to establish the heresie of England and consequently to indamage the Catholick Church and the King of Spain as much as she could for those respects which have been formerly spoken or She persecuted the Church cruelly in her Kingdom And watching for an opportunity whereby she might still more incommodate the Kings affairs in Flanders it was not longere she met with one of very great consequence which was this The King by means of means of Givers Genua Merchants had raised a great sum of money for the affairs of Flanders whereof 400 thousand crowns were sent by sea to Antwerp the ships which brought this money met with some Pyrats so as to save themselves they were forced to fall in upon England The Spanish Ambassador who was then with the Queen hearing of this apply'd himself presently to the Queen that the money might be freely carried to Antwerp and received answer from her sutable to his desire But she being resolved within her self and councelled thereunto by Lester and Cecil to detain the money so as at one and the same time she might accommodate her self and disaccommodate the King of Spain let the Ambassador know that being informed that those monies were not really the King of Spains but that they belonged to some Italian Merchants she had resolved to make use thereof her self allowing them just consideration The Ambassador laboured to make it appear that the money belonged unto the King and sent by his direction to Flanders and to strengthen this the more he made the Duke of Alva write to her about it But she feigning one difficulty after another gave such delatory answers as it was plainly seen she had no mind the money should goe into Flanders The Duke stormed mightily hereat and presently dispatched away Assonville to London about it who with much earnestness renewed what the Ambassador had formerly prest for But look how much the Duke made his need of the monies appear the greater by his so earnest desiring them so much the more did the Queen by the interposal of new and subtill Impediments on her behalf deny them He being thus deluded in his Negotiation and being by nature inclined rather to overcome then to sweeten difficulties resolved at last to see if he could bring the English over to his will or no by reprisals He therefore first made the goods and the persons of such Merchants of that Nation be detained who did in great numbers traffick in the Low-Countries and made it be known unto the Queen that the like should be done in all the King of Spain's other Dominions unless the monies of Spain were set at liberty which were so unjustly detained in England The Queen was not inwardly displeased hereat but growing the bolder by such a pretence to make good the mony-business she began to pretend satisfaction in stead of giving it and complained bitterly of the Duke of Alva to the King himself To her complaints she added resentment on her behalf she commanded that the same reprisals should be made in England against the King of Spains subjects And appearing much incenst against the Duke of Alva's person she publikely threatned to indammage him as much as she
make for our advantage For the most of us having resolved to imbrace the Refoâ—med religion doubtlesly the Queen of England will in that respect much more concur in our defence then will the Duke of Alanson who is a profest Catholick Together with this advantage in matter of Religion we shall also receive from her all other things which we stand most in need of her Kingdom abounds in People nor wants she Mony proportionably How much ought we to esteem her so near and so potent Maritime forces We may by that means expect at all times all manner of Aid in a very few houres and by that means that Country will be joyned to ours as well as if we were both one firm land And how much is England and our Province already joyned in Commerce May not the English-House here in Antwerp be envied by their own hamber of London And if we consider the Form of Government how much more conformable to ours is that of England then that of France For in France the Kingly power may be said to be almost absolute whereas in England it is so limited as in al affair of greatest weight the Princes there can resolve of nothing without the supreme authority of Parliament Which ought to make us expect a much more moderate government certainly from the Queen of England then from the D. of Alanson who hath already too much drunk in the too haughty and Kingly spirits of France This my short comparing of the present condition of these two Kingdoms doth sufficiently discover my opinion touching the business now in hand Yet all private opinions ought to submit to the publike interest And so shal I do when the contrary shal be approv'd of by this most wise Assembly for I have no consideration of any foreign good which is not altogether subordinate to what concerns our selves This discourse wrought very much upon the Deputies But the Lord of St. Aldegonde one of those that was deputed for the Nobility one of the best esteemed amongst all those of the Flemish Union took upon him to defend the contrary opinion And spake thus I wish it had pleased God most worthy Deputies that our calamities had not clearly taught us what the remedy is to free us thereof This remedy consists in having one for our Prince who being amongst us in person may rather with a Fathers then Princes affection imbrace maintain and govern the concernments of these our Provinces as if they were altogether his own And to pass by the more ancient examples let each of us consider what happiness they enjoyed in more modern times 'T is very well known to all how they flourished under the House of Burgony And that out of no other respect but for that the Princes did then of themselves and in their own persons steer the Government and shewing themselves from time to time in almost every of our Provinces did both give and receive such satisfaction as was most to be desired by each in each of them The Government then altered and began to grow worse under the House of Austria nor was it to be otherwise expected by reason of the many States and Nations which fell under the Empire thereof A great bulk cannot long maintain it self and when one part thereof is wrested all the rest are usually out of frame So in States which are too far divided a sunder the good of Government not being able to be joyntly united in them all the most remote must needs suffer therein and afterwards those that are nearest joyned will rescent it But notwithstanding in the times of Maximilian of Philip the first and of Clarls Flanders enjoyed such a share of their own personages and presence as look how much it sometimes suffered by reason of their absence it reaped other whiles as much advantage by their being present And each of them did still retain as well the sence as the bloud of Germany and Flanders Countries both of them almost alike seated and of the same nature The â—ow King being afterwards born in Spain and being become a Spaniard more by will then by birth he resolves to keep there and not to absent himself in any manner from thence What our miseries have been since then and what those in particular which we have suffered through the pride and cruelty of Spanish Governours we may all very well know since we have all too well tryed it Then to conclude as I said at first that the only help for these our Provinces consists in having here a Prince of their own to govern them I confess I cannot see who can be fitter for that purpose then the Duke of Alanson The Dukes of Burgony descended as it is well known to all from the Royal bloud of France then since Fortune presents us again with a new Prince of the same bloud wherefore should not we greedily imbrace the occasion of receiving him would not the very Government be by this means rather continued then any other of a different Form instituted How great a part of our Provinces do yet retain the French tongue and the Customs more then the tongue Are not all the confines of the Walloons and half the Province of Flanders it self called more by the word Gallican then Flemican so as in respect of the conformity of nature 't is clearly seen that the French are much more conformable to us then the English who had never any dominion over us That France is now in great turmoyls cannot be denyed but what better remedy then this can be found out to rid her of them to wit by drawing Alanson himself out of her and with him so many others who at the present do molest that Kingdom In which case it is not to be doubted but that the Duke will abound sufficiently in Forces and that the King his brother will largely maintain them in so just a Cause Every one may clearly see how much better these of France will be then those we should receive from England France doth over-abound with people every where especially in gallant Cavalry The coming from thence into this our Country can receive no impediment neither by the seas nor wind since both their confines by land joyn together And how opportune for us ought their neighbourhood now to be thought since almost the whole Walloon Provinces being re-united to the King of Spain the French Forces will prove very commodious on that side to force that Country to return to their former Union with our other Provinces and to joyn with us in chusing the Duke of Alanson for our Prince For what concerns all the other rubs me thinks they may be easily removed As for the Kings having no children his age is such as may certainly promise enough The mean while the Duke his brother will likewise marry and have sons of his own to succeed him but say that the Duke were to succeed unto the Crown wherefore may not we in such accse oblige
Treaty of accommodation in the Affairs of Flanders Which it may be believed she was chiefly perswaded unto thereby to try whether she could avoid the Tempest of Arms which the King of Spain already threatned her withall She thought the King of Denmark might be a fitting Instrument for this purpose wherefore she turned her self to him Nor was he backward therein but readily imbracing it sent John Ronsovio forthwith to Brussels who was well received by the Duke of Parma and was afterwards well approved of by the King of Spain The Schools from whence the negotiations of Princes proceed are always full of deep mysteries And though it be desired their hidden and reserv'd ends either cannot or ought not to be penitrated into It was notwithstanding conjectured that the Queen and King desired interchangeably to delude one another in this kind of negotiation so as those provisions which were making on both sides might be a little slackned The United Provinces seemed most averse to this kind of negotiation For their answer to Leicester who had sundry times made several proposals to them about it was resolutely this That they would never return again under the King of Spains obedience and that though the Queen should abandon them they would not notwithstanding desist from doing what they could in their own defence even till the last gasp But whatsoever should come of it or what ever the end of this Treaty might be the King and Queen resolved to set it on foot and chosing Burborg a little Town between Dunkirk and Gravelin for the place they sent some perticular Commissioners thither to that end In the Kings name there did intervene Count Aremberg Knight of the golden Fleece Mousieur de Campigni Lord Treasurer and John Richardotto President of the Councel of Artois And for the Queen the Earl of Darby Knight of the Garter and two others of her privy Councel whilst arms were handled in Flanders in one part and this Treaty was in hand in another many frequent consultations had been had and were yet had in Spain touching in what manner the King should rescent the injuries done unto him by the Queen of England The King had been provoked long before this by the Queen of England by her continual fomenting the troubles of Flanders yet he thought he might dissemble the offence because she dissembled the injuries But the King was so moved at this last action wherein she had by so many helps so openly revived the rebellion of Flanders when it was almost extinguished as he thought he could no longer forbear shewing how ill he took it by declaring open war against her Yet openly to make war upon England was of great consequence to the affairs of Spain so as the King before he would resolve thereupon would have it very well disputed by his ablest ministers of State Alvaro di Bassano Marquess of Sancta Croce a Personage very much cryed up for Naval Militia was one of those that perswaded him most to this enterprise he bore a great command at this time over the Kings Fleets in the Ocean and by reason of his imploymenr hoped it would fall to his share to be the prime man in this famous expedition Wherefore whilst they were treating one day of this business in presence of the King he spoke thus When I consider most mighty Prince the glory and advantage of the proposition in hand and the hopes of seeing it happily effected I confess I cannot forbear exhorting your Majesty with all the power and efficacy I have by all means to lay hold of it your Majesty may chiefly glory in the August Cognomen of most Catholick and that you have much more made it good in your actions then used it in your Title What greater glory can you then desire then in the first place to restore so great and so noble a Kingdom as is England to due obedience to the Church and to the ancient veneration of the Altars And what greater renown then to beat down Heresie there where her most rebellious ensignes are raised up that Island being made as it were an inexpugnable Sanctuary thereof How much hath Piety and Religion flourish'd formerly in that Kingdom How many Catholicks are there yet there And how do they long to see an end of that bitter persecution which they suffer there And to proceed to the advantage of the proposal It is well known that Spain can reap no greater advantage then in being no longer opposed by England From thence are the Indies infested and your Fleets threatned From thence is the Rebellion of Flanders fomented and the manifest usurpation of the Dominion therefore aspired unto And finally From thence proceeds all the greatest damages which the Crown of Spain suffers at this present and from thence will the greatest evils alwaies derive which shall at any time hereafter befall it And for the happy success of the enterprise why should not your Majesty assure your selfe thereof Your Forces at Sea have formerly been most powerful How much more formidable wil they be made now by the addition of Portugal And your resent succession to that Kingdom does plainly denote that God hath been thereby pleased the more to facilitate this enterprise 'T is then to be beleeved that the Spanish Fleet by Sea will be of that Potency as it will not to be withstood by all the maritime Forces of England though assisted by Holland and Zealand The Army by land which the Duke of Parma hath lately increased in Flanders may at the same time correspond with the Fleet which shall come from Spain When the Channel shall be possest by your Fleet the Army may be easily conveyed over into the Island where when it shall be landed and all your Majesties Forces joyned what shall withctand them from entring suddenly into the heart of the Kingdom For it being an Island nature defends it onely by situation no use being made to fortifie it by industry When this shall be once done and England 's fomenting be ceased it is not to be doubted but that the Rebellion in Flanders will soon cease likewise Fire lasts as long as do the materials where with it is fed when those fail the greatest fires go out and end in ashes John Idiaques one of the Kings Officers most imployed in Court at that time appeared in Councel to be of a contrary opinion Idiaques had been for many years Ambassador first at Genua then at Venice and after his return to Court the King had always imployed him in managing the most important affairs of the Crown He spake thus The first thing that is to be taken into consideration most mighty Prince is in my opinion the difficulties of the undertaking which is now in dispute And to speak my mind freely I think them so great as there is but very little hope of good success England as every one knows is so situated hath such Forces such Inhabitants and is governed after so peculiar a
a great suspition of being over-reached by the Spaniards whence it was to be beleeved that they would interpret all that should come from that side in the worst sense You have heard what the number and Government of the United Provinces are and how they are seated How Holland and Zealand are seated in the bosome of the Sea and the other five lie more inwards into the land these therefore did more willingly give way unto the Treaty at the first and did afterwards appear more inclined to continue it The principal and Fundamental Law of their union is That in resolutions appertaining to the common interest the Votes of all of them must equally agree so as their businesses proceed but slowly they being to be treated of apart in every several Province and alike uniform consent to be gathered from them all by long and tedious perswasions as their liberty is in all of them alike The Kings ratification being then sundry times consulted on and with great jealousies these difficulties were objected by the United Provinces That the ratification came in general terms that it did not contain the essential clause touching their liberty but that the King still styled the Arch-dukes Princes of the Low-Countries that the King writ himself I the King as he used to do to his own Vassals that it was written in ordinary Paper and not in Parchment as is usually done in things of great importance and finally that it was sealed with a little seal and not with a great one as ought to have been Verreychin being afterwards sent for in these difficulties were propounded unto him and exaggerated rather in an insolent then free manner and it was at last concluded that the United Provinces would by no means accept of the ratification in manner as it was by him presented The common peoples madness is alwaies very great but more when they are smiled upon by Fortune They are full of arrogancy and rashness in time of Prosperity and as base and abject in adversity So as a multitude must either not be treated with at all or these alternate defects must be patiently born withal Verreychin used therefore such dissimulation as was requisite and endeavoured to remove their suspitions He assured them that such a ratification would not have been sent from Spain did not the King intend to make it good that his intentions were excellent and that he did vie therein with the Arch-Dukes he prayed them to allow time for another to come that he did again promise in the the name of the Arch-Dukes to cause another ratification bee sent in same form as was by them desired The resolution put on in Holland was that the Arch-Dukes should procure a new ratification to be sent from Spain within six weeks which should contain word for word the same Declaration of Freedom Which the Arch-dukes had made in their instrument that it should be written in Latine French or Dutch and should be subscribed by the King with his own name and to the end that no more errors might be run into the form thereof was given to Verreychin in all the three Languages Father Neyen was this mean while returned from the Court he acquainted them how hard it was to procure the King to send the former ratification though in general terms yet he affirmed that he did verily hope that a second would come in particular terms The Spaniards knowing what necessity there was to commence a Treaty thus with the United Provinces since no other way would be admitted of The Arch-Dukes did again signifie this necessity so as not long after the second ratification came from Spain but it was so penhed as it was feared the United Provinces would raise new seruples in admitting it it contained the pretended declaration of liberty and all the other clauses that were desired But in the conclusion this was added by the King that if the matters of Religion should not be agreed upon as well as the other points his ratification should signifie nothing and affairs should still continue in their former posture It was also written in Spanish subscribed as usually I the King and in all things else according to the former manner Yet it was believed that these last rubs would easily be removed by the example of the Kings having done the same in the two Peaces which were lately concluded with the King of France and King of England The other difficulty touching the new added clause was thought the greater And that word Religion seemed to be immaturely put in since it might raise jealousies in the United Provinces as if it were already determined in Spain to make propositions against the liberty of their Government and against that declaration which the King at the same time made in form aforesaid The Commissary and Verreychin were sent both together with this second ratification into Holland who in the presenting thereof made large professions to the States general again of the great good inclinations of the King and Arch-dukes towards the common good and how desirous they were particularly of the Low-Countries welfare The States took time to give their answer and after much consultation their answer according to their wonted arrogance was thus That the Kings ratification was not answerable to the form which they desired and that amongst other things the new added clause could not be allowed of since the King knew very well as did also the Arch-Dukes that the United Provinces were free Provinces and would alwaies be so though no agreement were made That notwithanding the States would acquaint every Province with the ratification and would within six weeks make their resolution known But with this protestation that they intended not that by vertue of such a ratification any thing should be propounded which might tend to the prejudice of the freedom of their Government in case the Treaty went on This answer being given the Commissary and Verreychin returned to Brussels Whilst affairs were thus negotiated in Flanders divers interests passions and ends were upon this occasion discovered to be not onely in the neighbouring Princes but almost in all the Princes of Europe In Germany the Emperor Radulphus the second pretended that no Treaty of agreement could be made in Flanders without his participation and consent taking for granted that the Low-Countries did depend upon the Empire and therefore no separation could be made therein without his Authority Wherefore he had written some Letters to this purpose to the Catholick King the Arch-duke and the United Provinces The King and Arch-duke answered him in general terms as did also the United Provinces save onely that they added a long justification of their cause and of their war against the Spaniard till the present Neither was there any more news heard of the Emperor in the whole progress of the Treaty But Henry the fourth of France was not so negligent in the consideration of these passages He had sent Ambassadors upon this occasion at
titular Command and Orange who was wholly taken up with Civil negotiations could not take upon him the Military government So as the management thereof lay chiefly on Monsieur de la Nue a French-man and Colonel Norris an English-man but the authority and estimation of the former was much greater then the others Their Forces being of this condition the military affairs proceeded but very slowly on both sides Each of them could rather withstand then overcome and each of them hoped for better success in time The year 1580. came now in which brought with it one of the most memorable events that ever the war of Flanders produced through the resolution which the Rebels then took of chusing a new Prince and of continuing no longer under the King of Spains obedience The Prince of Orange had driven on this design before now and being between Despair and Hope he could no longer resist their violences On the one side despair assailed him setting before him all the greatest and most dreadful dangers which could be expected from the wrath and power of the King of Spain being then made greater by the accession of the Kingdom of Portugal And on the other side he was highly invited by hope desire making him believe that new greatness would be added to his fortune by a new Principality He argued within himself That at least the two Provinces of Holland and Zealand would be well-nigh wholly at his disposal And wherefore in such a case might not greater good fortunes befall him since it might easily happen that the Flemish being again angry at or weary of a foreign Prince might at last resolve to choose one of their own Nation And if so wherefore should not he hope to be preferr'd before all others He then without any further delay having first prepared mens minds in every Province by his Adherents of which he had great store in each of them He I say caused the proposition of change of Prince be put and made all such things be suggested as might facilitate the business The Rebels had no more weighty affairs at this time then this was Therefore that they might treat and resolve thereof with such maturity and honour as was needfull it was thought necessary to call a meeting of the States Generall wherein they might afterwards come to such a resolution as might be best for the whole Country This advice was chiefly given by Orange and Antwerp appointed for the place of meeting Here then about the beginning of the abovesaid year the Deputies of the Provinces met and Orange was there himself so they began to fall close to the business The Heretick Deputies of which the greatest part of the Assembly did consist such industry and means had Orange used in causing them to be chosen inclined to choose a new Prince as also still to strengthen Heresie Yet they differed within themselves in their votes some of them were for the Queen of England and some for the Duke of Alanson the one holding they might receive more advantages from England the others from France The City of Gaunt in particular was much inclined to the Queen of England which was the chief City of all those that then followed the rebellion of the Confederate Provinces Wherefore James Tayard the Deputy thereof together with some others who represented the peculiar Province of Flanders that is to say the Flemicant part one day when the business was hottest in agitation spake thus When I consider most worthy Deputies how much France is at this time divided and afflicted within it self I confess I cannot be perswaded to preferrre the Duke of Alanson before the Queen of England in the subjecting of our Provinces under a new Principality Every one knows what the unhappy agitations of that Kingdom at the present are it totters on all sides amidst mighty dangers The several Factions strive who shall rend it most The King hath only the shew of a King and is forced to use intreaties much more then commands How often and with what prejudice to his authority hath he been inforced rather to yield to the will of others then to use his own So perverse under the variety of their specious pretences are they sometimes grown who favour the Catholick religion and sometimes they who follow the Reformed in causing one revolt after another all tending to the great diminution of the Royal majesty and splendor France being then in so low a condition what ease or advantage can Flanders expect from thence Our end is to put our selves under a Prince who who may by his Forces strengthen ours that we may the better defend our selves against so powerful and so bitter an Enemy as is the King of Spain Then tell me I pray you what State what Forces what advantages can the Duke of Alanson bring with him that should make him be desired for our Prince Doth he enjoy any thing else in France save the bare Title of being the only Brother to the King with other such Prerogatives much greater in shew then substance Hath not the King treated him sometimes more like a Prisoner then like a Brother hath not the Duke sometime gone from Court in form of a Fugitive endeavouring by all means to protect Faction but rather to receive assistance from thence then to give it To boot his being the Kings only Brother bears with it a condition which we may very well suspect For if he when he shall be our Prince shall peradventure succeed his Brother who is childless in what condition shall we be then what dangers will our Provinces be then again in we shall be under so great a King who peradventure may treat us so much worse then the King of Spain now doth by how much the Forces of France are nearer us and more ready to oppress us From what I have said against France I shall now come to what may be taken into consideration as making for England States doe then most flourish when they are mâ—st quiet which may easily be seen by the happiness which that Queen now enjoyes Her Kingdom enjoyes full Peace and her people strive who shall most witness their obedience to her An obedience notwithstanding which she hath very will deserved of them For what Princess was there ever seen of a more masculine spirit who indued with more excellent vertues She hath nothing of woman but the appearance She is born to Empires and to command those chiefly which require most merit to enjoy them It is confest her Kingdom is â—et a little divided in point of Religion but the Catholicks are so few and 〈◊〉 so low as they can in no sort weigh against the Reformed She maintains these and by these is she maintained her pleasure is that only their Religion shall be profest in England according to the custom of that Country and with this her pleasure hath the Authority of the Estates general met in Parliament often joyned And how much doth this