and Franchises granted by the glorious King Edward 3. That they prescribe the due payment of Tithes to God and his Ministers as well personal as praedial under Ecclesiastical and temporal penalties being granted and consented unto a Rege et Baronibus et Populo 4. That the Causes and pleas of the Church ought first to be heard ended in Courts and Councils before any other Iustitia enim est ut Deus ubique prae caeteris honoretur 5. That they thus define Danegild Danegaldi redditio propter Piratas primitus Statuta est Patriam enim infestantes vastationi ejus pro posse suo insistebant Ad eorum quidem insolentiam reprimendam Statutum est Danegaldum annuatim reddi scilicet duodecim denarios de unaquaque Hida totius Patriae ad conducendos eos qui Piratarum eruptioni Resistendo obviarent To which Hoveden Knyghton Lambard and others subjoyn De hoc quoque Danegaldo omnis ecclesia libera est quieta omnis terra quae in proprio dominico Ecclesiae erat ubicunque jacebat nihil prorsus in tali redemptione persolvens quia magis in Ecclesiae confidebant orationibus quam in armorum defensionibus usque tempora Willielmi junioris qui Ruffus vocabatur donec eodem a Baronibus Angliae auxilium requirente ad Normanniam requirendam retinendam de Roberto suo fratre cognomine Cortehose Ierusalem proficiscente Concessum est et non Lege sancitum neque confirmatum sed hac necessitatis causa ex unaquaque hida sibi dari quatuor solidos Ecclesia non excepta Dum vero collectio census fieret proclamabat Ecclesia suam reposcens libertatem sed nil profecit By which it is apparent 1. That this grievous Tax of Danegeld was first granâ—ed and appointed by a publike Law in a Parliamentary Council to hire men to resist the eruption of the Pyrates and Enemies That it amounted but to 12 d. a year upon every Ploughland That the Church and Demesne Lands of the Church where ever they lay were exempted from it till William Rufus his time who first exacted it from the Clergy upon a pretended necessity and raiâ—ed it from 12 d. to 4 s. a Ploughland by grant of the Barons without any Law to enact or confirm it for fear of drawing it into consequence 6ly That these Laws thus describe the Duty and Office of a King The King because he is the Vicar of the highest King is constituted for this end that he may rule the earthly kingdom and the Lords people and above all things that he may reverence his holy Church and defend it from injuries pluck away evil doers from it and utterly to dâ—stroy and disperse them Which unless he shall doe the name of a King agreeth not unto him the Prophet Pope John witnessing Nomen Regis perdit qui quod Regis est non faciat he loseth the name of a King who dischargeth not the duty of a King Pepin and Charls his Son being not yet Kings but Princes under the French King hearing this definitive Sentence as well truly as prudently pronounâ—ed concerning the name of a King by William the bastard King of England foolishly writ to Pope John demanding this queâ—â—ion of him Whether the Kings of France ought so to continue being content only with the name of a King Who answered That it is convenient to call them Kings who do watch over defend and govern the Church of God and his people imitating King David the Psalmograph saying He shall not dwell in my House which worketh pride c. After which it followeth in Mr. Fox and some others but not in Hoveden and Knyghton â— Moreover the King by his right and by his Office ought to defend and conserve fully and wholly in all ampleness without diminution all the Lands Honours Dignities Rights and Liberties of the Crown of his Kingdom And further to reduce into their pristine state all such things as have been dispersed wasted and lost which appertain to his kingdom Also the whole and universal Land with all Ilands about the same in Norwey and Denmark be appertaining to the Crown of his kingdom and be of the appurtenances and dignity of the King making one Monarchy and one Kingdom which sometimes was called the Kingdom of Britain and now the Kingdom of England such bounds and limits as is abovesaid be appointed and limited to the name of this kingdom A King abovâ— all things ought to fear God to â—ove and observe his commandements and cause them to be observed through his whole kingdom He ought also to keep cherish maintain and govern the holy Church within his kingdom with all integrity and Liberty according to the constitution of his ancestors and predecessors and to defend the same against all Enemies so that God above all things be honoured and ever before his eyes He ought also to set up Good Laws aud Customs such as be wholesom and approved Such as be otherwise to repeal them and thrust them out of his kingdom Item he ought to doe Iudgement and Iustice in his kingdom by the counsel of his Realm All these things ought a King in his own person to do taking his Oath upon the Evangelist swearing in the presence of the whole State of the Realm as well of the Temporalty 〈◊〉 of the Spiritualty before he be crowned of the Archbishops and Bishopâ— Three Servants the King ought to havâ— under his feet as Vassals Fleshly Lust Avarice and Grâ—edy desire whom if he keep under as his Seruants and Slaves he shall reign well and honourably in his Kingdom All things are to be done with good advisement and premeditation and that properly belongeth to a King For hasty rashness bringeth all things to ruine according to the saying of the Gospel Every kingdom divided in it self shall be desolate c. A clear evidence that our Saxon Kingâ— had no arbitrary nor tyrannical power to condemn banish imprison oppresse or Tax their Subjects in any kinde against their Laws Liberties Properties And thus much touching King Edwards Laws Qui ob vitae integritatem Regnandi Iustitiam clementiam Legumque sive à se latarum sive ex veteribus sumptarum Equitatem inter Sanctos relatus est as Matthew Parker records of him In the year of Christ 1053. as many or 1054. as others compute it that old perjured Traytor Earl Godwin came to a most soddein shamefull exemplary death by divine justice which the marginal Historians thus relate and Abbot Ailred thus prefaceth Inserendum arbitror quâ—modo Godwinum proditionum suarum donatum stipendiis divini judicii ultrix ira consumpserit detestandique facinoris quod in Regem fratremque ejus coÌ„miserat populo spectante ipsam quam meruerat poenam exolverat This Godwin being the Kings Father-in-law abusing his simplicity multa in regno contra jus et fas pro potestate faciebat did many things in the
in the world who publickly imbraced professed countenanced propagated the faith and Gospel of Iesus Christ and abolished Pagan Idolatry in their Dominions And of later times as our English Realm brought forth King Henry the 8th the first Christian King in the world who by Acts of Parliament abolished the Popes usurped power and jurisdiction out of his Dominions King Edward the sixth his son the first Christian King and Queen Elizabeth the first Christian Queen we read of in the world who totally abolished suppressed Popery banished it their kingdoms and established the publike Profession of the Protestant Religion by publike Statutes made in their Parliaments So during the reigns of our Saxon Kings after they turned Christians this Realm of England procreated more devout holy pious just and righteous Kings eminent for their piety justice excellent Ecclesiastical and Civil Laws transcendent bounty to the Church Clergy and Martyrdom for the defence of Religion and their Country against Pagan Invaders than any one Kingdom throughout the World There being no less then 15 or 16 of our Saxon Kings and 13 Queens within 200 years space who out of piety devotion and contempt of the world according to the piety of that age out of date in this voluntarily renounced their earthly Crowns and Kingdomâ— and became professed Monks Nuns to obtain an incorruptible Crown and Kingdom in Heaven 12 Kings crowned with Martyrdom being slain by Pagan invaders 10 of them being canonized for transcendent Saints and enrolled for such in all Martyrologies Liturgies of the Church which I doubt few of our new Republican Saints will be Yea the piety of our Kings in that age was generally so surpassing Ut mirum tunc fuerat Regem non Sanctum videre as John Capgrave informs us Whence Wernerus a forein Chronologer in his Fasciculus temporum records Plures se invenisse sanctos Reges in Anglia quam in alia mundi Provincia quanâ—umcunque populosa And Abbot Ailred long before him gives this memorable testimony of the Sanctity Martyrdom Iustice and study of the peoples publike we al before the private shining forth in our Saxon Kings more than in any other kings throughout the world Verum prae cunctis civitatibus Regnisve terrarum de sanctitate Regum suorum Anglia gloriatur quorum alii coronati martyrio de terreno ad caeleste Regnum migraverunt alii exilium patriae praeferentes mori pro Christo peregre deligerunt nonnulli posito diademate disciplicinis se monasticis subdederunt quidam in justitia et sanctitate regnantes prodesse subditis quam praeesse maluerunt whose footsteps with the pretending self-denying antimonarchical domineâ—ring Saints over us would now imitate inter quos istud Sydus eximium gloriosus Rex Edwardus emicuit quem cernimus in divitiis egenum in deliciis sobrium in purpura humilem sub corona aurea seculi contemptorem So as the Prophesies of Psal. 72 2 6. Isay. 42 4 10 12. c. 49.1 23. c. 51 5. c. 60 9 10 11. c. 66.19 seem to be principally intended and verified of our Kings Isle above alâ—others in the world No wonder then that these ages of theirs afford us notwithstanding all the wars tumults combustions therein sundry memorable Presidents of great Parliamentary Councils Synods Civil and Ecclesiastical excelleut Laws aud Canons made in royal Charters confirmed by them with divers memorable Mouuments both of our Parliamentary Councils Kings Princes Nobles Peoples constant care diligence prudence fortitude in defending preserving vindicating and perpetuating to posterity the good old Laws Liberties Franchises Rights Customs Government publike justice and Propriety of the Nation to suppress abolish all ill Law tyrannical unjust Proceedings Oppressions Exactions Imposts Grievances Taxes repugnant thereunto to advance Religion Piety Learning the free course of Iustice and the peoples welfare Which I have here in a Chronological method for the most part faithfully collected out of our antientest best Historians and Antiquaries of all sorts where they ly confused scattered and many of them being almost quite buried in oblivion and so far forgotten that they were never so much as once remembred or inâ—isted on either in our late Parliaments aud Great Courts of Iustice in any late publike Arguments or Debates touching the violation or preservation of the fundamental Laws Liberties Properties Rights Franchises of the Nation now almost quite forgotten and trampled under foot after all our late contests for their defence I have throughout these Collections strictly confined my self to the very words and expressions of those Historians I cite coupling their relations together where they accord in one citing them severally where they vary and could not aptly be conjoyned transcribing their most pertinent passages in the language they penned them omitted by our vulgar English Chronologers and annexing some brief observations to them for Explanation or Information where there is occasion The whole undertaking I here humbly submit to the favourable acceptation and censure of every judicious Reader who if upon his perusal thereof shall esteem it worthy of such an Encomium as William Thorne a Monk of Canterbury hath by way of Prologue praefixed to his own Chronicle Valens labor laude dignus per quem ignota noscuntur occulta ad noticiam patescunt praeterita in lucem praesentia in experientiam futura temporibus non omittantur quia labilis est humana memoria necesse constat scriptis inseri memoranda ne humanae fragilitatis contingens oblivio fieret posteris inopinata confusio It will somewhat incourage me to proceed from these remote obscure times to ages next ensuing in the like or some other Chronological method But if any out of disaffection to the work or diversity from me in opinion shall deem these Collections useless or superfluous I hope they will give me leave to make the selfsame Apology for my self and them as our most judidious Historian William of Malmesbury long since made for himself and his Historical collections Et quidem erunt multi fortassis in diversis Regionibus Anglâ—ae qui quaedam aliter ac ego dixi se dicant audisse vel legisse Veruntamen si recto aguntur judicio non ideo me censorio expungent stilo Ego enim veram Legem secutus Historiae nihil unquam posui nisi quod à sidelibus relatoribus vel scriptoribus addidici Porro quoquo modo haec se habeant privatim ipse mihi sub ope Christi gratulor quod continuam Anglorum Historiam ordinaveram vel solus vel primus at least wise in this kind Si quis igitur post me scribendi de talibus munus attentaverit mihi debeat collectionis gratiam sibi habeat electionis materiam Quod superest munus meum dignanter suscipite ut gaudeam grato â—ognitoris arbitrio qui non erravi eligendi judicio Thus craving the Benefit of thy Prayers for Gods Blesâ—sing on these my
first That the Parliamentary Council wherein this Charter was made and ratified by common consent and this exemption and tenth granted was principally called to resist the invading plundering Danes 2ly That this King and Council in those times of Invasion and necessiâ—y were so far from taking away the Lands and Tithes of the Church for defence of the Realm or from imposing new unnâ—ual Taxes and Contributions on the Clergy for that end that they granted them more Lands and Tithes than formerly and exempted them from all former ordinary Taxes and Contributions that they might more cheerfully and frequently pour â—orâ—h prayers to God for them as the best means of defence and security against these forein invading enemies Mr. Selden recites another Charter of this King of the same year different from it in month and place out of the Chartularies of Abbington Abbey to the same effect made by Parliamentary consent of that time per consilium saâ—ubre cum Episcopis Comiâ—ibus ac cunctâ—s Optimatibus meis which Charâ—er is sâ—bscribed by this King and his two Sons with some Bishops and Abbots ratified with their signs of the Cross and this annexed curse Si quis verò minuere velmutare nostram donationem praesumpserit noscat se ante tribunal Christi redditurum rationem nisi prius satisfactione emendaverit usual in such Charters Afâ—er which this King going to Rome carried Alfred his youngest Son thither with him whom he most loved to be educated by Pope Leo where continuing a year he caused him to be crowned King by the Pope and returning into his Country married Iudith the King of France his Daughter bringing Alfred and her with him into England In the Kings absence in forein parts Alstan Bishop of Sherburne Eandulfe Earl of Somerset and certain other Nobles making a Conspiracie with Ethelbald the Kings eldest Son concluded he should never be received into the Kingdom upon his return from Rome for two Causes One for that he had caused his youngest son Alfred to be crowned King at Rome excluding thereby as it were his eldest Son and others from the Right of the Kingdom Another for that contemning all the wâ—men of England he had married thâ— Daâ—ghâ—er of the Kiâ—g of Fraâ—ceâ— an alien et contra morem et Statuta Regum West-Saxonum and against the use and Statuâ—es of the Kings of the West-Saxons called Juâ—ith the King of France his Daughter wâ—om he lately espâ—used Queen and caused her to sit by his side at the Table as he â—easted For the West-Saxons permitâ—ed not the Kings Wife to sit by the King at the Table nor yet â—o be calâ—ed Queen but the Kings Wife Which Infamy arose 〈◊〉 Eadburga Daughter of King Oâ—fa Queen of the sâ—me Natâ—on who destroyed her Husband King Brithrâ—â—ic with poison and sitting by the King was wont to accuse all â—he Nobles of the Realm to him who thereupon depâ—ived them of lâ—fe or banished them the Realmâ— whom she câ—uld not accusâ— she used to kill wâ—th poison Thereforeâ— for this mis-doing of the Qâ—â—en they all conjured and swore that they would never permit a King to reign over them who should be guilty in the premises Wâ—eâ—eupon King Aethelulfe returning peaceably from Rome his Son Aethelbald with his Complices attempted to bring their conceived wickedness to effect in excluding him from his own Realm and Crown But Almighty God would not permit it for lest peradventure a more than civil war should arise betwâ—â—n the Father and tâ—e Son the Conspiracie of all the Bishops and Nobles ceased though the King Clemency who divided the Kingdom of the West-Saxons formerly undivided with his Son so that the East paâ—t of the Realm should go to his Son Ethelbald and the West-part remain to the Father And when tota Regni Nobiliras all the Nobility of the Realm and the whole Naâ—ion of the West-Saxons would havâ— fought for the King thrust his Son Ethelbald from the right of the Kingdom and 〈◊〉 him and his Complices out of the Realm qui tantum facinus perpeâ—rare ausi sunt Regem à regno â—ropâ—io reâ—ellerent which Wigorniensis Anno 855. â—â—leâ— Facinus et inauditum omnibus saeculis ante infortunium if the Father would have permitted them to do it He out of the nobleness of his mind satisfiâ—d his Sons desire so that where the Father ought to have reigned by the just judgement of God there the obstinâ—te and wicked Son reigned The King Aethelulfe before the death of Egbert his father was ordained Bishop of Winchester but his Father dying he was made King by the Prelatesâ— Nobles and People much against his will cum non esset alius de Regio genere qui regnare debuisset because there was none other of the Royal Race who ought to reign Haeredibus aliis deficientibus poâ—â—modum necessitate compulsus gubernacula Regni in se suscepit as Bromton and others expresse it At his death Anno 857. he did by his will lest his Sons should fall out between themselves after his decease give the kingdom of Kent with Sussex and Essâ—x to Ethelbert his second son and left the kingdom of the West-Saxons to his eldest son Aethelbald then he devised certain sums of Money to his Daughter Kindred Nobles and a constant annuity for ever for meat dâ—ink and cloths to one poor man or pilgrim out of every 10 Hides of his Land 300 marks of mony to be sent yearly to Rome to be spent there in Oyl for Lamps Almes which sums I never find paid by his Successors as he prescribed by his Will and Charter too because not confirmed by his great Parliamentary Councils of Prelates and Nobles as his forcited Charter and Peter-pence likewise granted by him were upon this occasion as some record that he being in Rome and seeing there outlawed men doing penance in bonds of Iron purchased of the Pope thaâ— Englishmen after that time should never out of their Country do penance in Bonds About the year of our Lord 867. Osbrith King of Northumberland as Bromton records residing at York as he returned from hunting went into the house of one of his Nobles called Bruern Bocard to eat who was then gone to the Sea-coasts to defend it the Ports against Theeves and Pirates as he was accustomed His Lady being extraordinarily beautifull entertained him very honorably at dinner The K. enamored with her beauty after dinner taking her by the hand leads her into her Chamber saying he would speak with her in private and there violently ravished her against her will which done he presently returned to York but the Lady abode at her house weeping and lamenting the deeds of the King whereby she lost her former colour and beauty Her Husband returning and finding her in this sad condition inquired the cause thereof wherewiâ—h she fully acâ—uainting him he thereupon cheered her up with comfortable words saying that he would not love
if our Monkish Historians may bee credited frustrated this design For though the Queen and her Complices out of their transcendent malice which O that some of late times had not overmuch imitated Inimicitias quas viventi ingesserunt in mortuum protelantes sepelierunt â—um fine Regio honore apud Warhamâ— ut sicut vitam ejus extinxerant ita et nomen ejus extinguerent hic vero compertum est contra divinam providentiam non sufficere pravum cor hominis et inscrutabile Quem enim perfidi terris abjicerant Deus coelo gloriosè suscepit et memoriae aeternae insignivit eum Dominus cujus mentionem Proditores obnubulare studuerant But mark the sad sequel of this prodigious Regicide Proditione Gentis suae perfidae thus registred by Henry Huntindon an impartial Historian Inde Dominus iterum ad iram provocatus est et plus solito irritatus Genti pessimae malum inextricabile conferre cogitavit et quod facere paraverat non distulit Veneruntque Dani et operuerunt Angliam quasinubes coeli To which William of Malmsbury subjoyns Creditumque et celebritèr vulgatumâ— quod propter Elfridae in Edwardum insolentiam multo post tempore tota patria servitutem infremuisset Barbaricam Take the summ of his Reign Murther Saintship in these words of Abbot Ethelred Translato ad coelestia Regna Rege Eadgaroâ— in reâ—no terreno filius ejus Edwardus successit Qui injuste ab impâ—â—s interfectus tum 〈…〉 tum ob mortis 〈◊〉 tatem Sancti Nomen et Meritum Deo donante promeruit being afterward translated to Shaftsbury and there honourably enshrined King Edward being thus treacherously murdered on the 17th day of April Anno 978. when he had reigned only 3. years and 8. moneths by hereditary Succession thereupon on the 8. of May 979. his half-brother Ethelred was crowned King at Kingston by both the Archbishops Dunstan and Oswald and ten Bishops more in the presence of the Nobles much against Dunstans will And although Ethelred so much lamented his Brothers murder being then but a child of ten years old not active to promote this Treacherous plot and so detesting it that his Mother Elfrida in a rage whipped him for it with candles for want of a rod which made him abhor candles all his life yet Dunstan full of a propheticall Spirit at the very time of his Coronation told him that he and his Posterity together with the whole kingdom should suffer grievous tribulation all his reign using these words then unto him Beâ—ause thou hast aspired to the Kingdom by the death of thy Brother whom thy Mother murdered therefore hear the word of the Lord Thus saith the Lord The Sword and Bloud shall not depart from thy House nor from the Nation but shall rage against thee all the days of thy Life slaying thy séed until thy Kingdom shall be translated to another Realm and Nation whose Customs and Language that Nation over which thou reignest knoweth not quâ— eos in ulâ—imâ—m redâ—gat servitutem who shaâ—â— reduce them into the extremest Bondage for conspiring with thy ignominious Mother against the Bloud of thy Brother Neither shaâ—â— thy fin nor the sin of thy Mother Nor the sin of those who were privy to her wicked Counsell that they might stretch out an hand against the Lords anointed to slay him be expiated but by a long Revenge and much effusion of bloud Which accordingly came to pass and let all others whom it concerns most nearly with our whole English Nation now seriously reminde it This Prophecie was presently after seconded with a prodigious Cloud spread and seen over all England sundry nights which appeared sometimes bloudy other times fiery and then changing it self into divers sort of flashings and colours vanished about the morning The very next year following the barbarous Danes invaded England burnt Southampton killing and carrying away Prisoners almost all the Inhabitants thereof after which they infested and wasted the Isle of Teneth and City of West-Chester invading England every year with new forces til they had laid the whole kingdom desolate expelled King Ethelred with his Queen and Children into foreign patts and possessed themselves both of the Crown aud Realm as absolute Soveraigns And here before I proceed further I cannot but take special Notice of Gods admirable retaliating Justice inflicted upon some of our Saxon usurping Regicides and their Posterities worthy our saddest contemplation King Edgar as I touched before injuriously usurped upon his elder Brother King Edwyn and by force of arms deprived him of half his Crown and kingdom at first and of his whole Realm if not life too at last But within few years after by Gods avenging hand his best beloved eldest Son and heir King Edward to whom he bequeathed the Crown at his death was first opposed in his Succession and soon after most treacheâ—ously butchered by his own Queen and younger Son who invaded the Crown by his slaughter King Edgar treacherously slew Earl Ethelwold as you have read to espouse his wife Elfreda Crown her for his best beloved Queen who no doubt was consenting to if not the contriver of his murder as he was hunting in Worel Forest. And she to requite this murder kills his own Son and heir King Edward as he came from hunting in a Forest not very far distant from the same place Elfere Earl of Mercia the Queens chief Counseller and Instrument to murther and dethrone King Edward whom he stabbed to death with his own hands as Malmesbury records though to expiate this crime he soon after honourably translated his Corps from Warham to Shaftsbury-Minster yet by Gods avenging wrath about a year after his whole body was eaten up of Lice and Worms so that he died most miserably Queen Alfrida the chief Plotter of this murder soon after the fact was struck with such horror of conscience for this bloudy Regicide that to pacifie the pangs thereof and expiate the guilt of his crying bloud she built two Monasteries at Almesbury and Warwel and casting off her royal robes and State entred into the later of them where she afflicted her self with sackcloth fasting weeping and severe penance unto the day of her death bewailing this bloudy crime all the remainder of her life The whole English Nation who were either consenters to or overgreat connivers at their Soveraigns Murther which they never publikely questioned nor revenged were not only stricken consumed with all sorts of Plagues and strange diseases but uncessantly invaded oppressed spoiled captivated conquered murderated and almost quite extirpated by the barbarous Danes who usurped the Soveraignty over them for three Generations being made a spectacle of divine Justice both to Angels and Man As for King Ethelred himself though then an infant he purchased nothing else by his Brothers blood but a Crown of Thorns and Cares living in perpetual warrs cares fears wants distresses being crossed in all his designs warrs by
foreplotted the Treason aforesaid and suborned them to execute it After their publick confession thereof he caused them all to be first drawn and then hanged for it Others write that Edric himself or his Son by his command murdered him at Oxford on St. Andâ—ews night as he was easing nature in an house of Office stabbing him into the bowels with a two-edged knife through the hole of the privy in which one of them lay in wait to murder him leaving the knife sticking in his bowels and him dead in the place And some write that he placed an Image in his Chamber with a bow and arrow ready bent which Edmond admiring at touching the spring which held the bow thus bent the arrow thereupon pierced slew him in the place That before his death was known Edric went to Edmonds wife and taking away her two young Sons from her brought and delivered them to Cnute and then saluted him saying GOD SAVE THEE SOLE KING OF ENGLAND Whereupon Cnute demanding Why he saluted him in this manner He then informed him of King Edmoâ—ds death and how he had murdered him of purpose to make him sole King of England Speed adds That he cut off his Soveraigns head â— presenting it to Cnute with these â—awning salutations All hail thou sole Monarch of England for here behold the head of thy Copartner which for thy sake I have adventured to cut off which no antient Historian mentions Upon this Cnute though ambitious enough in Soveraignty yet out of a Princely disposition sore grieved at such a disloyal treacherous act presently replyed to him I for reward of so great and meritorious a service done for me willâ— this day advance thee above all the Nobles of the Realm After which he caused his head to be cut off then fixed on an higâ— poll and placed on the highest Tower of London for the birds to prey upon Others more agreeable to the truth relate That Cnute in the first year of his reign depriving this Arch-Traitor Edric of the Dukedom of Mercia which he had many years enjoyed thereupon Edric in the feast of Christs Nativity repaired to Cnute at his Palace in London to expostulate with him about it where checking the King over-harshly he upbraided him with the many benefits he had received from him amongst which he mentioned two wherewith he specially provoked him to anger saying Most dear King you ought not to speak harshly to me nor suffer any evil to be done unto me for you had never enjoyed the Realm of England but by my means For out of love to thee I have first betrayed King Ethelred after that I deserted Edmond my proper and natural Lord and afterwards I foreplotted his death and murdered my just and true liege Lord out of my fidelity towards thee to bring the whole kingdom unto thee and dost thou so lightly vilify so great love conferred on thee for which I never received any benefit or profit from thee At which speeches Cnute changing his countenance expressing his fury by its redness presently pronounced this sentence against him saying And thou shalt deservedly die thou most perfidious Traitor seeing by thy own confession thou art guilty of Treason both against God and me who hast slain thine own Soveraign and natural King and my dear confederate Brother His bloud be upon thy head because thou hast stretched out thy hand against the Lords anointed And lest a tumult should be raised among the people he commanded him to be there presently strangled in his palace and his body to be cast through a window into the river of Thames to be devoâ—red of the fishes as some or hanged upon London walls unburied to be devoured by birds as others story At which time Duke Norman son of Duke Leofwin Captain of Edrics guard Aethelward son of Duke Agelmar and Brihtricus son of Alphege Earl of Devonshire with many others of Edrics followers were likewise slain without offence together with Edric because Cnute feared he should one time or other be circumvented by the treacheries of this old perfidious Traitor hearing his former natural Lords Ethelred and Edmond had frequently been betrayed by him quorum diutina proditione alterum vexavit alterum interfecit there being no trust to be reposed in such a Traytor to his Soveraigns Thus this inveterate Arch-Traitor to his Natural Country Kings and bloudy Regicide by Gods divine Justice received the just punishment of all his Treasons at the last instead of expected great rewards from that hand he least suspected Whence Matthew Westminster relating both the Histories of the manner of Edrics death concludes thus Sed sive sic sive aliter vitam finierit Proditor Edricus non multum ad rem pertinet quia hoc liquido constat Quod ille qui multos circumvenerat tandem est justo Deâ— Iudicio circumventus et proditionis suae meruit subire talionem And let all those who have or shall imitare him in his Treasons against his native Country Kings and Regicide seriously meditate on his tragical end and expect the self same retribution in conclusion though they escape as many years as he then did before final execution A third sort of Authors as Marianus Scotus Wigorniensis Roger Hoveden and Simeon Dunelmensis make no mention of King Edmonds murder by Edric his subordination but only that he died at London not Oxford about the Feast of St. Andrew as if he had died of a naturall death but the generality of Writers agree he was murdered at Oxford ambiguum quo casu extinctus writes Malmesbury the common fame being he was murdered by Edric as aforesaid And Bromton who recites all three opinions concludes thus Sed primus modus videliceâ— quod rex Edmundus ad requiem naturae sedens proditione dicti Edrici occisus fuit verior aliis et auâ—enticior habetur The Author of the Encomium of Emma concurring with Marianus subjoynes this Observaâ—ion touching his short reign and speedy death That God c. minding his own doctrine That a kingdom divided in it self caunot long stand and pitying the English took away Edmond lest if the Kings had continued long together they should have both lived in danger and the Realm in continual trouble His reign continued onely seven moneths in which time he fought seven or eight battels in defence of his Country People and their Liberties besides his single Duel with Câ—ute and by his untimely death the English Saxon Monarchy was devolved to the Danes who by Treachery and the Sword for three descents deprived the English Saxons of the Crown and Kingdom through divine retaliation as they had unjustly by treachery and the Sword dispossess'd and disinherited the Britons thereof about 450 yeares before as Henry Huntindon Bromton Radulphus Cistrensis Mr. Foxâ— Speed and others observe The Sinnes of the Saxons grown now to the full writes Speed and their dreggs as it were sunk to the
of the Nobles and common Souldiers were so incensed that detesting the covetousness of their Prince they unanimously deparâ—ed from his service and refused to march wiâ—h him against the Normans This triumphant victory so puffed up Harold that he thought himself secure in the Throne beyond the fear or reach of any adversity and instead of a King became a TYRANT Whilst Harold with all his Land and Sea forces were thus buâ—ied in the North of England Duke VVilliam in August assembled all his Land Army and Navy consisting of 900 ships at the Port of S. Valerie to invade England in the South then wholly destitute of all Guards by Land and Navy by Sea to resist his landing And to satisfie his Souldiers and all others of the justice of his undertaking he alleged these three causes thereof which Henry de Knyghton devides into four The first was to revenge the cruel murther of his Cousin Prince Alfred King Edmunds brother and of the Normans who came with him to assist him to recover the Crown of England to which he was right heir whom Godwin and his Sons had shamefully dishonoured treacherously betrayed and barbarously murdered which fact he ascribed principally to Harold The second was because Godwin and his Sons by their cunning had injuriously banished Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Earl Odo and all the French and Normans out of England which wrong he would revenge on Harold as done principally by his means and labour The third and chief ground was because Harold falling headlong into perjury had without any right usurped the Crown and Realm of England which of due belonged unto him both by right of Kinred to and gift by King Edward his Nephew and by Harolds own solemn Oath and promise made to him in Normandy to preserve the Kingdom for his use after King Edwards death without children according to King Edwards command While Duke William with his ships and Army lay many days together at S. Valerie expecting a fair gale for England the winds being cross many of the common souldiers there lying in Tents thus muttered one to another That the man was mad who would by force invade and make another mans Country and Realm his own That God did fight against them in withdrawing the winds That his Father attempted the same thing in the same manner and was hindered and inhibited therein That it was fatal to his family that aspiring to things above their power they should find God opposite to them These speeches bruted abroad which might enfeeble the strength and abate the courage even of valiant men The Duke thereupon taking Counsel with his Senators caused the Corps of St. Valerie to be brought forth to procure a wind presently a prosperous gale filling their sayles the Duke himself first took ship and launched forth and all the rest after him then casting Anchor till the Fleet came round about him they all sailing with a gentle course landed at Hastings and Pevemsy The Duke stepping forth of the ship upon the shore one of his feet slipped so that he fell down into the mud one of his hands being filled with sand whch he interpreted as an ill omen and sinister event But one of his Souldiers who stood next him lifting him up from his fall whiles he held the mud in his hand changed this event into a better interpretation saying Most happy Duke thou already possessest England and plowest it up Behold the land is in thy hand Lift up thy self with good hope thou shalt be King of England ere long No sooner was the Army landed but the King strictly charged them to forbear pluâ—dering and take no booties seeing they ought to spare the things that should be his own nor to wrong any of their persons who should ere long become his Subjects Richard Vestegan records out of a French Historian that Duke VVilliam the same day he landed in England caused divers of his chief Officers and Friends to dine with him and chancing at dinner to talk of an Astrologer who by the conjunction of the Planets had assured him at St. Valerie That Harold should never withstand him but submit himself unto him and yeeld him faith and homage willed now that the said Astrologer should be brought unto him whom he had caused to be imbarqued for that voyage But it was told him that the Ship wherein the said Astrologer sailed was cast away at Sea anâ— he drowned in it Whereunto the Duke replyed That man was not wise who had more regard â—o the good or ill fortune of another than unto his own I am now thanks be to God come over I know not how the rest will succeed How false this Star-gazers prediction proved the sequel will manifest Duke VVilliam after his arrival rested quietly 15. days without acting any thing as if he minded nothing less than war After which to cut off all occasion or hopes of return from his Souldieâ—s he fired all his ships or as some write drew them all a shore and intrenched them as others erecting only a Castle on the shore for a retiring place for his Souldiers if need were From Pevensy he marched to Hastings where he built another Fort. Henry de Knyghton records that the first night he lodged in England in his Pavillion there came a voice unto him saying William William be thou a good man because thou shalt obtain the Crown of the Realm and shalt be King of England and when thou shalt vanquish the enemy cause a Church to be built in the same place in my name so many hundred foot in length as in number of years the seed of thy bloud shall possess the Government of the Realm of England and reign in England an 150. years But Matthew Westminster writes this voice was after the battel with Harold not before it and the subsequent words in Knyghton touching his march to London import as much Harold residing in the North after his great victory there when he deemed all his Enemies totally broken in pieces received certain intelligence that Duke William was safely arived at Pevensey with his Fleet and an innâ—merable company of valiant Horsemen Slingers Archers and Footmen whom he had hired out of all France Whereupon he presently marched with his army in great haste towards London and although he well knew that most of the valiant men in all England were slain in the two late Battels against Tosti and the Danes that many of the Nobility and Common Souldiers had quite deserted him refusing to march with him in that necssity because he permitted them not to share with him in the great booties they had won with their bloud and that half his Army wâ—re not come togetherâ— yet he resolved forthwith to march into Sussex against the Enemy and fight them with those small forces tired he then had being most of them Mercenaries and Stipendiaries except those English Noblemen Gentlâ—men and Freemen who
victoribus suis participarunt de caeter is in â—orum mores transeuntes Sed haec mala de omnibus generaliter Anglis dicta intelligi nolim Scio clericos multos tunc temporis simplici via semitam sanctitatis trivisse Scio multos Laicos omnis generis conditionis in hae eadem gente Deo placuisse facessat ab hac relatione invidia non cunctos pariter hâ—c involvat calumnia Verum sicut in tranquillitate malos cum boâ—is fovet plaerumque Dei sereniâ—as ita in captivitate bonâ—s cum malis noâ—nunquam ejusdem constringit sevâ—ritas I have insisted more largely upon the Historical part of Harolds usurpation perjury short and troublesom reign tragical death Duke Wâ—lliams claims to and manner of acquiring the Crown of England for this reason especially To refute the common received Error of some ignorant Historians of many illiterate Statists and Swordmen of this age and of fundry temporizing Ignoramusses of my own robe who publickly averr in their Pamphlets Speeches Charges and Discourses that Duke William claimed and obtained the Crown of England only as a Conqueror and thereupon altered the antient Laws Customs of the Realm and gave New Laws unto it by his own absolute power as a Conqueror thereof Upon which false Ground they inferre That those in late and present Power coming in by the same Title of Conquest may lawfully give new Laws to impose what Taxes Government they please upon the English as well as Scotish and Irish as a meer conquered Nation by their own inherent authority seeing by the Laws of Warr regularly all Rights and Laws of the place and Nation conquered be wholly subject to the Conquerors will And hereby they justifie all their late Impositions Taxes Excises Sequestration Seisures Sales of all the publike revenues of the Nation and many thousand private mens Estates by their Westminster and White-Hall Ordinances Edicts with the changes of our Government new-modellings of our Parliaments and all other irregular proceedings destructive to our Fundamental Rights Laws Liberties Government which they formerly covenanted inviolably to maintain without grant or consent by any free full lawfull English Parliaments Now to demolish all these their superstructures by subverting their â—alse Foundation of D. Williams pretended Title to the Crown of England only by Conquest It is most apparent by the premised Historical Authorities 1. That King William alwayes claimed the Crown of England both before at and after his Coronation as of right belonging to him by the promise gift contract gift and bequest of Edward the Confessor and as his heir and next kinsman by the Mothers side 2. That he alleged this gift and grant of the Crown to him to be made with the consent of the Archbishops of Canterbury Earls Godwin Syward and other Nobles of the Realm ratified by special Messengers sent unto and Hostages delivered him for its performance and by Harâ—lds own solemn agreement and Oath sent to him by King Edward for that purpose as himself at least suggested to him which designation and grant of King Edward to William was no fiction but a truth confessed by all our Historians and Harold himself who by his answers never denyed but only endeavoured to evade it and voluntarily acknowledged by all the Nobles of England both at his Coronation and in Parliament it self in the 4. year of his reign 3. That after King Edwards decease divers of the Nobles would have elected William King in pursuance hereof but that Harold perjuriously usurped the Crown by meer force and power without the least right unto it or any election by the Lords or people setting the Crown on his own head the very day King Edward was interred and thereby prevented Williams election to it 4. That hereupon divers of the Nobles Prelates and other English sent private Messengers to William into Normandy to come and demand his right to the Crown as due unto him promising hostages and their assistance to recover it 5. That thereupon he sent Embassadors twice or thrice to Harold one after another before his landing insisting on his meer right and Title to the Crown to gain it by parly without effusion of bloud 6. That upon Harolds obstinacy he appealed to the Pope and to all his Nobles assembled in a Parliamentary Council for the justice of his Title and Right to the Crown who declared his Title Lawfull and Just and thereupon encouraged assisted him all they could to regain it by force of arms from the Usurper Harold who would not otherwise depart from it 7. That immediately after his landing he made claim unto it only by the foresaid Right Title and thereupon prohibited his Souldiers to plunder the Country or hurt any of the Inhabitants as being his by right 8. That very few of the English Nobility or Nation would march or engage with Harold against William and sundry withdrew themselves from the battel as conscious of Harolds usurpation perjury and Williams just cause against him however other causes were then pretended and amongst the rest his own Brother-in-laws the greatest Peers of the Realm Earl Morcar and Edwin deserted him in the fight 9. That after the first battel won and Harold slain all the Prelates and Clergy generally except Abbot Frederick appeared for him and would not consent to set up Edgar though right heir 10. That after good deliberation all the Nobles Prelates Loâ—doners and others who first appeared for Edgar with the greatest pâ—rt of the Clergy people of the English Nation without the least fight or resistance or before any siege or summons from him together with Prince Edgar himself voluntarily went out and submitted themselves sware faith and allegeance to him as their Soveraign at Berkhamsted and after that joyfully received him with highest acclamations as their lawfull King at his entry into London 11. That all the Prelates Clergy and Nobility soon after without any coercion upon his foresaid right and Title freely elected and solemnly crowned him as their lawfull King in a due and accustomed manner and then did Homage and swore new Allegiance afresh unto him as their rightful Soveraign 12. That he took the Ordinary Coronation Oath of all lawfull Kings to maâ—â—â—tan and defend the rights persons of all his people to govern them justly c. as became a good King which a King claiming by meer conquest would never do All these particulars are undeniable Evidences that Duke William never made the least pretence claim or title to the Crown and Realm of England only as an absolute Conqueror of the Nation but meerly by Title as their true and lawfull King by designation adoption and cognation seconded with the Nobles Prelates Clergy and peoples unanimous election And although it be true that this Duke ejected Harold and got actual possâ—ssion of the Throne and Kingdom from him by the sword as did Aurelius Ambrosius and others before and King Henry the 4. Edward the 4. Henry the 7. with others
election of the Nobles Clergy and People That although the several Titles he Pretended were perhaps if curiously examined not sufficient to give him a true legal Title and Right to the Crown of England à parte ante because not agreed unto and confirmed by the general consent of the Nobles Kingdom and Nation in a Parliamentary Great Council but only by the King and some particular Prelates and Nobles out of Parliament as Harold in his answers alleged yet being ratified ex parte post both by the subsâ—quent consent agreement submission election Oath homage and fealty of all the people Nobles Clergy by their legal free crowning of him aâ— first by Edgar Atheling his own submission fealty and resignation of his royal right and Title thereby unâ—o him and ratified by succeeding Parliamentary Councils it became an inâ—uhitable Right and Title both in Law and Iustice to him and his Posterity against all others who could lay no legaller Title thereunto he continuing confirming all the antient fundamental Laws Liberties Customs and Government of the English Nation without any alteration both by Oaths and Edicts I shal therefore conclude this point with the words of Shard a learned Lawyer in King Edward the third his reign who when the Kings Counsel in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough would have made a Charter of king Edgar void because they allegedâ— all Franchises were devolved to the Crown by the Conquest replyed thereâ—o The Conquerour came not at all to â—ut any who had lawfull possession out of their rights but to dispossess those who by their wrong had seised upon any land in dis-inherison of the King and his Crown And with the words of our judicious Hiâ—â—orian Sa. Daniel concerning this king VVilliam Neither did he â—ver claim any power by conquest but as a regular Prince submitted himself to the orders of the Kingdom desiring to have his Testamentary Title howsoever weak to make good his succession rather than his sword And though the stile of Conqueror by the flattery of the time was after given him he shewed by all the course of his Government he assumed it not introducing none of those Alterations which followed by violence but by a mild gathering upon the disposition of the State and the occasions offered and that by way of reformation And although Sir Hen. VVotton gives this verdict of them VVe do commonly and justly stile him the Conquerour For he made a general conquest of tâ—e â—â—ole Kingdom and People either by Composition or Armes c. Yet he addes He was Crowned on Christmas day 1066. at which time he would fain have compounded a Civil Title of I know not what Alliance or Adoption or rather Donation from Edward the Confessor As if hereditarie kingdoms did pass like Newyears gifts The truth is he was the heir of his Sword Yet from these pretences howsoever there sprang this good That he was thereby in a sorting aged to cast his Government into a middle or mixed nature as it were between a lawfull successor and an Invader though generally as all new Empires do savour much of their beginning it had more of the Violent than of the Legal If any domineering Souldiers or others upon this false surmise of Duke VVilliams right to the Crown and Realm of England by meer conquest â— shall henceforth presume to claim and exercise a meer arbitrary absolute tyrannical and despotical power over our English Nation Laws Liberties Parliaments Estates Persons as over a meer conquered Nation against all Commissions Trusts Oaths Engagements Declarations and the rules both of Law and War it self being raiâ—ed waged commissioned only to defend and preserve us from conquest by the opposite party Let them know that they are far greater worser Enemies to their own Native Country than this Norman Duke or any of our former British Saxon Danish Norman or English Kings who never claimed the Crown by meer conquest in any age but only by some real or pretended Title of Inheritance or at least by a free and general election both of the Nobility Clergy and people as this King William did From the former Historical Passages concerning Harold Tosti Duke William and the Kentishmen I shall deduce these legal Observations 1. That no Tax Subsidie or Imposition whatsoever could in that age be imposed on the English or Norman Subjects by their Kings or Dukes but by their common consentâ— in their Parliamentary Councils where they were denied when inconvenient to the publike as well as granted when convenient 2. That no English or Norman Subjects were then obliged to aid and assist their Soveraigns with their persons arms estates or subsidies granted in any foreign invasive war but only left free to contribute what private assistance they thought fit in such cases 3. That no publike wars in that age were ever undertaken but by common advice and consent in great Parliamentary Councils 4. That the Kings of England in that age however they came to the Crown by right or wrong held it both their bounden duty interest safety to defend and preserve the Laws Rights Liberties of the Church and people to enact and maintain good Laws and abolish all evill Laws Rapines Exactions Tributes and to govern them justly according to their Coronation Oaths and not arbitrarily or tyrannically according to their pleasures 5. That no Freemen in that age could be justly imprisoned banished or put to death but for some hainous misdemeanors and that by a legal trial and conviction 6. That the Subjects of England then held it their bounden duties in times of forein invasion to defend the Realm their Lives Liberties Properties both by Land and Sea against forein Enemies yet they held themselves dis-obliged and were generally averse to defend the person or Title of any Usurper of the Crown against any forein Prince or other Person who had a better right and title to it 7. That our English Ancestors in that age esteemed their hereditary Liberties good antient Laws and Customs more dear and pretious to them than their very lives and would rather die fighting for their Laws and Liberties like freemen than live under slavery or bondage to any Soveraign whatsoever 8. That the Kings of England in that age could neither give away nor legally dispose of their Crowns Kingdoms or Crown Lands to others without the privity and free consent of their Nobles and Kingdom in general Parliamentary Council as is evident by Harolds answers to VVilliams Embassadours the recited passage of Matthew Paris upon that occasion and this of Samuel Daniel p. 34. So much was done either by King Edward or Harold though neither act if any such were was of power to prejudice the State or alter the course of right succession as gave the Duke a colour to claim the Crown by a donation made by Testament which being against the Law and Custom of the Kingdom could be of no validity
at all For tâ—e Crown of England being held not as patrimonial but in succession by remotion which is a succeeding to anothers place it was not in the power of King Edward to collate the same by any dispositive and Testamentary Will the right descending to the next of blood only by the Laws and Custom of the Kingdom For the successor is not saâ—d to be the Heir of the King but of the Kingdom which makes him so and cannot be put from it by any Act of his Predecessors 9. That the Nobilities Clergies and peoples free-Election hath been usually most endeavoured and sought aâ—ter by our Kings â—especially Intruders as their best and surest Title To these Legal I shall only subjoyn some Political and Theological Observations naturally flowing from the premised Histories of King Edward Harold and William not unsuitable to nor unseasonable for the most serious thoughts and saddest contemplations of the present age considering the revolutions and postures of our publike affairs 1. That it is very unsafe and perillous for Princes or States to intrust the Military and Civil power of the Realm in the hands of any one potent ambitious or covetous person who will be apt to abuse them to the peoples oppression the kingdoms perturbation and his Sovereigns affront or danger as is evident by Earl Godwin and his Sons 2. That devout pious soft-natured Princes are aptest to be abused and their people to be oppressed by evil Officers 3. That it is very dangerous and pernicious to heditary kingdoms for their King to die without any certain known and declared right Heirs or Successors to their Crowns yea an occasion of many wars and revolutions as is evident by King Edwards death without iâ—sue or declared right heir 4. That right heirs to Crowns who are of tender years weak judgement or impotent in Frienâ—s and Purse are easily and frequently put by their rights by bold active and powerfull Intruders as Edgar Atheling was both by Haroâ—d and William successively Yet this is remarkable in both these Invaders of his royal Right 1. That Harold who first dethroned him to make him some kind of recompence and please the Nobles of his party created Edgar Earl of Oxford and held him in special favour 2 ly That King Willam the first to whom he submitted himself and did homage and fealty used him very honourably and entertained him in his Court not only at first buâ— even after he had twice taken up armes against him joyning first with the English Nobilitie then with the Danes and Scots against his interest For Edgar coming to him into Normandy Anno 1066. out of Scotland where he lived some years where nihil ad praesens commodi nihil ad futurum spei praeter quotidianam stipem nactus esset he not only pardoned his fore-past offences but magno donativo donatus est pluribusque annis in Curia manens Libram Argenti quotidie in stipendio accipiebat writes Malmesb. receiving a great donaâ—iâ—e from him and a pound of silver for a stipend every day and continuing many years in his Court. After which Anno 1089. He went into Apulia to the Holy wars by King Williams licence with 200 Souldiers and many Ships whence returning after the death of Robert son of Godwin and the loss of his best Souldiers he received many benefits from the Emperours both of Greece and Germany who endeavoured to retain him in their Courts for the greatness of his birth but he contemning all their proffers out of a desire to enjoy his Native Country returned into England and there lived all Kings Williams reign In the year 1091. Wil. Rufus going into Normandy to take it by force from his brother Robert deprived Edgar of the honour which his Brother with whom he sided had conferred upon him and banished him out of Normandy whereupon he went into Scotland where by his means a peace being made between VVilliam Rufus and Malcholm king of Scots he was again reconciled to Edgar by Earl Roberts means returned into England being in so great favour with the king that in the year 1097. He sent him into Scotland with an Army Ut in ea consobrinum suum Eadgarum Malcholmi Regis filium patruo suo Dufenoldo qui regnum invaserat expulso Regem constitueret Whence returning into England he lived there till after the reign of king Henry the first betaking himself in his old age to a retired life in the Country as Malmesbury thus records Angliam rediit ubi diverso fortunae ludioro rotatus nunc remotus tacitus canos suo in agro consumit Where most probably he died in peace since I find no mention of his death No less than 4 successive kings permitting this right heir to their Crowns to live both in their Courts and Kingdom of England in peace and security such waâ— the Christian Generosity Charity and Piety of that age without reputing it High Treason for any to relieve or converse with him as the Charity of some Saints in this Iron age would have adjudged it had they lived in those times who have quite forgotten this Gospel Lesson of our Savior they then practised But I say unto you love your Enemies do good to those that hate you c. Wherefore if thine enemy huâ—ger give him meat if he thirst give him drink c. Bâ— not overcome of evil but overcome evil with goodness 5. That base carnal fears and cowardize oft cause both Prelates Nobles and People to desert their own best interest and lawfull Princes and to act vote and submit to meer unrighteous Usurpers against their primitive resolutions judgements Consciences as here in the case of Edgar and Rich. 3. since 6. That Generals puffed up with victorious successes and having the command of the Land and Sea Forces in their power are apt to aspire after the royal Crown and Soveraignty and forcibly to usurp it upon the next occasionâ— even with the disinheriting of the right heir and hazard of the whole Realm of which Harold is a most pregnant example 7. That ambitious aspirers after the royal Crown and Throne will make no conscience to violate all sacred and civil Oathes Obligations Contracts and find out any evasions to elude them rather than goe without themâ— or part with them when injuriously usurped â—y them and will adventure to crown themselves with their own hands than not wear the Diadem witnesse Harold 8. That Usurpers of Crowns without right though they Court the people with Coronation Oaths and fair promises of good Laws Liberty Immunity from all Taxes and Grievances yet usually prove the greatest Tyrants and Oppressors to them of all others as Harold and William in some sort did That Invaders of Crowns and Soveraign power without any right title or colour of Justice being once in possession will never part with them to those who have better right upon any verbal Treaties but rather
him with ten thousand men he marched to Hegelsdun and surrounded it that none might escape thence Whereupon King Edmund flying to the Church and casting down his temporal Armes humbly prayed the Father Son and Holy Ghost to give him constancy in his passion Then the Danish Souldiers seising on him brought him from the Church before Hinguar by whose command he was tyed to a tree hard by cruelly whipped a long time then shot through with Darts wherewith his Body was stuck full after which being taken from the tree his Head was cut off from his Body with a bloody sword by the Barbarous Executioner appointed for that purpose and so he died a most glorious Martyr for his Kingdom Country Subjects and Religion to whose memory a famous Monastery was after built Of which William of Malmesbury de Gestis Regum l. 2. c. 13. p. 89. gives this Relation Quibus Artibus Edmundus ita sibi omnis Britanniae de vinxit incolas ut beatum se in primis astruat qui Coenobium illius vel nummo vel valenti illustraret Ipsi quoque Reges aliorum Domini servos se illius gloriantuâ— coronam ei regiam misâ—itant magno si uti volunt redimentes commercio Exactores vectigalium qui alibi Bacchantur fas nefasque juxta metientes ibi supplices cira 〈…〉 sancti 〈◊〉 â—â—ondiâ— litigationes sistunt experti multorum paenam qui perseverandum putarunt which I wiâ—h our Tax-Exactors and Exciâ—ers wouâ—d now remember Whiles the Danes were thus wasting the Kingdoms of Northumberland and the East-Saxons with Fier and Sword and martyring King Edmund Beorred king of Mercians was buâ—â—ed in warring against the Britains who infested the Western parts of his Realm But hearing the Danes had invaded the Eastern part of his Kingdom he came to London and gathering a great Army â—ogether marching wiâ—h iâ— through the Eastern quarters of his Realm he applyed the whole Isle of Ely to his Exchequor taking into his hands all the lands formerly bâ—longing to the Monastery oâ— Medehamsted lying between Stamford Huntindon and Wisebeck assigning the Lands more remote lying scattered through the Country to his Souldiersâ— The like he did with the Lands of the Monastery of St. Pega of Rikirk retaining certain of thâ—m to himself and giving some of them to his Souldiers And the like did he with the Lands of all other Monasteries destroyed totally by the Danes whose Lands by Law eschâ—ated to the Crown and those Lords whose predeceâ—â—ors foundeâ— and endowed â—hem by the slaughter and chasing away of all the Monks Nuns burning of the Monasteries whose Lands thereupon were reâ—umed and confiâ—cated to the Kings Exchequer Et cum caetera Monasteria per Danorum feâ—ocitatem funditus destructa Regali fisco fuerant ascripta denuo et assumpta omnibus Monachis eoruâ— necatis perditis seu penitus fugatis as Ingulphus informs us of the Reaâ—on yet many of the Monks of Croyland escaping the Danes fury and returning soon after thither again electing a new Abbot and repairing their Monastery by degrees as well as that exigency would permit thereupon they enjoyed the sight of the whole Abby and the Isle of Croylanâ— with the self same Liberties and Privileges they had from the bâ—ginning dischardged from all secular services during all the time of this their desolation the Danish wars till the time of its restoration after that till Ingulphus time as he records Nothwithstanding because many of the Monks were slain and the Abby burnt down demolished by the Danes King â—eorred thereupon seised some of their lands into his own hands gave other of their Lands more remote from the Abby to his stipendiary Soldiers And although venerable Abbot Godric took very much paines frequently demanding restitution of them both from King Beorred his Souldiers and very ofâ—en shewed the Charters of the Donors the confirmations of foâ—mer Kings together with his own proper Charter to this Kings yet he received always nothing but empty words from him them whereupon he at last utterly despaired of their restitution Perceiving therefore the overmuch malice of the times et Militiam Regis Terrarum cupidissimam and the Kings Militia and Soldiers most covetous of Lands he resolved with himself in conclusion to passe by these Royal Donations Surdo Temporeâ— in a deaf time being over-glad rejoycing that the Kings grace had granted the whole Island lying round about the Monastery unto it free and discharged from all Regal exactions much more specially to him then at that time which had not happened to many othâ—r Monasteries There departed therefore at that time from the Monastery of Croyland these possessions which never returned to this present day The Mannor of Spalding given to Earl Adelwuâ—fe with all its appurtinances The Mannor of Deeping given to Langâ—er a Knight or Souldier and the Kings Baker with all its appurtenances The Mannor of Croxton given to Fernod a Knight or Souldier the Kings Ensign-bearer with all its appurtenances The Mannors of Kerketon and Kimerby in Lindesy with all their appurtenances given to Earl Turgot but Bukenhale and Halington then appropriated to the Exchequer were afterwards restored to the said Monastery by the Industry of Turketulus Abbot of Croyland and the gift of most pious King Edred the Restorer of themâ— with 12 other Mannors named by Ingulf belonging to Croyland quas Rex Beorredus Fisco suo aâ—sumserat Which King Beorred had then assumed in his Exchequor After which K. Beorred passing with his Army into Lindesey Latissimas Terras Monâ—sterio Bardney totally ruined by the Danes Dudum Pertinentes â—isco suo accepit remotas vero in diversis patriâ—s divisas â—acentes Militibus suis dedit But mark the issue At last the Danes returning into Mercia Anno 874. wasting and spoiling all the Country with fire and sword and destroying all Churches and Monasteries King Beorred when he beheld all the Land of England in every corner thereof wasted with the slaughters and rapines of these Barbarians vel de victoriâ desperans vel â—ot laborum Labyrinthum fastidiens either despairing of victory or loathing the labyrinth of so many troubles left the Kingdom and went to Rome where he died few days after and was there buried in the English School and his Wife following after him died in her way to Rome Some write he was driven out of his kingdom by the Danes Hereupon the Danes Anno 874. substituted in his place in the Realm of Mercia one Ceolwulfus a servant of King Beorreds an Englishman by Nation sed Barbarus impietate but a Barbarian in impiety For he swore fealty and gave pledges to the Danes Quod tributa imposita eis â—idelitèr persolveret that he would faithfully pay unto them the Tributes they imposed and that whensoever they would redemand the Kingdom committed to him He would resign it without any Resistance under pain of losing his
his Predecessors and defrauded the Kingdom of them They adde hereunto that King Edrid had committed all his chief Houshold-stuff Plate Records and tâ—e Treasures of all the Realm with all the Magazines he had gotten to Dunstans custody and laid â—hem up in â—he Monastery at Glastonbury yea he committed his Kingdom body and Soul unto him So as all was wholly in Dunstans power who alone managed all the publick affairs of the Realm and exercised Regal Authority And when King Edred in his sicknesse demanded all his Housholdstuff Jewels Monies and Treasures from him Dunstan pretending to fetch them before he returned with them Dustan heard a voice as our Monkish Writers fable that Edred was dead in the Lord and thereupon detained them in his and his Monks custody being unwilling to part with them to young King Edwin his Successor whereupon he seised on them by force as of righâ— belonging to him and expelled Dunstan with his Monks And so much the rather because Dunstan presumed most impudently and violently to rush into his Bed-chamber and pull him out forcibly thence on the very day of his Coronation contrary to all Christian and Princely â—odesty from the embraces of his beautifull and beloved Alfgina which some Monks and these Historians report to be his lawfull wife â—not his Concubine and not content therewith he excited Odo Archbishop of Canterbury publickly to divorce her from him some say for consanguinity only and others for other Reasons Whereupon the king betaking himself to his Concubines Odo suspended him from the Church excommunicated all his Concubines caused one of them whom the king best affected to be violently fetched out of the Court with armed Men branded her in the forehead with an hot Iron and then banished her into Ireland After which she returning into England Odo apprehended her the second time and cut off her Sinews at the Hock-bone All which intollerable Affronts so incensed Edwin that he banished and spoyled Dunstan with his Monks as aforesaid and threatned Odo with severe punishments none others in the Realm but these daring then to oppose him hereupon they formerly and then bearing the greatest sway by way of revenge and to preveut Edwins further fury against them stirred up the Mercians and Northumbrians to reject him and that in a tumultuous manner by force of Arme in which Uproar Edgar gained possession of half his Kingdom Matthew Parker and Sir Henry Spelman out of him subjoyns that by these civil dissentions raised between King Edwin and his Brother Edgar they much weakned the forces of the Realm in many set Battels fought between them till at last Edgar getting the better Convocato ad Branfordiam Regni concilio Fratris Edwini acta et decreta rescendit Assemblong a Council at Brandford he repealed all the Acts and Decrees of his Brother King Edwin restored to the Churches and Monasteries the Treasures he had taken from them recalled Dunstan from his former banishment and made him first Bishop of Worcester then of London and last of all of Canterbury Henry de Knyghton a Canon of the Abbey of Leicester relates out of the History of Leicester Abbey That Edwin being expulsed and shamefully thrust out of his kingdom for his evil life and exorbitant actions done against the Church the Monarchy of England continued void above a year Whereupon many murders and wickednesses were committed and infinite mischiefs happened amonst the people for want of Government until holy men both of the Clergy and People deeply affected therewith humbled themselves and uncessantly repented of their sins and prayed day and night to God that he would hear them and mercifully relieve them in so great necessity giving them such a King who might govern the Realm of England in such sort as might redound to the honour of God and profit of the Realm That God beholding their prayers from on high in the night silence this voice was heard from God That they should crown Edgar King though but then a youth who rejoyced with this Divine Oracle most likely by the Monks and Dunstans Legerdemain the Divine Oracle that uttered it speedily advanced Edgar to be King being but 16 years old and so he was elected and crowned King by a divine Oracle which never hapned to any King of England in former times Upon Edgars Coronation and Dunstans restitution An. 959. K. Edwin reigning in a decayed Estate living in little Esteem and wiâ—hout being desired for very grieâ— thereof as some write he died after he had for 4 years space Libidinosiè simul Tyrannicè lustfully and also Tyrannically depressed the Realm of England Others aâ—firm that he was deprived both of his Life and Kingdom by the Rebellion of his Subjects But his Monkish Oâ—posiâ—es record that he was taken away by an untimely Death by Gods Iust Iudgement in the year of our Lord 959. Whereupon his Brother Edgar ab omni populo electus being elected king by all the people united the kingdom into one and obtained the intire Monarchy of the Realm the kings of Cumberland Scotland and Wales â— voluntarily submitting and doing homage to him without any effusion of blood or war King Edgar About the year of our Lord 963. contrived the death of Earl Ethelwald who as some Authors aver against his trust had cheated him of Elfrida only Daughter of Ordgarus Duke of Devonshire the Paragon of her Sex by disparaging her beauty to the king and marrying her to himself After which the king being extraordinarily ravished with the true reporr and sight of her transcendent beauty thereupon as Bromtons Chronicle relates statim post octo dies Rex Parliamentum suum apud Sarisberiam convocavit Ubi cunctis suis Proceribus congregatis de custodia terrae Northumbriae qualiter contra ingressum Danorum melius posset custodiri tractaverunt inter quos Ethelwolfus ad Custodiam Eboraci patriae adjacentis in illo erat Concilio deputatus A clear Evidence That Matters of defence against Common Enemies and Guardians of the Sea-coasts against the Danes Invasions were then debated and setled by the King and his Nobles in Parl. then usually summoned by our Kings for that end Hereupon Earl Ethelwolfe travelling through the Forrest of Werewell towards his new VVardship was there cruelly assaulâ—ed and murdered by some unknown armed perâ—ons there placed in ambuscado by the king as was commonly reported and as some relate by king Edgar himself who shot him through with an Arrow as they were there hunting together The slain Earls Bastard-Son being â—here present beholding his dead Corps the king demanded of him how such a hunting pleased him who answered very well my Lord and King for that which pleaseâ—h you ought not to displease me which answer â—o pacified this kings swelling mind that he loved no person more entirely all his life than this Young man Tyrannici facti offensam in Patrem sedulitate Regiâ in filium allevans writes
certain and apparent A perillous thing is acted we suffer evil things we discern worser we fear the worst of all We fight daily neither do we overcom nor yet are we vanquished yea we are overcome and yet no man vanquisheth For how are we not overcome who are wounded who are oppressed who are wearied who are distressed by forces who are spoiled by arms Neither flie we since there is none who may assault us neither do we assault since courage fails on both sides How long shall it be ere we see an end of these wonderfull things When shall there be rest from this labour tranquillity from this storm security from this fear Certainly Edmond is invincible by reason of his wonderful fortitude anâ— Cnute also is invincible by reason of fortunes favour We are broken in pieces we are slain we are dissipated we lose our dearest pledges we expose our sweet friends and alliances to death But of this labour what fruiâ— what end what price what emolument what I pray but that the souldiers being slain on both sides the Captains at last compelled by necessity may compound or verily fight alone without a Souldier Why then not now Truly while we live while we breath whiles the Army remains this might be done more profitably honestly securely I demand what insolence yea violence yea madness is this England heretofore when subjected to many Kings both flourished in glory and abounded in riches O ambition how blind is it alwaies which coveâ—ing the whole loseth the whole Why I pray doth not that now suffice two which heretofore was sufficient for five Kings But if there be in them so great a lust of domineering that Edmond disdains a Peer Cnuâ—e a Superiour PUGNENT QUAESO SOLI QUI SOLI CUPIUNT DOMINARI CERTENT PRO CORONA SOLI QUI SOLI CUPIUNT INSIGNIRI let them fight I beseech you alone who desire to domineer alone leâ— them contend for the Crown alone who desire to be crowned alone Let the Generals themselves enter into the hazard of a Duel that even by this means one of them may be vanquished lest if the Army should fight more often all being slain there should be no souldiers for them to rule over nor any who may defend the Realm against Foreiners Whiles he was about to speak more ALL THE PEOPLE shut up his Speech in the midst of his Jaws if I may so speak crying out and saying AUT PUGNENT IPSI AUT COMPONENT let them fight themselves or let them compound His Speech recorded in Bromton Henâ— de Knyghton Speed â— and others is much to the same effect though different in some expressions Matthew Westmininster brings in Edric speaking only thus to the Nobles O insensati Nobiles et armis potâ—ntes cur â—oties morimur in bello pro Regibus cum ipsi nobis morâ—entibus nec regnum obâ—ineant nec avaritiae suae finem imponant Pugnent consulto singulariter qui singulariter regnare contendâ—â—t Quae est ista regnandi libido Quod Anglia modo duobus non sufficit quae â—lim octo regibus satisfuit Itaque vel soli componant vel soli pro regno decertent PLACUIT AUTEM HAEC SENTENTIA OMNIBUS ET AD REGES PROCERUM DELATUM ARBITRIUM ILLI CONSENTIENDO APPROBANT Hereupon all the Nobles concurring in this opinion both Kings approving their Determination fought a royal single duel first on horseback then on foot in the Isle of Olerenge or Olney near Glocester in the midst of Severn in the view of both their Armies with extraordinary courage and equall success till they were both quite tyred but neither of them vanquished At last upon Cnutes motion they began to parly in a friendly manner Cnute speaking thus to Edmond Hitherto I have been covetous of thy Realm now most valiant of men I am verily more desirous of thy self whom I see art to be preferred I say not before the Realm of England but the whole world it self Denmark hath yielded to me Norwey hath subjected it self to me the King of Swedes hath given me his hand and thy admirable Valour hath more than once fructrated the force of my assaults which I believed no mortal man could have been able to sustain Wherefore although fortune hath promised that I should be every where a Conquerer yet thy admirable valour hath so allured me to favour that I above measure desire thee both for a friend and consort of my kingdome would to God that thou also maist be as desirous of me that I may reign with thee in England and thou maist reign with me in Denmark Truly if thy valour shall be united to my fortune Norway will fear and Sweden will quake France it self accustomed to warrs will tremble In brief Edmond and Cnute both consent to divide the Kingdom Edmond yielding to words who had not yielded to swords being overcome with this Oration who could not be overcome with arms whereupon laying aside their arms they run and mutually imbrace and kiss each other both Armies rejoycing and the Clergy singing Te Deum laudamus with a lowd voice Afterwards in testimony of Agreement they change clothes and Arms with each other and returning to their Armies prescribed the manner of the Agreement and Peace Wigorniensis Simeon Duâ—elmensis and Roger Hoveden add that they ratified the agreement with Oaths TRIBUTOQUE QUOD CLASSICAE MANVI PENDERETUR STATUTO and appointed a Tribute which should be paid to the Sea forces and then departed from each other The Danes returned with the great booty they had gotten to their ships with whom the Citizens of London having made a peace DATO PRECIO which they paid a prâ—ce for they permitted them there to winter The Realm was divided between them both but the Crown remained to Edmond with the City of London Essex East-England and all the Land on the Southside the River of Thames and Cnute enjoyed the North parts of England by mutual consent and agreement of all the Nobles and so this bloudy warr between them â—after 7. or 8. battels within so many moneths space ceased Soon after this fatal Agreement and partition of the Realm which made Edmond but half a Kingâ— and England half Denmark that ever trayterous Duke Edric to ingratiate himself the more with Cnute treacherously murâ—erâ—d King Edmond at Oxford of which there are 3. different relations in our Historians Some say that he corrupted the Kings Chamberlains wiâ—h gifts to murder him in his bed and that King Cnute in the first year of his Coronation caused all of them who had conspired his death by Edric's exhortation to come before him where they declared to the King the Treason they had committed against King Edmond expecting a large reward for iâ— Whereupon the King sent for the Great Men and Nobles of the Realm and made the Traitors to acknowledge their Treason before them and a great assembly of people fearing lest otherwise it should be believed that he had
to be preserved and educâ—ted Cnute having thus through the flattery perjury and treachery of the Euglish Prelates and Nobles â—ained the intire Monarchy of Englandâ— slew or banished all those perfidious English Sycophants temporizers who had the chiefest hand in this false testimony abjuration treacherous bloudy advice against the Saxon Royal Family â—y whose Couâ—cel he slew or banisheâ— all the blood-royal of the Realm of England that so he mighâ— Iure Haereditario reserve and perpetuate the kingdom to his own Posterity by an hereditary right Duke Edric the principal of them for this and his other Treasons forementioned was deprived of his Dukedom of Mercia and exemplarily executed as a most perfidious Traytor by Cnutes command the first year of his reign and many of his Captains and followers were slain with him of which at large before Morâ—â—m Proditoriâ— pro demeritis accepit laqueo suspensus et in Tamesin fluvium projectus Cum quo plurimis sattellitum suorum similiter occisis eâ—iam inter eos praecipuus et primus Normannus occisus est writes Abbot Ingulphus Turkell Duke of East-England and Hirc Duke of Northumberland were both banished the Realm Duke Norman and Bridric slain and a heavy Tax of 82 Thousand pounds besides 10000 pounds imposed on London alone imposed and levied on the whole Nation Quoniam igitur proprii sanguinis proditores adulantes Regi mentiâ—i sunâ— in caput suum gladiuâ— eorum intravit in cor eorum et à Cnutho quem naturalibus Dominis praetulerunt confractus eâ—t arcus eoruâ— Cum 〈◊〉 Monarchiam Insulae favenâ—ibus illis obâ—inuiâ—â—eâ— Omnes qui primi in illo fuere consilio exterminavit et qâ—oâ—quoâ— de regio Semine â—uperstites reperit vel regno repulit vel occidit as Abbot Ethelred records to posâ—eâ—ity To which Henry Huntindon and Henrâ— de Knyghton subjoâ—n Posteà vero Rex justo Dei judicio dignam retributionem nequitiae Anglis reddidit Ipse namque Rex Cnuâ—e Edricum occidit quia timebat ab insidiâ—s ab eo aliquando circumveniri sicut Domini sui priores Ethelredus Edmondus frequenter sunt circumventi quorum diutina proditione alterum vexavit alterum interfecit add â—lorentius Wigorniâ—nsis Simeon Dunelmensis Roger de Hoveden and Radulphus de Diceto Turkellum exulavit Hirc fugere compulit Praeterea summos Procerum aggressus Normannum Ducem interfecit Edwi Adeling exterminavit Adelwoldum detruncavit Edwi Churleging exulavit Birdric ferro vita privavit Aethelwardus filius Agelmari Ducis et Brihtricus filius Alphegi Domnaniensis Satrapae sinâ— culpa interfecti sunt Fecit quoque per Angliam mirabilem Censum reddi scilicet 82. some write 72. mille librarum praeter undecies mille libriâ— quas Londinensis reddiderunt Dignum igitur exactorem Dominus Iustus Anglis imposuit for rejecting their own Hereditary Soveraign Line Radulphus Cestrensis englished by Trevisa Fabian and Grafton thus second them Also they swore that they would in all wise put off Edmonds kinn They trowed thereby to be great with the King afterward but it fared farr otherwise For many or the more part of them specially such as Canutus perceived were sworn beâ—ore to Edmond and his heirs he mistrusted and disdainâ—d ever after Therefore some of them were slain by Gods rightfull dome and some banished and exiled and put out of the land and some by Gods punishment died suddenly and came to a miserable end which other of our Historians likewise register I shall desire all such who are guilty of the like Treachery Flattery Practice or Advice against their lawfull Sovereigns royal Posterity advisedly to ponder this sad domestick President in their most retired Meditations for fear they incur the like divine retaliation by Gods rightful doom when and by whom they least â—uspect or fear it King Cnute thus quit of all King Edmonds Sons Brethren kinred and likewise of the greatest English Dukes and Nobles who might endanger his Life Crown and new-acquired Monarchy in the next place contrived how to secure his Empire against Prince Alfred and Edward Edmonds Broâ—hers then in Normandy with Queen Emma their Mother and their Uncle Richard Duke of Normandy a person of great valour power and interest the only person likely to attempt their restitution to the kingdom and Crown of England For which end he by gifts Ambassies and fair promises procures Earl Richards consent to bestow his Sister Queen Emma upon him for his wife who ariving in England in July 1018. was presently maried to this Invader of her former Husbands kingdom his sons royal throne and murderer banisher dishinheriter of his and her royal Posterity whereby her Brother Duke Richards thoughts were wholly diverted from ayding his Nephews to recover their right in England Ex hinc cum Câ—utoni omnia pro voto cessissent timens Ne Haeres legitimus Regnum quod sibi de Iure debebatur aâ—â—quando Normanica fretus virâ—uâ—â— Reposceret â—t Ducis sibi arctius colligaret affectum Emmam â—efuncti Regis relictam duxit uxorem Whereupon De illorum Elfredi Edwardi restitutione RicharduÌ„ avunculum nihil egisse comperimus quia et sororem suam Emmam hosti et invasori nuptam collocavâ—t Ignores majori illius dedecore qui dederit aâ— fâ—minae quae conseâ— serat ut thalamo illius câ—leret qui viâ—um infestaverit filios effugaverit is Malmesbury his observation and censure thereupon Only their Uncle Robert attempâ—ed their â—estitution Congregatis navibus et impositis militibus profectionem paravit subinde jactitans se pronepotes suos coronaturum et proculdudio fidem dictis explesset nisi quia ut à majoribus accepimus semper â—i ventus adversabatur eontrarius per occultum scilicet Dei judicium in cujus voluntate sunt potestates omnium regnorum Reliquiae navium multo tempore dissolutarum Rothomagi adhuc nostra aetate visebantur writes Malmsbury By this match with Queen Emma as Cnute took off Duke Richard from yielding any assistance to his Nephews in hopes his sister might have issue by him to inherit the Crown of Eâ—gland it being agreed between them on the marriage that the issue of Cnute begotten on her should inherit the Crown so it much obliged the English to him and made them more willing to submit to his Government ut dum consuetae Dominae deferrent obsequium minus Danorum suspirarent Imperium the rather because they much honoured and affected her for her manifold vertues of which they had long former experience and likewise because they hoped it might be a meanes to restore Ethelreds issue by her to the Crown again in case she had no issue by Cnute to inherit it which in truth it effected by Gods providence contrary to Cnutes design After this mariage this politick Forein Intruder to establish his Monarchy over England endeavoured to reconcile the English to him by all other
express Convenerunt apud Oxoniam ad Colloquium as Mat. Westm. or Placitum magnum as Huntindon and others stile it Proceres Regni Vt de novo Rege creando tractarent ibidem All the Nobles of the Realm assembled in a great Parliamentary Council or Court at Oxford that they might consult about the electiction of a New King which they would not have done had Harold been made King of England before by Cnute in his life time â— Leofric Earl of Chester and the rest of the Nobles on the Northside of the Thames with all the Danish Princes and Londoners who by conversing with the Danes amongst them were corrupted wiâ—h their vices and addicted to their party elected Harold Son of Cnute by his Concubine Algiva whom â—ome aver to be the son of a Tayler for their King But Godwin Earl of Kent with the Princes of the Western part of England contradicting them would rather have elected Harde-Cnute son of Cnute by Queen Emma or one of the Sons of King Eâ—helred and Emma then in Normandy After great strife and debate between the Nobles about the Election because Harold was there personally present but Harde-Cnute then in Denmark and Alfred and Edward in Normandy Harolds party prevailed against Earl Godwins qui tandem vi numero minor cessit violentiae Whereupon Harold was presently crowned King at Oxford by Elnothus Archbishop of Canterbury though at first he was very unwilling to perform that service For it is reported of him that he having the regal Scepter and Crown in his custody refused with an Oath to consecrate any other for King so long as Queen Emma her children were living for said she Cnute committed them to my trust and assurance and to them will I give my faith and allegiance This Scepter and Crown therefore I here lay down upon the Altar neither do I deny nor deliver them to you but I require by the Apostolick Authority all Bishops that none of them presume to take the same away neither that they consecrate him King therewith as for your self if you dare you may usurp that which I have committed to God on this Table Notwithstanding this great thunderclap being allayed with the showers of Golden promises of his just good and religious government intended though present experience manifested the contrary he was crowned by him Anno Anno. 1035. Henry Huntindon and others write That they elected him King only to keep the kingdom for his Brother Harde-Cnute then in Denmark Harold and the Nobles of West-Sex who opposed his election upon advice taken resolved that Qneen Emma wife of the deceased King should keep West-Sex and Winchester for the use of her Son Harde Cnute and that Earl Godwin should be their Captain in military affairs Roger Hoveden and others record That Harold being elected King by the consent of the major part of the Nobles of England obtained the royal dignity and began to reign quia justus haeres because he was a lawfull heir yet he reigned not so powerfully as Cnute quia justior haeres expectabatur Harde Cnutus because a juâ—ter heir Haâ—de Cnute was expected By reason of this disagreement amongst the Nobles to please both parties the kingdom of England was therupon divided by Lot Harold enjoying the Northern part thereof and Harde-Cnutes friends retaining the Southern part of it for his use No sooner was Harold crowned King but to secure himself the better in his Throne he presently posted to Winchester with his forces where tyrannically and forcibly taking away all the Treasures and goods which Cnute had left to Queen Emma his Mother-in-law he banished her out of England into Flanders some write she was thus banished by the secret Counsel and treachery of Earl Godwin whom she had made General of her forces for her preservation who proved unconstant and a Traytor to her and her children where in this her distresse she was honourably entertained by Earl Baldwin In the year 1036. Alfred eldest Son of King Ethelred comming over to claim his right in the Crown was with his Norman associates betrayed and murdered by the treachery of Earl Godwin of which I finde these several different relations in our Historians Matthew Westminster Ranulphus Cistrensis and others out of them record that Alfred being in Normandy and hearing of the death of Cnute came into England with 23. chosen ships full of Souldiers ut paternum regnum de Iure sibi debitum vel pacificè vel si necessitas cogeret armatorum praesidio obtineret that he might obtain his fathers kingdom of right due unto him either peaceably or if necessity compelled by force of arms Who ariving with his forces at Sandwich Port came as far as Canterbury When Godwin Earl of Kent knew of his comming he went to meet him and receiving him in his fidelity the very next night following compleated â—he part of the Traytor Iudas upon him and his fellow-Souldiers For after kisses of peace given and joyful banquets in the silence of the midnight when as Alfred and his companions had given their Members to sleep they were all taken unarmed in their beds suspecting no harm by a multitude of armed men rushing in upon them and their hands being tyed behind their backs they were compelled to sit down in order one by another Where sitting in this manner nine of them were always beheaded but the tenth dismissed and his life reserved for a â—ime These things were acted at Gildeford a royal Town But when it seemed to be Traitor Godwin that there were more yet remaining alive of them than was profitable he coÌ„manded them to be tithed over again as before and so very few of them remained alive But young Alfred every way worthy of royal honour he sent bound to the City of London to King Harold that therby he might find greater favor with him with those few of his followers who remained undecimated So soon as the King saw young Alfred he caused him â—o be sent to the Isle of Ely and there to have his eyes pulled out of the pain whereof he soon after died but he slew all his Souldiers too perniciously Florentius Wigorniensis Roger de Hoveden Simeou Dunelmensis Radulphus de Diceto Mr. Fox and others relate That the innocent Princes Alfred and Edward sons of King Ethelred came out of Normandy where they had long resided with their Uncle Richard into England accompanied with many Norman Souldiers transporâ—ed in a few ships to conferr with their Mother Emma â—hen residing at Winchester Which some potent men especially Earl Godwin â—s was reported took very unworthily and grievously because licet injustum â—sset although it were unjust they were more devoted to Harold than to Alfred Whereupou Harold perswaded King Harde-Cnute and the Lords not to suffer those Normans to be within the Realm for jeopardy but rather to punish them for example by which means he got authority to order the matter himself Wherefore he met
sibi interposita fide sua pollicitum fuisse quod si Rex Angliae foret Ius regni in illum Iure Haereditario transferret subdens ait tu quoque si mihi te in hoc ipso adminiculaturum sposponderis et insuper castellum Dofris cum puteâ— aquae ad opus meum te facturum sororemque tuam uni de Principibus meis dederis in uxorem te ad mâ— tâ—mpore quo nobis conveniet destinaturum nec non filiam meam in câ—njugem accepturum promiseris tunc et modo nepotem tuum et cum in Angliam venero regnaturus fratrem tuum incolumem recipies in quo regno si tuo favore confirmatus fuero spondeo quod omne quod à me rationabiliter tibi postulaveris obtinebis Hereupon Harold perceiving danger on every side and not knowing how to escape unless he condescended to Williams will in all things he thereupon consented to his requests But he that all things might be ratified bringing forth the reliques of Saints brought Harold to this That he should swear upon them that he would actually perform all things which they had agreed between them These things thus done Harold receiving his Nephew returned into his Country where he related to the King upon his demand what had happened and what hee had done Who said Did I not tell thee I knew William and that many mischiefs might happen to this kingdom in thy journey I foresee in this thy deed that great calamities will come upon our Nation which I beseech God of his infinite mercy to grant that they may not happen in my dayes Mr. Fox relating this story more briefly concludes thus Whereby it may be â—athered That King Edward was right willing that Duke William should reign after him and also it seemeth not unlike but that he had given him his promise thereunto before The same Hoveden Annalium pars posterior p. 608 609 610. reciting the Laws of King Edward confirmed by King William after he got the Crown records these passages intermixed with them That King Edward retained his Cosen Edwards son Edgar with him and nourished him for his Son and because he thought to make him his Heir he named him Adeling which we call a Little Lord. But King Edward so soon as he knew the wickednesse of his Nation and especially the pride of the Sons of Godwin of Harold who after invaded the Kingdom Estigurt Lefwin and others of his Brothers imagining that what he had purposed concerning Edgar could not possibly be stable Adoptavit Willielmum Ducem Normannorum in regnum adopted William Duke of Normandy to succeed him in the Râ—alm William I say the bastard the son of Robert his Uncle a valiant warlike and stout man Who afteâ—wardâ— by Gods assistance by vanquishing the foresaid Harold son of Godwin victoriously obtained the Reâ—lm oâ— England To which he subjoyns That Edward wanting issue sent Râ—bert Archbishop of Canterbury to his Cosen William Duke of Normandy de Regno eum constituit Haeredem and made him heir of the Kingdom yea after him he sent Earl Harold and He invaded the Realm He further Records That when King William would have altered the Laws of England presented to him upon Oath in the 4th year of his reign but in one point Universi compatriotae qui leges edixerant tristes effecti c. tandem cum prosecuti sunt deprecantes quatenus pro anima Regis Edwardi qui ei post diem suum concesserat Coronam et Regnum et cujus erant Leges that he would not alter the Laws herein whereupon he consented to their request Thomas of Walsingham thus registers the fact Edwardus Rex Anglorum prolis successione carens olim miserat Duci Robertum Archiepiscopum Cantuar. statuens illum haeredem Regni a Deo sibi attributi Sed et Haroldum ipse postmodum destinavit qui fuit maximus Comitum regni sui in honore dominatione et divitiis ut ei de Corona sua fidelitatem faceret ac Christiano more Sacramentis confirmaret Qui dum ob hoc negotii venire contenderet velificato freto Porti Pontnium appulit ubi in manus Widonis Abbatis villae S. Abvile Comitis incidit quem idem Comes captum cum suis conâ—estim in custodiam trusit Quod ut Dux comperit missis Legatis violenter illum extorsit quem aliquandiu secum moratâ— facto fidelitate de regno pluribus Sacramentis cum muneribus multis Regi remisit Denique Rex Edwardus completo termino foelicis vitae c. migravit a saeculo Cujus regnum Haroldus continuo invasit ex fidelitate pejuratus quam Duci Iuraverat Ad quem Legatos direxit protinus hortans ut ab hac vesania resipisceret fidem quam Iuramento sposponderat cum digna subjectione servareâ— Sed ille hoc non solum audire contempsit veruâ— omnem ab illo Anglorum gentem infideliter avertit c. Chronicon Iohannis Bromton Col. 945. relates That King Edward purposed to make Edgar whom he had nourished as his Son heir of England Sed ut quidam aiunt Rex gentis suae mâ—litiam et praecipuè superbiam Haroldi filii Godwini â—t aliorum divina demonstratione praevidens percepit quod proposiâ—um suum quoad ipsum Edgarum cognatum suum de regno post eum obtinendo minime potuit adimplere unde Willielmo cognato suo Normannorum Duci Regnum post eum optinendum per solennes nuncios assignavit And Col. 957. he adds Some say that King Edward before his death had appointed William to succeed him according tâ— the promise which the said King had made him when he was a young man living in Normandy that he should succeed him in the Kingdom concerning which as some write he had sent solemn Messengers to him into Normandy The like is affirmed almost in the saâ—e words by Henry de Knyghton de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c 15. col 2238. and by Fabian Câ—xton Cambden Holinshed Grafton Speed Daniel Stow Vestegan and other modern Historians Matthew Paris in the beginning of his History of England p. 1. relates Harolds driving into Pountoisâ— by storm as he was taking his pleasure at Sea his presenting to Duke William his espousals to his daughter under age which he ratified by Oath taken upon the reliques of Saints adding Iuravit insuper se post mâ—â—tem Regis Edwardi qui jam senuit sine liberis Regnum Angliae Duci qui in Regnum jus habuit fideliter conservaturum Consummatis igitur aliquot diebus cum summa laeâ—itia amplis muneribus ditatus in Angliam reversus est Haroldus Sed cum in tuto constitueretur jactabat se laqueos evasisse Hostiles Perjurii crimen eligendo And Anno 1257. Writing of the Lay Peers of France whereof the Duke of Normandy is first he hath this passage Rex Angliae Dux est de jure Normanniae sanguinis derivatione geneali Rex ex
to his Oath and promise to him had without right or Title invaded the Crown and being secretly invited by some of the English Nobles to challenge his own right thereunto by Kings Edwards designation sent Messengers to Harold who mildly reprehending him for his breach of Covenant added by way of menace that he would before the year expired exact his due from him by force of arms in case he refused voluntarily to yield up the kingdom to him But Harold growing secure contemning his threats as never likely to be put in execution both because the Dukes daughter to whom he was espoused was dead and himself involved in wars with his Neighbour Princes returned his Messengers to him with this answer Harold King of England sends you this answer That true it is when he espoused your daughter in Normandy being compelled by necessity He sware that the Realm of England should belong to thee But against this he asserts That a forced Oath is not to be kept For if a vow or oath which a Virgin had knowingly made concerning her body in the house of her Father without her parents consent was revocable and void much more the Oath which he being under the Scepter of the King had made without his knowledge by compulsion ought to be nâ—lled and made voyd as he asserted Moreover he afâ—irmed Nimis praesumptuosum â—uisse quod absque generali Consensu Regni Haereditatem vobis juraverat alienandam Addidit etiam Injustum esse petere ut e regno discedat quod tanto Principum favore susceperat gubernandum That it was overmuch presumption in him that without the general consent of the Realm he had sworn the inheritance thereof should be alienated to him That King Edward being then living he câ—uld neither give away the Kingdoms succession to him nor grant it to any other without his consâ—nt et â—ine populi consensu Senatus Decreto et nesciente omni Anglia de toto Regno necessitate temporis coactus impegerit and without the consent of the people and decree of the SENATE or Parliament he could not promise to him the whole Realm of England without the knowledg of all England being compelld therto only by the necessity of the time Adding moreover that it was unjust to demand that he should dâ—part from that kingdom which he had undertaken to govern with so great favour of the Nobles Eadmerus Radulphus de Diceto and some others record this to be his Answer then returned to Duke William Soror mea quam juxta condictum expetis mortua eâ— Quod si corpus ejus quale nunc est vult Comes habere mittam ne judicer Sacramentum violasse quod feci Castellum Dofris et in eo puteum aquae licet nescâ—am cui ut vobis convenit explevi Regnum quod necdum fuit meum quo Iure potui dare vel promittere Si de filia sua quam debui in uxorem ut asserit ducere agit Super Regnum Angliae mulierem extraneam inconsultis Principiâ—us me nec debere nec sine grandi injuria posse adducere noverit The Norman who till then thought England sure to be his and had devoted his hopes from a Duke to a King stormed to see himself thus frustrated on a sudden and instead of a Crown to have such scorns heaped on his head therefore nothing content with this â—light and scornfull answer returnd his Ambassadors again to Harold by whom he â—aid his claim more at large As that King Edward in the Court of France had faithfully promised the Succession unto him and again ratified the same unto him at his being in England and that not done without consent of the State but confirmed by Stigand it should be Robert Archbishop of Canterbury the Earls Godwin and Siward yea and by Harold himself and that so firmly assured that his Brother and Nephew were delivered for pledges and for that end sent to him into Normandy that he being no way constrained to swear as he pretended he appealed to Harolds own Conscience who besides his voluntary offer to swear the succession of the Crown unto him contracted himself to Adeliza his daughter then but young upon which foundation the Oath was willingly taken But Harold who thought his own head as fit for a Crown as any others meant nothing less than to lay it down upon parâ—y and therefore told Williams Embassadours plainly That however Edward and he had tampered for the Kingdom yet Edward himself coming in by election and not by any Title of Inheritance his promiâ—e was of no validity for how could he give that wherein he was not interested nor in the Danes time was likely to be and tell youâ— Duke that our Kingdom is now brought to a setled estate and with such love and liking of the English as that they will never admit any more a stranger to rule over them That the Duke himself well knew that the Oath he made him was only for fear of death or imprisonment and that an Oath so extorted in time of extremity cannot bind the maker in Conscience to perform it for that were to joyn one sin with another With which and the like Speeches he shifted off the Dukes Embassadours without any Princely entertainment or courteous regard who returned home without reply vel veris vel veresimilibus argumentis perstricti Some of our Historians record That the Dukes Messengers upon their second Embassy admonishing him how religiously he had bound himself by Oath and that perjured persons should be sure to find perdition from Gods hands and reproachfull shame with men waived all other demands of the Crown and insisted only upon this That Harold should marry his Daughter which he had espoused according to his promise else he should certainly know he would by force of Armes challenge the succession of the Kingdom promised to him But this seems improbable because our other Historians conclude that his espoused Daughter was dead before this Embassie and Williams preparations and future Messages claiming the Crown resolve the contrary Abbot Ingulphus flourishing at that time gives us this sum of their Negotiation and Harolds answer thereunto Wiâ—lielmus auâ—em Comes Normanniae Legatos mittit foedera facta dicit pacta patefecit promissa petit aliquod justum medium confici requirit At Rex Haroldus Legatos vix auscultat foedera fracta negat pacta recusat promissa excusat omnia â—ustamedia oblata sufflat subsannat Cumque haec intermedia quotidie agerentur ac solum nunciorum cursus ac recursus tota aestate sine fructu consumerarentur The Embassadours returned empty bringing only Harolds unsatisfactory and scornfull Answers with them Wherewith Duke William being much inraged cast about how to recover that by right of armes which he could not gain by Treaty providing Ships Souldiers Mariners and all things necessary for an invasive war making choice of the tallest skilfullest and