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A19822 The first part of the historie of England. By Samuel Danyel; Collection of the historie of England. Book 1-3 Daniel, Samuel, 1562-1619. 1612 (1612) STC 6246; ESTC S109259 103,119 238

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fractures here at home the vnrepairable breaches abroad were such as could giue the king no longer assurednesse of quiet then the attempters would and that all the Christian world was out either at discord amongst themselues or in faction by the schisme of the Church Pope Vrban assembling a generall Councell at Cleirmont in Auuergne to compose the affaires of Christendome exhorted all the Princes thereof to ioyne themselues in action for the recouery of the holy land out of the hands of infidels Which motion by the zealous negotiation of Peter the Hermit of Amiens tooke so generally meeting with the disposition of an actiue and religious world as turn'd all that flame which had else consumed each other at home vpon vnknowne nations that vndid them a broad Such and so great grew the heate of this action made by the perswasion of the iustice thereof with the state and glory it would bring on earth and the assurednesse of heauen to all the pious vndertakers that none were esteemed to containe any thing of worth which would stay behind Each giues hand to other to leade them along and example ads number The forwardnesse of so many great Princes passing away their whole estates and leauing all what the deernesse of their Country contained drewe to this warre 300000 men all which though in armes passed from diuerse countries and ports with that quietnesse as they seemed rather Pilgrimes then Souldiers Godefroy of Bouillon nephew and heire to the Duke of Lorrayne a generous Prince bred in the warres of the Emperour Henry 4. was the first that offered vp himselfe to this famous voyage and with him his two brothers Eustace and Baudouin by whose examples were drawne Hugh le Grand Count de Vermendois brother to Philip king of France Robert Duke of Normandy Robert le Frison Earle of Flanders Stephen Earle of Blois Chartres Aimar Byshop of Puy William Byshop of Orange Raimond Earle of Tholouse Baudouin Earle of Hainaut Baudouin Earle of Rethel and Garnier Earle of Gretz Harpin Earle of Bourges Ysoard Earle of Die Ramb and Earle of Orange Guillaum Conte de Forests Stephen Conte de Aumaul Hugh Earle of Saint Pol Rotron Earle of Perche and others These were for France Germany and the Countries adioyning Italie had Bohemond Duke of Apulia and England Beauchampe with others whose names are lost Spayne onely had none being afflicted at that time with the Sarazins Most of all these Princes and great personages to furnish themselues for this expedition sold or ingaged their possessions Godefroy sold the Duchie of Bologne to Aubert Byshop of Liege and Metz to the Cittizens besides he sold the Castle of Sarteney and Monsa to Richard Byshop of Verdun and to the same Byshop Bandouin his brother sold the Earldome of Verdun Eustace likewise sold all his liuelihood to the Church Herpin Earle of Bourges his Earldome to Phillip King of France and Robert morgaged his Duchie of Normandie the Earldome of Maine and all he had to his brother King William of England Whereby the Pope not onely weakened the Empire with whom the Church had to the great affliction of Christendome held a long and bloudie businesse about the inuestitures of Byshops tooke away and infeobled his partisans abated as if by Ostrocisme the power ofany Prince that might oppose him but also aduanced the State Ecclefiasticall by purchasing these great temporalties more honorable for the sellers then the buyers vnto a greater meanes then euer For by aduising the vndertakers seing their action was for CHRIST and his Church rather to make ouer their estates to the Clergie of whom they might againe redeeme the same and be sure to haue the fayrest dealing then vnto lay men he effected this worke Whereby the third part of the best Fiefs in France came to be possest by the Clergic and afterward vpon the same occasion many things more sold vnto them in England especially when Richard 1. vndertooke the voyage who passed ouer diuers Mannors to Hugh Byshop of Durham and also for his mony created him Earle of Durham This humor was kept vp and in motion aboue 200. yeares notwithstanding all the discouragements by the difficulties in passing the disasters there through contagion arysing from a disagreeing clime and the multitudes of indigent people cast oftentimes into miserable wants It consumed infinit treasure and most of the brauest men of all our West world and especially France For Germanie and Italie those who were the Popes friends and would haue gone were stayd at home by dispensation to make good his partie against the Emperour who notwithstanding still strugled with him but in the end by this meanes the Pope preuayled But these were not all the effects this voyage wrought the Christians who went out to seeke an enemy in Asia brought one thence to the danger of all Christendome the losse of the fairest part thereof For this long keeping it in a warre that had many intermissions with fits of heates and coldnesses as made by a league consisting of seuerall nations emulous and vnconcurrent in their courses taught such as were of an entire bodie their weakenesses the way to conquer them This was the great effect this voyage wrought And by this meanes king William here was now rid of an elder brother and a Competitor had the possession of Normandy during his raigne and a more absolutenesse and irregularity in England Where now in making vp this great summe to pay Robert he vsed all the extreme meanes could be deuised as he had done in all like businesses before Whereby he incurred the hatred of his people in generall and especially of the Clergie being the first king which shewed his successors an euill precedent of keeping their Liuings vacant and receiuing the profits of them himselfe as he did that of Canterbury foure yeares after the death of Lanfranc and had holden it longer but that being dangerously sicke at Glocester the sixth yeare of his raigne his Clergie in the weaknesse of his body tooke to worke vpon his minde so as he vowed vpon his recouerie to see it furnished which he did but with so great ado as shewed that hauing escaped the danger he would willingly haue deceiued the Saint And Anselme an Italian borne though bred in Normandy is in the end preferred to that Sea But what with his owne stiffenesse and the kings standing on his regalitie he neuer enioyed it quietly vnder him For betweene them two began the first cōtestation about the inuestitures of Bishops and other priuiledges of the Church which gaue much to do to many of his successors Anselme not yeelding to the Kings will forsooke the Land whereupon his Byshopricke was re-assumed and the King held in his hands at one time besides that of Canterburie the Byshopricks of Winchester Sarum and eleuen Abayes whereof he tooke all the profits He vsually sold all sprituall preferments to those would giue most and tooke fines of Priests for fornication he vexed
she had from a blessed mother and with much a do was wonne from her cloyster and her vow to God to discend to the world and be a wife to a King Thus stood he intrenched in the State of England when his brother Robert returning from the holy warres and receiued with great applause into his Duchie of Normandy shakes the ground of all this businesse the first yeare threatning the second ariuing with a strong Army at Portsmouth to recouer the Crowne appertayning to him by the course of right hauing a mighty partie in England of the Norman Nobilitie who either moued with conscience or their discontent a sickenesse rising of selfe opiniō ouer-expectatiō made any light occasion the motiue of reuolt The Armyes on both sides meete and are readie to incounter when for auoyding Christian bloud a treatie of peace was moued and in the end concluded with these articles that seing Henry was borne since his father was King of England which made him the eldest sonne of a King though the last of a Duke and now inuested in the Crowne by the act of the kingdom he should inioy the same during his life paying to Robert 3000. markes per annum and Robert suruiuing to succeed him that all who had taken part with Robert should haue their pardon and receiue no detriment This businesse thus fairely passed ouer Robert of a generous and free nature staies and feasts with his brother here in England from the beginning of August till Michelmas and then returnes into Normandie When Henry rid of this feare takes to a higher strayne of regalitie and now standes vpon his Prerogatiue for the inuestitures of Byshops and collation of other Ecclesiasticall estates within his kingdome oppugned by Anselme who refused to consecrate such as he preferred alledging it to be a violation of the sacred rites and Ceremonies of the Church lately decreed concerning this businesse in so much as the King dispatches an Embassage to Pope Paschal with declaration of the right he had to such inuestitures from his predecessors the Kings of England who euermore conferred the same without interruption till now of late Anselme followes after these Ambassadours goes likewise to Rome to make good the opposition The King banishes him the kingdom and takes into his hands the Byshopricke The Pope standes stifly to the power assumed by the Church but in the end seeing the King fast strong and lay too far off out of his way to be constrayned and hauing much to do at that time with the Emperour and other Princes about the same businesse takes the way of perswasion to draw him to his will soliciting him with kinde letters full of protestations to further any designes of his that might concerne his state if he would desist from this proceeding The King prest with some other occasions that held him in and hauing purposes of that nature as by forbearance of the Church might be the better effected consents to satisfie the Popes will and becomes an example to other Princes of yeelding in this case Anselme is re-called after a yeares banishment and the Ambassadors returne with large remunerations Whilst these things were managing at Rome there burst out here a flame which consumed the parties that raised it and brought the king more easily to his ends then otherwise he could euer haue expected Robert de Belesme Earle of Shrewsbury sonne to Roger de Mongomery a fierce youth presuming of his great estate and his friends fortifies his Castles of Shrewsbury Bridgenorth Tickhill and Arundell with some other peeces in Wales belonging to him and combines with the Welch to oppose against the present State out of a desire to set all in combustion for his owne ends that were vncertaine which put the king to much trauaile and charge but within 30. dayes by imploying great forces and terrors mixt with promises he scattered his complices and tooke all his Castles except that of Arundell which rendred vpon condition that the Maister might be permitted to retire safe into Normandy which the king easily granted seeing now he was but the body of a silly naked creature that had lost both feathers and wings And it made well for the king his going thither For from the loosing of his owne estate in England and thereby aduancing the kings reuenues he goes to loose Normandy also and bring it to this Crowne For as soone as he came thither he fastens amitie with one of like condition and fortune as himselfe an exiled man whose insolencie had likewise stript him out of all his estate in England and much wasted that in Normandie which was William Earle of Mortaigne sonne to Robert halfe brother to King William I. Who being also Earle of Cornewall made sute likewise to haue that of Kent Which his vnkle Odon lately held but being denyed it and also euicted by law of certayne other parcels of Land which he claymed retires with great indignation into Normandie where not onely he assaults the Kings Castles but also vsurps vpon the State of Richard the young Earle of Chester then the Kings warde These two Earles combine themselues and with their adherents committed many outragious actions to the great spoyle and displeasure of the Country whereof though they complayned to Duke Robert they found litle remedie For he being now grown poore by his out-lauishing humor began it seemes to be little respected or els falne from action those greatnesses his expectation had shewed him was as commonly great mindes dasht with ill fortunes are falne likewise in spirit and giuen ouer to his ease Whereupon the people of Normandie make their exclamations to the King of England who sendes for his brother Robert reprehendes him for the sufferance of these disorders aduises him to act the parte of a Prince and not a Monke and in conclusion whether by detention of his pension or drawing him being of a facile nature to some act of releasing it sendes him home so much discontented as he ioynes with these mutinous Earles and by their instigation was set into that flame as he raysed all his vtmost forces to be reuenged on his brother The King touched in conscience with the fowlenesse of a fraternall war which the world would take he being the mightier to proceed out of his designes stood doubtfull what do when Pope Pasehall by his letters written with that eloquēce saith Malmesbury wherein he was quicke perswaded him that herein he should not make a ciuill warre but do a noble and memorable benefit to his Country Whereby payde for remitting the inuestitures he held himselfe countenanced in this businesse Whereon now he sets with more alacritie and resolution And after many difficulties and losse of diuers worthy men in a mightie battayle nere the Castle of Tenerchbray his enemies with much a do were all defeited Whereby England wonne Normandie and on the same day by computation wherein 40. yeares before Normandie ouer-came England such are the turnings in affaires of men
And here Robert who stood in a fayre possibility of two Crownes came to be depriued of his Duchy and all he had brought prisoner into England and committed to the Castle of Cardiffe Where to adde to his miserie he had the misfortune of a long life suruiuing after he lost himselfe 26. yeares whereof the most parte he saw not hauing his eyes put out whereby he was onely left to his thoughts a punishment barbarously inflicted on him for attempting an escape He was a Prince that gaue out to the world very few notes of his ill but many of his noblenesse and valour especially in his great voyage where he had the second command and was in election to haue bene the first preferred to the Crowne of Ierusalem and missed it hardly Onely the disobedience in his youth shewed to his father which yet might proceed from a rough hand borne ouer him and the animation of others rather then his owne nature set a stayne vpon him and then his profusion which some would haue liberalitie shewed his impotencie and put him into those courses that ouerthrew him All the reuenues of his Duchie which should serue for his maintenance he sold or ingaged and was vpon passing the Cittie of Roan to the Citizens Which made him held vnfit for the gouernment and gaue occasion to his brother to quarrell with him And thus came Henry freed from this feare and absolute Duke of Normandie had many yeares of quiet gathered great treasure and intertayned good intelligence with the neighbour Princes Scotland by his Match and doing their Princes good he held from doing him hurte clearing them from vsurpations Wales though vnder his title yet not subiection gaue him some exercise of action which he ordred with great wisedome First he planted with in the bodie of that Country a Colonie of Flemings who at that time much pestred this kingdome being admitted here in the raigne of King William 1. marrying their Country woman and vsing their helpe in the action of England where they daylie increased in such sorte as gaue great displeasure to the people But by this meanes both that greuance was eased and the vse of them made profitable to the State for being so great a number and a strong people they made roome for themselues held it in that sorte as they kept the Welsh all about them in very good awe Besides the King tooke for Ostages the chiefe mens sonnes of the Country and hereby quieted it For France he stood secure so long as Phillip 1. liued who wholy giuen ouer to his ease and luxurie was not for other attempts out of that course but his sonne he was to looke vnto whensoeuer he came to that Crowne With the Earle of Flanders he had some debate but it was onely in words and vpon this occasion King William the first in retribution of the good his father in law Bald●●in 5. had done by aiding him in the action of England gaue him yearely 300 markes and likewise continued it to his sonne after him Now Robert Earle of Flanders of a collaterall line returning emptie from the holy warres and finding this summe paid out of England to his predecessors demaundes the same of king Henry as his due who not easie to part with money sends him word that it was not the custome of the kings of England to pay tribute If they gaue pensions they were temporanie and according to desert Which answer so much displeased the Earle that though himselfe liued not to show his hatred yet his sonne did and aided afterward William the sonne of Robert Curtoys in his attempts for recouerie of the Duchie of Normandy against king Henry Thus stood this king in the first part of his raigne in the other he had more to do abroad then at home where he had by his excellent wisedome so setled the gouernment as it held a steady course without in interruption all his time But now Lewis le Gros succeeding his father Philip the first gaue him warning to looke to his State of Normandy and for that he would not attend a quarrell he makes one taking occasion about the Cittie of Gisors scituate on the riuer Epre in the confines of Normandy whilst Louys was trauailed with a stubborne Nobility presuming vpon their Franchises within their owne Signories whereof there were many at that time about Paris as the Contes of Crecy Pissaux Dammartin Champagne and others who by example and emulation would bee absolute Lords without awe of a maister putting themselues vnder the protection of Henry who beeing neere to assist them fostred those humors which in sicke bodies most shew themselues But after Louys by yeares gathering strength dissolued that compact and made his meanes the more by their confiscations Now to entertaine these two great Princes in worke the quarrell betweene the Pope and the Emperour ministred fresh occasion The Emperour Henry 5. hauing by the Popes instigation banded against his father Henry 4. who associated him in the Empire and held him prisoner in that distresse as he died toucht afterward with remorse of this act and reproach of the State for abandoning the rights of the Empire leuies sixtie thousand foote and thirtie thousand horse for Italy constraines the Pope his Colledge to acknowledge the rights of the Empire in that forme as Leo 4. had done to Otho 2. and before that Adrian to Charlemaigne according to the decree of the Councell of Rome and made him take his Oath of fidelitie betweene his hands as to the true and lawfull Emperour The Pope so soone as Henry was departed home assembles a Councell nullifies this acknowledgment as done by force and shortly after deceased The Emperour to make himselfe the stronger against his successor enters into aliance with the King of England takes to wife his daughter Maud being but fiue yeares of age After this Calixte sonne of the Conte de Borgogne comming to bee Pope and beeing French to their great applause assembles a Councell at Reimes where by Ecclesiasticall sentence Henry 5. is declared enemy of the Church and degraded of his Imperiall dignitie The King of England seeing this Councell was held in France composed chiefly of the Galicane Church desirous to ouer-maister Louys incenses his sonne in law the Emperour stung with this disgrace to set vpon him as the Popes chiefe piller on one side and hee would assaile him on the other The Emperour easily wrought to such a businesse prepares all his best forces the King of England doth the like The King of France seeing this storme comming so impetuously vpon him wrought so with the Princes of Germany as they weighing the future mischife of a warre vndertaken in a heare with the importance of a kinde neighbourhood aduise the Emperour not to enter there into till hee had signified to the King of France the causes of his discontent Where upon an Embassage is dispatched the King of France answeres that hee grieued much to
in their former estates otherwise by the law of Nations being dissaised they shall not hold their Plea After much debate the Kings cause was vpon a motion put off till the next day to the end the Arch-bishop of Roan an especiall instrument for the King might bee there who deliuering his opinion said That if the Bishops could rightly proue by the Canons they ought to haue Castles they should hold them but if they could not it proceeded of great improbitie to striue to do otherwise And be it said he their right to haue them yet in a suspected time according to the manner of other Nations all great men ought to deliuer the keyes of their Fortresses to bee at the Kings pleasure who is to fight for the peace of all But it is not their right by the decree of the Canons to haue Castles and if by the Princes indulgence it be tollerated yet in a time of necessitie they ought to deliuer the keyes The Lawyer Alberic addes That it was signified to the King how the Bishops threatned and had furnished some to goe to Rome against him But said he the King would haue you know that none of you presume to do it for if any goe out of England contrary to his will and the dignitie of the kingdome it will be hard returning In conclusion the Councell brake vp nothing was done The Bishops durst not excommunicate the King without the Popes priuitie and besides they saw the swords to busie about them yet failed not the Legat and the Archbishop to prosecute their parts and from authority fell to prayer and at the Kings feete in his chamber besought him that hee would pitty the Church pitty his owne soule and his fame not to fuffer dissention to bee betweene the kingdome and the Priest-hood The king returned them faire wordes but held what hee had gotten Shortly after through griefe dyed the Bishop of Salisbury and according to the fate of ouer-eminent and greedy Officers vnpittied He was a man in his latter time noted of much corruption and vnsatiable desire of hauing For whom the present King in the beginning of his reigne had done very much making one of his Nephewes Chancellor the other Treasurer and vpon his sute gaue to himselfe the Borough of Malmesbury insomuch as the King would say to his familiars about him If this man will begge thus still I will giue hm halfe the Kingdome but I will please him and first shall he be weary of crauing ere 1 of granting And sure the King had great reason to suspect his adhering to Maud whose part he began to fauour onely out of the hatred he bare to Winchester who yet was content to forsake his owne brother in regard by his ingagement hee was preferred to the Crowne rather then to loose his good will and the rest of the Clergie But yet this breaking of the King into the Church which had made him vtterly dissolued him For presently here upon all his power fell asunder the Empresse found now a way open to let her in and the Earle of Glocefter presuming of a sure side conducted her into England onely with 150. men puts her into the Castle of Arundell and himselfe attended but with 12. horse passed away cleere through all the country to Bristow and from thence to Glocester where he had leasure without opposition to rayse all the country to take part with the Empresse who from Arundell castle was afterward by the Legate himselfe and the Kings permission conueyed to Bristow receiued with all obedience grew daily in strength as shee went and came at length to her brother who had taken in Hereford made himselfe strong with the Welsh and setled those parts to gather vp more of the kingdome by shewing herselfe and her power in diuers places Stephan hauing no part cleere by reason the Castles vpon which hee spent both his time and meanes lay so thicke blockes in his way as he could not make that speed to stoppe this streame as otherwise he would holding it not safe to go forward and leaue dangers bebehinde that might ouer-take him And first he layes siege to the Castle of Wallingford which Brian sonne to the Earle of Glocester held against him then to the Castle of Bristow and other places working much but effecting little which seeing to get time and stagger the swift proceeding of this new receiued Princesse hee causes a treatie of peace to be propounded at Bath where the Legat who likewise earnestly solicited the same with the Arch-bishop of Canterbury were appoynted Commissioners for the King and the Earle of Glocester for the Empresse but nothing was effected both returne to make good their sides The Empresse seckes to recouer more the King what he had lost And least the North parts might fall from him and the King of Scots come on he repaires thitherward and finding the Castle of Lincolne possest by Ralfe Earle of Chester who had married a daughter of the Earle of Glocester and holding it not safe to be in the hands of such a maister in such a time seekes to take it in by force The Earle of Chester who held Newtrall attempting nothing against the King tooke it ill and stood vpon his defence but being ouer-layd by power conueyes himselfe out of the Castle leaues his brother wife within to defend it and procures ayde of his father in law the Earle of Glocester to succour him The Earle takes in hand this businesse sets out of Glocester with an Army of Welshmen and others attended with Hugh Bigod and Robert de Morley ioynes with the Earle of Chester marches to Lincolne where in the battaile King Stephan was taken carried prisoner to Glocester presented to the Empresse and by her sent to be kept in the Castle of Bristow but in all honourable fashion till his attempts to escape layd fetters on him Hereupon the Empresse as at the top of her fortune labours the Legat to bee admitted to the kingdome as the daughter of the late King to whom the Realme had taken an oath to accept for soueraigne in the succession and wrought so as a Parle was appoynted for this purpose on the Plaine neere to winchester where in ablustring sad day like the fate of the businesse they met and the Empresse swore and made affidation to the Legar that all the great businesses especially the donation of Bishoprickes and Abbyes should bee at his disposing if he with the Church would receiue her as Queene of England and hold perpetuall fidelitie vnto her The same oath and affidation tooke likewise her brother Robert Earle of Glocester Brian his sonne Marquisse of Wallingford Miles of Glocester after Earle of Hareford with many others for her Nor did the Bishop sticke to accept her as Queene though she neuer came to be so and with some few other made like wife affidatiō for his part that so long as she infringed not her couenant he would also hold his
surnamed Atheling to say the noble Edgar either by reason of his youth which yet was no barre to his right or being borne and bred a stranger little knowing or knowne to the kingdome had his claime neglected vpon the death of this pious king ANd Harald sonne to the Earle Godwin the next day after was preferredto the Crowne whether by any title he might pretend from the Danicque kings as discended from that nation and as some report sonne to Githa sister to Swayne or by meere election of the greater part of the Nobilitie we cannot say but it seemes the pressing necessitie of the time that required a more man to vndergo the burthen of warre and that trouble the world was like to fall into by reason of the claimes now made both by the Dane and Norman cast it suddenly vpon him as the most eminent man of the kingdome both by the experience of his owne deseruings and the strength of his alliance Neither did he faile but in fortune to make good this election taking all the best courses both for the well-ordering of the State and all prouisions for defence that a politicke and actiue Prince could do But being to deale in a broken world where the affections of men were all disioynted or dasht with the terror of an approching mischiefe failing as vsually is seene in these publicke feares both in their diligence and courage to withstand it soonefound more then enough to do And the first man which began to disturbe his new gouernment was his owne yonger brother Toustayne who in the time of the late king Edward hauing the gouernment of Northumberland was for his pride and immanities shewed in those parts banished the kingdome and now by reason of his former conceiued hatred against his brother easily set on by the Duke of Normandie and Baldouin Earle of Flanders whose two daughters the Duke and he had maried assailes first the Isle of Wight and after sets vpon the coast of Kent whence he was chased by the power of Harald and forced to withdraw into the North parts and there seeking to land was likewise repulsed by the Earles Morchar and Edwyn whose sister Harald had maried Then craues he aide of the Scots and after of Harald surnamed Harfager king of Norwey being then taking in the Orchades and exercising piracie in those parts whom he induced with all his forces to inuade England And landing at Tinmouth discomfeiting their first incounters they marched into the heart of the kingdome without resistance Neere Stamford king Harald of England met them with a puissant armie and after long and eager fight ended the day with victory and the death of his brother Toustayne and the king of Norwey But from hence was he called with his wearied and broken forces to a more fatall businesse in the South For now William Duke of Normandie pretending a right to the Crowne of England by the testament of the late king Edward his kinsman vpon the aduantage of a busie time and the disfurnishment of those parts landed at Pemsey not farre from Hastings in Sussex neere to which place was tried by the great Assize of Gods iudgement in battell the right of power betweene the English and Norman Nation A battaile the most memorable of all other and howsoeuer miserably lost yet most nobly fought on the part of England and the many wounds of Harald there slaine with the heapes of thousands of the English shew how much was wrought to haue sau'd their country from the calamitie of forraine seruitude And yet how so great a kingdome as England then was could with one blow be subdued by so small a prouince as Normandy in such sort as it could neuer after come to make any generall head against the Conquerour might seeme strange did not the circumstances fore-noted and other concurrent causes in the next booke to be declared giue vs faire and probable reason thereof Besides the indisposition of a diseased time as it is described by such as liued neerest it may giue vs great euidence in this examination For they say the people of this kingdome were by their being secure from their former enemy the Dane and their long peace which had held in a manner from the death of king Edmond Ironside almost 50 yeares growne neglectiue of armes and generally debaushed with luxurie and idlenesse the Cleargie licentious and onely content with a tumultuary learning The Nobility giuen to gluttony venery and oppression the common sort to drunkennesse and all disorder And they say that in the last action of Harald at Stamford the brauest men perished and himselfe growing insolent vpon the victorie retaining the spoyles without distribution to his souldiers not inured to be commanded by martiall discipline made them discontent and vnruly and comming to this battell with many mercinary men and a discontented Army gaue great occasion to the lamentable losse thereof Besides the Normans had a peculiar fight with long bowes wherewith the English then altogether vnacquainted were especially ouerthrowne And yet their owne Writers report how the maine battallion of the English consisting of Bils their chiefe and antient weapon held in a body so close lockt together as no force could dissolue them till the Normans faining to fly drew them to a disordered pursuite And so they excuse the fortune of the day And thus my noble Lord haue I in the streightest course the vneuen compasse of Antiquitie could direct me got ouer the wide and intricate passage of those times that lay beyond the worke I purpose more particularly to deliuer The end of the first Booke THE SECOND BOOKE of the Historie of England The life of William 1. I Come now my noble Lord of Rochester to write of a time wherin the State of England receiued an alteration of lawes customes fashion manner of liuing language writing with new formes of fights fortifications buildings and generally an innouation in most thinges but Religion So that from this mutation which was the greatest it euer had wee are to beginne with a new accompt of an England more in dominion abroade more in State and ability at home and of more honour and name in the world then heretofore which by being thus vndone was made as if it were in her fate to get more by her losses then her better fortunes For as first the conquest of the Danes brought her to the intyrest Gouernment shee euer possest at home and made her most redoubted of all the kingdomes of the North so did this of the Norman by comming in vpon her make a way to let her out and stretch her mightie armes ouer the Seas into the goodly Prouinces of the South For before these times the English nation from their first establishment in this Land about the space of 500 yeares neuer made any sally out of the Isle vpon any other part of the world but busied at home in a deuided State held a broken gouernment with the Danes
their Lords by their obsequious seruice or agreed for by any lawfull pact they should hold by an inuiolable law during their owne liues The next great worke after the ordering his lawes was the raising and disposing of his reuenues taking a course to make and know the vtmost of his estate by a generall suruey of the kingdome whereof he had a president by the Dome booke of Winchester taken before by king Alfride But as one day informes another so these actions of profit grew more exact in their after practise and a larger Commission is graunted a choice of skilfuller men imployed to take the particulars both of his owne possessions and euery mans else in the kingdome the nature and the quality of their lands their estates and abilities besides the descriptions bounds and diuisions of Sheires and Hundreds and this was drawne into one booke and brought into his treasurie then newly called the Exchequer according to the soueraigne court of that name of Normandy before termed here the Talee and it was called the Dome booke Liber iudiciarius for all occasions concerning these particulars All the Forests and Chases of the kingdom he seized into his proper possession and exempted them from being vnder any other law then his owne pleasure to serue as Penetralia Regum the withdrawing chambers of kings to recreate them after theirserious labours in he State where none other might presume to haue to do and where all punishments and pardons of delinquents were to be disposed by himselfe absolutely and all former customes abrogated And to make his commaund the more he increased the number of them in all parts of the Land and on the South coast dispeopled the country for aboue thirty miles space making of old inhabited possessions a new Forest inflicting most seuere punishments for hunting his Deere and thereby much aduances his reuenues An act of the greatest concussion and tyranny he committed in his raigne and which purchased him much hatred And the same course held almost euery king neere the Conquest till this heauie grieuance was allayed by the Charter of Forests granted by Henry 3. Besides these he imposed no new taxations on the State and vsed those he found very moderately as Dangelt an imposition of two shillings vpon euery hide or plough-land raised first by king Ethelred to bribe the Danes after to warre vpon them he would not haue it made an Annuall payment but onely taken vpon vrgent occasion and it was seldome gathered in his time or his successors saith Geruasius yet we find in our Annals a taxe of 6. shil vpon euery hide-land leauied presently after the generall surucy of the kingdome Escuage whether it were an imposition formerly laide though now newly named I do not find was a summe of money taken of euery Knights fee In after times especially raised for the seruice of Scotland And this also saith Geruasius was seldome leauied but on great occasion for stipends and donatiues to souldiers yet was it at first a due reserued out of such lands as were giuen by the Prince for seruice of warre according to the custome of other nations As in the Romans time we find lands were giuen in reward of seruice to the men of warre for terme of their liues as they are at this day in Turkey After they became Patrimoniall hereditarie to their children Seuerus the Emperor was the first who permitted the children of men of warre to inioy their Fiefs prouided that they followed Armes Constantine to reward his principall Captaines grāted them a perpetuity in the lands assigned them The estates which were but for life were made perpetuall in France vnder the last kings of the race of Charlemaine Those Lords who had the great Fiefs of the king sub-deuided them to other persons of whom they were to haue seruice Mulctuary profits besides such as might arise by the breach of his Forest-lawes he had few or none new vnlesse that of Murther which arose vpon this occasion In the beginning of his raigne the rankor of the English towards the new-come Normans was such as finding them single in woods or remote places they secretly murthered them and the deed doers for any the seuerest courses taken could neuer be discouered whereupon it was ordained that the Hundred wherein a Norman was found slaine and the Murtherer not taken should be condemned to pay to the king some 36 pounds some 28 pounds according to the quantity of the Hundred that the punishment being generally inflicted might perticularly deterre them and hasten the discouery of the malefactor by whom so many must otherwise be interessed For his prouisionary reuenues he continued the former custome held by his predecessors which was in this manner The kings Tenants who held their lands of the Crowne paid no money at all but onely Victuals Wheate Beifes Muttons Hay Oates c. and a iust note of the quality and quantity of euery mans ratement was taken throughout all the Sheires of the kingdome and leauied euer certaine for the maintenance of the kings house Other ordinarie in-come of ready moneys was there none but what was raised by mulcts and out of Cities and Castles where Agriculture was not vsed What the Church yeelded him was by extent of a power that neuer reached so farre before and the first hand he layd vpon that side which weighed heauily was his seizing vpon the Plate Iewels and Treasure within all the Monasteries of England pretending the rebels and their assistants conueyed their riches into these religious houses as into places priuiledged and free from seizure to defraud him thereof Besides this he made all Bishoprickes and Abbeys that held Barronies before that time free from all secular seruices contributary to his warres and his other occasions And this may be the cause why they who then onely held the Pen the Scepter that rules ouer the memory of kings haue laide such an eternall imposition vpon his name of rigour oppression and euen barbarous immanity as they haue done When the nature and necessary disposition of his affaires being as he was may aduocate and in many things much excuse his courses But this name of Conquest which euer imports violence and misery is of so harsh a sound and so odious in nature as a people subdued cannot giue a Conquerour his due how euer worthy and especially to a stranger whom onely time must naturalize and incorporate by degrees into their liking and opinion And yet therein this king was greatly aduantaged by reason of his twenty yeares gouernment which had much impaired the memory of former customes in the yonger sort and well inured the elder to the present vsances and forme of State whereby the rule was made more easie to his sonnes who though they were farre inferior to him in worth were somwhat better beloued then he and the rather for that their occasions made them somewhat to vnwrest the Soueraignty from that height whereunto he had strayned it How he
Commons as gaue all satisfaction He made diuers progresses into remote partes of the Land to see how the State was ordred And for that purpose when so euer he was in England he kept no certayne residence but solemnized the great festiuals in seuerall and far distant places of the kingdome that all might pertake of him And for that he would not wreste ny thing by an imperiall powre from the kingdome which might breede vlcers of dangerous nature he tooke a course to obtayne their free consents to serue his occasions in their generall Assemblies of the 3. estates of the Land which he first and often conuoked and which had from his time the name of Parlement according to the manner of Normandie and other States where Princes keepe within their circles to the good of their people their owne glorie and securitie of their posteritie He was a Prince that liued formally himselfe and repressed those excesses in his subiects which those times interrayned as the wearing of long hayre which though it were a gaytie of no charge like those sumptuous braueries that waste kingdomes in peace yet for the vndecencie there of he reformed it and all other dissolutenesse His great businesses and his wantes taught him frugalitie and warynesse of expence and his warres being seldome inuasiue and so not getting put him often to vse hard courses for his suppliments of treasure Towards the marriage of his daughter with the Emperour and the charge of his warre he obtayned as it might seeme at his first Parlement at Salisbury Anno. Reg. 15. three shillings vpon euery hide-land but he had no more in all his raigne except one supply for his warres afterward in France He kept Byshopricks and Abbayes voyd in his hands as that of Canterbury 5 yeares together By an act of Parlement at London Anno. Reg. 30. he had permission to punish mariage and incontinencie of Priests who for fines notwithstanding he suffred to inioy their wiues but hereby he displeased the Clergie and disappoynted that reformation Punishments which were mutilation of member he made pecuniarie And by reason of his often and long being in Normandie those prouisions for his house which were vsed to be payde in kinde were rated to certayne prices and receiued in mony by the consent of the State and to the great content of the subiect who by reason that many dwelling far off throughout all shires of England were much molested with satisfying the same otherwife He resumed the liberties of hunting in his Forests which tooke vp much faire ground of the kingdome and besides renuing former penalties made an Edict that if any man in his owne priuate woodes killed the Kings Deere should forfeit his woodes to the King But he permitted them inclosures for Parkes which vnder him seemes to haue their originall by the example of that of his at Woodstoke and after their multitude grew to be a diseaze His expences were cheifly in his warres and his many and great fortifications in Normandie His buildings were the Abbay of Reading the Mannour of Woodstoke and the great inclosure about that Parke The most eminent men of his Councell were Roger Byshop of Sarum and the Earle of Mellent both men of great experience in the affaires of the world Roger was euer as Viceroy had the whole management of the kingdome in his absence which was sometimes three and foure yeares together He had managed the Kings monyes and other affayres of his house when he was a poore Prince and a priuat man whereby he gayned an especiall trust with him euer after and discharged his part with great policie and vnderstanding had the title of Iusticiarius totius Anglia Of whose magnificence and spacious mynde we haue more memorials left in notes of stone then of any one Man Prince or other of this kingdome The ruynes yet remayning of his stately structures especially that of the Deuises in Wiltshire thewes vs the carkasse of a most Roman-like Fabricke Besides he built the Castles of Malmsburie and Shirburne two strong and sumptuous peeces new walled and repayred the Castle of Salisburie but all these he liued to see rent from him and seased into the next Kings handes as being thinges donne out his parte and ly now deformed heapes of rubble But the goodly Church of Salisburie a worke appertayning to his function remaynes as of another fate Robert Earle of Mellent was the sonne of Roger Beaumont who of all the great men which followed William I. in his ciuill warres of Normandie refused to attend him in his expedition for England though with large promises inuited thereunto saying The inheritance left him by his predecessors was sufficient to maintaine his estate at home and hee desired not to thrust himselfe into other mens possessions abroad But his sonne Robert was of another mind and had a mighty estate both in England and Normandy Was a man of great direction in Councell and euer vsed in all the waighty affaires of the State His parsimony both in apparell and diet was of such example being a man of eminent note as did much good to the kingdome in those dayes But in the end he fell into disgrace the fate of Court and eminency opposed against the king and died bereft of his estate Besides these this king was serued with a potent and martiall Nobility whom his spirit led to affect those great designes of his in France for the preseruation of his state in Normandy Whither in the 32 yeare of his raigne he makes his last voyage to dye there and in his passage thithe happened an exceeding great Ecclips of the Sunne which was taken to fore-signifie his death for that it followed shortly after in the thirty fiue yeare of his reigne Hee was of a gracefull personage quicke-eyed browne haire a different complexion from his brothers and of a close compacted temperament wherein dwelt a minde of a more solid constitution with better ordered affections Hee had in his youth some taste of learning but onely as if to set his stomake not to ouer-charge it therewith But this put many of his subiects into the fashion of the Booke and diuers learned men flourished in his time King Stephen THE Line Masculine of the Norman extinct and onely a daughter left and she married to a French-man Stephen Earle of Bologne and Mortagne son of Stephen Earle of Blois and of Adela daughter to William I. was notwithstanding the former oath taken for Maud elected by the State and inuested in the Crowne of England within 30 dayes after the death of Henry Vpon what reasons of Councell we must gather out of the circumstances of the courses held in that time Some imagine the state refused Maude for not being then the custome of any other kingdome Christian whose Kings are annoynted to admit women to inherite the Crowne and therefore they might pretend to be freed from their oath as being vnlawfull But Roger
cre Harald whether of purpose to ratifie some paction closely contriued betwixt them or by casualty of weather driuen into France and so same to make it seeme a iourney of purpose to the Duke is not certainely deliuered was gallantly entertained in Normandy presented with all shewes of Armes brought to Paris and there likewise feasted in that Court. And at his returne to Rouen something was concluded either in likely-hood to deuide the Kingdome betweene them or that Harald being a coast-dweller and had the strongest hand in the State should let in the Duke and doe his best to helpe him to the Crowne vpon conditions of his owne greatnesse or whatsoeuer it was promises were made and confirmed by oathes vpon the Euangelists and all the sacred Reliques at Rouen in the presence of diuers great persons Besides for more assurance Harald was fyanced to Adeliza the Dukes daughter and his brother Wolnot left a pledge for the performance This intercourse made the trans-action of the fate of England and so much was done either by King Edward or Harald though neithers act if any such were was of power to preiudice the State or alter the course of a right succession as gaue the Duke a colour to clame the Crowne by a donation made by Testament which being against the Law and Custome of the Kingdome could be of no validity at all For the Crowne being held not as Patrimoniall but in a succession by remotion which is a succeding to anothers place it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositine and testamentary will the right discending to the next of bloud onely by the Custome and Law of the Kingdome For the Successour is not said properly to be the heire of the King but the Kingdome which makes him so and cannot be put from it by any act of his Predecessour But this was only his clayme the right was of his owne making and no otherwise For as soone as he had heard of the death of King Edward with the Election and Coronation of Harald for they came both together hee assembles the States of Normandy and acquaints them with the right hee had to England soliciting an extention of their vtmost meanes for his recouery thereof and auengement of the periur'd Vsurper Harald shewing them apparant probability of suceesse by infallible intelligence he had from the State his strong party therein with the debility and distraction of the people What glory wealth and greatnesse it would adde to their Nation the obtayning of such a Kingdome as was thus opportunely laid open for them if they apprehended the present occasion All which remonstrances notwithstanding could enduce but very few to like of this attempt and those such who had long followed him in the warres exhausted their estates and content to runne vpon any aduenture that might promise likelyhood of aduancement The rest were of diuers opinions some that it was sufficient to hold and defend their owne country without hazarding themselues to conquer others and these were men of the best ability others were content to contribute but so sparingly as would little aduance the businesse and for the most part they were so tyred with the formerwarres and so desirous to embrace the blessing of peace as they were vnwilling to vndergoe a certaine trouble for an vncertaine good And with these oppositions or faint offers the Dukes purpose at first had so little way as did much perplex him At length seeing this protraction and difficulty in generall he deales with his neerest and most trusty friends in particular being such as hee knew affected the glory of action and would aduenture their whole estates with him As William fitz Auber Conte de Bretteuile Gnalter Guifford Earle of Logueuille Roger Signor de Beaumont with others especially his owne brothers Odo Byshop of Bayeux and Robert Earle of Mortaigne these in full assemblie hee wrought to make their offers which they did in so large a proportion and especially William fitz Auber who made the first offer to furnish forty ships with men and munition the Byshop of Bayeux 40. the Byshop of Mans. 30. and so others according or beyond their abilities as the rest of the assemblie doubting if the action succeeded without their helpe the Duke aryuing to that greatnesse would beare in minde what litle minde they shewed to aduance his desires beganne to contribute more largely The Duke finding them yeilding though not in such sort as was requisite for such a worke dealt with the Byshops and great men a part so effectually as at length he gote of them seuerally that which of alltogether he could neuer haue compassed and causing each mannes contribution to be registred inkindled such an emulation amongst them as they who lately would doe nothing now stryued who should doe most And not only wan he the people of his owne Prouinces to vndertake this action but drew by his faire perswasions and large promises most of the greatest Princes and Nobles of France to aduenture their persons and much of their estates with him as Robert fitz Haruays Duke of Orleance the Earles of Bretaigne Ponthicu Bologne Poictou Mayne Neuers Hiesms Aumal Le Signors de Tours and euen his mortall enemy Martel Earle of Aniou became to be as forward as any All which he sure could neuer haue induced had not this vertues and greatnesse gayned a wide opinion and reputation amonst them Although in these aduancements and turnes of Princes there is a concurrency of dispositions and a constitution of times prepared for it yet is it strange that so many mighty men of the French nation would aduenture their liues and fortunes to adde England to Normandie to make it more then France and so great a Crowne to a Duke who was too great for them alreadie But where mutations are destyned the counsels of men must be corrupted and there will fall out all aduantages to serue that businesse The King of France who should haue strangled this disseigne in the birth was a childe and vnder the curature of Baldouin Earle of Flanders whose daughter the Duke had married and was sure to haue rather furtherance then any opposition that way Besides to amuze that Court and dazell a yong Prince he promised faithfully if he conquered this kingdome to hold it of the King as he did the Duchie of Normandie and doe him homage for the same which would adde a great glory to that Crowne Then was hee before hand with Pope Alexander to make religion giue reputation and auowment to his pretended right promising likewise to hold it of the Apostolique Sea if he preuailed in his enterprize Wherupon the Pope sent him a Banner of the Church with an Agnus of gold and one of the hayres of Saint Peter The Emperour Hen. 4 sent him a Prince of Almayne with forces but of what name or his number is not remembred so that wee see it was not Normandie alone that subdued
England but a collected power out of all France and Flanders with the aydes of other Princes And by these meanes made he good his vndertaking and within eight monethes was readie furnished with a powrefull army at Sainct Valerie in Normandie whence he transported the same into England in 896. ships as some write And this was the man and thus made to subdue England And now hauing gotten the great and difficult battaille before remembred at Hastings the fourtenth of October 1066. he marched without any opposition to London where Edwin and Morchar Earles of Northumberland and Mercland brothers of eminent dignitie and respect in the kingdome had laboured with all their power to stirre the harts of the people for the conseruation of the State and establishing Edgar Atheling the next of the Royall issue in his right of the Crowne whereunto other of the Nobilitie had likewise consented had they not seene the Byshops auerse or wauering For asthen to the Clergie any King so a Christian was all one they had their Prouince a parte deuided from secular domination and of a Prince though a stranger who had taken vp so much of the world before hand vpon credite and fame of his piety and bountie they could not but presume well for their estate and so were content to giue way to the present Fortune The Nobilitie considering they were so borne and must haue a King not to take him that was of power to make himselfe would shew more of passion then prouidence and to be now behinde hand to receiue with more then submission was as if to withstand which with the distrust of each others faith made them stryue and runne headlong who should be first to pre-occupate the grace of seruitude and intrude them into forrayne subiection The Commons like a strong vessell that might haue beene for good vse was heereby left without a sterne and could not moue but irregularly So that all estates in generall either corrupted with new hopes or transported with feare forsooke themselues and their distressed Countrie Vpon his approach to London the gates were all set open the Archbyshope of Canterburie Stigand with other Byshops the Nobilitie Magistrates and people rendring themselues in all obedience vnto him and he returning plausible protestations of his future gouernment was on Christmas day then next following crowned King of England at Westminister by Aldred Arch-byshop of Yorke for that Stigand was not held canonically inuested in his Sea and yet thought to haue beene a forward mouer of this alteration Heere according to the accustomed forme at his Coronation the Byshops and Barons of the Realme tooke their oath to be his true and loyall subiects and he reciprocally being required thereunto by the Arch-byshope of Yorke made his personall oth before the Altar of Saint Peter to defend the holy Churches of God and the Rectors of the same to gouerne the Vniuersall people subiect vnto him iustly to establish equall lawes and to see them ducly executed Nor did he euer clayme any power by conquest but as a regular Prince submitted himselfe to the orders of the kingdome desirous rather to haue his Testamentarie title howsoeuer weake to make good his succession rather then his sword And though the Stile of Conquerer by the flatterie of the time was after giuen him he shewed by all the course of his gouernment he assumed it not introducing none of all those alterations which followed by violence but a milde gathering vpon the disposition of the State and the occasions offered and that by way of reformation And now taking hostages for his more securitie and order for the defence and gouernment of his kingdome at the opening of the spring next he returnes into Normandie so to settle his affaires there as they might not distract him from his businesse in England that required his whole powers And to leaue here all sure behind him he commits the rule of the kingdome to his brother the Bishop of Bayeux and to his cosin Fitz Auber whom he had made Earle of Hereford taking with him all the chiefe men of England who were likest to be heads to a reuolt As Edger Atheling the Arch-bishop Stigand lately discontented Edwyn and Morchar with many other Bishops and Noble men Besides to vnburthen his charge and dis-impester his Court he tooke backe with him all the French aduenturers and such as were vnnecessary men rewarding them as farre as his treasure would extend and the rest he made vp in faire promises In his absence which was all that whole sommer nothing was here attempted against him but onely that Edric surnamed the Forrester in the County of Hereford called in the kings of the Welsh to his aide and forraged only the remote borders of that country The rest of the kingdome stood quiet expecting what would become of that new world wherein as yet they found no great alteration their lawes and liberties remaining the same they were before and might hope by this accession of a new Prouince the state of England would be but inlarged in dominion abroad and not impaired in profit at home by reason the nation was but small and of a plentifull and not ouer-peopled country likely to impester them Hauing disposed his affaires of Normandy he returnes towards winter into England where he was to satisfie three sorts of men first such aduenturers with whom he had not yet cleered Secondly those of his owne people whose merits or neernesse looked for recompence whereof the number beeing so great many must haue their expectations fed if not satisfied Thirdly the people of this kingdome by whom he must now subsist for being not able with his owne nation so to impeople the same as to hold and defend it if he should proceed to an extirpation of the naturall inhabitants he was likewise to giue them satisfaction Wherein he had more to do then in his battell at Hastings seeing all remunerations with supplies of money must be raised out of the stocke of the kingdome which could not but be irkesome to the State in generall and all preferments and dignities conferd on his to be either by vacancies or displacing others which must needs breed very feeling grieuances in perticular And yet we finde no great men thrust out of their roomes but such as put themselues out by reuolting after his establishment and their fealtie giuen So that it seemes he contented himselfe and his for the time onely with what he found here ready and with filling vp their places who were slaine in the battell or fled as many were with the sonnes of Harald out of the kingdome Such Gentlemen as he could not presently preferre and had a purpose to aduance he dispersed abroad into Abbeys there to liue till places fell out for them and 24 he sent to the Abby of Eley whereby he not onely lessened the multitude of attendants and suitors at Court eased that eye-sore of strangers but also had them a watch ouer the