their Ensample others shuld the more perseverantly enforce themselves to use their Tyme in honourable Wirkes and vertuose Dedes to purchase and get the Renoume of auncient Noblesse not onely for themselves but also for ther Lynge and Posteritie of theym descended according to ther Demerits and valiaunt Actions to be taken furth and reputed among al Nobylls and Gentylls And albeyt Iohn Smythe of Walden in the Countie of Essex is descended of honest Lignage and all his Auncestors and Predecessours hath long continued in Nobylite and beryng Armes lawful and convenyent Yet nevertheless he beyng uncertayne thereof and not willyng to do any thing prejudicial to no manner of Person hath requyred and instantlie desyred me the foresaid Garter to ratifie and confirme unto him and also to Register in my Recorde the true Armes and Blazon of his seyd Auncestours And therefore I the foreseyd Garter by Vertue Power and Authorite of myne Office as Principal King of Armes granted annexed and attributed by the King our Soveraign Lord have appointed and confirmed unto the seyd Iohn Smythe thesse Armes and Crest with thappurtenances hereafter following Viz. Sables a Fece dauncye betwixt III Lyonceux Regardant Argent Langes Goules Pawsing with their lyft Pawes upon an Awlter Gold Flaming and Bourning thereon Upon the Fece IX Bellets of his Felde Upon his Crest an Eagle rysing Sables holding in his Right Cley a Pen Argent Issuing thereout Flames of Fyer Set upon a Wreath Argent and Azure Mantelles Goules Lined Argent Botoned Gold To have and to hold to the same Iohn Smythe and to his Posteryte with other due Difference therin to be revested to his Honour for ever In wytnes hereof I the â—oresevd Garter Principal King of Aâ—mes as aâ—oâ—â—seyd hath signed these Preseâ—◠〈◊〉 mine own Hand and thereunto hath 〈◊〉 the Seal of my Office and also the Seal of mine Armes â—even at London the xii day of March in the yere of our Lord God MV cXLV and in the XXXV yere of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord King Henry VIII by the Grace of God King of England France and Ireland Defendour of the Faith and in Erthe of the Church of England and Ireland Supreme Head Cb. alias Gartier Num. III. Sir Thomas Smith's Orations for and against the Queens Marriage I. Agamus or Wedspite This Oration for the Queens single Life ALTHO' I know saith he that I speak now first at a great Disadvantage as to such as have their Tongues at Wil their Wits fresh and be good Confuters as I have known them by experience in the Parliament House that whatsoever I shall say they can with Words make that it shall appear quite overthrown and dashed in pieces Yet because I my self would gladly learn whether I be in a right Opinion or no and hear either my Opinion weakned or thother strengthned with good Reasons that I may by comparing th one with thother know my Error which I could never yet do I am content to speak first I pray you that do note my Opinion so strange a while suspend your Judgments of me until you have heard al my Reasons which moveth me to take this part First I say that in this Matter either we must have respect to God to the Prince her Self or to the Commonwealth or rather to al these For as for vain Talk of the People and the common Opinion of every Man in this our Disputation I think little regard to be had to them For neither I speak in Pulpit before all Rascalls that cometh nor I do reason with such as I must needs say as they say or else hold my Peace but with them who wil look to have no further Credit to be given to their Authority and Mind than just Reason doth require And therefore to Godwards yee must needs confes that Virginity is above Matrimony which Christ himself being our Head King and Master did follow And St. Paul allowing both th one and thother Marriage I mean and the Sole Life yet preferreth the sole Life far above Matrimony And I cannot see that he maketh any Distinction or Difference whether they be Men or Women Young or Old Princes or Subjects Rulers or private Persons but as in Bondage or Freedom whether it be of Men or Women Young or Old he preferreth Liberty not excluding Bondage from the Gospel So doth he rather allow and exhort unto and wish thaâ— Men would chuse and take hold of Virginity and sole Life rather than Marriage with such Elogium as would seem slanderous iâ— it were not of his speaking The Virgin saith he and single Man have care how they should â—lease God The married Woman hath chosen infinite ways the worse Person to be pleased and the sole Woman the better Wherefore as I did say at the beginning to define what is good and most for the Queen if we shall try it by the best truest and more sure Ballance that is to Godwards St. Paul seemeth to be with me and the example of Christ himself and his most happy Mother St. Iohn Baptist and other the Heads of our Christian Religion who ensued that kind of Life as best and most acceptable to Godwards You see I do not bring you Histories of certain Emperors and Empresses Kings and Queens married who notwithstanding their Marriage yet lived continently lest perhaps you should doubt of the Truth of the History Or if the History were true yet of the Perfection and Sincerities of the Persons Or whether therin they pleased God altho it liked them best Nor yet I bring in that infinite number of Names of Virgins and Widdows which at the very Beginning of Christs Religion professed and kept Chastity as a thing whereby they thought most to please God and made their choice of that as of the most godly Life Lest peradventure with the evil Example again of the Nonns Monks and Friars of our Days who likewise have as holily vowed and yet so lewdly have and do keep the same you should have occasion to derogate Faith from all the rest but sincerely and plainly and of Principles most certain I have proved that to God the best most commendable and most allowable Life of these two is to be sole and chast It is hard ve will say in that Liberty Ease and Plenty of all things which Monarchy and Princely State doth bring to keep moderation and much more to keep Chastity Mary the harder the better and as the Greek Proverb is that which is laudable is hard to attain Ye be al learned and know Hesiods Verse What is that that men may take up by Heaps and case me by And how streit and hard a Path is left to creep to Vertue Wherefore when we speak of the Goodness of a thing or compare which of the Two is better the Hardness is no Objection but rather a Proof of the Goodness thereof And because I am yet in that Part which is to God-ward Why shall I go any further
of mine must serve for the chiefest Remains of our Statesman And Sir my Pains therein I hope will be taken in good Part by you and others excusing candidly my Imperfections As particularly my Style which peradventuâ—e to some may appear more loose and neglected and not so smooth nor set off with Words as might be expected in Books appearing abroad now a days But my chief Aim is to speak Truth and to make my self understood of him that reads me Nor do I care this being secured to be too curious in my Expressions And perhaps my Converse with a Language and the Writings of an Age or two past may render my Periods more rough and unpolished But this I suppose will humanely be forgiven me Nor would I have it disgust you Sir that in the Current of the History you are sparingly entertained with some Latin Poetry or other Allegations out of Authors so long as they are Historical and directly tend to illustrate the Story and the Man I am writing of and not merely used for Flourish and Oâ—nament This Cautionâ— the rather give being aware of a Censure of this nature made by one Mr. Nicolson upon a Book lately set forth concerning the Life of Archbishop Cranner blaming the Author for crouding so much his other Learning into the Body of the History he means Citations out of the Latin Poets and other Classics which as he saith instead of entertaining his Readers answerable to his good Design was apt to amuse and distract them The Rule he drives at for an Historiographer to observe is good For a Reader cannot but be displeased to have the Subject matter he is reading frequently interrupted by moral Sentences Observations or Stories out of Authors or other Digressions But surely by the Wayhe hath wronged that Writer no man seeming to be more of Mr. Nicolson's Mind than he and less guilty of that which he lays to his Charge For I have read the Book and unless I am much mistaken there is but one Distich out of Martial and scarcely another Quotation to be met with in the whole Volume and that was concerning the great Pompey's having no Monument as that good Archbishop had none But if peradventure any other Citation be found in that Book it is directly in purâ—â—it of the History and not surely to speak so much in that Writers behalf intended as a mere Embellishment And if this be a Fault I may in this Piece be guilty of some such Blemish which I reckon in Truth none at all You may possibly Sir here and there in the Book meet with some Passages concerning Sir Thomas seeming too minute and jejune to be taken notice of and of little Moment But herein I entreat you Sir to bear with me as you would do with an Admirer of some Piece of Antiquity who is want diligently to pick up and preserve even the contemptible Stones and Fragments that he finds in the Ruines of it But besides upon a little Circumstance we know many times depend great Matters and a Hint may open a Door into some material Points of History And in a word what one Reader may run over as not worth regarding another may perceive delight or Profit therein Which were Considerations that swayed me not to reject or cast aside even the slighter Matters that may be found in this History You are Sir the properest Person to whom this Book should be Dedicated Not only in that you have so freely communicated to me divers of Sir Thomas's Papers remaining in your Custody and that you are his next Relation in a Collateral Line and to you is descended his beloved Manor of Mounthaw or Mount-hault and that eligant Fabrick of his rearing there but chiefly because you do so truly resemble his Vertues in being so useful a Magistrate a Gentleman of so sober and regular a Conversation in this loose and debauched Age and so constant an Adherer to the Religion profest in the Church of England which your Predecessor had a great hand in the Reformation of and in which he so stedfastly persevered Pardon therefore Sir this that I have done to prefix Sir EDWARD SMITH's Name to Sir Thomas SMITH's Life and this long Address I have made to you on the same Account Wishing withal my Heart the Continuance of your Worthy Name and Family for many successive Generations in the hopeful Issue God hath given you to be a Blessing to Essex and to the whole English Nation And so I desist from being further importunate and am and have great reason always to be SIR Your very Humble and Obliged Servant I. S. A TABLE OF THE CHAPTERS and CONTENTS OF THIS BOOK CHAP. I. SIR Thomas Smith's Birth Parentage and Education Born at Walden in Essex In what Year His Father The Guild at Walden John Smith his Father High Sheriff His Coat of Arms. A Favourer of Religion Sir Thomas 's Mother His Brother John His Brother George a Merchant His School Removed to the University The Distribution of the History CHAP. II. Sent to Queens College in Cambridge Chosen a Kings Scholar Reads the Greek Lecture And rectifies the Pronunciation University Orator His Applause Entred at Queen's College Becomes King Henry's Scholar together with Cheke of S. Johns What first gave Occasion to his Studies Made Fellow Reads the Greek Lecture Consults with Cheke about Greek Sounds Brings in a new way of Pronouncing Greek Reads privately in his College Smith's correct way of Sounding the Greek prevails in the University Made University Orator His Lectures flocked to CHAP. III. He Travels His Conferences with Learned Men at Orleans and Paris Takes his Degree at Padua Returns home His usefulness at the University The Controversie there arisen about his Way of Pronouncing Greek He goes abroad Confers with the Professor at Orleans and at Paris with Strazelius and a Graecian Travels to Italy Made Regius Professor of the Civil Law A general Scholar Chancellor to the Bishop of Ely Breeds up Pupils Refines the English Writing Ascham A Tract by Smith writ for that Purpose Rectifies the Pronunciation of Greek A Controversie arises in the University hereupon Cheke Greek Lecturer Clamoured against The Decree of the Chancellor Smith's Compliance His Epistle to the Chancellor upon this Argument A late Professor of Basil stands up for the old Sounds Religion promoted by Smith in the University He addresses to the Queen in behalf of Cambridge His Academical Exercises His Preferments while at Cambridge His Port. CHAP. IV. Smith removed into the Protectors Family His Preferments under King Edward Made Secretary Goes an Embassy Comes to Court Addrest to by the University Their Letter Made Master of Requests to Somerset Other Dignities conferred on him His Purchases Marries Marries again He is Slandered Suffers Imyrisonment with the Duke Made Secretary Goes Ambassador His Letter to the Protector Smith concerned in the Alteration of Religion and Redress of base Money CHAP. V.
preserve her long to Reign over her People and that his Grace and Mercy would turn all to the best In the midst of these Cares of our Ambassador the Lord Burghley wrote to him of a Matter that put him and his Collegue into a great Consternation It was concerning the Queen's falling Sick of the Small-Pox and withal of her speedy Recovery again His careful Mind for this Matter he thus exprest in his next Letter to the said Lord That he and his Fellow read the News of the Queen's Illness together in a marvellous Agony but having his Medicine ready which was that her Majesty was within an Hour recovered it did in part heal them again But that as his Lordship wrote of himself that the Care did not cease in him so he might be assured it did as little cease in them Calling to their remembrance and laying before their Eyes the Trouble the Uncertainty the Disorder the Peril and Danger that had been like to follow if at that Time God had taken her from them whom he styled The Stay of the Common-wealth the Hope of their Repose and that Lanthorn of their Light next God Not knowing whom to follow nor certainly where to light another Candle Another great Solicitude of his at this Time was as the Queen's Sickness so her Slowness to resolve and the tedious Irresolutions at Court. Of which he spake in some Passion after this sort That if the Queen did still continue in Extremities to promise in Recoveries to forget what shall we say but as the Italians do Passato il pericolo gabbato il fango He told that Lord moreover That he should perceive by their Proceedings in their Embassy what justly might be required was easie to be done But if her Majesty deceived her self and with Irresolution made all Princes understand that there was no Certainty of her or her Council but dalliance and farding off of Time she should then first Discredit her Ministers which was not much but next and by them discredit her self that is to be counted uncertain irresolute unconstant and for no Prince to trust unto but as to a Courtier who had Words at will and true Deeds none These were Expressions proceeding somewhat as may be perceived from his Spleen and partly from his present Indisposition of Body Which he seemed to be sensible of For he begged his Lordship's Pardon for what he had said rendring his Reason That he had been kept there so long that he was then in an Ague both in Body and in Spirit And that as the Humours in his Body made an Ague there of which he wisht it would make an end so that irresolution at the Court he hoped would help to conclude that he might feel no more Miseries Which he feared those that came after should feel Because we will not see said he The Time of our Visitation Thus did Smith express his Discontents into the Bosom of his trusty Friend for the Mismanagement of publick Affairs as he conceived discovering as his Zeal and Affection to the Queen and the State so the Temper of his Mind somewhat enclined to Heat and Choler This he writ from Blois on Good-Friday While Sir Thomas Smith was here Ambassador the Treaty of Marriage was in effect concluded between the Prince of Navarre and the Lady Margaret the present French King's Sister Which lookt then very well toward the Cause of Religion and both that Ambassador and his Collegues Walsingham and Killigrew liked it well One Matter in Debate and the chief was about the manner of Solemnizing the Marriage Whereupon they sent to the Queen of Navarre a true Copy of the Treaty of the Marriage between King Edward the Sixth and the late Queen of Spain the French King's Sister Wherein it was agreed that she should be Married according to the Form of the Church of England Which stood the said Queen of Navarre in such good stead that she produced it to the Queen-Mother of France To which they took Exceptions and said it was no true Copy of the Treaty Whereupon she the Queen of Navarre sent to Sir Tho. Smith who happened to be at that very Treaty By her Messenger she signified that she sent to him to know because he was a Dealer in the same whether he would not justifie it to be a true Copy To whom Sir Thomas answered That knowing the great good Will his Mistress did bear her and how much she desired the good Success of that Marriage as a thing that tended to the Advancement of Religion and Repose of this Realm he could not but in Duty avow the same and be willing to do any good Office that might advance the said Marriage CHAP. XIII Made Chancellor of the Garter Comes home Becomes Secretary of State His Advice for forwarding the Queen's Match His Astonishment upon the Paris Massacre SIR Thomas being still abroad in France the Queen conferred upon him the Chancellorship of the Order of the Garter in the Month of April as some Reward of the League that he had taken so much pains in making For which he thanked her Majesty and said it must needs be to him many times the more welcome because that without his Suit and in his Absence her Highness of her gracious goodness did remember him About Iune 1572. he came home with the Earl of Lincoln Lord Admiral who was sent over to take the Oath of the French King for the Confirmation of the Treaty Which being done by the Queen's Command he was no longer to abide in France but to return at his best Convenience It was not long from this Time that the old Lord Treasurer Marquess of Winchester died and the Lord Burghley Secretary of State succeeded in his Place Then Smith was called to the Office of Secretary viz. Iune 24. having sometime before assisted the Lord Burghley in that Station And surely it was the Opinion of his great Learning as well as his long Experience and other Deserts that preferred him For his Learning had rendred him very famous in the Court A Poet in those Times writing an Heroick Poem to the Queen therein describing all her great Officers one after another thus depainted this her Secretary Inde tibi est altis SMYTHUS à gravibúsque Secretis Doctrinae Titulis Honoris fulgidus ut qui Pierius Vates prompto facundus ore Et cui solliciti exquisita Peritia Iuris Astronomus Physicusque Theologus insuper omni Eximiè multifaria tam structus in Arte Ut fedes in eo Musae fixisse putentur Wherein of all the Queen 's Wise and Noble Counsellors Smith her Secretary is made to be the deeply Learned Man about her as being an ingenious Poet an excellent Speaker of exquisite Skill in the Civil Law in Astronomy in natural Philosophy and Physick in Divinity and in a word so richly furnished in all the Arts and Sciences that the Muses themselves might be supposed to
introducing a Slavery among that free People and very apprehensive he was of the growing Power of that Nation that so threatned their Neighbours France as well as England Especially seeing withal how tender both Realms were to send Succors to those Parts to enable them to Vindicate their own Liberty and Safety from those inhumane and insufferable Practices there prevailing In the mean time the French accused the Sluggishness of the English and the English did the like of the French The Queen had sent some Forces to Flushing But there was a Report that she upon Duke D'Alva's Motion did revoke them But that was not so but he was gently answered with a dilatory and doubtful Answer But indeed more that would have gone from England thither were stayed The English on the other hand had knowledge that the French did Tergiversari hang off and wrought but timorously and under hand with open and outward Edicts and made Excuses at Rome and Venice by the Ambassadors importing their not meddling in Flanders or excusing themselves if they had done any thing there On which Occasion Smith in a Letter to the Ambassador in France gave both Princes a Lash reflecting upon the pretended Activity and warlike Qualities of the French King yet that he should thus waver and be afraid to engage and upon the Slowness and Security of the Queen of England You have saith he a King void of Leisure and that loves Fatigue whose warlike House hath been used to the shedding as well of their own as of foreign Blood What shall we a slothful Nation and accustomed to Peace do Whose supream Governor is a Queen and she a great Lover of Peace and Quietness But to see a little more of his Service and Counsel in the Quality and Place he served under the Queen When in this Year 1572. the Earl of Desmond was in England a Prisoner but reconciled unto the Queen and had promised to do her good Service in Ireland and soon to drive out the Rebels out of the Country the Queen and Court thought he would prove an honest and faithful Subject and so resolved to dismiss him into his Country And she told Sir Thomas that she would give him at his Departure the more to oblige him a piece of Silk for his Apparel and a reward in Money Upon which Sir Thomas's Judgment was That seeing the Queen would tye the Earl to her Service with a Benefit it would be done Amplè liberaliter ac prolixè non malignè parcè i. e. Nobly liberally and largely not grudgingly and meanly Which as he added did so disgrace the Benefit that for Love many times it left a Grudge behind in the Heart of him that received it that marred the whole Benefit A Quarrel happened this Year between the Earl of Clanrichard and Sir Edward Fitton Governor of Connaught who was somewhat rigorous in his Office which had caused the Rebellion of the Earl's Son The Case came before the Deputy and Council in Ireland and at last to the Queen and her Council in England Our Secretary drew up the Loâ—ds of the Councils Order about it to be sent to the Lord Deputy and the Council there to hear and decide it between them and withal was sent the Earl's Book and Sir Edward Fitton 's Answers given into the Council in England The Earl seemed desirous to have Matters sifted to the full Trial. And then each Party might say and prove the most and worst they could But Sir Thomas thought it the best way for the Deputy to perswade them both to wrap up as he exprest it all things by-past and to be Friends as they had promised it seems to be at a Reconciliation formerly made before the Lord Deputy and to joyn faithfully for the Furtherance of the Queen's Majesty's Service and the Quietness and good Order of the Country hereafter And it was in his Judgment as he added The best way to tread all under foot that had gone heretofore with a perpetual 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and to begin a new Line without grating upon old Sores Very wise and deliberate Council to avoid all ripping up former Grievances which is not the way to heal so much as to widen the old Differences There was this Year both Massing and Conjuring in great measure in the North especially and all to create Friends to the Scotch Queen and Enemies to Queen Elizabeth The one to keep the People in the Blindness of Popery and the other to hood-wink them to believe as it were by Prophesy the speedy approaching Death of the Queen The Earl of Shrewsbury was now Lord President of the Council in the North. He employed two sharp Persons to discover these Persons and their Doings Which they did so effectually that in the Month of February many of these Conjurers and Massmongers were seized and by the said Lord Presidents Order were brought up by them that seized them to Secretary Smith good store of their Books which Sir Thomas seeing called Pretty Books and Pamphlets of Conjuring They brought also to him an Account in Writing of their Travail and pains in this behalf There was apprehended danger in these Practices For the Papists earnestly longing for the Queen's Death had cast Figures and consulted with unlawful Arts which they mixt with their Masses to learn when she should die and who should succeed and probably to cause her Death if they could This piece of Service therefore the Queen and Counsel took very thankfully at the Earl of Shrewsbury's Hands Which together with the Course that was intended to be taken with these Criminals the Secretary signified to him in a Letter to this Tenor My very good Lord the Pain that the two to whom you gave Commission viz. Pain and Peg have taken to seek out the Conjurers and Mass-mongers is very well accepted of by my Lords of the Council and they willed me to give your Lordship therefore their most hearty thanks The Queen also not without great Contentation of her Highness hath heard of your careful ordering of those matters The matters be referred touching the Massing and such Disorders to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the rest of the great Commission Ecclesiastical That which shall appear by Examination to touch the State and the Prince to be referred again to my Lords of the Council c. This was dated from Greenwich Feb. 17. 1572. But it was thought highly needful that this dangerous Nest in the North should be searched more narrowly for and the Birds taken that they might no more Exercise these evil Practices or worse hereafter The care of which was therefore committed by the Council to the Justices of those parts out of some secret Favour as it seems in some of the Privy Counsellors to Papists For those Justices were known well enough to be generally Popishly affected Therefore it was the Judgment of the Secretary that these Justices would rather Cloak than Open
were beheaded poor men were spoiled both one and th' other stain in battel or murthered at home Now this King prevailed now th' other No man sure of his Prince no man of his Goods no man of his Life A King to day to morrow a Prisoner Now hold the Sceptre and shortly after fly privily the Realm And when this fel upon the Head how sped the Body think you Those two Blades of Lyonel and Iohn of Gaunt never rested pursuing th' one th' other til the Red Rose was almost razed out and the White made al bloudy And as it were Eteocles and â—â—lyâ—ices they ceased not til they had filled their Country ful of bloudy Streams They set the Father against the Son the Brother against the Brother the Unkle flew the Nephew and was slain himself So Bloud pursued and ensued Bloud til al the Realm was brought to great Confusion It is no marvail tho' they lost France when they could not keep England And England in the latter end of K. Henry VI. was almost a very Chaos Parishes decayed Churches fel down Townes were desolate plowed Fields waxed Groves Pastures were made Woods Almost half England by Civil War slain and they which remained not sure but in Moates and Castles or lying in Routs and Heaps together When those two Roses by the Reliques and last store of the Whole were joyned in the amiable Knot of Mariage then the Strife ended and England began as it were to be inhabited again Men left Moates and Castles and builded abroad pleasant Houses And thus it hath continued from K. Henry VII hitherto Save that in this Time a few Broyls of the Stirred Sea which could not so soon be calmed by Martin Swarte Perkin Warbeck and Simond out of Ireland were somewhat renewed but they were Trifles to the rest Sith which Time not containing yet fourscore years you se how England is repeopled the Pastures clothed the Desarts inhabited the Rents of Lands encreased the Houses replenished the Woods so wasted that now we begin to complain for want of them and our Encrease is tedious to our selves which find fault with the Fruits of Peace because we know not the Cause of the Success nor the Commodities therof But as if al the World should return to the old Chaos it were the greatest mischief that Heart could invent Tongue speak Pen express or Wit indite So if this should come to our Country of England we for our parts shal feel this I speak of and as it were the particular Judgment of the Day of Doom And it standeth but on a tickle and frail Ground if God wil so plague our Country whether the Red and White Rose shal strive again together or whether the branches of the mixed Rose shal cleave asunder and strive within themselves which is neerer the Root Oh! Lord God let me not live to se that day And you my Friend do you in this Company speak of Saving of Mony to let the saving of this Trouble from the Realm of England With this he held his peace and seemed indeed very much troubled And no man said a word even a good pretty space 〈◊〉 at the last the Stammerer that I told you of whom they called after al that night Mr. Godfather stutting after this maner said this in effect By the Lord I believe you have told as good a Tale as ever I heard I am now glad I have an Excuse by my Tongue for I should not have don it so wel For both in Peace and War and al times you have proved that it is best for her Grace and most to her Comfort and Quiet to have an Husband Mary I thought long for this Last Part of the Necessity of a Prince of her Highnes Body And because you pass it over so with Silence I had thought to have put you in mind of that thing but now I wil not say more of it For I se it troubleth you as it doth us al. Now Sir you have said so much for me as I would wish and I thank you For the rest as I said I am indifferent If you have any thing to speak for an Alien who be so tender unto you and whom you do always prefer before us English Men speak on a Gods Name and let this Gentleman provide wel to aunswer you For I perceive ye wil do wel enough both III. Philoxenius or Love-alien his second Oration for the Queens Marying with a Stranger IN good Faith quoth Love-alien now I have spoken for you so long I am in a maner weary when I should speak for my self And yet this was not out of the Way for me so to do but in maner necessary For it standeth not with order of Disputation as to my remembrance Aristotle writeth that I should go about to prove Quale sit before I have proved Quod sit Therfore it had been superfluous for me to describe what maner of Husband I thought most meet for the Queens Highnes if it were not first proved by reason that it were convenient that her Majesty should have one For if her Grace be fully determined and perswaded by Mr. Agamus Spiteweds Reasons then to reason whether a Stranger or an English-man were more to be wished is clean superfluous For it is cut off by this one stroke Her Majesty wil have none Wel here among this Company for Disputation sake I wil stand so wel in my own Conceit that I take Mr Agamus his Opinion thorowly confuted And let us put the Case that is aggreed upon That best it were for her Majesty to Mary then standeth it in Consultation farther of the maner and Condition of her Husband Wherin may be made many Questions as whether a Young Man or a more elderly whether a Batchelor or a Widower an English-man or a Stranger a great Prince or a King or a mean Personage as in al such where divers be offered of sundry Qualities wherof the Choise and Election is to be taken and because both I am weary and there hath yet but one of these Questions been moved amongst us I shal speak but of that Branch only Whether an English-man or a Stranger is to be perferred Wherin because I have already declared my Opinion which Part I mind to take it resteth that I should also declare the Reasons which moved me to think as I have said and here I intend to begin The very true godly and essential Causes of Matrimony if I may use that Term be three The getting of Children without the Offence of God The natural Remedy to resist the Temptation of the Devil moving us to Fornication or Adultery And the Comfort Pleasure and Help which th' one hath of th' other in al private Affairs and in Governing the House and Family This last the Philosophers which knew not the right Law of God make the first the chief and the whole Cause For as for the Second I mean Fornication they esteemed it not And the first