him to know what he demāded more this word Royally sayth he comprehends all which made that Alexander esteemed highly of him afterwardes and intertayned him according to his demand But this courtesie of king Edward ought to be esteemed so much greater then that of Alexander as Porus tooke no armes against him but constrayned for his owne lawfull defence and contrariwise king Iohn would not accept such honest cōditions of peace as were offered him by the Prince of Wales although the Cardinall of Perigort being sent by Pope Innocent laboured to bring him to some composition But hee being ouer mastered by his choler was ouercome by a handfull of people and lost a battell the nineteenth of September 1356. which can not so well be compared vnto any as to that memorable exployt at Cannas which was like to haue ouerthrowen the whole estate of the Romaine common wealth And although ciuill warres are ordinarily managed with a courage so much the more inuenomed as the allyance is straighter betweene countrie men yet so it is if we credite Histories that there is not in all the world any Nation founde which in this respect hath remained in such and so long a possession of moderation and clemencie as the English Comines who hath beene as much or more acquainted with the affaires of England as any Frenchman of his time sayth that the custome of the country is in ciuill wars to come straight to battell that the chiefe of that side to which the victorie enclines causeth to be proclaymed aloud Saue the people That I would to God wee had vsed the like moderation in our ciuill warres we should then at this day haue fiftie thousande more witnesses of our dissention the shedding of whose bloud prouokes the anger of God against our countrie of France But because that being occasioned as well by naturall affinitie as by conformitie of manners to loue a people is not a thing of it selfe deseruing any great commendation without endeuour to make demonstration thereof the order of our discourse requires to haue this article sifted yet somwhat neerer to the end that such as call the Englishmen ancient enemies to the crowne of France may learne eyther to speake better or else to holde their peace whensoeuer there is question of any such matter I say then that the effectes of amitie haue bin alwayes reciprocall beweene these two Nations For laying aside that which I alleaged out of Caesar that the Britains had alwaies succoured the Gaules in all their warres I will take testimonies of fresher memorie of a hundred or sixe score yeares past In the time of king Lewes the eleuenth Charles Duke of Burgundie desirous to clip the wings of his mortall enimie Lewes of France called to helpe him Edward king of England his brother in lawe to whom there needed not much speech to make him passe ouer into France whereunto he wanted no pretence There was then great likelihood that if the duke of Burgundie had well knowen howe to vse his prosperitie he had eyther quite ouerthrowē or at least wonderfully shaken the whole estate of France But king Lewes being a Prince much better furnished of wisedome then of courage considering to what exigent his affayres were brought procured or rather cunningly practised a treatie of peace with king Edward at Piquignie One may well say that at that time the mildnesse of king Edwarde serued in steed of a strong and mightie bulwarke vnto France against the surious and impetous effortes of the Burgonian Charles the eight the sonne and successour of Lewes was fauoured of heauen so farre foorth as to haue occasion to acknowledge this courtesie towardes the English Nation who was as readie to embrace such an occasiō as it was happely offered him Edwarde of whom we last spake being deceased his brother Richard duke of Glocester by euil practises and vnlawful meanes inuested himselfe with the crowne of Englande defrauding his Nephewes of their inheritance If the meanes of inuesting himselfe with so great an estate were strange and exorbitant his behauiour and comportment therein was yet more strange Such and so miserable was then the estate of poore Englande that he escaped best cheape who went away with the losse of his goods estate and dignities Diuerse of good calling and account to saue themselues out of this shower retyred into France The Noblest and of greatest name amongest them was the Earle of Richmond who hauing a while soiourned in Britanie finally resolued himselfe to recouer with his owne good the libertie of his countrie This newe Thrasibulus wanted neyther friends nor partakers for he had succor of king Charles the eight with whom he passed ouer into England where hauing giuen battell with happie successe he had for guerdon of his prowesse the estate and crowne which hath euer since remained on the head of his successors I would not stand so much on the courtesie of England were it not that in our time euen within these sixtie yeares the effects thereof had beene so good and so manifest on our behalfe that it were blockishnesse in vs to be ignorant thereof and great loosenesse if we did not acknowledge it Since the battell of Poytiers France receiued not so great an ouerthrowe as at Pauie where king Francis was taken prisoner The Emperour Charles being yet a young Prince and boyling with ambition after so fayre a victorie entered into maruellous hopes and helde himselfe assured that within fewe yeares the vniuersall Monarchie of Europe would be the interpretation of his Plus oultre And indeede there is great likehood that the forces of France being so mated he might if not wholly yet in part haue seene the accomplishment of his desseignes had not God beholding out countrie with his pitifull eye stirred vp the heart of Henrie the eight king of England to stay the course of the Emperour striking with full sayles through the midst of his victorie An act deseruing so much the more admiration as king Henrie had no other occasion to do it but an Heroicall vertue with the which his courage being once enkindled hee choose rather to appropriate vnto himselfe the sole honour of releiuing an afflicted neighbour then to be copartner with the vanquisher in the spoyle and pray In so much that we may well say that king Henrie the 8. next vnto God hath beene the author of our deliuerance and that the Lion hath plucked vs out of the Eagle his clawes And we must not thinke that he sought herein either his owne priuate profite or particular safetie For touching profite besides that which the euent hath made knowen the protestation which hee made by his king at armes defying the Emperor doth show sufficiently that he had no other end but honor and vertuous exploytes which in ancient time as sayth Theocritus haue gotten the title of Heroes to great and renowmed personages And in respect of securitie the Emperour being as thē affectionate towardes his vncle
of France as England as among the rest these tetmes Cullion and French dogge which is the rethoricke of Pedlers Tinkers Coblers Rogues and such kind of people not the language of honest and ciuill persons such as we purpose to intreate of in this discourse laying aside then al such baggage and tromperie let vs speake of the naturall amitie which is betweene these two Nations In the time of the Emperors Martian Valentinian about the yeare of Christ 449. Witigerne king of great Britaine desirous to repulse the Picts and Scots called to his ayd the Angles or English who dwelt then betweene the Vites and Saxons And indeede the Welchmen at this day call the Englishmen Sasses as who would say Saxons which hath beene ensured me of some learned men of that countrie It resulteth then of this discourse that the English are come out of Germanie as the French are also according to our Histories And howbeit that in respect of the French Nation I durst not affirme that they are descended of the Saxons yet so it is that the house of our kinges which at this day swayes the scepter in France drawes his stocke from thence as is best knowen to them who are best seene in Histories For Windekind a Saxon of the line of that great Windekinde subdued by Charlemayne came into France to succour Charles the balde beeing then much molested by the Normans This young Windekind had a sonne called Robert who so fortunately followed the footsteps of his father that Charles the bald made him generall of the armie which he sent against the Normans who at that time foraged the countrie of France This Robert was slaine in battell leauing a sonne called Otho who by consent of the Emperor Arnold had the gouernement of France during the minoritie of Charles the simple Whence he got him not so much reputation as in that hee was father to Hugh the great Earle of Paris But Hugh Capet sonne of this Hugh the great exceeded in glorie and splendor all the forenamed as well in that he was chiefe of the absolute estate of France as in that he left a Royall posteritie behinde him which swayes the scepter diuided into two houses namely Valoys and Bourbon So may we conclude that if the French and English may not be called by the terme of Charondas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is liuing together or according to Epimenides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is partakers of the same smoke or as they say brought vp together at board and at bed yet may they by good right be termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is descending from the selfe same extraction And although this alliance be of it selfe sufficiently cleared by the Historiographers yet is it better confirmed by the conformitie of maners of these two Nations and the good comportmentes of the one towardes the other The Englishman as also the French is generous and by consequent as Aristotle teacheth farre from dissimulation hating or louing openly rather led by truth then by opinion louing the effect better then the appearance free in speech louing his libertie and easily forgetting iniuries moreouer he is liberall ciuill curteous and gentle of all vertuous qualities I thinke that in them are to be found as many cleare and euident testimonies as there are places that speake of their exploites in vnpassionate Historiographers For in respect of ciuilitie what better witnesse can wee haue then Philip de Commines who himselfe had experience thereof in behalfe of the lord of Vaucler I should speake of a thing but too wel knowen throughout all the world if I should spend manie words in discoursing of their magnificence and liberalitie Certainely if that be true which Herodian writes of barbarous men namely that they are naturally greedy of money Englishmen are sufficiently discharged of the blame of barbarousnes howsoeuer some ignorant or passionate writers haue endeuoured to stayne them therewith But to what purpose is it to stande long on this point seeing the experience and testimony of noble and famous personages dooth openly ratifie my saying That good Vidame of Chartres of famous memorie who for that himselfe was one of the most liberall Lo of our time might best speake of liberalitie said openly that if there were any Nation in Christendome more liberall and courteous towardes strangers then the English he would be reckoned amongst those which talke rashly of thinges which they know not He which hath succeeded him as well in his vertues as his heritage protesteth often that he dares not to speake of the humanitie liberalitie and courtesie of the English Nation fearing to begin a discourse the entrie whereof were found much easier then the issue Odet Cardinall of Chastilion had ordinarily this saying in his mouth that courtesie had once imparked her selfe in France but that now she was passed ouer the sea This discourse would demand longer deduction but I am a Frenchman and iealous of the honor of my countrie Plutarch writes that the great Rethoritian Molon hauing on a day heard Cicero declaiming in Greeke saide lamenting that he deplored the estate of Greece whose richest ornament meaning eloquence Cicero carryed away with him For my part though I am no lesse affectionate towards the English Nation then commands the desert of their vertues yet so is it that I am sorrie to see them so richly arayed with our spoiles In so much that England may by good right be accounted at this day the very Sanctuarie of all ciuilitie kindnesse and courtesie the testimonies whereof may be seene not only towardes their friends and in time of peace but euen in time of warre and towardes their enemies Of many examples I will chuse one so notable as I knowe not whether the like be to be found in the Greeke or Latine Historiographers Amongest all the battels which were euer fought in France that of Poytiers is worthy the remēbrance not onely for the inestimable losse of the vanquished but much more for the courtesie and generositie of the vanquisher For the Nobilitie of France was there hewen in peeces many Princes and great Lordes made prisoners and namely king John himselfe fell into the handes of the Prince of Wales who had him afterwardes into England where hereceiued so good and gracious intertainement of king Edward father to the Prince of Wales that being on his fayth and hostages returned into France to giue order for his affaires after he had thoroughly considered the intertainement that was made him he sauoured and liked so well of the English courtesie that he esteemed it more honorable to die neere so noble a Prince then to liue as king of the greatest and mightiest kingdome in Christendome Porus an Indian king being taken by Alexander and being asked of him how hee desired to be dealt with at his handes I am sayth he a king let me be vsed Royally as belongeth to a king Alexander being farther instant on
king Henrie for greater confirmation of amitie a mariage was intreated of betweene him and the Ladie Marie eldest daughter to king Henrie Insomuch that all thinges accounted the English had then no cause to be affraid of the Emperour Moreouer the Emperor could not enterprise any thing on the estate of France without parting stakes with the English for their olde pretence vnto Guyen and Normandie This matter deserueth longer discourse but I studie after breuitie that I may speake somewhat of king Edwarde the sixt the sonne of king Henrie This Prince was so full of vertue and the feare of God that he may be good right be called the Iosias of the new Testament and the Paragon of Princes Christian. But laying aside his rare vertues whereof the best speakers can speake but too compendiously I will only touch that which neerest concernes our subiect This Prince by the counsell of the late duke of Northumber lande carried so entire and sincere an affection to our king Henrie the seconde that if God had lent him longer life there had beene a league made betweene these two kinges duke Maurice of Saxonie In such sort that there is great likelihood that an allyance made betweene three such mightie Princes had then brought the Emperour Charles to take that part which afterwardes he tooke that is to retire himselfe into Castile to the Monasterie of Saint Iust. I speake not of his humanitie vsed towardes our poore Frenchmen fled into England for refuge in a time when to make pâ—ofession of a Christian life in France was but to expose themselues to the death This obligation is common to vs with almost all the Nations of Europe whose exile hath beene honored with the assistance and comfort of this most holy and happie king Edwarde Happie say I not only in respect of him selfe but for that he hath also in his sister the Queene Elizabeth so perfect a portraiture and so right a resemblance of his most Christian and Heroicall vertues Which causeth that all such as throughout Europe are indued with sound iudgement do wish of all thinges in the world eyther to be the subiectes of such a Princesse or at least to liue vnder the subiection of such a Prince as might most resemble her But I dare not vndertake to set foorth the prayses of Queene Elizabeth in respect that if I should omit any one of her rare vertues my discourse would not be well taken of the better sort and to go about to discourse of theÌ„ by particulars were neuer to haue done Taking then a shorter course I will only say that she hath made demonstration of her good will towardes France as often times as the estate of our affaires hath presented her any occasion Aboue all she hath alwaies showed her selfe affectionate to the intertayning of peace with vs being induced thereunto as well by her owne cleare insight and wise forecast as also by the mature sage counsell of the right vertuous and noble Lords Sir William Cecill yet at this day Lord Treasurer of England and Sir Nicholas Bacon of worthie memorie sometimes Lorde Keeper of her Maiesties great Seale personages indued with so high and eminent wisedome and so happily qualified in all kinds of vertue that he shall well deserue a place amongst the best speakers that shall duly set foorth their praises to posteritie For my part I magnifie that most mercifull God which hath so well married good happe to the vertue of these two English Nestors that in them may be seene the accomplishment of that prayer so much celebrated by Callimachus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 O blessed father be thou blest Giue vertue giuing store Goods without vertue do no good with vertue euermore And vertue feeble feeles her force if so she liue in want Then blessed father vertue giue and let not store be scant It remaines now to speake of a like demonstration of amitie towardes vs and yet in a case much vnlike France hath not in it any greater ornament then the Citie of Paris nor the City of Paris then the exercise of learning which hath beene there continued euer since the time of Charlemaine that is to say since the yeare 792. euen till this day with such reputation that in the time of our fathers to haue studied at Paris and to be well learned were two diuerse termes signifying one and the selfe same thing But if this benefite be great as it can not be otherwise accounted sauing of such as want iudgement we can not acknowledge to haue receiued it of any but the English Nation except we will in depriuing theÌ„ of their deserued praise bereaue our selues also of being reputed a people that loues roundnesse and integritie For Charles the great was induced to this so happie an enterprise by the counsell of Flaccus Albinus an Englishman seconded by two Scotishmen the one named Ioannes Milrosius the other Claudius Clemens But euen as euill counsell by a iust iudgement of God fals ordinarily to the preiudice of him that giues it contrariwise the author of good and holy counsell is hee who willingly tasteth the first fruites thereof So the Englishmen haue reaped the fruite of that good and wholsome counsell of Albinus and his companions in that the Vniuersitie of Oxford is a branch of that of Paris But because wee see men to be so much the more inclined to thinges vnto the which they are drawen for the conseruation of that which doth neerest concerne them I say that the safetie of England toucheth vs so neerely and our safegarde so neerely the English that one of the two Nations being distressed by a stranger the other may make reckoning that they are not long to enioy any great quietnesse It is knowen that as soone as Caesar had set on foot the Romaine power in France he thought hee had not well played his part vntill he went to remoue houshold into England The histories haue so cleared this article that it were but superfluitie of speech to extende our selues any farther in deduction thereof I would now that some one of our maisters of the Court who are so affectionate and make so great account of the allyance of Spaine wold show me the like motiues grouÌ„ds of their opinion But I assure my selfe that they will not put themselues to the paynes of proouing any naturall affinitie betweene the French and Spanish vnlesse they fetch it from the Arke of Noe or else make reckoning of that which the Poets tell touching the beautifull Bebrix Which neuerthelesse were an argument as feeble as far from the purpose as is knowen to such as are seene in the knowledge of antiquitie and specially of Poeticall fictions But being now entered into this discourse it will not bee impertinent to speake of the originall of our Spaniardes at this day For eueÌ„ as waters which run out of sulphur springs haue alwayes a taste of brimstone
vse when they found themselues perplexed for the decision of some matter of importance that is to say Non liquet But this perplexitie of mine is so much the lesse as it may easily be remoued by comparing of the meanes as well of England as of Spaine If we will measure these meanes by the number of souldiers which the one and the other Nation is able to set forth experience that is Historie pleadeth manifestly for the English And that so it is king Edward of whom we haue spoken afore brought to the ayde of the Duke of Burgundie by the testimony of Comines fifteene hundred men well mounted the most of them on barbed horses and richly furnished Also fifteene thousand Archers on horsbacke In our time king Henrie making descent into Picardie to ioyne him selfe with the Emperour Maximilian the first at the camp of Terouane had fiue thousand horse and more then fortie thousande footmen wherof fiue and twentie thousand were English and fifteen thousande Lansquenets The Emperour Charles and his sonne king Phillip haue beene the Princes who haue commanded most absolutely ouer Spaine yet neyther the one nor the other haue in their warres made greater leauie then eight thousand naturall Spaniardes and almost all footmen For in respect of horsemanship the Spaniarde somewhat resembles the sword-fish which hath a blade and can not helpe himselfe therewith The same may be saide of the Spaniardes who haue very good horses which serue their turne better to traficke with their friendes than to fight and repulse the enemie But because that the memorie of late accidentes may serue much to the deciding of this difficultie I will here alleage so cleere and euident a testimonie as that whosoeuer makes reckoning of Spanish forces shall haue nothing for ground of his opinion but either a light beliefe or an opinatiue conceipt During the raigne of king Francis the second when the great ones of France were at discord amongest themselues king Phillip wrote a letter to the king which was read in the priuie Counsell I can not well say in what language it was written but the contentes seemed to smell of the Spanish phrase For he protested that whensoeuer any sturres happen in France hee woulde helpe the king his brother with an armie of fiftie thousande men Shortly after occasiō was offered of effectuating that which he had so solemnely protested For France was torne with a tempest of ciuill warre And although our miseries made almost as many fountaines of teares to issue foorth as there are townes in France yet gaue they vnto the king of Spaine occasion to reioyce in furnishing him with meanes to accomplish his promise Let vs see then how well he acquired himselfe He was requested to send succour vnto the King his brother being desirous to restablish the Romish religion in her former estate He because hee woulde not be thought to be backewarde eyther in zeale to his religion or amitie towardes his brother assembled certaine troupes of those prudent religious persons whose ordinarie practise is in the straightes of the mountaynes Pirenees to take gold without waying it and siluer without telling it Neither yet to the number of fiftie thousand as he promised but of two thousand only In sort that it was easie for good Arithmeticians to iudge that this good Prince making such protestation as abouesaide had calculated his meanes by the rule of false position Touching the behauiours of these braue and valorous souldiers to him that considered them neerely they seemed to represent I know not what Image of the ancient times during which as Thucidides writeth robberie was not subiect vnto any reproch The respect of these goodly qualities made the Romaine Catholikes to lament so much the more the losse of these honest men For they being incamped on the riuer of Tard those Amazons of Mountauban in certaine sailyes killed a great number of them without confession or repentance of any sinne sauing of that which is termed militarie temeritie and ouersight of warre But because that in comparing diuerse thinges togither the Geometricall proportion is to be accepted aboue the Arithmeticall he were not much out of the way who would iudge rather by the valour and desert of both Nations in deedes of armes then by the number For oftentimes a small number of men doth ouercome a great armie and treades them vnder foote I am exceeding sorie that I can not produce any better testimonies of the English prowesse then those great and notable victories which they haue gotten ouer vs. Yet so it is that our valiant Successors wanting nothing lesse then courage and good will in those battailes the English can not vaunt themselues of any thing more then that they ouer-came most valiant enemies So those Poetes and Historiographers who haue song of their prosperitie could not therewith but report our valiancie In briefe the vertue and prowesse of our auncestors deserued not to be surmounted by any but by such enemies as knew how to vanquish euen victorie it selfe that is to say the furour and insolencie of victorious armes Let the Carthagineans boast as much as they list of their happie successe at Cannas yet he that should preferre it aboue the battaile of Cressie should showe himselfe eyther too much appassionate or too simply skilled in the knowledge of histories Out of which we may gather that in the sayde renowmed battell which was fought in the yeare 1346. there were slaine on our side eleuen Princes foure score Barons a thousand and two hundred horsemen and aboue thirtie thousande footemen Also the battell of Poytiers whereof I haue spoken heretofore gaue the like testimonie as well of the English prowesse in winning of the victorie as of their courtesie and mildnesse in vsing of it moderately which makes mee the more freely to speake of their vertue and roundly to confesse that the smal number on their side haue made their victories the more notable and renowmed It were against reason to request the Spaniardes in this comparison to furnish vs with the like examples of their prowesse and valiancie for they are discharged of so doing by that rule of lawe which sayth that none is bound to the execution of thinges which are impossible I should feare also of being accounted a forger of Paradoxes in saying that the Spaniardes are no warlike Nation if I had not so cleere and euident proofes thereof that to denie them were but fast shutting of a mans eyes that he might not see the sunne shine at noone day And to seeke out the depth of this matter and to reason of effectes by their causes I say that if nature haue not changed her ordinarie course of working the Spaniarde can not any wayes be reputed amongst the warlike Nations Those Nations which inhabite colde countries are as Aristotle saith indued with a more hautie and stout courage then others but not so quicke and sharp witted as other And therefore they loue
being ouer-laden do diuerse times of meere charitie and good will yeelde them so much succour as to take some part of their burden into their owne ships Yea so courteous friendly be our Frenchmen that they constraine the Spaniardes whether they will or no to receiue the effectes and testimonies of this their charitable courtesie Besides all this the Indians begin to waxe shrewd lads and to make no more so much account of glasses pins and such other Spanish giftes peraduenture because some bodie hath made them taste this saying of Sophocles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Though faire the giftes of foes may seeme Vnfriendly alwayes do them deeme And if other causes wanted is it possible that the possession of a thing so ill gotten should endure long Do we thinke there is any Indian vnder the subiection of the Spaniardes which cryeth not ten thousand times a day in his language this sentence of Aristophanes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alas how hard a thing it is to serue against ones will a master that of wit of sense and reason can no â—kill Aristotle sayth that a countrie is possessed and helde by a Tyrant in the same manner that mens bodies are with an agew How many sighes and groanes do we thinke that the poore Americans being by such a feruent feuer so long tormented cast foorth which mount vp to the eares of him that holdeth the sterne of the matters of this world Do we thinke that the hande of God is shortned that hee can not when he sees time execute the threatnings which he hath vttered by the mouth of his Prophet against these murtherers robbers and wasters Where is that state in the world be in neuer so flourishing that can be exempted from decay and vtter ouerthrowe What wisedome what counsell what force is it that can warrant it out of the hande of the almightie and euerliuing God Mischiefe runneth vp and downe saith Euripides from house to house in most rich and exquisite wordes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mischiefe from house to house doth go As winde which passeth to and fro The same with greater reason may be sayde of Monarchies in which we may see from day to day the accomplishment of this threatning which is so wisely set downe by Hesiodus speaking of Iupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He soone puls downe the mighty ones and poore from dust doth rayse He soone correctes the crooked ones and rootes out wicked waies Which is then seene especially when the sinnes as well of the Prince as of the people enforce God to breake his patience The Mathematicians holde that the augmentation of the greatnesse of thinges maketh them seeme to approach neere vnto our sight though in verie truth they approch not at all But with the sinnes of men it fareth much otherwise which being heaped one on the other doo approach and present themselues before the sight of the liuing God who oftentimes punisheth the people in the Prince and the Prince in the people whose iustice is not ruled by the same square that mens iudgements are directed in the which according to the Lawyers Noxa caput sequitur that is Penaltie pursueth the principall Whereof we haue a manifest and notable example in Abimelech the king of Gerar who excusing himselfe vnto Abraham vseth these wordes What haue I done vnto thee and wherein haue I offended thee that thou hast brought on me and on my kingdom this great sinne Nowe if Abimelech do call adulterie a great sinne how shall we call that which we can not better describe then by the conformitie thereof vnto that example set downe by Suetonius in the life of Claudius in the xxvi chapter of his booke But if this speech be thought by any to be ouer darke I referre him to that which the Lawyer Paulus hath written lib. 39. vnder the title Si quis D. de ritu nuptiarum and hee shall plainely vnderstande my meaning But this is not all for there are yet in this behalfe other sortes of wickednesse as much or more abhominable then the other which they thinke to keepe secret as if the saying of the Poet Musaeus had not place as well in this age as in the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Oft times we heare that sounded openly Which we thought had beene done full secretly Now then if we thinke Gods iustice to be immutable let vs knowe and be well assured that he will visite such and so execrable wickednesse which may with more honestie then ease be concealed and will at last how long soeuer he foreslowe it make the Spaniards and their king to feele his vengeance A cruell Tyrant on whose wretched head The wrath of God to fall is readie spread To be short the time will come ere long and will not tarie that this wicked Nation which for these hundred yeares hath made a trade of pilling and praying on others shall be exposed for a pray vnto other Nations The time I say draweth neere when eyther the Indians or else the king of Spaine his Lieutenants themselues shall reuolt from him and become executors of God his wrath against the couetousnesse and crueltie of their owne Nation Now remayneth to be considered the third and last point of this discourse that is to wit whether of these two Nations being become our enemie hath most meanes to annoy vs. This point may well be cleered by that which hath beene discoursed in the former touching the meanes which eyther of those Nations hath to succour vs with all Yet so it is notwithstanding that if the Englishmen should happen to set foote in France and especially in Guyenne it would be as hard for vs to stay a great part of the Nobilitie and Gentlemen from taking their part as to burie the remembrance of the good turnes and pleasures which their houses haue receiued heretofore at the handes of the kings of Englande especially considering that the Charters of the greatest houses of Guyen are as many testimonies or rather as many authenticall recordes of the obligation wherin they are bound to the memorie of the kings of England moreouer falling at ods with the English euerie one knoweth that they haue good diches large and deepe such as can not be drayned On the contrarie part according to the opinion of that great Captaine the Admirall Chastillon it were no lesse easie then expedient for vs to ouercome the Spaniards if we warred vpon them as we ought that is to say if cutting off the riuer at the spring head we would set vpon them at home in their owne countrie of Spaine which is a land very easie to be entred into being both vnfurnished of strong townes which cannot but hardly be succoured froÌ„ Germanie wheras on the contrarie part our armies should be backed by the countries of Languedocke and Gascoyne both of theÌ„ well stored with victuals and men of warre so that in France that quarter may wel be called at this day the storehouse of Mars If I should adde nothing else yet notwithstanding the causes heretofore set downe being well considered do sufficiently conclude of themselues that to preferre or to match in equalitie the allyance of Spaine to that of England were openly to show our selues vnnaturall and vnkinde to our allyes It were I say to shew our selues blockish and vnable to discerne the nature that matcheth iumpe with ours from that which is cleane contrarie vnto ours and manifestly to oppose our selues against the benefite and welfare of our countrie The Spaniardes as we haue sayde are couetous craftie proud and rauenous Shall we change then our franke liberalitie into a slauish and insatiable couetousnesse shall we change the generositie of the Lyon into the subtiltie of the Foxe shall we become of gentle and courteous arrogant and disdainefull and of milde and meeke cruell and rauenous shall we so bereaue our selues of those vertues which haue gotten vs reputation through out the whole world as that there shall remaine no more vnto vs of Frenchmen but euen the bare name And yet if we neerely consider the naturall disposition of the Spaniarde that miserable exchange whereof I now spake will be euermore noted as an euident and sure testimonie of our ouer great facilitie in making so great account of that Nation who resembling Iuie hath alwaies made those to feele the most pernitious effects of her most hurtfull malice which haue beene most straightly allied vnto her Now for as much as prayer is accounted the duetie of an honest man towards his countrie I pray to God O France that thy preseruation increase may be a continuall mirror of his goodnesse wisedome which shineth in the gouernment of great estates and kingdomes And that to the same end he vouchsafe to open thy eies that thou maiest discern that poyson mixt with hony by the which they go about to worke thy ruine and the vtter ouerthrowe of thy honour and greatnesse FINIS Salustius in Iugutha Hesiodus in his booke of workes and daies Cicero 1. offic Caesar lib. 1 de bello Gallico Caesar lib. 2. de bello Gallico Plutarchus in Theseo Plato in Lysida Cic. 2. de natura deorum Ramus de moribus veterum Gallorum Caesar lib. de bello Gallico Plato in Timaeo Arist. lib. 1. cap. 1. polit Arist. Ethic. lib. 4. cap. 3 Comines cap. 34. Herodian in Commodo Plutarch in the life of Cicero Comines cap. 112. See the historie of Bellay Theocritus in 〈◊〉 Prolo Callimachus in hymno Iouis Guichardino lib. 15 Guichardino lib 16. Homerâ— Iliadâ— â— Virg. Eglog 1. Plutarchus in Phocione 〈…〉 Looke Froysard Se Froysard Pindarus ode x. Pith. Cicero in Lucullo Pindarus ode 1. Olym. Pind. od 1. Nem. Cicero in Lucullo Plinius li. 7. Cap. 21. Guichardine lib. 12 Thucidideâ— lib. 1 Arist. lib. 7. cap. 7. politic Pind. ode 1. Nem. Machiauell in lib. de principe Theophrastus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sophoc in Aâ—ace Aristophanes in Plut. Arist. Metaphys lib. 1. ca. â— Esay 33. Euripides in Electra Hesiod oper diebus Vitellius lib. 4. Theox 129 Caius li. 20 vltimo D. de Noxal Action Genesis 20 Suetonius