at last it came to that Modell in which it was committed to the Presse As many Living Creatures do lick their young ones till they bring them to their strength of Limms In the Composâ—ng of his Books he did rather drive at a Masculine and clear Expression than at any Finenes or Affectation of Phrases And would often ask if the Meaning were expressed plainly enough As being one that aâ—counted words to be but subservient or Ministeriall to Matter And not the Principall And if his Stile were Polite it was because he could do no otherwise Neither was he given to any Light Conceits Or Descanting upon Words But did ever purposely and industriously avoyd them For he held such Things to be but Digressions or Diversions from the Scope intended And to derogate from the Weight and Dignity of the Stile He was no Plodder upon Books Though he read much And that with great Iudgement and Rejection of Impertinences incident to many Authours For he would ever interlace a Moderate Relaxation of His Minde with his Studies As Walking Or Taking the Aire abroad in his Coach or some other befitâ—ing Recreation And yet he would loose no Time In as much as upon his First and Immediate Return he would fall to Reading again And so suffer no Moment of Time to Slip from him without some present Improvement His Meales â—ere Refections of the Eare as well as of the Stomack Like the Noctes Atticae or Convivia Deipno-Sophistarum Wherein a Man might be refreshed in his Minde and understanding no lesse then in his Body And I have known some of no mean Parts that have professed to make use of their Note-Books when they have risen from his Table In which Conversations and otherwise he was no Dashing Man As some Men are But ever a Countenancer and Fosterer of another Mans Parts Neither was he one that would appropriate the Speech wholy to Himself or delight to out-vie others But leave a Liberty to the Co-Assessours to take their Turns Wherein he would draw a Man on and allure him to speak upon such a Subject as wherein he was peculiarly Skilfull and would delight to speak And for Himself he contemned no Mans Observations But would light his Torch at every Mans Candle His Opinions and Assertions were for the most part Binding And not contradicted by any Rather like Oracles then Discourses Which may be imputed either to the well weighing of his Sentence by the Skales of Truth and Reason Or else to the Reverence and Estimation wherein he was commonly had that no Man would contest with himâ— So that there was no Argumentation or Pro and Con as they term it at his Table Or if their chanced to be any it was Carried with much Submission and Moderation I have often observed And so have other Men of great Account That if he had occasion to repeat another Mans Words after him he had an use and Faculty to dresse them in better Vestments and Apparell then they had before So that the Authour should finde his own Speech much amended And yet the Substance of it still retained As if it had been Naturall to him to use good Forms As Ovid spake of his Faculty of Versifying Et quod tentabam Scribere Versus erat When his Office called him as he was of the Kings Counsell Learned to charge any Offenders either in Criminals or Capitals He was never of an Insulting or Domineering Nature over them But alwayes tender Hearted and carrying himself decently towards the Parties Though it was his Duty to charge them home But yet as one that looked upon the Example with the Eye of Severity But upon the Person with the Eye of Pitty and Compassion And in Civill Businesse as he was Counseller of Estate he had the best way of Advising Not engaging his Master in any Precipitate or grievous Courses But in Moderate and Fair Proceedings The King whom he served giving him this Testimony That he ever dealt in Businesse Suavibus Modis Which was the way that was most according to his own Heart Neither was He in his time lesse Gracious with the Subject then with his Soveraign He was ever Acceptable to the House of Commons when He was a Member thereof Being the Kings Atturney chosen to a place in Parliament He was allowed and dispensed with to sit in the House which was not permitted to other Atturneys And as he was a good Servant to his Master Being never in 19. years Service as himself averred rebuked by the King for any Thing relating to his Majesty So he was a good Master to his Servants And rewarded their long Attendance with good Places freely when they fell into his Power Which was the Cause that so many young Gentlemen of Bloud and Quality Sought to list themselves in his Retinew And if he were abused by any of them in their Places It was onely the Errour of the Goodnesse of his Nature But the Badges of their Indiscretions and Intemperances This Lord was Religious For though the World be apt to suspect and prejudge Great Wits and Politicks to have somewhat of the Atheist Yet he was conversant with God As appeareth by severall Passages throughout the whole Current of his Writings Otherwise he should have crossed his own Principles which were That a little Philosophy maketh Men apt to forget God As attributing too much to Second Causes But Depth of Philosophy bringeth a Man back to God again Now I am sure there is no Man that will deny him or account otherwise of him but to have been a deep Philosopher And not onely so But he was able to render a Reason of the Hope which was in him Which that Writing of his of the Confession of the Faith doth abundantly testifie He repaired frequently when his Health would permit him to the Service of the Church To hear Sermons To the Administration of the Sacrament of the Blessed Body and Bloud of Christ And died in the true Faith established in the Church of England This is most true He was free from Malice which as he said Himself He never bred nor fed He was no Revenger of Injuries which if he had minded he had both Opportunity and Place High enough to have done it He was no Heaver of Men out of their Places As delighting in their Ruine and Undoing He was no Defamer of any Man to his Prince One Day when a great States-Man was newly Dead That had not been his Friend The King asked him What he thought of that Lord which was gone He answered That he would never have made his Majesties Estate better But he was sure he would have kept it from being wâ—rse Which was the worst he would say of him Which I reckon not amongst his Morall but his Christian Vertues His Fame is greater and sounds louder in Forraign Parts abroad then at home in his own Nation Thereby verifying that Divine Sentence A Prophet is not without Honour save in his own
Honmê° Franciscê° Baconê° Baro de Verulam Vice-Comes S cti Albani Mortuus 9º Aprilis Anno DnÌ„i 1626. Annoque Aetat 66. Resuscitatio Or Bringing into PUBLICK LIGHT SEVERALL PIECES OF THE WORKS Civil Historical Philosophical Theological HITHERTO SLEEPING Of the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban According to the best Corrected COPPIES Together With his Lordships LIFE By WILLIAM RAWLEY Doctor in Divinity His Lordships First and Last CHAPLEINE Afterwards CHAPLEINE to His late MAIESTY LONDON Printed by Sarah Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A GENERALL TABLE OF THE TRACTATES Contained in this BOOK 1. SPeeches in Parliament Sâ—aâ—-chamber Kings Bench Chancery and other where Fol. 1 2. Observations upon a Libell published in Anno 1592. 103 3. A true Report of Doctor Lopez his Treason 151 4. An Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of England 162 5. A Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth 181 6. A brief Discourse of the Union of England and Scotland 197 6. Articles and Considerations touching the Union aforesaid 206 7. A Beginning of the History of Great Britain 221 8. A Letter and Discourse to Sir Henry Savill touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers 225 9. Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England 233 10. Certain Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland 255 11. Advice to the King touching Mr. Suttons Estate 265 12. A Proposition to the King touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Lawes of England 271 13. A Fragment of an Essay of Fame 281 14. Letters to Queen Elizabeth King James divers Lords and others 1 15. Other Letters 89 16. A Confession of the Faith 115 TO THE READER HAving been employed as an Amanuensis or dayly instrument to this Honourable Authour And acquainted with his Lordships Conceits in the composing of his Works for many yeâ—rs together Especially in his writing â—ime I conceived that no Man could pretend a better Interest or Claim to the ordering of them after his Death then myself For which cause I have compiled in one whatsoever bears the true Stamp of his Lordships excellent Genius And hath hitherto slept and been suppressed In this present Volume Not leaving any Thing to a future Hand which I found to be of moment and communicable to the Publick Save onely some few Latine Works Which by Gods Favour and sufferance shall soon after follow It is true that for some of the Pieces herein contained his Lordship did not aim at the Publication of them but at the Preservation onely And Prohibiting them from Perishing So as to have been reposed in some Private shrine or Library But now for that through the loose keeping of his Lordships Papers whilest he lived divers Surreptitious Copies have been taken which have since employed the Presse with â—undry Corrupt and Mangled Editions whereby Nothing hath been more difficult than to find the Lord Saint Alban in the Lord Saint Alban And which have presented some of them rather a Fardle of Non-sâ—nse then any true Expressions of his Lordships Happy Vein I thought my self in a sort tied to vindicate these Injuriâ—s and wrongs done to the Monuments of his Lordships Penne And at once by setting forth the true and Geâ—uine writings themselves to prevent the like Invasions for the time to come And the rather in regard of the Distance of the time since his Lordsâ—ips Dayes whereby I shall not tread too near upon the Heels of Truth Or of the Passages and Persons then concerned I was induced hereunto Which considering the Lubricity of Life And for that I account my self to be Not now in Vergentibus but in Praecipitantibus Annis I was desirous to hasten Wherein I shall crave leave to open my Counsels and Purposes as concerning this present Edition in these five Particulars First I have ranked the severall Tractates Either according to the Dignity of the Work as Demosthenes or Cicero's Orations do precede Demosthenes or Cicero's Epistles Or else according to the Series of the Times wherein they were written or to which they refer By which Means they may give the better Light the one Part to the other Secondly I thought it fitting to intimate That the Discourse within contained Entituled A Collection of the Felicities of Queen Elizabeth was written by his Lordship in Latine onely whereof though his Lordship had his particular Ends then yet in regard that I held it a Duty That her own Nation over which she so happily reigned for many years should be acquainted and possessed with the Vertues of that excellent Queen as well as Forrein Nations I was induced many years agoe to put the same into the English Tongue Not Ad Verbum For that had been â—ut Flat and Injudicious But as far as my slender Ability could reach according to the Expressions which I conceived his Lordship would have rendred it in if he had written the same in English Yet ever acknowledging that Zeuxis or Apelles Pencill could not be attained but by Zeuxis or Apelles Himself This Work in the Latine his Lordship so much affected That He had ordained by his last Will and Testament to have had it published many years since But that singular Person entrusted therewith soon after deceased And therefore it must now expect a Time to come forth amongst his Lordships other Latin Works Thirdly in the Collection of Letters which is as the Fourth Part of this Volume there are inserted some few which were written by other Pennes and not by his Lordships own Like as we find in the Epistolar Authours Cicero Plinius secundus and the rest which because I found them immixed amongst his Lordships Papers And that they are written with some similitude of Stile I was loath they should bâ— left to a Grave at that time when his Lordships own Conceptions were brought to life Fourthly for that Treatise of his Lordships Inscribed A Confession of the Faith I have ranked that in the Close of this whole Volume Thereby to demonstrate to the World That he was a Master in Divinity as well as in Philosophy or Politicks And that he was Versed no lesse in the saving Knowledge Than in the Vniversall and Adorning Knowledges For though he composed the same many years before his Death yet I thought that to be the fittest place As the most acceptable Incense unto God of the Faith wherein he resigned his Breath The Crowning of all his other Perfections and Abilities And the best Perfume of his Name to the World after his Death Lastly if it be objected that some few of the Pieces whereof this whole consisteth had visited the Publick Light before It is true that they had been obtruded to the World by unknown Hands But with such Skars and Blemishes upon their Faces That they could passe but for a Spurious and Adulterine Brood and not for his
upon the Kings that are the Vassals of Rome And over them gives it power But protecteth those Kings which have not accepted the Yoak of his Tyranny from the Effects of his Mallice The other that as I said at first this is a common Cause of Princes It involveth Kings of both Religions And therefore his Majesty did most worthily and prudently ring out the Alarum Bell to awaken all other Princes to think of it seriously and in Time But this is a miserable case the while That these Roman Souldiers do either thrust the Spear into the Side of Gods Annointed Or at least they Crown them with Thorns That is piercing and pricking Cares and Feares that they can never be quiet or secure of their Lives or States And as this Perill is common to Princes of both Religions So Princes of both Religions have been likewise equally sensible of every Injury that touch't their Temporall Thunaus reports in his Story That when the Realm of Fraunce was interdicted by the violent proceedings of Pope Iulius the 2d. the King Lewis the 12th otherwise noted for a Moderate Prince caused Coyns of Gold to be stamped with his own Image and this Superscription Perdam nomen Babylonis è terrâ And Thuanus saith Himself hath seen divers pieces thereof So as this Catholick King was so much incensed at that time in respect of the Popes Vsurpation As he did fore-run Luther in applying Babylon to Charlesâ—he â—he 5th Emperour who was accounted one of â—he Popes best Sonnes yet proceeded in matter temporall towards Pope Clement with strange Rigour Never regarding the Pontificality but kept him Prisoner 18. Moneths in a Pestilent Prison And was hâ—rdly disswaded by his Councell from having sent him Captive into Spain And made sport with the Threats of Frosberg the Germaine who wore a silk Rope under his Cassock which he would shew in all Companies Tellâ—ng them that he carried it to strangle the Pope with his own hands As for Philip the Faire Iâ— is the ordinary Example how he brought Pope Boniface the 8th to an ignominious End Dying Mad and Enraged And how he stiled hiâ— Rescript to the Popes Bull whereby he challenged his Tempoâ—all Sciat Fatuitas Vestra Not your Beatitude but your Stultitude A Stile worthy to be continued in like Cases For certainly that claim is meerly Folly and Fury As for Native Examples here it is too long a Field to enter into them Never Kings of any Nation kept the Partition wall between Temporall and Spiriâ—uall better in times of greatest Superstition I report me to King Edward I. that set up so many Crossâ—s And yet crossed that part of the Popes Iurisdiction no Man more strongly But these things have passed better Penns and Speeches Heere I end them But now to come to the particular Charge of this Man I musâ— enform your Lordships the Occasion and Nature of this Offenceâ— Theâ—e haâ—h been published lately to the Worldâ— a Work of Suâ—rez a Portugese A Professor in the Vniversity of Coimbra A Confidenâ—â— and daâ—ing Writer such an one as Tully describes in derision Nihil tam verens quam ne dubitare aliquâ de re videretur One that feares nothing but this least he should seem to doubt of any thing A Fellow that thinksâ— with his Magistrallity and Goose-quill to give Lawes and Mannages to Crowns and Scepters In this Mans writinâ— this Doctrine of Deposing and Murthering Kings seems to comâ— to a higher Elevation then heretofore And it is more artted and positived then in others For in the passages which your Lordships shall hear read anon I find three Assertions which run not in the vulgar Track But are such as wherewith Mâ—ns Eares as I suppose are not much acquainted Whereof the first is That the Pope hath a superiority over Kings as Subjects to depose them Not only for Spirituall Crimes as Heresie and Schisme But for Faults of a Tempoâ—rall Nature Forasmuch as a Tyrannicall Government tendeth ever to the Destruction of Soules So by this Position Kings of either Religion are alike comprehended and none exempted The Second that after a Sentence given by the Pope this Writer hath defined of a Series or Succession or Substitution of Hangmen or Burreo's to be suâ—e least an Executioner should fail His Assertion is That when a King is sentenced by the Pope to Deprivation or Death The Executioner who is first in place is He to whom the Pope shall commit the Authority Which mayâ— be a Forraign Prâ—nce It may be a Particular Subject It may be in generall to the first undertaker But if there be no Direction or Assignation in the Sentence speciall nor generall then de Jure it appertains to the nexâ— Successour A naturall and pious Opinion For commonly they are Sons or Brothers or near of Kin all is one So as the Successor be Apparent and also that he be a Catholique But if he be Doubtfull or that he be no Catholique then it devolves to the Commonalty of the Kingdome So as he will be sure to have it done by one Minister or other In the Third he distinguishethâ— of two kinds of Tyrants A Tyrant in Title and A Tyrant in Regiment â—he Tyrant in Regiment cannot be resisted or killed without a Sentence precedent by the Pope But a Tyrant in Title may be killed by any private Man whatsoever By which Doctrine he hath put the Judgement of Kings Titles which I will undertake are never so clean but that some vain Quarrel or Exception may be made unto them upon the Fancy of every â—rivate Man And also couples the Judgement and Execution together That he may judge him by a Blow without any other Sentence Your Lordships see what Monstrous Opinions these are And how both these Beasts the Beast with seven Heads and the Beast with Many Heads Pope and people are at once let in and set upon the sacred Persons of Kings Now to go on with the Narrative There was an Extract made of certain Sentences and Portions of this Book Being of this nature that I have set forth By a great Prelate and Councellor upon a just Occasion And there being some Hollowness and Hesitation in these Matters wherein it is a thing impious to doubt discovered and perceived in Talbot He was asked his Opinion concerning these Assertions in the Presence of his Majesty And afterward they were delivered to him That upon advise and Sedato animo he mought declare himself Whereupon under his hand he subscribes thus May it please your Honourable good Lordships Concerning this Doctrine of Suarez I do perceive by what I have read in his Book that the same doth concern Matter of Faith The Controversie growing upon Exposition of Scriptures and Councels Wherein being ignorant and not studied I cannot take upon me to judge But I do submit mine Opinion therein to the Iudgement of the Catholick Roman Church as in all other Points concerning Faith I do And for Matter concerning my Loyalty I
do acknowledge my Soveraign Liege Lord King James to be lawfull and undoubted King of all the Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland And I will bear true faith and Allegeance to his Highness during my life NOw my Lords upon these words I charge William Talbot to have committed a great Offence And such an one as if he had entred into a voluntary and malicious Publication of the like writing It would have been too great an Offence for the Capacity of this Court But because it grew from a Question askt by a Councell of â—state And so rather seemeth in a favourable Construction to proceed from a kind of Submission to answer then from any malicious or insolent Will it was fit according to the Clemency of these Times to proceed in this maner before your Lordships And yet let the Hearers take these things right For certainly if a Man be required by the Lords oâ— the Councell to deliver his Opinion whether King Iames be King or no And He deliver his Opinion that He is not This is High Treason But I do not say that these words amount to thatâ— And therefore let me open them truly to your Lordships And thereiâ— open also it may be the Eyes of the Offender Himself how far they reach My Lords a Mans Allegeance must be Independant not provisionall and conditionall Elizabeth Barton that was called the Holy Maid of Kent affirmed That if K. H. 8. Did not take Katherine of Spain again to his Wife within a twelve moneth he should be no King And this was judged Treason For though this Act be Contingent and Future yet Treason of compassing and imagining the Kings Destruction is present And in like manner if a Man should voluntarily publish or maintain That whensoever a Bull or Deprivation shall come forth against the King that from thenceforth he is no longer King This is of like Nature But with this I do not charge you neither But this is the true Latitude of your Words That if the Doctrine touching the Killing of Kings be Matter of Faith that you submit your self to the Judgement of the Catholick Roman Church So as now to do you right your Allegeance doth not depend simply upon a Sentence of the Popes Deprivation against the King But upon another point also If these Doctrines be already or shall be declared to be Matter of Faith But my Lords there is little won in this There may be some Difference to the guiltinesse of the Party But there is little to the Danger of the King For the same Pope of Rome may with the same breath declare boâ—h So as still upon the matter the King is made but Tennant at will of his Life and Kingdomes And the Allegiance of his Subjects is pinn'd upon the Popes Act. And Certainly it is Time to stop the Current of this Opinion of Acknowledgement of the Popes power in Temporalibus Or elâ—e it will supplant the Seat of Kings And let it not be mistaken that Mr. Talbots Offence should be no more then the Refusing the Oath of Allegiance For it is one thing to be silent and another thing to affiâ—m As for the Point of Matter of Faith or not of Faith To tell your Lordships plain it would astonish a Man to see the Gulf of this implyed â—eliefe Is nothing excepted from it If a Man should ask Mr. Talbot whether he do condemn Murther or Adultery or Rape or the Doctrine of Mahomet or of Arius in stead of Zuarius Must the Answer be with this exception that if the Question concern matter of Faith as no question it doth for the Moral Law is matter of Faith That therein he wil submit himself to what the Church shall determine And no doubt the Murther of Princes is more then Simple Murther But to conclude Talbot I will do you this Right and I will noâ— be reserved in this but to declare that that is true That you came afterwards to a better mind Wherein if you had been constant the King out of his great goodnesse was resolved not to have proceeded with you in Course of Justice But then again you Started aside like a Broken Bow So that by your Variety and Vacillation you lost the acceptable time of the first Grace which was Not to have convented you Nay I will go farther with you Your last Submission I conceive to be Satisfactory and Compleat But then it was too late The Kings Honour was upon it It was published and the Day appointed for Hearing Yet what preparation that may be to the Second Grace of Pardon that I know not But I know my Lords out of their accustomed favour will admit you not only to your Defence concerning that that hath been Charged But to extenuate your Fault by any Submission that now God shall put into your mind to make The Charge given by Sr. Francis Bacon his Majesties Atturney Generall against Mr. I.S. for Scandalizing and Traducing in the publick Sessions Letters sent from the Lords of the Councell touching the Benevolence MY Lords I shall inform you ore tenus against this Gentleman Mr. I. S. A Gentleman as it seems of an ancient House and Name But for the present I can think of him by no other Name then the Name of a great Offender The Nature and Qualityâ— of his Offence in sum is this This Gentleman hath upon advice not suddenly by his Pen Nor by the Slip of his Tongue Not privatly or in a Corner but publickly As it were to the face of the Kings Ministers and Iustices Slandered and Traduced The King our Soveraign The Law of the Land The Parliament And infinite Particulars of his Majesties worthy and loving Subjects Nay the Slander is of that Nature that it may seem to interest the People in Grief and Discontent against the State whence mought have ensued Matter of Murmur and Sedition So that it is not a Simple Slander but a Seditious Slander like to that the Poet speaketh of Calamosque armare Veneno A Venemous Dart that hath both Iron and Poysonâ— To open to your Lordships the true State of this Offence I will set before you First the Occasion whereupon Mr. I. S. wrought Thâ—n the Offence it self in his own words And lastly the Points of his Charge My Lords you may remember that there was the last Parliament an Expectation to have had the King supplied with Treasure although the Event failed Herein it is not fit for me to give opinion of an House of Parliament But I will give testimony of Truth in all places I served in the Lower House and I observed somewhat This I do affirm That I never could perceive but that there was in that House a generall Disposition to give And to give largely The Clocks in the House perchance might differ Some went too fast some went too slow But the Disposition to give was generall So that I think I may truly say Solo tempore lapsus Amor. This Accident happening
as Men misled are to be pittied For the First if a Man doth visit the foul and polluted Opinions Customesâ— or Practices of Heathenism Mahometism and Heresie he shall find they do not attain to this Height Take the Examples of damnable Memory amongst the Heathen The Proscriptions in Rome of Sylla And afterwards of the Triumvirs what were they They were but of a finite Number of Persons and those not many that were exposed unto any Mans Sword But what is that to the proscribing of a King and all that shall take his Part And what was the Reward of a Souldier that amongst them killed one of the proscribed A small piece of Money But what is now the reward of one that shall kill a King The Kingdom of Heaven The Custome among the Heathen that was most scandalized was that sometimes the Priest sacrificed Men But yet you sâ—all not read of any Priesthood that sacrificed Kings The Mahometâ—ns make it a part of their Religion to propagate their Sect by the Sword But yet still by Honourable Wars never by Villanies and secret Murthers Nâ—y I find that the Saracen Prinâ—e of whom the Name of the â—ssassins is derived which had divers Votaâ—ies at Commandement which he sent and imployed to the Killing of divers Princes in the East By one of whom Amurath the First was slain And Edward the First of England was wounâ—ed was put down and rooted out by common Consentâ— of the Mahometan Princes The Anabaptists it is true come nearest For they professe the pulling down of Magistrates And they can chaunt the Psalm To bind their Kings in Chaines and their Nobles in fetters of Iron This is the Glory of the Saints mâ—ch like the Temporall Authority that the Pope Challengeth over Princes But this is the difference That that is a Furious and Fanaticall Fury And this is a sad and solemn Mischief He imagineth Mischief as a Law A Law-like Mischief As for the Defence which they do make it doth aggravate the sin And turneth it from a Cruelty towards Man to a Blaâ—phemy towards God For to say that all this is in ordine ad spirituale And to a good End And for the salvation of Soules It is directly to make God Author of Evill And to draw him into the likenesse of the Prince of Darknesse And to say with thoseâ— that Saint Paul speaketh of Let us do Evill that good may come thereof Of whom the Apostle saith dâ—finitively That their damnatioâ— is Iust. For the Destroying of Government universally it is most evident That it is not the Case of Protestant Princes onely But of Catholick Princes likewise As the King hath excellently set forth Nay it is not the Case of Princes onely but of all Subjects and private Persons For touching Princes let History be perused what hath been the Causes of Excommunication And namely this Tumour of it the Deposing of Kings It hath not been for Heresie and Schism alone but for Collation and Investitures of Bishopricks and Benefiâ—es Intruding upon Ecclesiasticall Possessions violating of any Ecclesiasticall Person or Liberty Nay generally they maintain it that it may be for any sin So that the Difference wherein their Doctors vary That some hold That the Pope hath his Temporall power immediatly And others but in ordine ad spiritude is but a Delusion and an Abuse For all commeth to one What is there that may not be made spirituall by Consequence specially when He that giveth the Sentence may make the Case And accordingly hath the miserable Experience followed For this Murthering of Kings hath been put in practise as well against Papist Kings as Protestants Save that it hath pleased God so to guide it by his admirable providence As the Attempts upon Papist Princes have been executed And the Attempts upon Protestant Princes have failed Except that of the Prince Aurange And not that neither untill such time as he had joyned too fast with the Duke of Anjou and the Papists The rest is wanting The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Atturney Generall against M. L. S. W. and H. I. for Scandall and Traducing of the Kings Justice in the proceedings against Weston In the Star-Chamber 10. Novemb. 1615. THe Offence wherewith I shall charge the three Offenders at the Bar is a Misdemeanour of a High Nature Tending to the Defacing and Scandall of Iustice in a great Cause Capitall The particular Charge is this The King amongst many his Princely vertues is known to excell in that proper vertue of the Imperiall Throne which is Iustice. It is a Royall Vertue which doth employ the other three Cardinall Vertues in her Service Wisdome to discover and discern Nocent or Innocent Fortitude to prosecute and execute Temperance so to carry Iustice as it be not passionate in the pursuit nor confused in involving persons upon light suspicion Nor precipitate in time For this his Majesties Vertue of Iustice God hath of late raised an occasion and erected as it were a Stage or Theater much to his Honour for him to shew it and act it in the pursuit of the untimely Death of Sir Thomas Overbury And therein cleansing the Land from Bloud For my Lords if Bloud spilt Pure doth cry to Heaven in Gods Eares much more Bloud defiled with Poyson This Great Work of his Majesties Iustice the more excellent it is your Lordships will soon conclude the greater is the Offence of any that have sought to Affront it or Traduce it And therefore before I descend unto the Charge of these Offenders I will set before your Lordships the weight of that which they have sought to impeach Speaking somewhat of the generall Crime of Impoysonment And then of the particular Circumstances of this Fact upon Overbury And thirdly and chiefly of the Kings great and worthy Care and Carriage in this Business This Offence of Impoysonment is most truly figured in that Devise or Description which was made of the Nature of one of the Roman Tyrants That he was Lutum Sanguine maceratum Mire mingled or cymented with Bloud For as it is one of the highest Offencesâ— in Guiltiness So it is the Basest of all others in the Mind of the Offenders Treasons Magnum aliquid spectant They aym at great thingâ—â— But this is vile and base I tell your Lordships what I have noted That in all Gods Book both of the Old and New Testament I find Examples of all other Offences and Offendours in the world but not any one of an Impoyâ—onment or an Impoysoner I find mention of Fear of casuall Impoysonment when the Wild Vine was shred into the Pot they came complaining in a fearfull manner Maister Mors in ollâ And I find mention of Poysons of Beasts and Serpents The Poyson of Aspes is under their Lips But I find no Example in the Book of God of Impoysonment I have sometime thought of the Words in the Psalm Let their Table be made a Snare Which certainly is most True of Impoysonment For
Therefore contain your selves within that Moderation as may appear to bend rather to the Effectuall Ease of the People then to a Discursive Envy or scandall upon the State As for the Manner of Carriage of Parliament Businesse ye must know that ye deal with a King that hath been longer King then any of you have been Parliament Men And a King that is no lesse sensible of Formes then of Matter And is as far from induring Diminution of Majesty as from regarding â—lattery or Vain Glory And a King that understandeth as well the Pulse of the Hearts of People as his own Orb. And therefore both let your Grievances have a decent and Reverent Form and Stile And to use the words of former Parliaments let them be Tanquam Gemitus Columbae without Pique or Harshnesse And on the other side in that ye do for the King Let it have a Mark of Vnity Alacrity and Affection which will be of this Force That whatsoever ye do in substance will be doubled in Reputation abroad as in a Crystall Glass For the Time if ever Parliament was to be measured by the Houre-glass it is this In regard of the instant Occasion flying away irrecoverably Therefore let your Speeches in the House be the Speeches of Counsellors and not of Oratours Let your Committees tend to dispatch not to dispute And so marshall the Times as the publique Businesse especially the proper Businesse of the Parliament be put first And private Bills be put last as time shall give leave or within the spaces of the Publique For the Foure Petitions his Majesty is pleased to grant them all as liberally as the Ancient and true Custom of Parliament doth warrant And with the cautions that have ever gon with them That is to say That the priviledge be not used for Defrauding of Creditours and Defeating of ordinary Justice That Liberty of Speech turn not into License but be joyned with that Gravity and Discretion as may tast of Duty and Love to your Soveraign Reverence to your own Assembly and Respect to the Matters ye handle That your Accesses be at such fit Times as may stand best with his Majesties pleasure and Occasions That Mistakings and Misunderstandings be rather avoided and prevented as much as may be then salved or cleared CERTAIN TREATISES VVritten or Referring TO Queen Elizabeths TIMES BEING OBSERVATIONS UPON A LIBELL Published in Anno 1592. A true Report of Doctour LOPEZ his TREASON An Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of ENGLAND A Collection of the Felicities of Queen ELIZABETH By the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by S. Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. CERTAIN OBSERVATIONS UPON A LIBELL Published this present year 1592. INTITULED A DECLARATION Of the TRVE CAVSES OF THE GREAT TROVBLES Presupposed to be intended against the REALM of ENGLAND IT were Just and Honourable for Princes being in Warrs together that howsoever they prosecute their Quarrels and Debates by Arms and Acts of Hostility yea though the Warrs be such as they pretend the utter Ruine and Overthrow of the Forces and States one of another yet they so limit their Passions as they preserve two Things Sacred and Inviolable That is The Life and good Name each of other For the Warrs are no Massacres and Confusions But they are the Highest Trials of Right when Princes and States that acknowledge no Superior upon Earth shall put themselves upon the Iustice of God for the Deciding of their Controversies by such Successe as it shall please him to give on either side And as in the Processe of particular Pleas between private Men all things ought to be ordered by the Rules of Civill Lawes So in the Proceedings of the Warre nothing ought to be done against the Law of Nations or the Law of Honour Which Lawes have ever pronounced those two Sorts of Men The one Conspiratours against the Persons of Princes The other Libellers against theâ—r good Fame to be such Enemies of common Society as are not to be cherished no not by Enemies For in the Examples of Times which were lesse corrupted we find that when in the greatest Heats and Extremities of Warrs there have been made Offers of Murderous and Traiterous Attempts against the Person of a Prince to the Enemy they have been not onely Rejected but also Revealed And in like manner when Dishonourable Mention hath been made of a Prince before an Enemy Prince by some that have thought therein to please his Humour he hath shewed himself contrarywise utterly distasted therewith and been ready to contest for the Honour of an â—nemy According to which Noble and Magnanimous Kind of Proceeding it will be found that in the whole Couâ—se of her Majesties Proceeding with the King of Spain since the Amity interâ—upted There was never any project by her Majesty or any of her Ministers either moved or assented unto for the Taking away of the Liâ—e of the said King Neither hath there been any Declaration or Writing of â—state No nor Book allowed wherein his Honour hath been touched or taxed otherwise then for his Ambition A point which is necessarily interlaced with her Majesties own Justification So that no Man needeth to doubt but that those Warrs are grounded upon her Majesties part upon just and Honourable Causes which have so Just and Honourable a prosecution Considering it is a much harder Matter when a Prince is entred into Warrs to hold respect then and not to be transported with Passion than to make Moderate and Iust Resolutions in the Beginnings But now if a Man look on the other part it will appear that rather as it is to be thought by the Solicitation of Traitorous Subjects which is the onely Poyson and Corruption of all Honourable Warr between Forrainers Or by the Presumptâ—on of his Agents and Ministers then by the proper Inclination of that King there hath been if not plotted and practised yet at the least comforted Conspiracies against her Majesties Sacred Person which neverthelesse Gods Goodnesse hath used and turned to shew by such miraculous Discoveries into how near and precious Care and Custody it hath pleased him to receive her Majesties Life and Preservation But in the other Point it is strange what a number of Libellous and Defamatory Bookes and Writings and in what Variety with what Art and cunning handled have been allowed to pass through the World in all Languages against her Majesty and her Government Sometimes pretending the Gravity and Authority of Church Stories to move Belief sometimes formed into Remonstrances and Advertisements of â—state to move Regard Sometimes presented as it were in Tragedies of the Persecutions of Catholicks to move Pitty Sometimes contrived into pleasant Pasquils and Satyres to move sport So as there is no shape whereinto these Fellowes have not transformed themselves Nor no Humor nor affection in the mind
by the great Fervour of the Vnholy Ghost do expresly affirm that the Protestanticall Church of England is not gathered in the name of Christ but of Antichrist And that if the Prince or Magistrate under her do refuse or defer to reform the Church the people may without her Consent take the Reformation into their own Hands And hereto he addeth the Fanaticall Pageant of Hacket And this is the Effect of this Accusation in this point For Answer whereunto First it must be remembred that the Church of God hath been in all Ages subject to Contentions and Schismes The Tares were not sown but where the Wheat was sown before Our Saviour Christ delivereth it for an Ill Note to have Outward Peace Saying When a strong Man is in possession of the House meaning the Devill all Things are in Peace It is tâ—e Condition of the Churâ—h to be ever under Trials And there are but Two Trials The one of Persecution The other of Scandall and Contention And when the One ceaseth the other succeedeth Nay there is scarce any one Epistle of St. Pauls unto the Churches but containethâ— some Reprehension of unnecessary Schismaticall Controversies So likewise in the Raign of Constantine the Great after the time that the Church had obtained Peaceâ— from persecution strait entred sundry Questions and Controversies about no lesse Matters then the Essentiall Parts of the Faith and the High Mysteries of the Trinity But Reason teacheth us that in Ignorance and Implyed Belief it is easie to agree as Colours agree in the Dark Or if any Countrey decline into Atheism then Controversies wax dainty because Men do think Religion scarce worth the Falling out for So as it is weak Divinity to account Controversies an ill Sign in the Church It is true that certain Men moved with an inconsiderate Detestation of all Ceremonies or Orders which were in use in the time of the Roman Religion As if they were without difference superstitious or polluted And led with an affectionate Imitation of the Government of some Protestant Churches in Forrain States Have sought by Bookes and Preaching indiscreetly and sometimes undutifully to bring in an Alteration in the Extern Rites and Pollicy of the Church But neither have the Grounds of the Controversies extended unto any Point of Faith Neither hath the Pressing and Prosecution exceeded in the generality the Nature of some Inferiour Contempts So as they have been farr from Heresie and Sedition And therefore rather Offensive then Dangerous to the Church or State And as for Those which we call Brownists being when they were at the most a very small Number of very silly and base people here and there in Corners dispersed They are now thanks be to God by the good Remedies that have been used suppressed and worn out So as there is scarce any Newes of them Neither had they been much known at all had not Brown their Leader Written a Pamphlet Wherein as it came into his Head he inveighed more against Logick and Rhetorick then against the State of the Church which Writing was much read And had not also one Barrow being a Gentleman of a good House but one that lived in London at Ordinaries And there learned to argue in Table-Talk And so was very much known in the Citty and abroad made a Leap from a vain and Libertine youth to a preciseness in the Highest Degree The strangeness of which Alteration made him very much spoken off The Matter might long before have breathed out And here I note an Honesty and Discretion in the Libeller which I note no where else In that he did forbear to lay to our charge the Sect of the Family of Love For about 12. years since there was creeping in some secret places of the Realm indeed a very great Heresie derived from the Dutch and named as before was said which since by the good Blessing of God by the good strength of our Church is banished and Extinct But so much we see that the Diseases wherewith our Church hath been visited whatsoever these Men say have either not been Maligne and Dangerous Or else they have been as Blisters in some small Ignoble part of the Body which have soon after fallen and gone away For such also was the Phreneticall and Fanaticall For I mean not to determine it Attempt of Hackett Who must needs have been thought a very Dangerous Heretick that could never get but two Disciples And those as it should seem perished in their Brain And a Dangerous Commotioner that in so great and populous a Citty as London is could draw but those same two Fellowâ— whom the People rather laughed at as a May game then took aâ—y heed of what they did or said So as it was very true that an honest Poor Woman said when she saw Hackett out of a Window passe to his Execution Said she to her Self It was foretold thâ—t in the latter dayes there should come those that have deceived many but in faith thou hast deceived but a Few But it is manifest Vntruth which â—he Libeller setteth down that there hath been no Punishment done upon those which in any of the foresaid kinds have broken the Lawes and disturbed the Church and State And that the Edge of the Law hath been onely turned upon the pretended Catholicks For the Examples are very many where according to the Nature and Degree of the Offence the Correction of such Offenders hath not been neglected These be the great Confusions whereof he hath accused our Church which I refer to the Judgement of an indifferent and understanding person how true they be My Meaning is not to blanch or excuse any Fault of our Church Nor on the other side to enter into Commemoration how flourishing it is in Great and Learned Divines or painfull and excellent Preachers Let Man have the Reproof of that which is amisse and God the Glory of that which is good And so much for the First Branch In the Second Branch He maketh great Musters and Shewes of the strength and Multitude of the Enemies of this State Declaring in what evill Termes and Correspondence we stand with Forraign States And how desolate and destitute we are of Friends and Confederatesâ— Doubtingâ— belike how he should be able to prove and justifie his Assertion touching the present Miseries And therefore endeavouring at the least to maintain That the good Estate which we enjoy is yet made somewhat bitter by reason of many Terrours and Feares Whereupon entring into Consideration of the Security wherein not by our own Pollicy but by the good Providence and Protection of God we stand at this Time I do find it to be a Security of that Nature and Kind which Iphicrates the Athenian did commend who being a Commissioner to treat with the State of Sparta upon Conditions of Peace And hearing the other side make many Propositions touching Security Interrupted them and told them There was but one maner of Security whereupou the
Gate of London called Lud-Gate being in decay was pulled down And built anew And on the one side was set up the Image of King Lud and his two Sons who according to the Names was thought to be the First Founder of that Gate And on the other side the Image of her Majesty in whose time it was reedified whereupon they published that her Majesty after all the Images of the Saints were long beaten down had now at last set up her own Image upon the Principall Gate of London to be adored And that all Men were forced to do reverence to it as they passed by And a watch there placed for that purpose Mr. Iewell the Bishop of Salisbury who according to his Life died most godly and patiently At the Point of Death used the Versicle of the Hymne Te Deum Oh Lord in thee have I trusted let me never be confounded Whereupon suppressing the rest they published that the principall Champion of the Hereticks in his very last words cryed he was confounded In the Act of Recognition of primo whereby the Right of the Crown is acknowledged by Parliament to be in her Majesty The like whereof was used in Queen Maries time The words of Limitation are In the Queens Majesty and the Naturall Heires of her Body and her lawfull Successours Upon which word Naturall they do maliciously and indeed villanously gâ—osse That it was the Intention of the Parliament in a Cloud to convey the Crown to any Issue oâ— her Majesties that were Illegitimate Whereas â—he word Heire doth with us so necessarily and pregnantly import Lawfulness As it had been Indecorum and uncivill speaking of the Issues of a Prince to have expressed it They set forth in the year a Book with Tables and Pictures of the Persecutions against Catholiques Wherein they have not onely stories of 50. years old to supply their Pages But also taken all the persecutions of the Primitive Church under the Heathen and translated them to the practise of England As that of Worrowing Priests under the Skins of Bears by Doggs and the like I conclude then that I know not what to make of this Excesse in Avouching untruths save this That they may truly Chaunt in their Quires Linguam nostram magnificabimus Labia nostra nobis sunt And that they that have long ago forsaken the Truth of God which is the Toucâ—-stone must now hold by the Whet-stone And that their Ancient Pillar of Lying wonders being decayed they must now hold by Lying Slaunders And make their Libells Successours to their Legend A TRUE REPORT Of the detestable TREASON INTENDED By Doctor RODERIGO LOPEZ A Physician attending upon the Person of the QVEENES MAIESTY Whom He for a Sum of Money promised to be paid him by the King of Spain did undertake to have destroyed by Poyson with certain Circumstances both of the Plotting and Detecting of the same TREASON Penned during the Queens Life THe King of Spain having found by the Enterprise of 88 the Difficulty of an Invasion of England And having also since that time embraced the Matters of France Being a Dessigne of a more easie nature and better prepared to his Hand Hath of necessity for a timeâ— layed aside the Prosecution of his Attempts against this Realm by open Forces As knowing his Meanes unable to wield both Actions at once As well that of England as that of France And therefore casting at the Fairest hath in a manner bent his whole strength upon France making in the mean time onely a Defensive War upon the Low-Countries But finding again that the Supports and Aides which her Majesty hath continued to the French King are a principall Impediment Retardation to his prevailing there according to his Ends He hath now of late by all means projectâ—ed to trouble the Waters here to cut us out some work at home That by practise without Diverting and Employing any greâ—â— â—orceâ— he mought neverthelesse divert our Succours from France According to which purpose he first proved to move some Innovation in Scotland Not so much in hope to alienate the King from the Amity of her Majesty as practizing to make a Party there against the King himself Whereby he should be compelled to use her Majesties Forces for his Aâ—â—istance Thenâ— he sollicited a Subject within this Realm being a Person of great Nobility to rise in Arms and levy War against her Majesty which practise was by the same Nobleman loyally and prudently revealed And lastly rather as it is to be thought by the Instigation of our Traiterous Fugitives in Forrain paâ—ts And the corrupter Sort of his Counsellours and Ministers then of his own nature and Inclination either of himself or his said Counsellours and Ministers using his name have descenâ—ed to to a course against all Honour All Society and Humanity Odious to God and Man Detested by the Heathen themselves which is to take away the Life of her Majesty which God have in his pâ—ecious Custody by violence or poyson A Matter which mought be proved to be not onely against all Christianity and Religion but against Nature the Law of Nations the Honour of Arms The Civil Law The Rules of Morality and Pollicy Finally to be the most Condemned Barbarous and Ferine Act that can be imagined yea supposing the Quarrells and Hostility between the Princes to be never so Declared and so Mortal yet were it not that it would be a very Reproach unto the Age that the Matter should be once disputed or called in question it could never be defended And therefore I leave it to the Censure which Titus Livius giveth in the like case upon Perseus the last King of the Macedons afterwards overthrown taken with his Children led in Triumph by the Romans Quem non justuÌ„ Bellum gerere Regio Animo sed per omnia clandestina grassari scelera LatrocinioruÌ„ ac veneficiorum cernebant But to proceed certain it is that even about this present time there have been suborned and sent into this Realm divers persons some English some Irish corrupted by Money and Promises And resolved and Conjured by Priests in Confesâ—ion to have executed that most wretched and horrible Fact Of which Number certain have been Taken and some have sufâ—fered and some are spared because they have with great sorrow confessed these Attempts and detested their Suborneâ—s And if I should conjecture what the reason is why this cursed enterprise was at this time so hotly and with such diligence pursued I take it to be chiefly because the Matters of France waxe ripe And the King of Spain made himself ready to unmask himself and to reap that in France which he had been long in sowing In regard that there being like to be a Divulsion in the League by the Reconciliation of some of the Heads to the King the more passionate Sort being destiâ—uted by their Associates were like to cast themselves wholly into the King of Spains Arms And to dismember some important Piece
all that he said Reducing him to the Times and places of the said Conferences he confessed the Matter As by his Confession in writing signed with his own Hand appeareth But then he fell to that slender Evasion as his last Refuge That he meant onely to cousen the King of Spain of the Money And in that he continued at his Arraignment when notwithstanding at the first he did retract his own Confession And yet being asked whither he was drawn either by Mean of Torture or promise of Life to make the same Confession he did openly testifie that no such Means was used towards him But the Falshood of this Excuse being an Allegation that any Traytour may use and provide for himself is convicted by three notable Proofes The first That he never opened this Matter neither unto her Majesty unto whom he had ordinary Accesse Nor to any Counseller of State to have permission to toll on and inveagle these Parties with whom he did treat if it had been thought so convenient Wherein percase he had opportunity to have done some good service for the further Discovery of their secret Machinations against her Majesties Life The second that he came too late to this shift Having first bewrayed his guilty Conscience in denying those Treaties and Conferences till they were evidently and manifestly proved to his Face The third that in conferring with Ferrera about the manner of his assurance he thought it better to have the Money in the Hands of such Merchants as he should name in Antwerp then to have brought it into England Declaring his purpose to be after the Fact done speedily to fly to Antwerp And there to tarry some time and so to convey himself to Constantinople where it is affirmed that Don Salomon a Jew in good credit is Lopez his near Kinsman And that he is greatly favoured by the said Don Salomon whereby it is evident that Lopez had cast his Reckonings upon the supposition of the Fact done Thus may appear both how justly this Lopez is condemned for the Highest Treason that can be imagined And how by Gods marvellous Goodness her Majesty hath been preserved And surely if a Man do truly consider it is hard to say Whither God hath done greater things By her Majesty or For Her If you obâ—erve on the one side how God hâ—th ordained her Government to break and crosse the unjust Ambition of the Two Mighty Potentates the King of Spain and the Bishop of Rome never so straitly between themselves combined And on the other side how mightily God hath protected her both against forrain Invasion and Inward Troubles And singularly against the many secret Conspiracies that have been made against her Life Therby declaring to the world that he will indeed preserve that Instrument which he hath magnified But the Corruptions of these Times are wonderfull when that Warrs which are the highest Trialls of Right between Princes that acknowledge no superiour Jurisdiction And ought to be prosecuted with all Honour shall be stained and infamed with such Foul and Inhumane Practises Wherein if so great a King hath been named the Rule of the Civill Law which is a Rule of Common Reason Must be remembred Frustra Legis auxilium implorat qui in Legem Committit He that hath sought to violate the Majesty Royall in the Highest Degree cannoâ— claim the preheminence thereof to be exempted from just Imputation AN ADVERTISEMENT TOUCHING THE CONTROVERSIES OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND IT is but Ignorance if any Man find it strange that the State of Religion especially in the Dayes of Peace should be exercised and troubled with Controversies For as it is the Condition of the Church Militant to be ever under Trials So it commeth to passe that when the Fiery Triall of Persecution ceaseth there succeedeth another Triall which as it were by contrary Blasts of Doctrine doth sift and winnowe Mens Faith And proveth whether they Know God aright Even as that other of Afflictions discovereth whether they Love him better then the World Accordingly was it foretold by Christ saying That in the latter times it should be said Lo here loe there is Christ Which is to be understood not as if the very Person of Christ should be assumed and counterfeitted But this Authority and preheminence which is to be Truth it self should be challenged and pretended Thus have we read and seen to be fulfilled that which followeth Ecce in Deserto Ecce in Penetralibus While some have sought the Truth in the Conventicles and Conciliables of Hereticks and Sectaries others in the Externe Face and Representation of the Chuâ—ch And both Sorts have been seduced Were it then that the Controversies of the Church of England were such as they did Divide the Vnity of the Spirit And not onely such as do unswaâ—h her of her Bands the Bands of Peace yet could it be no Occasion for any pretended Catholick to judge us or for any Irreligious Person to despise us Or if it be it shall but happen to us all as it hath used to do To them to be Hardned and to us to Endure the good pleasure of God But now that our Contentions are such as we need not so much that generall Canon and Sentence of Christ propounded against Hereticks Erratis nescientes Scripturas potestatem Dei. You do Err not Knowing the Scripture the Power of God As we need the Admonition of S. Iames Let every Man be swift to hear slow to speak slow to wrath And that the Wound is no way dangerous except we poyson it with our Remedies As the Former Sort of Men have lesse Reason to make themselves Musick in our Discord So I have good hope that Nothing shall displease our Selves which shall be sincerely modestly propounded for the appeasing of these Dissentions For it any shall be offended at this voyce Vos estis fratres ye are brethren why strive Ye He shall give a great presumption against himself that he is the Party that doth his Brethren wrong The Controversies themselves I will not enter into As judging that the Disease requireth rather Rest then any other Cure Thus much we all know and confess that they be not of the Highest Nature For they are not touching the high Mysteries oâ— Faiâ—h such as detained the Churches for many yeares after their first Peace what time the Hereticks moved curious Questions and made strange Anatomies of the Natures and person of Christ And the Catholick Fathers were compelled to follow them with all Subtilty of Decisions and Determinations to exclude them from their Evasions and to take them in their Labyrinths So as it is rightly said Illis temporibus ingeniosa Res fuit esse Christianum In those dayes it was an ingenious and subtill thing to be a Christian. Neither are they concerning the great parts of the Worship of God Of which it is true that Non servatur unitas in Credendo nisi eadem sit in Colendo There will be kept
If a Third shall be accused upon these words uttered touching the Controversies Tollatur Lex fiat Certamen Whereby was meant that the prejudice of the Law removed either Reasons should be equally compared Of calling the People to Sedition and Mutiny As if he had said Away with the Law and try it out with Force If these and other like particulars be true which I have but by Rumourâ— and cannot affirm It is to be lamented that they should labour amongst us with so little comfort I know Restrained Governments are better then Remisse And I am of his mind that said Better is to live where nothing is lawfull then where all Things are lawfull I dislike that Lawes should not be continued or Disturbers be unpunished But Lawes are likened to the Grape that being too much pressed yields an hard and unwholsome Wine Of these Things I must say Ira Viri non operatur Iusticiam Dei The Wrath of Man worketh not the Righteousnesse of God As for the Injuries of the other Part they be Ictus inermes As it were Headlesse Arrowes They be Fiery and Eager Invecâ—ives And in some fond Men uâ—civill and unreverent Behaviour towards their Superiours This last invention also which exposeth them to Derision and Obloquy by Libels chargeth not as I am perswaded the whole side Neiâ—her doth that other which is yet more odious practised by the worst sort of them which is to call in as it were to their Aides certain Merceâ—ary Bands which impugn Bishops and other Ecclesiasticall Dignities to have the spoyle of their Endowments and Livings Of those I cannot speak too hardly It is an Intelligence between Incendiaries and Robbers The one to Fire the House the other to Rifle it The Fourth Point wholly pertaineth to them which impugn the present Ecclesiasticall Government who although they have not cut Themselves off from the Body and Communion of the Church yet do they affect certain Cognizances and Differences wherein they seek to correspond amongst themselves and to be seperate from others And it is truly said Tam sunt Mores quidam Schismatici quam Dogmata Schismatica There be as well Schismaticall Fashions as Opinions First they have impropriated unto themselves the Names of Zealous Sincere and Reformed As if all others were Cold Minglers of Holy Things and Prophane and Friends of Abuses Yea be a man indued with great Vertues and fruitfull in good workes yet if he concur not with them they term him in Derogation a Civill and Morall Man And compare him to Socrates or some Heathen Philosopher Whereas the Wisedom of the Scriptures teacheth us otherwise Namely to judge and denominate Men Religious according to their Works of the Second Table Because they of the First are often Counterfeit and practised in Hypocrisie So Saint Iohn saith That a Man doth vainly boast of Loving God whom he never saw if he love not his Brother whom he hath seen And Saint Iames saith This is true Religion to visite the Fatherlesse and the Widow So as that which is with them but Philosophicall and Morall is in the Apostles Phrase True Religion and Christianity As in Affection they challenge the said Vertues of Zeal and the rest So in Knowledge they attribute unto themselves Light and Perfection They say the Church of England in King Edwards time and in the Beginning of her Majesties Raign was but in the Cradle And the Bishops in those times did somewhat for Day-Break But that Maâ—urityâ— and Fulnesse of Light proceeded from themselves So Sabinius Bishop of Heraclea a Macedoniam Heretick said That the Fathers in the Councell of Nice were but Infants and Ignorant Men That the Church was not so perfect in their Decrees as to refuse that Further Ripeness of Knowledge which Time had revealed And as they censure vertuous Names by the Names of Civill and Morall So do they censure Men truly and godly wise who see into the vanity of their Affections by the name of Politicks saying that their Wisdome is but Carnall and savâ—uring of Mans Brain So likewise if a Preacher preach with Care and Meditation I speak not of the vain Scholasticall Manner of Preaching But soundly indeed ordering the Matter he handleth disâ—inctly for Memory Deducting and drawing it down for Direction and authorizing it with strong proofs and warrants They censure it as a Form of Speaking not becomming the Simplicity of the Gospell And refer it to the Reprehension of Saint Paul speaking of the Enticing Speech of Mans Wisdome Now for their own Manner of Preaching what is it Surely they exhort well and work Compunction of Mind And bring Men well to the Question Viri Fratres quid â—aciemus But that is not enough Except they resolve the Question They handle Matters of Controversie weakly and obiter and as before a People that will accept of any Thing In Doctrine of Manners there is little but Generality and Repetition The word the Bread of Life they tosse up and down they break it not They draw not their Directions down ad Casus Conscientiae That a Man may be warranted in his perpetuall Actions whether they be Lawfull or not Neither indeed are many of them able to do it What through want of Grounded knowledge What through want of Study and Time It is a Compendious and easie Thing to call for the Observation of the Sabbath Day or to speak against unlawfull Gaine But what Actions and works may be done upon the Sabbath and what not And what Courses of Gain are Lawfull and in what Cases To set this down and to clear the whole Matter with good Distinctions and Decisions is a Matter of great Knowledge and Labour And asketh much Meditation and Conversing in the Scriptures and other Helps which God hath provided and pâ—eserveâ— for Instruction Again they carry not an equall Hand in Teaching the People their lawfull Liberty as well as their Restraints and Prohibitions But they think a Man cannot go too far in that that hath a shew of a Commandement They forget that there are Sins on the Right Hand as well as oâ— the Left And that the word is double edged and cutteth on both Sides As well the Profane Trangressions as the superstitious Observances Who doubteth but that it is as unlawfull to shut where God hath opened as to open where God hath shut To bind where God hath loosed as to loose where God hath bound Amongst Men it is commonly as ill taken to turn back Favâ—â—â—s as to disobey Commandements In this Kind of Zeal for Example they have pronounced generally and without difference all Untruths unlawfull Notwithstanding that the Midwives are directly reported to have been blessed for their Excuse And Rahab is said by Faith to have concealed the Spies And Salomons selected Iudgement proceeded upon a Simulation And our Saviour the more to touch the Hearts of the two Disâ—iples with an holy Dalliance made as if he would have passed Emaus Further I have heard some Sermons
of Mortification which I think with very good Meaning they have preached out of â—heir own Exprience and Exercise And Things in private Counsels not unmeet But surely no Sound Conceits Much like to Parsons Resolution or not so good Apt to breed in Men rather weak Opinions and perplexed Despaires then Filiall and True Repentance which is sought Another Point of great Inconvenience and perill is to entitle the People to hear Controversies and all Kinds of Doctrine They say no part of the Counsell of God is to be suppressed nor the People defrauded So as the Difference which the Apostle maketh between Milk and Strong Meat is confounded And his Precept that the weak be not admitted unto Questions and Controversies taketh no place But most of all is to be suspected as a Seed of further Inconveniâ—nce their Manner of Handling the Scriptures For whilest they seek expresse Scripture for every Thing And that they have in a manner deprived themselves and the Church of a speciall Help and Support by Embasing the Authority of the Fathers They resort to Naked Examples Conceited Inferences and Forced Allusions such as do mine into all Certainty of Religion Another Extremity is the Excessive Magnifying of that which though it be a principall and most holy Institution yet hath it Limits as all things else have We see wheresoever in a manner they find in the Scriptures The Word spoken of they expound it of Preaching They have made it in a manner of the Essence of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper to have a Sermon precedent They have in a sort annihilated the use of Liturgies and Formes of Divine Service Although the House of God be denominated of the Principall Domus Orationis A House of Prayer and not a House of Preaching As for the Life of the good Monks and Hermits in the Primitive Church I know they will condemne a Man as half a Papist if he should maintain them as other then Prophane because they heard no Sermons In the mean time what Preaching is and who may be said to Preach they move no Question But as far as I see every man that presumeth to speak in Chair is accounted a Preacher But I am assured that not a few that call hotly for a Preaching Ministery deserve to be the First themselves that should be expelled All which Errours and Misproceedings they do fortifie and intrench by an addicted Respect to their own Opinions And an Impâ—â—ience to hear Contradiction or Argument yea I know some of them that that would think it a Tempting of God to hear or read what may be said against them As if there could be A Quod bonum est tenete without an Omnia probate going before This may suffice to offer unto themselves a Thought and Consideration whether In these things they do well or no And to correct and asswage the Partiality of their Followers For as for any Man that shall hereby enter into a Contempt of their Ministery it is but his own Hardness of Hart. I know the work of Exhortation doth chiefly rest upon these Men and they have Zeal and Hate of Sin But again let them take Heed that it be not true which one of their Adversaries said That they have but two small wants Knowledge and Love And so I conclude this Point The last Point touching the due Publishing and Debating of these Controversies needeth no long Speech This strange Abuse of Antiques and Pasquils hath been touched before So likewise I repeat that which I said That a Character of Love is more proper for Debates of this Nature then that of Zeal As for all direct or indirect Glaunces or Levels at Mens Persons they were ever in these Causes disallowed Lastly whatsoever be pretended the People is no meet Arbitrator but rather the quiet modest and private Assemblies and Conferences of the Learned Qui apud Incapacem loquitur non disceptat sed calumniatur The Presse and Pulpit would be freed and discharged of these Contentions Neither Promotion on the one Side nor Glory and Heat on the other Side ought to continue those Challenges and Cartells at the Crosse and other Places But rather all Preachers especially such as be of good temper and have Wisdome with Conscience ought to inculcate and beat upon a Peace Silence and Surseance Neither let them fear Solons Law which compelled in Factions every particular Person to range himself on the one side Nor yet the fond Calumny of Neutrality But let them know that is true which is said by a wise Man That Neuters in Contentions are either better or worse then either Side These things have I in all sincerity and simplicity set down touching the Controversies which now trouble the Church of England And that without all Art and Insinuation And therfore not like to be gratefull to either Part. Notwithstanding I trust what hath been said shall find a Correspondence in their minds which are not embarqued in Partiality And which love the Whole better then a Part. Wherefore I am not out of hope that it may do good At the least I shall not repent my self of the Meditation FINIS IN HAPPY MEMORY OF ELIZABETH QUEEN of ENGLAND OR A COLLECTION OF THE FELICITIES OF Queen Elizabeth Written by his Lordship in Latin AND Englished by the Publisher QVeen Elizabeth both in her Naturall Endowments and her Fortune was Admirable amongst Women and Memorable amongst Princes But this is no Subject for the Pen of a meer Scholler or any such Cloistred Writer For these Men are eager in their Expressions but shallow in their Judgements And perform the Schollers part well but transmit Things but unfaithfully to Posterity Certainly it is a Sciencâ— belonging to Statesmen and to such as sit at the Helmes of great Kingdoms and have been acquainted with the weight and Secrets of Civil Business to handle this matter dextrously Rare in all Ages haâ—h been the Raign of a Woman More rare the Felicity of a Woman in her Raign But most rare a Permanency and Lasting joyned with that Feliciâ—y As for this Lady she raigned Four and Fourty years compleat and yet she did not survive her Felicity Of this Felicity I am purposed to say somewhat yet without any Excursion into Praises For Praises are the Tribute of Men but Felicity the Gift of God Fiâ—st I reckon it as a part of her Felicity that she was advanced to the Regal Throne from a Private Fortune For this is ingenerate in the Natuâ—e and Opinions of Men to ascribe that to the greatest Felâ—city which is not counted upon and cometh unlooked for But this is not that I intend It is this Princes that are trained up in their Fathâ—rs Courts and to an immediate and Apparent Hope of Succession do get this by the Tendernesse and remisseness of their Education that they become commonly lesse capable and lesse Temperaâ—e in their Affections And therefoâ—e you shall find those to have been the ablest and most accâ—mâ—lished Kings
that all those which had any Authority or bare Office in the State had subscribed to it yet for that she saw it was not agreeable to the Word of God nor to the Primitive Purity nor to her own Conscience she did with a great deal of Courage and with the assistance of a very few Persons quite expell and abolish it Neither did she this by precipitate and Heady Courses but Timing it wisely and soberly And this may well be conjectured as from the Thing it self so also by an Answer of hers which she made upon occasion For within a very few dayes of her Comming to the Crown when many Prisoners were released out of Prison as the Custome is at the Inauguration of a Prince There came to her one day as she was going to Chappell a certain Courtier that had the Liberty of a Buffone And either out of his own Motion or by the Instigation of a wiser Man presenâ—ed her with a Petition And before a great number of Courtiers said to her with a loud voice That there were yet four or five Prisoners unjustly detained in Prison He came to be a Suter to have them set at Liberty Those were the four Evangelists and the Apostle Saint Paul who had been long shut up in an unknown tongue as it were in Prison so as they could not converse with the common People The Queen answered very gravely That it was best first to enquire of them whether they would be set at liberty or no Thus she silenced an unseasonable Motion with a doubtfull Answer As reserving the Matter wholly in her own Power Neither did she bring in this Alteration timorously or by pieces but in a grave and mature Manner after a Conference betwixt both Sides and the Calling and Conclusion of a Parliament And thus within the Compasse of one year she did so establish and settle all Matters belonging to the Church as she departed not one Haires Breadth from them to the end of her Life Nay and her usuall Custom was in the beginning of every Parliament to forewarn the Houses not to question or innovate any thing already established in the Discipline or Rites of the Church And thus much of her Religion Now if there be any Severer Nature that shall tax her for that she suffered her self and was very willing to be courted wooed and to have Sonnets made in her Commendation And that she continued this longer then was decent for her years Notwithstanding if you will take this Matter at the best it is not without singular Admiration Being much like unto that which we find in Fabulous Narrations of a certain Queen in the Fortunate Islands and of her Court and Fashions where Faire purpose and Love-making was allowed but Lasciviâ—usnesse banished But if you will take it at the worst even so it amounteth to a more high Admiration Considering that these Courtships did not much eclipse her Fame and not at all her Majesty Neither did they make her lesse Apt for Government or check with the affaires and businesses of the Publick For such passages as these do often entertain the time even with the greatest Princes But to make an end of this Discourse Certainly this Princesse was Good and Morall And such she would be acknowledged She Detested Vice And desired to purchase Fame only by honourable Courses And indeed whilest I mention her Morall Parts there comes a certain pasâ—age into my mind which I will insert Once giving order to write to her Embassadour about certain Instructions to be delivered apart to the Queen Mother of the House of Valois And that her Secretary had inserted a certain Clause that the Embassadour should say as it were to endear her to the Queen Mother That they two were the only paire of Female Princes from whom for experience and Arts of Government there was no lesse expected then from the greatest Kings She utterly disliked the Comparison and commanded it to be put out saying That she practised other principles and Arts of â—overnment then the Queen Mother did Besides she was not a little pleased if any one should fortune to tell her that suppose she had lived in a private Fortune yet she could not have escaped without some Note of Excellency and Singularity in her Sex So little did she desire to borrow or be beholding to her Fortune for her Praise But if I should wade further into this Queenes Praises Morall or Politick either I must slide into certain Common places and Heads of Vertue which were not worthy of so great a Princesse Or if I should desire to give her Vertues the true Grace and Lustre I must fall into a History of her Life Which requireth both better Leisure and a better Pen then mine is Thus much in brief according to my ability But to say the Truth The only Commender of this Ladies vertues is Time Which for as many Ages as it hath runn hath not yet shewed us one of the Female Sex equall to Her in the Administration of a Kingdom SEVERALL DISCOURSES VVritten in the Dayes OF KING JAMES Whereof some of them PRESENTED TO His Maiesty BEING A brief Discourse of the Vnion of England and Scotland Articles and Considerations touching the Vnion aforesaid A Beginning of the History of Great Britain A Letter and Discourse to Sir Henry Savill touching Helps for the Intellectuall Powers Certain Considerations touching the better Pacification and Edification of the Church of England Certain Considerations touching the Plantation in Ireland Advice to the King touching Suttons Estate A Proposition to the King touching the Compiling and Amendment of the Lawes of England A Fragment of an Essay of Fame By the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON Baron of Verulam Viscount Saint Alban LONDON Printed by S. Griffin for William Lee and are to be sold at his Shop in Fleetstreet at the sign of the Turks-head neer the Mitre Tavern 1657. A BRIEFE DISCOURSE Of the Happy UNION OF THE KINGDOMES OF ENGLAND and SCOTLAND Dedicated in Private TO HIS MAJESTY I Do not find it strange excelleâ—t King that when Heraclitus he that was surnamedâ— the Obscure had set forth a certain Book which is not now extant many Men took it for a Discourse of Nature And many others took it for a Treatise of Pollicy For there is a great Affinity and Consent between the Rules of Nature and the true Rules of Pollicy The one being nothing else but an Order in the Government of the World And the other an Order in the Government of an Estate And therefore the Education and Erudition of the Kings of Persia was in a Science which was termed by a Name then of great Reverence but now degenerate and taken in the ill part For the Persian Magick which was the secret Literature of their â—ings was an Application of the Contemplations and Observatâ—ons of Nature unto a sense Politick Taking the Fundamentall Lawes of Nature and the Branches and Passages of them as an Origiâ—all or fiâ—st
of Lawyers in Narrativeâ— The Exercise of Sophists and Io. ad Oppositum with manifest effect Artificiall Memory greatly holpen by Exercise The Excercise of â—uffons to draw all things to Conceits Ridiculous The Meanes that help the Vnderstanding and Faculties thereof are Not Example as in the Will by Conversation And here the Conceit of Imitation already disgested with the Confutation Obiter si videbitur of Tullies Opinion advising a Man to take some one to Imitate Similitude of Faces analysed Arts Logick Rhetorick The Ancients Aristotle Plato Thaetetus Gorgias Litigiosus vel Sophista Protagoras Aristotle Schola sua Topicks Elenchs Rhetoricks Organon Cicero Hermogenes The Neotericks Ramus Agricola Nil sacri Lullius his Typocosmia studying Coopers Dictionary Mattheus Collection of proper words for Metaphors Agrippa de vanitat c. Que. if not here of Imitation Collections preparative Aristotles Similtude of a Shoomakers Shop full of Shoes of all Sorts Demosthenes Exordiâ— Concionum Tulliâ—s precept of Theses of all sorts preparative The Relying upon Exercise with the Difference of Vsing and tempering the Instrument And the Similitude â—f prescribing against the Lawes of Nature and of Estate 5. Points That Exercises are to be framed to the Life That is to say to work Ability in that kind whereof a Man in the Course of Action shall have most Vse The indirect and Oblique Exercises which do per partes and per consequentiam inable these Faculties which perhaps direct Exercise at first would but distort And these have chiefly place where the Faculty is weak not per se but per Accidens As if Want of Memory grow through Lightnesse of Wit and want of stayed Attention Then the Mathematiques or the Law helpeth Because they are Things wherein if the Mind once roam it cannot recover Of the Advantages of Exercise As to dance with heavy Shoes To march with heavy Armour and Carriage And the contrary Advantage in Natures very dull and unapt of working Alacrity by framing an Exercise with some Delight or Affection Veluti pueris dant Crustula blandi Doctores Elementa velint ut discere prima Of the Cautions of Exercise As to beware lest by evill doing as all Beginners do weakly a Man grow not and be inveterate in an ill Habit And so take not the Advantage of Custome in perfection but in confirming ill Slubbering on the Lute The Marshalling and Sequele of Sciences and practises Logick and Rhetorickâ— should be used to be read after Poesy History and Philosophy First Exercise to do things well and clean after promptly and readily The Exercises in the Vniversities and Schooles are of Memory and Invention Either to speak by Heart that which is set down verbatim Or to speak Extempore Whereas there is little use in Action of either of both But most things which we utter are neither verbally premeditate nor meerly Extemporall Therefore Exercise would be framed to take a little Breathing and to consider of Heads And then to fit and form the Speech Ex tempore This would be done in two manners Both with writing and Tables And without For in most Actions it is permitted and passable to use the Note Whereunto if a Man be not accustomed it will put him out There is no use of a Narrative Memory in Academiis viz with Circumstances of Times Persons and Places and with Names And it is one Art to discourse and another to Relate and Describe And herein Vse and Action is most conversant Also to Summe up and Contract is a Thing in Action of very generall Vse CERTAIN CONSIDERATIONS Touching the Better PACIFICATION AND EDIFICATION OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND Dedicated to His most Excellent MAJESTY THE Vnity of your Church excellent Soveraign is a Thing no lesse precious then the Vnion of your Kingdomes Being both Works wherein your Happiness may contend with your Worthiness Having therefore presumed not without your Majesties gracious Acceptation to say somewhat of the one I am the more encouraged not to be silent in the other The rather because it is an Argument that I have travelled in heretofore But Salomon commendeth a Word spoken in Season And as our Saviour speaking of the Discerning of Seasons saith When you see a Cloud rising in the West you say it will be a shower So your Majesties Rising to this Monarchy in the West Parts of the World doth promise a sweet and fruitfull Shower of many Blessings upon this Church and Common-wealth A Shower of that Influence as the very first Deaws and Drops thereof have already layed the Stormes and Winds throughout Christendom Reducing the very Face of Europe to a more peaceable and Amiable Countenance But to the Purpose It is very true that these Ecclesiasticall Matâ—ers are Things not properly appertaining to my Profession which I was not so inconsiderate but to object to my Self But finding that it is many times seen that a Man that standeth off and somewhat removed from a Plot of Ground doth better survey it and discover it then those which are upon it I thought it not impossible but that I as a Looker on might cast mine Eyes upon some Things which the Actours themselves especially some being interessed some led and addicted some declared and engaged did not or would not see And that knowing in my Conscience wheretoo God beareth witnesse that the Things which I shall speak spring out of no Vein of Popularity Ostentation Desire of Novelty Partiality to either Side Disposition to intermeddle or any the like Leven I may conceive hope that what I want in depth of Judgement may be countervailed in Simplicity and Sincerity of Affection But of all Things this did most animate me That I found in these Opinions of mine which I have long held and embraced as may appear by that which I have many years since written of them according to the proportion neverthelesse of my weakness a Consent and Confoâ—mity with that which your Majesty hath published of your own most Christian most Wise and Moderate Sense in these Causes wherein you have well expressed to the World that there is inâ—used in your Sacred Brest from God that High principle and Position of Government That you ever hold the Whole more dear then any Part. For who seeth not that Many are affected and give Opinion in these Matters as if they had not so much a desire to purge the Evill from the Good as to countenance and protect the Evill by the Good Others speak as if their Scope were onely to set forth what is Good and not to seek what is Possible which is to Wisâ— and not to Propound Others proceed as if they had rather a Mind of Removing then of Reforming But howsoever either Side as Men though excellent Men shall run into Extremities yet your Majesty as a most Wise Equall and Christian Moderator is disposed to find out the Golden Mediocrity in the Establishment of that which is Sound And in the Reparation of that which is Corrupt and
decayed To your Princely Iudgement then I do in all Humblenesse submit whatsoever I shall propound offering the same but as a Miteâ— into the Treasury of your Wisedom For as the Astronomers do well observe That when three of the Superior Lights do meet in Conjunction it bringeth forth some admirable Effects So there being joyned in your Majesty the Light of Nature the Light of Learning and above all the Light of Gods Holy Spirit It cannot be but your Government must be as a Happy Constellation over the states of your Kingdomes Neither is there wanting to your Majesty that Fourth Light which though it be but a borrowed Lâ—ght yet is of singular Eâ—ficacy and Moment added to the rest which is the Light of a most wise and well compounded Councell To whose Honourable and Grave Wisdomes I do likewse submit whatsoever I shall speak Hoping that I shall not need to make Protestation of my Mind and Opinion That untill your Majesty doth otherwise determine and order all Actuall and Full Obedience is to be given to Ecclesiasticall Iurisdicton as it now standeth And when your Majesty hath determined and ordered that every good subject ought to rest satisfied and apply his Obedience to your Majesties Lawes Ordinances and Royall Commandements Nor of the Dislike I have of all Immodest Bitternesse peremptory presumption Popular handling And other Courses tending rather to Rumour and Impression in the vulgar Sort then to likely-hood of Effect joyned with Observation of Duty But before I enter into the Points controverted I think good to remove if it may be two Opinions which do directly confront and oppone to Reformation The one bringing it to a Nullity And the other to an Impossibility The First is That it is against good Policy to innovate any â—hing in Church Matters The other That all Reformation must be after one Platform For the First of these it is excellently said by the Prophet State super vias antiquas videte quaenam sit via recta vera ambulate in eâ So as he doth not say State super vias antiquas ambulate in eis For it true that with all VVise and Moderate Persons Custom and Vsage obtaineth that Reverence as it is sufficient Matter to move them to make a stand and to discover and take a View But it is no warrant to guide and conduct them A just Ground I say it is of Deliberation but not of Direction But on the other side who knoweth not that Time is truly compared to a Stream that carrieth down fresh and pure Waters into that salt Sea of Corruption which invironeth all Human Actions And therefore if Man shall not by his Industry Vertue and Policy as it were with the Oare row against the Stream and inclination of Time All Institutions and Ordinances be they never so pure will corrupt and degenerate But not to handle this matter Common-place like I would only ask why the Civill State should be purged and restored by Good and Wholesome Lawes made every Third or Fourth year in Parliament assembled Devising Remedies as fast as Time breedeth Mischief And contrariwise the Ecclesiasticall State should still continue upon the Dreggs of Time and receive no Alteration now for this Five and Forty years and more If any Man shall object that if the like Intermission had been used in Civil Causes also the Errour had not been great Surely the Wisedome of the Kingdome hath been otherwise in Experience for Three Hundred years space at the least But if it be said to me that there is a Difference between Civill Causes and Ecclesiasticall they may as well tell me that Churches and Chappels need no Reparations though Castles and Houses do Whereas commonly to speak truth Dilapidations of the Inward and Spirituall Edifications of the Church of God are in all times as great as the Outward and Materiall Sure I am that the very word and Stile of Reformation used by our Saviour Ab initio non fuit sic was applyed to Church Matters And those of the highest Nature concerning the Law Morall Neverthelesse He were both unthankfull and unwise that would deny but that the Church of England during the time of Queen Elizabeth of famous Memory did flourish If I should compare it with Forrain Churches I would â—ather the Comparison should be in the Vertues then as some make it in the Defects Rather I say as between the Vine and the Olive which should be most fruitfull And not as between the Briar the Thistle which should be most unprofitable For that Reverence should be used to the Church which the good Sons of Noah used to their Fathers Nakedness That is as it were to go backwards and to help the Defects thereof and yet to dissemble them And it is to be acknowledged that scarcely any Church since the Primitive Church yielded in like Number of Years and Latitude of Country a greater Number of Excellent Preachers Famous Writers and Grave Governers But for the Discipline and Orders of the Church as many the chiefest of them are Holy and Good So yet iâ— Saint Iohn were to indite an Epistle to the Church of England as he did to them of Asia it would sure have the Clause Habeo adversus te pauca And no more for this Point Saving that as an Appendix thereunto it is not amisse to touch that Objection which is made to the Time and not to the Matter Pretending that if Reformation were necessary yet it were not now seasonable at your Majesties First Entrance Yet Hippocrates saith Si quid moves à principio move And the wisedom of all Examples do shew that the wisest Princes as they have ever been the most sparing in Removing or Alteration of Servants and Officers upon their Coming in So for Removing of Abuses and Enormities And for Reforming of Lawes and the Policy of their States they have chiefly sought to ennoble and commend their Beginnings therewith Knowing that the first Impression with People continueth long And when Mens Minds are most in Expectation and Suspence then are they best wrought and mannaged And therefore it seemeth to me that as the Spring of Nature I mean the Spring of the year is the best Time for purging and Medicining the Naturall Body So the Spring of Kingdoms is the most proper Season for the purging and Rectifying of Politick Bodies There remaineth yet an Objection rather of Suspition then of Reason And yet such as I think maketh a great Impression in the minds of very wise and well affected Peâ—sons which is That if way be given to Mutation though it be in taking away Abuses yet it may so acquaint Men with sweetnesse of change as it will undermine the Stability even of that which is sound and good This surely had been a good and true allegation in the Ancient Contentions and Divisions between the People and the Senate of Rome where things were carried at the Appetites of Multitudes which can never keep
and others It is not the least that divers do adventure to handle the Word of God which are unfit and unworthy And herein I would have no man mistake me as if I did extoll curious and affected Preaching which is as much on the other side to be disliked And breedeth Atheism and Scandall as well as the other For who would not be offended at one that cometh into the Pulpit as if he came upon the Stage to play Parts or Prizes Neither on the other side as if I would discourage any who hath any tollerable Gift But upon this Point I ground three Considerations First whether it were not requisite to renew that good Exercise which was practised in this Church some years And afterwards put down by order indeed from the Church In regard of some Abuse thereof Inconvenient for those Times And yet against the Advice and Opinion of one of the Greatest and Gravest Prelates of this Land And was commonly called Prophecying Which was this That the Ministers within a Precinct did meet upon a week day in some principall Town where there was some ancient Grand Minister that was President And an Auditory admitted of Gentlemen or other Persons of Leysure Then every Minister successively beginning with the youngest did handle one and the same part of Scripture spendâ—ng severally some Quarter of an Hour or better And in the whole some two Hours And so the Exercise being begun and concluded with Prayer And the President giving a Text for the next meeting the Assembly was dissolved And this was as I take it a Forthnights Exercise which in my Opinion was the best way to frame and train up Preachers to handle the Word of God as it ought to be handled that hath been practised For we see Oratours have their Declamations Lawyers have their Moots Logicians their Sophems And every practise of Science hath an Exercise of Erudition and initiation before Men come to the Life Onely Preaching which is the worthiest And wherein it is most danger to be amisse Wanteth an Introduction and is ventred and rushed upon at the first But unto this Exercise of the Prophecy I would wish these two Additions The one that after this Exercise which is in some sort Publick there were immediately a Private Meeting of the same Ministers Where they might brotherly admonish the one the other And specially the elder sort the younger of any Thing that had passed in the Exercise in Matter or Manner unsound and uncomely And in a word might mutually use such Advise Instruction Comfort or Encouragement as Occasion might minister For publick Reprehension were to be debarred The other Addition that I mean is That the same Exercise were used in the Vniversities for young Divines before they presumed to Preach as well as in the Countrey for Ministers For they have in some Colledges an Exercise called a Common Place Which can in no Degree be so profitable being but the Speech of one Man at one time And if it be feared that it may be Occasion to whet Mens Speeches for Controversies it is easily remedied by some strict Prohibition that Matters of Controversie tending any way to the violating or Disquieting the Peace of the Church be not handled or entred into Which Prohibition in regard there is ever to be a Grave person President or Moderatour cannot be frustrate The second Consideration is whether it were not convenient there should be a more exact Probation and Examination of Ministers Namely that the Bishops do not ordain alone but by Advise And then that Ancient Holy Orders of the Church might be revived By the which the Bishop did ordain Ministers but at foure set times of the year which were called Quatuor Tempora which are now called Ember-weeks It being thought fit to accompany so High an Action with generall Fasting and Prayer and Sermons and all Holy Exercises And the Names likewise of those that were to be Ordained were published some dayes before their Ordination To the end Exceptions might be taken if just Cause were The Third Consideration is that if the Case of the Church of England be that where a Computation is taken of all the Parochian Churches allowing the Vnion of such as were too small and adjacent And again a Computation to be taken of the persons who are worthy to be Pastours And upon the said Account if it fall out that there are many more Churches then Pastours Then of Necessity Recourse must be had to one of these Remedies Either that Pluralities must be allowed specially if you can by permutation make the Benefices more compatible Or that there be Allowed Preachers to have a more generall Charge to supply and serve by turn Parishes unfurnished For that some Churches should be provided of Pastours able to teach and others wholy Destitute seemeth to me to be against the Communion of Saints and Christians And against the Practice of the Primitive Church Touching the Abuse of Excommunication EXcommunication is the greatest Iudgement upon Earth Being that which is ratified in Heaven And being a Precursory or Prelusory Iudgement of the great Iudgement of Christ in the End of the World And therefore for this to be used unreverently and to be made an Ordinary Processe to lackey up and down for Fees how can it be without Derogation to Gods Honour and making the power of the Keyes contemptible I know very well the Defence thereof which hath no great Force That it issueth forth not for the Thing it self but for the Contumacy I do not deny but this Iudgement is as I said before of the Nature of Gods Iudgements of the which it is a Modell For as the Iudgement of God taketh hold upon the least sin of the Impenitent And taketh no hold of the greatest Sin of the Convert or Penitent So Excommunication may in case issue upon the smallest Offence And in Case not issue upon the greatest But is this Contumacy such a Contumacy as Excommunication is now used for For the Contumacy must be such as the Party as far as the Eye and Wisdom of the Church can discern standeth in State of Reprobation and Damnation As one that for that time seemeth given over to Finall Impenitency Upon this Observation I ground two Considerations The one that this Censure be restored to the true Dignity and Vse thereof which is that it proceed not but in Causes of great weight And that it be decreed not by any Deputy or Substitute of the Bishop but by the Bishop in Person And not by him alone but by the Bishop Assisted The other Consideration is That in liew thereof there be given to the Ecclesiasticall Court some ordinary Processe with such Force and Coercion as appertaineth That so the Dignity of so high a Sentence being retained and the Necessity of Mean Processe supplyed the Church may be indeed restored to the Ancient Vigour and Splendour To this purpose joyn'd with some other Holy and Good purposes was there a
protest That in Case this Realm should be invaded with a Forrain Army by the Popes Authority for the Catholick Cause as they term it they would take part with her Majesty and not adhere to her enemies And whereas he saith no Priest dealt in matter of State Ballard onely excepted it appeareth by the Records of the Confession of the said Ballard and sundry other Priests That all Priests at that time generally were made acquainted with the Invasion then intended and afterwards put in Act And had received Instructions not onely to move an Expectation in the People of a Change But also to take their Vows and Promises in Shrift to adhere to the Forrainer Insomuch that one of their Principall Heads vaunted himself in a Letter of the Devise sayingâ— That it was a Point the Counsell of England would never dream of Who would imagine that they should practise with some Noble-Man to make him Head of their Faction whereas they took a Course onely to deal with the People And them so severally as any One apprehended should be able to appeal no more then Himself except the Priests who he knew would reveal nothing that was uâ—tered in Confession So Innocent was this Princely Priestly Function which thiâ— Man taketh to be but a matter of Conscience and thinketh it Reason it should have free Exercise throughout the Land 4. Of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christendom And to what Causes it may be justly assigned IT is indeed a Question which those that look into Matters of State do well know to fall out very often though this Libeller seemeth to be more ignorant thereof whether the Ambition of the more Mighty State or the Iealousie of the Lesse Mighty State be to be charged with Breach of Amity Hereof as there be many Examples so there is one so proper unto the present Matter As though it were many years since yet it seemeth to be a Parable of these Times and namely of the Proceedings of Spain and England The States Then which answered to these two Now were Macedon and Athens Consider therefore the Resemblance between the two Philips of Macedon and Spain He of Macedon aspired to the Monarchy of Greece as He of Spain doth of Europe But more apparently then the First Because that Design was discovered in his Father Charles the fifth and so left him by Descent whereas Philip of Macedon was the first of the Kings of that Nation which fixed so great Conceits in his Breast The Course which this King of Macedon held was not so much by great Armies and Invasions Though these wanted not when the Case required But by Practise By sowing of Factions in States and by Obliging sundry particular persons of Greatnesse The State of Opposition against his Ambitious procedings was onely the State of Athens as now is the State of England against Spain For Lacedemon and Thebes were both low as France is now And the rest of the States of Greece were in Power and Territories far inferiour The People of Athens were exceedingly affected to Peace And weary of Expence But the Point which I chiefly make the Compaâ—ison was that of the Oratours which were as Counsellours to a Popular State Such as were sharpest fighted and looked deepest into the Projects and and spreading of the Macedonians doubting still that the Fire after it licked up the Neighbour States and made it self Opportunity to passe would at last take hold of the Dominions of Athâ—ns with so great Advantages as they should not be able to remedy it were ever charged both by the Declarations of the King of Macedon and by the Imputation of such Athenians as were corrupted to be of his Faction as the Kindlers of Troubles and Disturbers of the Peace and Leagues But as that Party was in Athenâ— too Mighty so as it discountenaâ—ced the true Counsels of the Oratours And so bred the Ruine of that Stâ—te And accomplishedâ— the Ends of that Philip So it is to be hoped that iâ— a Monarâ—hy where there are commonly better Intelligences and Resolutions then in a popular State those Plots as they are dâ—tected already So they will be resisted and made Frustrate But to follow the Libeller in his own Câ—urse the Sum of that which he delivereth concerning the Imputation As well of the Interruption of the Amity between the Crowns of England and of Spain As the Disturbance of the generall Peace of Christendome Unto the English Proceedings and not to the Ambitiâ—us Appetites of Spain may be reduced into Three Points 1. Touching the Pâ—oceeding of Spain and England towards their Neighbour States 2. Touching the Proceeding of Spain and England beâ—wâ—en themselves 3. Touching the Articles and Conditions which it pleaseth him as it were in the behalf of England to Pen and propose for the treating and Concluding oâ— an Vniversall Peace In the First he discovereth how the King of Spain nâ—â—er offered Molestation Neither unto the States of Italy upon which he confineth by Naples and Millaine Neither unto the States of â—ermany unto whom â—e confineth by a part of â—urgundy and the Low-Countries Nor unto Portugall till it was devolved to him in Title upon which he confineâ—h by Spain But contrariwise as one that had in precious regaâ—d the Peace of Christendom he designed from the beginning to turn his whole Forces upon the Turk Oâ—ely he confesseth that agreeable to his Devotion which apprehended as well the purging of Christendom from Heresies as the Enlarging thereof upon the Infidels He was ever ready to give Succours unto the French Kingâ— agâ—inst the Huguonotts especially being their own Subjects Whereas on the other side England as he affirmeth hath not only sowed Tâ—oubles and Dissentions in France and Scotland The one their Neighbour upon the Continent The other divided onely by the Narrow Seas But also hath actually invaded both Kingdomes For as for the Matters of the Low-Countries they belong to the Dealings which have passed by Spain In Answer whereof it is worthy the Consideration how it pleased God in thâ—t King to cross one Passion by another And namely that Passion which mought have proved dangerous unto all â—urope which was his Ambition by another which was only hurtfull to himself and his own Which was Wrath and Indignation towards his Subjects the Netherlands For after that he was setled in his Kingdom and freed from some Fear of the Turk Revolving his Fathers design in aspiring to a Monarchy of â—urope casting his Eye principally upon the two Potent Kingdomes of France and England And remembring how his Father had once promised unto himself the Conquest of the one And how himself by Marriage had lately had some Possession of the other And seeing that Diversity of Religion was entered into both these Realmes And that France was fallen unto Princes weak and in Minority And England unto the Government of a Lady In whom he did not expect that Pollicy of Government Magnanimity Felicity which since he
hath proved Concluded as the Spaniards are great Waiters upon Time ground their Plots deep upon two Points The one to profess an extraordinary Patronage Defence of the Roman Religion making account thereby to have Factions in both Kingdoms In England a Faction directly against the State In France a Faction that did consent indeed in Religion with the King and therefore at first shew should seem unproper to make a Party for a Forreiner But he foresaw well enough that the King of France should be forced to the end to retain Peace and Obedience to yeeld in some things to those of the Religion which would undoubtedly alienate the Fiery and more violent sort of Papists Which Preparation in the People added to the Ambition of the Family of Guise which he nourished â—or an Instrument would in the end make a Party for him against the State as since it proved and mought well have done long before As may well appear by the Mention of League and Associations which is above 25. years old in France The other Point he concluded upon was That his Low-Countries was the aptest place both for Ports and Shipping in respect of England And for Sciâ—uation in respect of France having goodly Frontier Townes upon that Realm And joyning also upon Germany whereby they might receive in at Peasure any Forces of Almaines To annoy and offend either Kingdom The Impediment was the Inclination of the People which receiving a wonderfull Commodity of Trades out of both Realmes especially of England And having been in ancient League and Confederacy with our Nation And having been also Homagers unto â—rance He knew would be in no wise disposed to either War Whereupon he resolved to reduce them to a Martiall Government Like unto that which he had established in Naples and Millain upon which suppression of their Liberties ensued the Defection of those Provinces And about the same time the Reformed Religion found entâ—ance in the same Countries So as the King enflamed with the Resistance he found in the first Part of his Plots And also because he mought not dispense with his other Principle in yielding to any Toleration of Religion And withall expecting a shorter work of it then he found Became passionatly bent to Reconquer those Countries Wherein he hath consumed infinite Treasure and Forces And this is the true Cause if a Man will look into it that hath made the King of Spain so good a Neigbbour Namely that he was so entangled with the Wars of the Low-Countries as he could not intend any other Enterprise Besides in Enterprizing upon Italy he doubted first the Displeasure of the See of Rome with whom he meant to run a Course of strait Conjunction Also he doubted it might invite the Turk to return And for Germany he had a fresh Example of his Father who when he had annexed unto the Dominions which he now possesseth the Empire of Almaign neverthelesse sunck in that Enterprize whereby he perceived that the Nation was of too strong a Composition for him to deal withall Though not long since by practise he could have been contented to snatch up in the East the Countrey of Emden For Portugal first the Kings thereof were good Sons to the See of Rome Next he had no Colour of Quarrel or pretence Thirdly they were Officious unto him yet iâ— you will believe the Genuese who otherwise writeth much to the Honour and Advantage of the Kings of Spain It seemeth he had a good mind to make himself a way into that Kingdom seeing that for that purpose as he reporteth he did artificially nourish the yong King Sâ—bastian in the Voyage of Affrick expecting that overthrow which followed As for his Intention to warr upon the Inâ—idels and Turks it maketh me think what Francis Guicciardiue a wise writer of History speaketh of his great Grandâ— Father Making a Judgement of him as Historiographers use That he did alwayes mask and vail his Appetites with a Demonstration of a Devout and Holy Intention to the Advancement of the Church and the Publick Good His Father also when he received Advertisement of the taking of the French King prohibited all Ringings and Bonfires and other Tokens of Joy and said Those were to be reserved for Victories upon Infidels On whom he meant never to warre Many a Cruzada hath the Bishop of Rome granted to him and his Predecessours upon that Colour Which all have been spent upon the Effusion of Christian Bloud And now this year the Levies of Germans which should have been made under hand for France were coloured with the pretence of Warr upon the Turk Which the Princes of Germany descrying not onely brake the Levies but threatned the Commissioners to hang the next that should offer the like Abuse So that this Form of Dissembling is Familiar and as it were Hereditary to the King of Spain And as for his Succours given to the French King against the Protestants he could not chuse but accompany the Pernicious Counsels which still he gave to the French Kings of breaking their Edicts and admitting of no Pacification but pursuing their Subjects with Mortall Warre with some Offer of Aides which having promised he could not but in some small Degree perform whereby also the Subject of France namely the violent Papist was enured to depend upon Spain And so much for the King of Spaines proceedings towards other States Now for ours And first touching the Point wherein he charâ—â—th us to be the Authours of Troubles in Scotland and France It will appear to any that have been well enformed of the Memoâ—iâ—s of these Affaires That the Troubles of those Kingdomes were indeed chiefly kindled by one and the same Family of the Guise A Family as was partly touched before as particularly dâ—voted now for many years together to Spain as the Order of the Iâ—suiâ—es is This House of Guise â—aving of late years extraordinarily flourished in the eminent Verâ—ue of a few Persons whose Ambition neverthelesse was nothing inferiour to their vertue But being of a House notwithstanding which the Princes of the Bloud of France reckoned but as strangers Aspired to a Greatness more then Civill and proportionable to their Cause wheresoever they had Authority And accordingly under Colour of Consanguinity and Religion they brought into Scotland in the year 1559 and in the Absence of the King and Queen French Forces in great numbers whereupon the Ancient Nobility of that Realm seeing the imminent danger of Reducing that Kingdome under the Tyranny of Strangers did pray according to the good Intelligence between the two Crowns hâ—r Majesties Neigh â—ourly â—orces And so it is true that the Action being very Just Honourable her Majesty undertook it expelled the Strangers and restored the Nobility to their Degrees and the State to Peace After when Certain Noble-Men of Scotland of the same Faction of â—uâ—se had during the Minority of the King possessed themselves of his Person to the end to abuse his Authority