once is opened then Adversaries begin to swarme and rage so in all points of false and fained Religion where the entrance to it is laid open hatred and enmity will act their parts But much more if with such pretended Religion Wealth and Ambition as counterfeit Mates thrust hard to enter at the opened doore what strife hatred and envy doe they kindle even in the hearts of such who have vowed poverty and the contempt of worldly wealth I may adde to what hath beene observed above that no hatred is comparable to that which is betweene a Jesuite and a Fryer or any other of Romes Religious Orders And above all yet betweene a Jesuite and a Dominican The ambition and pride of Jesuites is inconsistent in a Kingdome or Common-wealth with any such as may bee equall to them in Preaching Counsell or Learning Therefore strive they so much for the education of Gentlemens Children in their Colledges that by teaching the sonnes the love of the fathers and mothers may bee more easily gained and their love and good will thus gained they may withall gaine to themselves whatsoever praise honour glory may bee fit to bee bestowed upon any other Ecclesiasticall Person Which Policy and Ambition in them being so patent and knowne to all the World hath stirred up in all other Religions a hatred to them uncapable ever of Reconciliation This hath made them all to conspire against them and to discover their unsatisfied covetousnesse in beguiling the rich widowes of what meanes â—…ath beene left them by their deceased husbands to erect and build those stately Colledges beyond the Seas the sight whereof both outward and inward doth draw the ignorant people to resort more to their Churches and preaching then to any other Thus whilest in Venice they got the favour of one of the chief Senatours of that Common-wealth they politickly drew him to make his will according to their will and pleasure leaving to his son and heire no more then what they should think fit to afford him But they appropriating to themselves the chiefest part of the young heires meanes and with so proud a legacy thinking to overpower all other Orders were by them opposed so that the Will was called for by the whole State and Senatours of Venice fully examined and they commanded to restore to the heire the whole Estate as enjoyed by his Father Well did that wise Senate conceive that as one Noble man had been cheated by them of his fortunes so might they one by one and so at length the riches of Venice might become a treasure onely for Jesuites to maintaine the pride and pompe of their glorious fabricks And though those vowed servants to the Pope obtained his Excommunication against the whole Estate of Venice upon non-complying with the foresaid Will and Testament yet such was the preaching of all other Preists and Orders against them that they caused the State to slight the Excommunication and in lieu of making them heires of the deceased Senatours Estate they shamefully banished them out of Venice Thus also have the Preists and Fryers of Bisâ—…ya in Spain prevailed against the admitting of Jesuits into San-Sâ—…an though by the favour of some they have in severall occasions obtained an house and erected a Bell to ring and summon in the People to their pretended Church and Colledge Nay the very house wherein their Patron Ignatius Loiola lived have they often seriously offered to buy for a Colledge yet such hath been the opposition of the Preists and Fryers of that Countrey that they have dashed to nought their often iâ—…rated endeavours to purchase that which they esteem their chiefest Relique But to come neerer to our owne Countrey what a combustion did this strife betweene Jesuites and other Preists of England cause among our Papists ten yeares agoe when the Pope sending into England Doctor Smith pretended Bishop of Chalcedon to bee the Metropolitan head over all the Clergy and other Orders how then was â—…t to see the pride of the Jesuites as inconsistent with any one that might oversway them or gain more credit then themselves who never left persecuting the Bishop till by the Popes Letters they had banished him out of England Which curtesie the secular Preists gaining yet a head over them with title of Archdeacon Doctor Champney have ever since sought to repay home by endeavouring alwayes to cast them out of England as pernicious to the State of this Kingdome more then Fryers or any other sort of Preists Which they have sufficiently made known by discovering their covetousnesse in encroaching upon many Houses and Farmes enriching themselves as namely at Winifreds Well so tearmed by them where they had bought an Inne and speedily fell to building there that they might make it a Colledge for Jesuites to entertaine there all Papists comers and goers to that Well and so might win to themselves the hearts of most of the Papists of the Land who doe yearly resort thither to bee washed and healed upon any light occasion either of Head-ach Stomack-ach Ague want of children where they blindly phansie a speedy remedy for all maladies or wants of this World Thus have the Preists discovered further our English Jesuites covetousnesse in the building of the Sope-houses at Lambeth under the name of Mr. George Gage their purse-bearer and since projecting the Monopoly of Sope under Sir Richard Wâ—…on Sir Basil Brooke and many others names who were but Agents and Traders with the Jesuites rich and mighty Stocke Thus came out the discovery of the Levelling of Hils and Mountaines cutting of rocks at Leige in the Low Countryes at the Colledge of the English Jesuites a worke for Gardens and Orchards for their Novices recreation and pastime which as I have heard from their owne mouthes cost them thirty thousand pound which gift they squeezed out of one onely Countesse of this Land Like to this may prove their Colledge at Gaunt for which they have obtained already a faire beginning of eight thousand pounds from the Old Countesse of Shrewsberry and from the greatest part of the Estate of Mr. Sackefield whom whilst they had him in their Colledges they cherished with their best dainties and with hopes that one day hee should bee a Canonized Saint of their Religious Order All these knaveries doe even those Preists of the same Popish Religion discover of them and thereby endeavor to make them odious And though of all the Jesuites be the most covetous yet may I not excuse the Secular Preists Benedictine Monks and the Fryers from this damnanable sinne who also strive for wealth and meanes for their Doway Paris and Liâ—…ve Colledges and lose no opportunities at the death of their Popish favourites for the obtaining a Legacy of one or two hundred Pounds assuring them their soules shall bee the better for their Masses Thus doe those miserable wretches in the very heat of their zeale of soules seeke to suppâ—…sse one another and having vowed Poverty yet make they the
man and so after two dayes I tooke post in company of some Spaniards and an Irish Colonel for Canterbury and so forward to Gravesend When I came to London I was much troubled within my selfe for want of my Mother tongue for I could onely speak some few broken words which made mee fearefull I should not bee accknowledged to bee an English man born Yet I thought my kinred who knew I had beene many yeers lost would some way or other acknowledge mee and take notice of mee if at the first I addressed my selfe unto some of them untill I could better expresse my selfe in English The first therefore of my name whom I had notice of was my Lady Penelope Gage widow of Sir Iohn Gage then living in St. Iones to whom the next morning after my arrivall to London I addressed my selfe for the better discovery of some of my kinred whom though I knew to bee Papists and therefore ought not to be acquainted with my inward purpose and resolution yet for feare of some want in the mean time and that I might by their means practice my selfe in the use of my forgotten native tongue and that I might enquire what Childs part had been left me by my father that I might learn some fashions and â—…astly that in the meane time I might search into the Religion of England and find how farre my conscience could agree with it and bee satisfied in those scruples which had troubled mee in America for all these reasons I thought it not amisse to looke and inquire after them When therefore I came unto my Lady Gage shee beleeved mee to bee her kinsman but laughed at mee telling mee that I spake like an Indian or Welch man and not like an English man yet shee welcomed mee home and sent mee with a servant to a Brothers lodging in Long Aker who being in the Country of Surrey and hearing of mee sent horse and man for mee to come to keepe Christmas with an Uncle of mine living at Gatton by whom as a lost and forgotten Nephew and now after foure and twenty yeeres returned home againe I was very kindly entertained and from thence sent for to Cheam to one Mr. Fromand another kinsman with whom I continued till after twelfth day and so returned againe to London to my brother Thus my good Reader thou seeâ—…t an American through many dangers by Sea and Land now safely arrived in England and thou maiest well with mee observe the great and infinite goodnesse and mercy of God towards mee a wicked and wretched sinner How I have answered to this Gods gracious calling mee from so farre and remote a Country to doe him service here I will shew thee in the Chapter following and so conclude this my long and tedious History CHAP. XXII Shewing how and for what causes after I had arrived in England I tooke yet another Iourney to Rome and other parts of Italy and returned againe to settle my selfe in this my Country NOw Reader as the stone that is falling the neerer it cometh to its Center more haste it maketh So I the neerer I am coming to the conclusion of this my History more haste I desire to make in this last Chapter for the compleating and finishing of it With brevity therefore I will relate some of my travels in Europe in which I will yeeld to many of my Nation but for America and my travels and experience there I dare boldly challenge all travellers of my Country After my return to London from Surrey I began to expostulate with my younger Brother knowing hee had been present at my Fathers death and had a chief hand in the ordering and executing his last Will and Testament concerning what childs part was left unto mee To which hee made mee answer that my father had indeed left him and my Brother the Colonell and two other sons by a second wife and my owne sister every one somewhat but to mee nothing nay that at his death he did not so much as remember mee which I could not but take to heart and called to minde the angry and threatning letter which I had received from him in Spain because I would not bee a Jesuite Though for the present I said nothing yet afterwards in many occasions I told my Brother I would have the Will produced and would by course of law demand a childs part but hee put me off assuring me I should never want amongst other my friends and kindred with whom hee knew I should bee well accommodated as long as I continued in England After few dayes that I had been in London my kinsman at Cheam desired me to come to live with him where I continued not long for my Uncle at Gatton invited mee to his house offering mee there meat drink lodging horse and man with twenty pound a yeare which hee promised in other waies to make as good as thirty Here I continued a twelve moneth refining my self in my native tongue and though altogether unknown to my Uncle and kindred searching into the Doctrine and truth of the Gospel professed in England for which cause I made many journeys to London and then privately I resorted to some churches and especially to Paulâ—… Church to see the service performed and to heare the Word of God Preached but so that I might not be seen known or discovered by any Papist When in Pauls Church I heard the Organs and the Musick and the Prayers and Collects and saw the Ceremonies at the Altar I remembred Rome againe and perceived little difference between the two Churches I searched further into the Common-Prayer and carryed with me a Bible into the Country on purpose to compare the Prayers Epistles and Gospels with a Masse Book which there I had at command and I found no difference but onely English and Latin which made mee wonder and to acknowledge that much remained still of Rome in the Church of England and that I feared my calling was not right In these my scruples coming often to London and conversing with one Dâ—…de Popham and Crâ—… Connel and Brown English and Irish Dominican Fryers I found their wayes and conversations base lewd light and wanton like the Spanish and Indian Fryers which made me againe reflect upon the Popish Church upheld by such Pillars I came yet to the acquaintaince of one Price Superiour to the Benedictine Monkes whom I found to be a meer States-man and a great Politician and very familiar private and secret with the Archbishop of Canterbury William Land in conversation with my Brother who belonged then unto one Signior Coâ—… the Popes Agent and was in such favour at the Court that hee was sent over by the Queen with a rich present to a Popish Idol named our â—…ady of Sichem in the Low Countries I heard him sometimes say that hee doubted not but to bee shortly Curate and Parish Preist of Coven Garden sometimes that he hoped to bee made Bishop in England and that then I
Lord. And thus for curiosities sake and by the intreaty of some speciall friends I have furnished the Presse with a language which never yet was printed or known in England A Merchant Mariner or Captaine at Sea may chance by fortune to be driven â—…n some Coast where he may meet with some Pecoman Indian and it may bee of great use to him to have some light of this Poconchi tongue Whereunto I shall be willing hereafter to add something more for the good of my Countrey and for the present I leave thee Reader to study what hitherto hath briefely been delivered by mee FINIS A Table of the Chapters of this Booke with the Contents of the most Remarkeable things in them CHAP. I. HOw Rome doth yeerely visit the American and Asian Kingdomes page 1. Contents The Popes Policy in maintaining constantly some poore Pensionary Bishops in Rome page 1. Without great Sums of Mony and new Purple Clothing given to the Cardinals Suits are not Canonized at Rome pag. 2. Monies sent out of England to Rome for Indulgencies to bee granted to private Altars in Papists private chambers page 2. More power granted to the Kings of Spain over the Clergy in the West-India's then to other Princes in Europe upon condition that they maintain there the Popes Authority and Preists to preach page 2. 3. The Iesuites challenge from Francis Xavierius the Preaching of the Gospel as due onely to them page 3. Missions of Preists Fryers or Iesuites are yeerely sent at the King of Spaine his charge to the India's page 3. CHAP. II. Shewing that the Indians wealth under a pretence of their Conversion hath corrupted the hearts of poore begging Fryers with strife hatred and ambition page 3. Contents Hatred grounded upon difference in Religion is most bitter Page 3. 4. Iesuites and Fryers but especially Dominicans deadly enemies Page 4. A Iesuiticall trick well acted at Venice page 4. Doctor Smith Bishop of Chalcedon sent by the Pope into England as private Head over all the Romish Clergy chiefly by the cunning subtilty of Iesuites was banished page 4. A Colledge privately intended to bee built in England by Iesuites at Winifreds Well as also the Sope houses at Lambeth with the Sope Patentee belonging to them page 5. More 〈◊〉 prankes discovered page 5. Why Iesuites and Dominicans are dead enemies page 5. 6. Valentia the Iesuite his death most shamefull for causing a false Print upon Augustins workes page 5. 6. Iesuites excellent Musicians Fencers Dancers Vaulters Painters Bribers and Merchants p. 6. CHAP. III. Shewing the manner of the Missions of Fryers and Iesuites to the India's pag. 7. Contents Distinction of severall Provinces amongst the Fryers and Iesuites under head at Rome named Generall page 7. West-India Fryers rich prizes to the Hollanders page 7. Popes indulgence granted to such Fryers as goe to the India's and his excommunication to such as oppose them page 8. Liberty draws most of the Fryers to the India's page 8. The death of an unchast wife murthered by her owne husband caused by the too much liberty of a wanton Fryer in Guatemala Anno 1635. p. 9. CHAP. IV. Shewing to what Provinces of the East and West-India's belonging to the Crowne of Castilia are sent Missions of Fryers and Iesuites And especially of the Missions sent in the yeer 1625. page 9. Contents Two sorts of Spaniards in the India's deadly enemies to one another viz. the Natives borne there and such as goe from Spain thither page 9. 10. What Religious Orders are the chief Preachers in the Province of Guatemala page 10. The Spaniards chief trading from Spain to Philippinas is first by their ships to St. John de Ulhua upon the North Sea and secondly from Acapulco upon the South Sea to Manila page 11. A vaine and worldly discourse of a Fryer of the India's page 11. 12. The chief cause of the Authors resolution to goe to East and West-India's page 12. 13. Foure poore Mendicant Fryers as Apostles entertained by Don Frederique de Toledo and the Gallies in Puerto de Santa Maria. page 14. CHAP. V. Of the Indian Fleet that departed from Cales Anno Dom. 1625. And of some remarkable passages in that voiage page 14. Contents The love of Nuns too powerfull over Fryers page 14. The Author hid in an empty barrell on shipboard in the Bay of Cales page 15. The pleasure of the Indian Navigation 1625. untill the first land was discovered page 16. CHAP. VI. Of our discovery of some Islands and what trouble befell ut in one of them p. 16. Contents The Islands called Desseada Marigalante Dominica Guadalupe are the first discovered in America in the Spanish Navigation page 17. A Christian Mulatto having lived twelve yeeres among Heathens with an Infidell wife and Children found in Guadalupe page 18. A suddaine uproare and mutiny of the Indians of Guadalupe who slow and wounded many of the Spanish Fleet 1625. page 25. CHAP. VII Of our further sailing to St. John de Ulhua alià s Vera Crux of our landing there page 19. Contents A Fryer wounded at Guadalupe died and was solemnly cast to the Sea pag. 20. A Spaniard swimming in the sound of Mexico cruelly slain and partly devoured by a Sea Monster page 21. The Virgin Mary called upon more then God in a suddain apprehensiou of a storme page 21. CHAP. VIII Of our landing at Vera Crux otherwise St. John de Ulhua and of our entertainment there page 22. Contents The vanity and worldlinesse of a Religious Dominicnn Superiour in St. John de Ulhua page 23. The houses and Churches of St. John de Ulhua builded with boards and timber and therefore easily and often fired page 23. 24. A further relation of the towne of St. John de Ulhua with the rich trading of it from most parts of the West-India's as also from the East-India's page 24. CHAP. IX Of our journey from St. John de Ulhua to Mexico and of the most remarkable Townes and Villages in the way page 25. Contents Our Fryers first entertainment by the Indians of the old Vera Crux page 25. A Franciscan Fryers vow and profession contrary to the vanity carding dicing and swearing practised by them of Xalappa in the India's page 26. Abundance of Gnats in the Rinconada taketh away the comfort of the great abundance of provision that is there page 27. From whence the Towne called Segura de la Frontera had its beginning page 27. 28. CHAP. X. Wherein is set downe the Estate and Condition of the great Towne of Tlaxcallan when the first Spaniards entered into the Empire of Mexico Cortez his first encounter with the Tlaxcalteca's their League with him with a description of the Towne and of the state and condition of it now page 29. Contents A wall of stone without Lime or Morter of a fadome and a halfe high and twenty foot brâ—…d built by the Indian for a defence in time of Warres before the comming of the Spaniards page 29. Fourescore thousand
is supposed to bee the yeerly revenues of the Governour and Tezcuco it self this day judged to consist onely of a hundred Spaniards and three hundred Indian Inhabitants whose chiefe riches come by gardening and sending daily in their Canoa's Herbes and Salets to Mexico Some wealth likewise they get by their Cedar trees which grow there and are ready timber for the buildings of Mexico Yet now also are these Cedars much decayed by the Spaniards who have wasted and spoiled them in their too too sumptuous buildings Cortez onely was accused by Pamfilo de Narvaâ—…z for that hee had spent seven thousand beames of Cedar trees in the worke of his owne house Gardens there were in Tezcuco formerly that had a thousand Cedar trees for walls and circuite some of them of a hundred and twenty foot long and twelve foot in compasse from end to end but now that Garden that hath fifty Cedar trees about it is much regarded At the end of this plain wee passed through Mexicalcincâ—… which formerly was a great Town but now not of above an hundred Inhabitants and from thence to Guetlavac a petty Village yet most pleasant for the shade of many fruit trees Gardens and stately houses which for their recreation some Citizens of Mexico have built there being at the foot of the Cawsey which from this Town through the Lake reacheth about five English miles to Mexico And thus upon the third day of October 1625. wee entred into that famous and gallant City yet not abiding in it but onely passing through it till we came to a house of recreation standing among the Gardens in the way to Chapultepec named Saint Iacintho belonging to the Dominicans of Manila in the East-India's whither our course was intended where wee were stately entertained and abode till after Candlemasse day the time of our second shipping at Acoapuleo 80. leagues from Mexico by the South-Sea to Manila the chief City of the Islands named Philippinas CHAP. XII Shewing some particulars of the great and famous City of Mexico in former times with a true description of it now and of the State and condition of it the yeare 1625. IT hath been no small peece of Policy in the Fryers and Jesuites of Manila and the Islands of Philippinas to purchase neere about Mexico some house and Garden to carry thither such Missionary Preists as they yeerly bring from Spain for those parts For were it not that they found some rest and place of Recreation but were presently closed up in the Cloisters of Mexico to follow those Religious duties which sore against their wills most of them are forced to they would soone after a tedious journey from Spain by Sea and land relent of their purposes of going forward and venturing upon a second voiage by the South-Sea and would either resolve upon a returne to Spain or of staying in some part of America as my selfe and five more of my company did though secretly and hiddenly and sore against the will of Fryer Calvo and others who had the tutoring and conducting of us Therefore that all such as come from Spain to bee shipped againe at Acoapulâ—…o for Philippinas may have all manner of incouragement rest and recreations becomming their Professions whilst they doe abide in America and may not bee disheartned by those that live about Mexico who doe truely envy all that passe that way to Asia the Fryers and Jesuites have purchased for their Missions houses of Recreation among the Gardens which are exempted from the power and command of the Superiors of Mexico and are subordinate unto the Government of the Provincials of Philippinas who send from thence their substitute Vicars to rule and to looke to the forementioned houses and Gardens To the Dominicans belonged this house called St. Iacintbo whither wee were carried and where wee did abide neere five moneths having all things provided that were fit and necessary for our Recreations and for our better encouragement to a second voiage by Sea The Gardens belonging to this house might bee of fifteen Acres of ground divided into shady walkes under the Orange and Lemmon trees there wee had the Pomegranates Figges and Grapes in abundance with the Plantin Sapotte Chicosapotte Pine-fruit and all other fruits that were to bee found in Mexico The Herbes and Salets and great number of Spanish Cardoes which were sold out brought in a great Rent yeerely for every day there was a Cart attended to bee filled and sent to the Market of Mexico and this not at seasons of the yeere as herein England and other parts of Europe but at all times and seasons both Winter and Summer there being no difference of heat cold frosts and snow as with us but the same temper all the whole yeer the Winter differing onely from the Summer by the raine that falls and not by excessive frosts that nip This wee enjoyed without dores but within wee had all sorts and varieties both of fish and flesh What most wee wondred at was the abundance of sweet-Meats and especially of Conserves that were provided for us for to everyone of us during the time of our abode there was brought on Munday morning halfe a dozen Boxes of Conserve of Quinces and other fruits besides our Biskets to stay our stomackes in the mornings and at other times of the day for in our stomackes we found a great difference betweene Spain and that Countrey For in Spain and other parts of Europe a mans stomack will hold out from meale to meale and one meale here of good cheer will nourish and cherish the stomack foure and twenty houres But in Mexico and other parts of America wee found that two or three houres after a good meale of three or foure severall dishes of Mutton Veale or Beefe Kid Turkies or other Fowles our stomackes would bee ready to faint and so wee were faine to support them with either a cup of Chocolatte or a bit of Conserve or Bisket which for that purpose was allowed us in great abundance This seemed to mee so strange whereas the meat seemed as fat and hearty excepting the Beefe as ours in Europe that I for some satisfaction presently had recourse to a Doctor of Physick who cleared my doubt with this answer That though the meat we fed on was as faire to looke on as in Spain yet the substance and nourishment in it came farre short of it by reason of the pasture which is dryer and hath not the change of springs which the pastures of Europe have but is short and withers soone away But secondly hee told mee that the Climate of those parts had this effect to produce a faire shew but little matter or substance As in the flesh wee fed on so likewise in all the fruits there which are most faire and beautifull to behold most sweet and luscious to taste but little inward virtue or nourishment at all in them not halfe that is in Spanish Camuesa or English Kentish Pippin And as in
Judgment and harden those tender bowels which ought to bee in him of a father and shepheard to his flock and children Wee may yet from this Viceroyes practice and example against a chiefe head of the Romish Church discover that errour of the Preists and Jesuites of England who perswade the people here that no temporall Magistrate hath power over them and that to lay hands on them in wrath and anger being as they say Consecrated to God and his Altar is ipso facto a deep excommunication whereas wee see the contrary in this Viceroy a member of the Church of Rome and yet exercising his temporall power against an Arch-Bishop and by Tiroll taking him from the Church and as his prisoner sending him with just wrath and anger to a forraine and remote place of banishment But lastly it is my desire that the High and Honorable Court of Parliament which now is sitting for the good of this Kingdome and for the good of it hath already pulled downe the Hierarchy of such Prelates and Archprelates would looke upon the trouble and uproare which the keys of the Church in the hand of an undiscreet Preist brought upon that City of Mexico Certainly as the strength of the Church well setled and governed with subordination to the Magistrate is likewise the strength of the Common-wealth so on the other side the power of the Keyes in the Clergies hand to cast out what incestuous Corinthian they please without the rest of the Corinthians consent 1 Cor. 5. 4 5. may prove dangerous and troublesome to the Common-weale and good For if the Clergy may use by itselfe without the overseeing eye of the Magistrates Commissioners the power of the keyes who shall bee free from their censures that any way will oppose them The poor and ignorant will not onely bee the object of their censures but the rich and wise and noble Ruler and Magistrate will also come under their censures wherein I finde a Minister may then as a Pope encroach upon the highest Crowne of an Emperour Nay certainly in England the thoughts of some such aspiring Ministers have been higher then the thoughts of this Arch-Bishop of Mexico over a Viceroy the conceipt of their power with the Keyes have hoised them above their Prince for I have heard one of them say he knew not but that by the power of the keyes hee might as well excommunicate the King as any other private person This conceit hath made the Pope of Rome feare no earthly Prince Emperour Ruler or Magistrate nay this hath made him to bee feared and respected and honoured by Kings and Princes And why may not the same power in the hands of a Protestant Clergy make the meanest and the highest to feare and dread them But some will say the Word of God being the Touchstone wherewith they are to try what points may be the subjects of their censures by such a light and guidance they are not like to erre But they then being themselves the Judges of the sense and meaning of the Word who shall oppose their judgment and their ensuing censures What if to their triall and judgment they shall bring any Law enacted by a High Court of Parliament and shall judge it not according to the Word of God and so presse it to the peoples consciences threatning with their censures such as shall obey it in such a case how may the power of the keyes unlock and open a doore to the people of rebellion against their lawfull Magistrates Oh what dangers may befall a Common-wealth when thus the Clergy shall stand over poor and rich Subject and Magistrate as Peters statue at Rome with Crosse-keyes in his hand What a rebellion did the Archbishop of Mexico cause by excommunicating Don Pedro Mexia first and then the Viceroy and how did the people fear his keyes more then their Viceroys temporall power and authority siding with him against such as hee had excommunicated What troubles did that Doctor Smith Bishop of Chalcedon bring among the Papists small and great ones not long agoe here in England laying upon them by the power of the Keyes a censure of Excommunication if they confessed to or did entertaine and heare the Masse of any that had not derived their authority from him Then were they in open rebellion one against another the secular Preists against the Monkes Fryers and Jesuites and the Laity all troubled some siding with one and some with another untill Doctor Smith having thus kindled the fire was faine to leave it burning and to betake himself to Paris and from thence to foment the dissention which with power of the Keyes hee had caused here Oh surely the Church so far is a good Mother as it allowes a Magistrate to be a Father And great comfort have those that live within the pale of the Church to know that they have the Magistrate a Father to flye unto in their pressures and discomforts I must ingenuously confesse that one maine point that brought me from the Church of Rome was the too too great power of the Keyes in the Popes Bishops and Preists hands who studying more selfe Policy then common Policy looke upon the people and with their power deale with them more as their subjects then as politicall Members in a Common-wealth rending and tearing them daily by their censures from that common and Politicall body to which they belong without any hopes of care to bee had of them by their Magistrate and Politicall head and Governour And I hope I shall not have fled from Antichrist who exalteth himself as head of the Church and from that power hath his influence over all State and Politicall Heads and Rulers to find in a Protestant Church any of his spirit making a distinction of a spirituall and temporall head forgetting the onely head Christ Jesus which were it once granted as the spirit is more noble then the body so would the inference soon bee made that they that are over the spirit are higher in power then they that are over the body which conclusion would soon bring Mexicâ—…s troubles among Protestants Experience in all my travails by sea and land in most parts of Europe and of America hath ever taught mee that where the Clergy hath been too much exalted and enjoyed power over the people there the Common-wealth hath soon fallen into heavy pressures and troubles And let not this my observation seem strange as coming from a Minister for I have learned from Christ Matth. 20. 25 26 27. That the Princes of the Gentiles exercise Dominion and they that are great exercise authority But it shall not bee so among you but whosoever will bee great among you let him bee your Minister and whosoever will bee chiefe among you let him be your Servant I hope the High Court of Parliament will so settle the Church and State here that this shall not feare any further troubles from that and that wee who have our portion from the one
Sun appeared with a dark and sad visage Here my Don cried out An excellent example I gave him yet a second instance from the Eclipse of the Sun which being eclipsed made all the Earth mens faces and bodies seeme of a darke or yellow colour to shew the proportion or sympathy of sublunary odies to that high and overmastering plnet To this that good Don replyed sennor no se puede decirmas sir nothing can be answered or said more or better Vengamos agora a Ingalatierra Let us draw now to England To which I answered him that in England the Sun and Moon appeared halfe yeer of one colour and half of another for the women one half yeer it appeared as in Spain and Chiapa beautifull and glorious for that naturally without painting they yeelded to none in beauty But the other half yeer it appeared as red as blood or scarlet and the reason might easily bee guessed at for that no Nation is more warlik and high spirited then the English whose very clothes were fiery wearing more scarlet then any nation in the World aâ—… hee might perceive by their coming so much with their ships to the Indian Coasts to fight with the Spaniurds and that as they delighted to goe in red and to bee like the Sun so naturally they were brought to those Seaâ—… to single out such ships as from America carried the rich Commodity of Cochinill whereof they make more use then Spain it selfe to die their cloaths and Coats withall Here my Don jogged his head and replyed Sir I thought no nation had been so like the Sun as the Spaniards for I have read that when our Ancestors came to conquer these parts the Indians called them hijos del Sol that is sons of the Sun being comely and gallant and more like the Sun then any other people To this I answered him Sir no doubt but you are like the Sun here and none more glittering and bright your very hatbands shining with Pearls and Diamonds like the brightnesse of the Sun But as I said before the Blackmores are like their Sun so I say the English is like their Sun which is red and so doe and will affect to wear Scarlet as long as any Cochinill is to be found in the India's Now Don Melchor began to understand mee and told mee never man had satisfied him with better reasons then my self Hee thanked mee heartily and told mee hee thought no Gentleman in Chiapa could tell so well as himself now why the English ships came so much upon their Coasts and that my discourse had satisfied him to the full Hee desired mee to goe on to his other questions To his second demanding whether the English went barefoot like the Indians I told him I thought that the Count of Gondomar who had been many yeers Ambassadour from Spain in England had satisfied all the Spaniards that doubt who coming from England to Madrid and being there asked by some Courtiers whether London was as big as Madrid and as well peopled he made answer that hee thought there was scarce a hundred left in London Hee proved it from the use and custome of his own Countrymen of Spain who when they are to make a journey shew themselves two or three daies before in colours walking with boots and spurs that their friends may take notice that they are departing out of the Towne or City So said the Count of Gondomar I think by this there are very few People in London for when I came from thence I left them all almost in cloaths of colours boâ—…d and spurred as ready to depart and take some journey And truely my Don quoth I your owne Count hath answered for mee yet I say the English are so farre from going barefoot that they goe booted and are all in a readinesse to move out of England for any noble and generous designe but above all they are still ready for America where they know is store and abundance of Hydes to make them Bootes to cover the barenesse of their legges that they may not be suspected to be like bare-footed Indians Here Don Melchor replyed I pray sir when they come by Sea to these parts doe they come also booted and spurred For I should thinke when they fight their spurs should hinder them To this his doubt I answered first as concerning spurres in the ships with the example of one of his own Nation and of the best Divines in Spain living in my time in Valladolid called Maestro Nunno Reader of Divinity in the Colledge of St. Gregorie but in his carriage and experience in the World a simple noddy who being invited by a Noble man to goe with him in his Coach out of the City a mile or two to a garden of recreation went hastily about the Colledge to borrow boots and spurs and when he had put them on being asked whither he went and why he put on boots and spurs answered that he was to goe in a Coach out of the City and that hee thought the Coach and Mules would want spurs to goe and come the sooner Even so my Don quoth I the English men come booted and spurred in their ships to make their ships sail on the swifter And this is the reason why the English ships saile faster and when they are in fight turn about quicker then a Spanish Galeon because they are spurred kicked within O sir I humbly thank you said Don Melchor for that by your discourse now I know the truth of what indeed I have often heard say that the English ships are nimbler and quicker at Sea then our heavy Galeons Now as for fighting the English mens spurs said I are no hinderance to them but rather a great advantage For they fight with weapons with their hands and with their feet wherein they exceed the Spaniards for when they have shot with their peeces or cut down with their swords any enemy or knocked him with their holbards then with their feet and spurres they fall upon him and so soone rid him out of the way that hee may no more rise up against them All you have told mee said the wise Velazco stands with so much reason that my judgment is convinced by you As for eating and sacrificing one another like the Indians I told him that the English filled their bellies so well with fat Beef and Mutton fowles Rabbits Partridges and Pheasants that they had no stomacke at all to mans flesh And that truly for frixoles dressed with garlick that onely daintie dish was wanting in England and that for Garlick three reasons moved the English not to bee lavishing of that little they had first for feare they should want it for their horses drenches secondly for that they felt not themselves so much troubled with the wind nor puffed up with windy and vaine conceits as other nations did but thirdly and chiefly they refrained from it among themselves that they might not smell of it and that by the sent
dispossesse him of that Towne wherein hee had continued above ten yeers hee envied much against the Provinciall and Fryer Iohn Baptist the Prior of Guatemala whom hee knew to bâ—…e my friend But to all this I answered not a word respecting his grave and old age and Crystall spectacles At last he told mee that hee had heard say that the Indians of Zojabah had cried mee up for a Saint which hee could not beleeve of any that came from Spain much lesse of mee that came from England a countrey of hereticks but hee feared rather that I might come as a spie to view the riches of that their Country and betray them hereafter to England and that in Guatemala there were many rich pieces especially a picture of our Lady and a lampe in the Cloister of the Dominicans which he doubted not but I would bee carefull to pry into But all this I put up with a jest saying that I would bee sure to take notice first of the riches of his chamber in pictuâ—…es hangings and rich Cabinets and that if the English came thither in my time I would surely conduct them to it and if hee himselfe would but cause a set of teeth of silver to bee set in his gums and jawes in stead of those leaden ones for hee was so old that hee had lost all his teeh and had got some of lead in their stead then surely I would also conduct the English to him as to a rich prize for his teeth and that I would warrant him hee should bee well used for his outward and inward riches and that this my counsell might bee profitable and of consequence to him I told him for if the English should come certainly they would try of what metall his teeth were made thinking that they might bee of some rare and exquisite substance found onely in that Country and so might cause him to drink such hot and scalding broth to try whether they were lead as might melt them in his mouth and make the melted lead runne downe his throat which if they were of silver they would not doe Hee perceived I jeared him and so hee let mee alone I was glad I had put him out of his former byas of rayling so dinner being ended I told him I would not stay supper but goe to Guatemala to a light supper in the Cloister for that hee had given mee such a dinner as I feared I should not have digested it in few daies I desired him to let me have Indians to guide me to Guatemala which he willingly performed peradventure fearing that if I stayed supper with him I should melt the teeth in his mouth with some scalding cup of my Chocolatte brought from Chiapa or that in the night I should rifle or plunder his chamber of his rich Idols and Ebony Cabinets The Indians being come I made hast to be gone from that four eyed beast being now desirous of a constant rest in Guatemala Within a league from this Town of Chimaltenango the Rode way leaving that open wide and spatious valley contracts and gathereth in it selfe between hils and mountaines standing on each side and so continueth to the City From this Valley unto Guatemala neither is there any ascent or descent but a plaine broad and sandy way The eye hath much to view though compassed with Mountaines in these two last leagues for yet it may behold a Town of Indians which taketh up most of the way and is counted as big as Chimaltenango if not bigger the houses lying scattered with a distance one from another mingled with many fair buildings of Spaniardâ—… who resort much thither from the City for their recreation This Town is called Xocotenango of a fruit named Xocotte which is most plentifull there and all about the Country it is fresh and cooling of a yellow colour when ripe and of two sorts some sweet and others sowre of the stones whereof the Indians make a fire they lie so thick in the way dropping from the trees for want of gathering and spending them all that the Spaniards have begun to practise the buying of Hogs on purpose to let them runne about that high way finding that they fat as speedily and as well with those plummes as our Hogs doe in England with Akorns All this way are also many faire gardens which supply the Markets of Guatemala with herbs roots fruits and flowers all the yeer There are further in this Rode three water mills for the corn of the City whereof the chief and the richest belongs to the Dominican Fryers of Guatemala who keep there a Fryer constantly with three or foure Blackmores to doe and oversee the worke What will not those Fryers doe to satisfie their covetous mindes Even dusty Millars they will become to get wealth The Frontispice of the Church of this Town is judged one of the best pieces of worke thereabouts the high Altar within is also rich and stately being all daubed with gold I made no stay in this place because I knew I should have many occasions after my setling in the City to come unto it And thus keeping between the hils I continued on my journey till I came to Guatemala whose Dominions riches and greatnesse the following chapter shall largely shew CHAP. XVIII Describing the Dominions Government Riches and greatnesse of the City of Guatemala and Country belonging unto it I Had not rid on above a mile from the Church of Xocotenango when the hils and Mountaines seemed to depart one from another leaving a more spatious object for the eye to behold and a wider Valley to wander in The fame of that City from Mexico and Chiapa had raised up my thoughts to conceit of some strong walls Towers Forts or Bulwarks to keep out an aspiring or attempting enemy But when I came neere and least thought of it I found my self in it without entring through walls or gates or passing over any bridge or finding any watch or guard to examine who I was but passing by a new built Church standing neere a place of dunghils where were none but mean houses some thatched and some tyled and asking what Town that was answer was made me that it was the City of Guatemala and that that being called St. Sebastian was the onely Parish Church of the City With this my high conceiting thoughts stooped down to think of some second Chiapa till having continued on a while by houses on my right hand and dunghils on my left I came to 〈◊〉 â—…oader street having houses on each side which seemed to promise a City at hand At my first turning I discovered a proud and stately Cloister which was the place of rest to my wearied body I surrounded it to finde out the back gate and there lighted and enquired for the Prior who bad me very welcome assuring me that for the Provincials sake I should want no incouragement and that hee would doe for mee much more then what the Provinciall had signified unto
cloathed with a long loose Coat who representâ—… St. Peter or Iohn the Baptist who whilst the rest danceth walketh amongst them with a book in his hands as if hee were saying his prayers all the rest of the Dancers are apparelled like Captaines and souldier s with Swords Daggers or Holbards in their hands They dance at the sound of a small drum and pipes sometimes â—…ound sometimes in length forward and have and use many speeches to the Emperour or King and among themselves concerning the apprehending and executing the Saint The King and Queen sit sometimes down to hear their pleading against the Saint and his pleading for himselfe and sometimes they dance with the rest and the end of their dance is to crucifie St. Peter downwards with his head upon a Crosse or behead Iohn the Baptist having in readinesse a painted head in a dish which they present unto the King and Queen for joy whereof they all again dance merrily and so conclude taking down him that acted Peter from the Crosse. The Indians that dance this dance most of them are superstitious for what they do judging as if it 〈◊〉 indeed really acted and performed what onely is by way of dance represented When I lived amongst them it was an ordinary thing for him who in the dance was to act St. Peter or Iohn the Baptist to come first to Confession saying they must bee holy and pure like that Saint whom they represent and must prepare themselves to die So likewise hee that acted Herod or Herodias and some of the Souldiers that in the dance were to speak and to accuse the Saints would afterwards come to confesse of that sinne and desire absolution as from bloodguiltinesse More particular passages of the Indians according to my experience of them I shall in the Chapter following truly relate unto my Reader CHAP. XX. Shewing how and why I departed out of Guatemala to learne the Poconchi language and to live among the Indians and of some particular passages and accidents whilst I lived there HAving read in the University of Guatemala for three years space a whole course of Arts and having begun to read part of Divinity the more I studied and grew in knowledge and the more I controverted by way of Arguments some Truths and points of Religion the more I found the spirit of Truth inlightening me and discovering unto me the lies errors falsities and superstitions of the Church of Rome My conscience was much perplexed and wavering and I desirous of some good and full â—…atisfaction Which I knew might not bee had there and that to professe and continue in any opinion contrary to the Doctrine of Rome would bring mee to the Inquisition that Rack of tender Consciences and from thence to no lesse then burning alive in case I would not recant of what the true Spirit had inspired into mee The point of Transubstantiation of Purgatory of the Popes power and authority of the merit of mans workes of his free will to choose all soul-saving wayes the sacrifice of the Masse the hallowing the Sacrament of the Lords Supper unto the Lay people the Preists power to absolve from sinne the worshipping of Saints though with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they call it and not with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Virgin Mary with a higher degree of worship then that of the Saints which they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the strange lies and blasphemies which they call miracles recorded in the Legend and lives of their Saints the infallibility of the Pope and councell in defining for truth and point of Faith what in it selfe is false and erroneous these points especially with many more of Romes policies and the lewd lives of the Preists Fryers Nuns and those in authority did much trouble and perplex my conscience which I knew would bee better satisfied if I could returne againe to my owne Countrey of England where I knew many things were held contrary to the Church of Rome but what particulars they were I could not tell not having been brought up in the Protestant Church and having been sent young over to St. Omers Wherefore I earnestly addressed my selfe to the Provincial and to the President of Guatemala for a licence to come home but neither of them would yeeld unto it because there was a strict order of the King and Councell that no Preist sent by his Majesty to any of the parts of the India's to Preach the Gospell should return againe to Spain till ten yeers were expired Hereupon I seeing my self a prisoner and without hopes for the present of seeing England in many yeers resolved to stay no more in Guatemala but to goe out to learne some Indian tongue and to preach in some of their Townes where I knew more money might bee got to help mee home when the time should come then if I did continue to live in the Cloister of Guatemala Yet in the mean time I thought it not unfit to write to Spain to a friend of mine an English Fryer in San Lucar called Fryer Pablo de Londres to desire him to obtian for mee a License from the Court and from the Generall of the Order at Rome that I might return unto my Country In this season there was in Guatemala Fryer Francisco de Moran the Prior of Coban in the Province of Vera Paz who was informing the President and whole Chancery how necessary it was that some Spaniards should bee ayding and assisting him for the discovery of a way from that Country unto Iucatan and for the suppressing of such barbarous people and Heathens as stopped his passage and did often invade some Indian Towns of Christians This Moran being my speciall friend and having been brought up in Spaine in the Cloister of San Pablo de Valladolid where my selfe was first entred Frier was very desirous of my company along with him for the better bringing into Christianity those Heathens and Idolaters telling me that doubtlesse in a new Countrey new treasure and great riches was like to be found whereof no small share and portion should befall him and me for our pains and adventure I was not hard to be perswaded being above all desirous to convert to Christianity a people that had never heard of Christ and so purposed to forsake that honour which I had in the Universitie for to make Christ knowne unto that Heathenish people The Provinciall was glad to see this my courage and so with some gifts and mony in my purse sent me with Moran to the Vera Paz in the company of 50. Spaniards who were appointed by the President to aid and assist us When we came to Coban we were well refreshed and provided for a hard and dangerous enterprize From Coban we marched to two great Townes of Christians called St. Peter and St. Iohn where were added unto us a hundred Indians for our further assistance From these Towns two daies journey we could travail on Mules safely among Christians
them whom he knew if they wronged all the Spaniards in the country would rise up against them and not leave one alive They answered that they would entertaine him and any few Indians well and willingly all which Moran and they performed according to their agreement the next yeer following Thus we returned that day backe the same way that we had come and I began to find my self better and my feaver to leave me We carried with us some of those young children which we had taken to present them unto the President of Guatemala And in Coban the Prior Moran thought he might first do God good service if he christened those youg children saying that they might become Saints and that afterwards their prayers might prevaile with God for the conversion of their parents and of all that country to Christianity I could not but oppose this his ignorance which seemed much like unto 〈◊〉 of the Friers who entred America with Cortez and increased after the conquest daily more in number who boasted to the Emperour that they had some of them made above thirty thousand Indians Christians by baptiâ—…ing them which truely they did as sheep are forced to the waters and driver to be washed so were those first Indians by thousands sprinkled or if I may use their word baptized for they were driven by compulsion force to the rivers nnither were they first principled in any grounds of belief and Christianity neither themselves belâ—…vers nor children of beleeving and faithfull parents So would Moran christen these children though I told him that they ought not to partake of that sacrament and Ordinance of Christ unlesse they were grounded in articles of Christianity and beleeved or were children of beleeving parents But as he had been brought up in errours whereof that Church of Rome is a wide and spatious nest so he would be obstinate in this point against me and the truth sprinkling with water those children and naming them with names of Christians After this he sent them well apparelled to the resident of Guatemala who commanded them to be kept and brought up in the Cloister of the Dominican Friers I remained after this for a while in Coban and in the Townes about untill such time as the ships came to the Gulfe whither I went with Moran to buy wines oyle iron cloth and such things as the Cloister wanted for the present At which time there being a frigate ready to depart to Truxillo some occasions drawing Moran thither I tooke ship with him We staied not much above a week in that Port which is a weak one as the English and Hollanders taking of it can witnesse but presently we thought of returning back to Guatemala by land through the countrey of Comayagua commonly called Honduras This is a woody and mountainous countrey very bad and inconvenient for Travellers and besides very poore there the commodities are Hides Canna fistula and Zarzaparilla and such want of bread that about Truxillo they make use of what they call Cassave which is a dry root that being eaten dry doth choak and therefore is soaked in broth water wine or Chocolatte that so it may go down Within the Countrey and especially about the City of Comayagua which is a Bishops seat though a small place of some five hundred inhabitants at the most there is more store of Maiz by reason of some Indians which are gathered to Townes few and small I found this Countrey one of the poorest in all America The chief place in it for health and good living is the valley which is called Gracias a Dios there are some rich farms of Cattle and Wheat but because it lieth as neer to the Countrey of Guatemala as to Comayagua and on this side the waies are better then on that therefore more of that Wheat is transported to Guatemala and to the Townes about it then to Comayagua or Truxillo From Truxillo to Guatemala there are between fourescore and a hundred leagues which we travelled by land not wanting in a barren Countrey neither guides nor provision for the poore Indians thought neither their personall attendance nor any thing that they enjoyed too good for us Thus we came again to Guatemala and were by the Friers joyfully entertained and by the President highly rewarded and by the City called true Apostles because we had ventured our lives for the discovery of Heathens and opened a way for their conversion and found out the chief place of their residence and sent before us those children to the City who witnessed with being in the Cloister our pains and indeavours Moran was so puffed up with the Presidents favour and the popular applause that he resolved in Guatemala to venture again his life and according to that message which he had sent before to the Heathen Indians to enter amongst them in a peaceable way with halfe a dozen Indians He would fain have had me gone with him but I considered the hardnesse of the journey which I thought I should not be able to perform on foot and also I feared that the Barbarians might mutiny against us for those children which we had brought and lasty I liked not the Countrey which seemed poore and not for my purpose to get meanes sufficient to bring me home to England which was the chiefest thought and desire of my heart for the satisfaction of my conscience which I found still unquiet Wherefore I resolved to forsake the company of my friend Moran and to desist from new discoveries of Heathens and such difficult undertakings which might endanger my health and life and at last bring no profit but only a little vain glory fame and credit in that Countrey I thought I might better employ my time if I learned some Indian tongue neerer to Guatemala where I considered the riches of the Townes the readinesse of the Indians and their willingnesse to further their Preists wants and lastly their ignorance in some points of Religion which I thought I might help and clear with some sound doctrin and with preaching Christ crucified unto them and bringing them unto that rock of eternall blisse and salvation I trusted in my friends so much that I knew it would not be hard for me to take my choice of any place about Guatemala from whence I might facilitate my returne to England and write to Spain and have every yeer an answer easier then any where else I opened my mind unto the Provinciall who was then at Guatemala and he presently and willingly condescended to my request and counselled me to learn the Poconchi language whereof I had already got some grounds in the Vera Paz which is most used about Guatemala and also is much practised in Vera Paz and in the Countrey of San Salvador He promised to send me to the Town of Petapa to learne there the language with a speciall friend of his named Frier Peter Molina who was very old and wanted the help and company of some younger person to
to St. Nicolas de Tolentino two Crowns every month And from a Sodality of St. Blas in Pinola every moneth two more Crownes and finally in Mizco from a Sodality entituled of St. Iacinthe every moneth yet two Crownes besides some offerings of either mony fowles or candles upon those daies whereon these Masses were sung all which amounted to threescore and nine Crowns a month which was surely setled and paid before the end of the moneth Besides from what I have formerly said of the Saints statues which doe belong unto the Churches and doe there constantly bring both mony fowles candles and other offerings upon their day unto the Preist the yâ—…erly revenues which I had in those two Towns will appear not to have been small for in Mixco there were in my time eighteen Saints Images and twenty in Pinola which brought unto me upon their day four Crowns a peece for Masse and Sermon and procession besides fowles Turkeys and Cacao and the offerings before the Saints which commonly might bee worth at least three Crowns upon every Saints day which yeerly amounted to at least two hundred threescore and six Crownes Besides the Sodalities of the Rosary of the Virgin which as I have before said were foure three in Mixco and one in Pinola upon five severall feasts of the yeer which are most observed by the Church of Rome brought unto me four Crownes two for the dayes Masse and two for a Masse the day following which they call the Anniversarie for the dead who had belonged unto those Sodalities which besides those daies offerings which sometimes were more sometimes lesse and the Indians presents of fowles and Cacao made up yeerly fourscore Crowns more Besides this the two Sodalities of the Vera Cruz upon two feasts of the Crosse the one upon the fourteenth of September the other upon the third of May brought four Crownes a peece for the Masse of the day and the Anniversary Masse following and upon every Friday in Lent two Crownes which in the whole yeer came to four and fourty Crownes all which above reckoned was as a sure rent in those two Townes But should I spend time to reckon up what besides did acccidentally fall would be tedious The Christmas offerings in both those two Townes were worth to me when I lived there at least fourty Crownes Thursday and Friday offerings before Easter day were about a hundred Crownes all Soules day offerings commonly worth fourescore Crownes and Candlemas day offerings commonly forty more Besides what was offered upon the Feast of each Town by all the Country which came in which in Mixco one yeer was worth unto mee in Candles and money fourescore Crownes and in Pinola as I reckoned it fifty more The Communicants every one giving a Riall might make up in both Towns at least a thousand Rials and the Confessions in Lent at least a thousand more besides other offerings of Eggs Hony Cacao Fowles and Fruits Every Christening brought two Rials every Marriage two Crowns every ones death two Crowns more at least and some in my time dyed who would leave ten or twelve Crownes for five or six Masses to bee sung for their soules Thus are those fooles taught that by the Preists singing their soules are delivered from weeping and from the fire and torments of Purgatory and thus by singing all the yeer doe those Fryers charme from the poore Indians and their Sodalities and Saints an infinite treasure wherewith they inrich themselves and their Cloisters as may bee gathered from what I have noted by my owne experience in those two Townes of Mixco and Pinola which were farre inferiour yet to Petapa and Amatitlan in the same Valley and not to bee compared in offerings and other Church duties to many other Townes about that Country which yet yeelded unto mee with the offerings cast into the Chests which stood in the Churches for the souls of Purgatory and with what the Indians offered when they came to speake unto mee for they never visit the Preist with empty hands and with what other Masse stipends did casually come in the summe of at least two thousand Crownes of Spanish money which might yeerly mount to five hundred English pounds I thought this Benefice might bee a fitter place for mee to live in then in the Cloister of Guatemala wearying out my braines with points of false grounded Divinity for to get onely the applause of the Scholars of the University and now and then some small profit which I thought I might looke after as well as the rest of my profession nay with more reason for that I intended to return to England and I knew I should have little help for so long a journey in leaving there my friends if so bee that I made not my mony my best freind to assist mee by Sea and Land My first indeavour was to certifie my selfe from the Book of Receipts and Accounts in the Cloister of Guatemala what reckonings my Predecessor and others before him had given up to the Cloister yeerly from Mixco and Pinola that I might regulate my selfe and my expenses so as to be able to live with credit and to get thanks from the Cloister by giving more then any before me had given I found that four hundred crowns had been the most that my old Predecessour had given yeerly in his Accounts and that before him little more was usually given from those two Towns Whereupon I took occasion once in discourse with the Prior of Guatemala to aske what hee would willingly expect from mee yeerly whilst I lived in those two Towns to which he replyed that if I upheld for my part the Cloisters usuall and yeerly Revenues giving what my Predecessour had given he would thanke me and expect no more from mee and that the rest that befell mee in those Towns I might spend it in Books Pictures Chocolattee Mules and Servants to which I made reply that I thought I could live in that Benefice creditably enough and yet give from it more to the Cloister then ever any other before mee had given and that I would forfeit my continuing there if I gave not to the Cloister every year four hundred and fifty Crowns The Prior thanked mee heartily for it and told mee I should not want for wine wishing mee to send for it every moneth nor for clothing which hee would every yeer once bestow upon me This I thought would save a great part of my charges and that I was well provided for as long as I lived in the India's And here I desire that England may take notice how a Fryer that hath professed to be a Mendicant being beneficed in America may live with foure hundred pounds a yeer cleare and some with much more with most of his cloathing given him besides and the most charge of his wine supplyed with the abundance of Fowles which cost him nothing and with such plenty of Beef as yeelds him thirteen pound for three pence Surely well
may hee game buy good Mules furnish his chamber with hangings and rich pictures and Cabinets yea and fill them with Spanish Pistols and peeces of eight and after all trade in the Court of Madrid for a Mitre and fat Bishoprick which commonly is the end of those proud worldly and lazy Lubbars After I was once setled in these my two Townes my first care was to provide my selfe of a good mule which might soon and easily carry mee as often as occasion called from the one Towne to the other I soon found out one which cost mee fourescore Crownes which served my turn very well to ride speedily the nine miles crosse the Valley which were between the two Townes Though my chief study here was to perfect my selfe in the Indian tongue that I might the better preach unto them and be well understood yet I omitted not to search out the Scriptures daily and to addict my selfe unto the Word of God which I knew would profit mee more then all those riches and pleasures of Egypt which for a while I saw I must enioy till my ten yeers were fully expired and Licence from Rome or Spain granted for me to return to England which I began speedily to sollicite by meanes of one Captain Iâ—…dro de Zepeda a Sevill Merchant and Master of one of the Ships which came that first yeer that I was setled in Mixco with Merchandize for Guatemala By this Captain who passed often through the Valley I writ unto my friends in Spain and had answers though at first to little purpose which did not a little increase the troubles of my Conscience which were great and such where of the wise man said A wounded Conscience who can bear My friendship with this Captain Zepeda was such that I broke my mind unto him desiring him to carry mee in his Ship to Spain which he refused to doe telling me the danger he might bee in if complaint should be made to the President of Guatemala and wishing me to continue where I was to store my self with mony that I might return with Licence and credit I resolved therefore with David in the 16 Psal. and the â—… Vâ—…to set the Lord alwayes before me and to choose him for my onely comfort and to relie upon his providence who I knew only could order things for my good and could from America bring me home to the House of Salvation and to the houshold of Faith from which I considered my self an exile and farre banished In the mean time I lived five full yeers in the two Townes of Mixco and Pinola Where I had more occasion to get wealth and money then ever any that lived there before mee for the first yeer of my abiding there it pleased God to send one of the plagues of Egipt to that Country which was of Locusts which I had never seen till then They were after the manner of our Grashoppers but somewhat bigger which did flye about in number so thick and infinite that they did truly cover the face of the Sun and hinder the shining forth of the beames of that bright planet Where they lighted either upon trees or standing Corn there nothing was expected but ruine destruction and barrennesse for the corn they devoured the leaves and fruits of trees they eat and consumed and hung so thick upon the branches that with their weight they tore them from the body The high waies were so covered with them that they startled the travelling Mules with their fluttering about their head and feet my eyes were often struck with their wings as I rid along and much a doe I had to see my way what with a Montero where with I was saine to cover my face what with the flight of them which were still before my eyes The Farmers towards the South Sea Coast cryed out for that their Indigo which was then in grasse was like to bee eaten up from the Ingenio's of Sugar the like moan was made that the young and â—…nder Sugar Canes would bee destroyed but above all grievous was the â—…ry of the husbandmen of the Valley where I lived who feared that their Corn would in one night be swallowed up by that devouring Legion The care of the Magistrate was that the Townes of Indians should all goe out into the fields with Trumpets and what other instruments they had to make a noise and so to affright them from those places which were most considerable and profitable to the Common-wealth and strange it was to see how the loud noise of the Indians and sounding of the Trumpets defended some fields from the feare and danger of them Where they lighted in the Mountaines and High wayes there they left behind them their young ones which were found creeping upon the ground ready to threateâ—… with a second yeers plagues if not prevented wherefore all the Townes were called with Spades Mattocks and Shovels to dig long Trenches and therein to bury all the young ones Thus with much trouble to the poore Indians and their great paines yet after much hurt and losse in many places was that flying Pestilence chased away out of the Country to the South Sea where it was thought to bee consumed by the Ocean and to have found a grave in the waters whilst the young ones found it in the Land Yet they were not all so burled but that shortly some appeared which not being so many in number as before were with the former diligence soon overcome But whilst all this feare was these outcries were made by the Country and this diligence performed by the Indians the Preists got well by it for every where Processions were made and Masses sung for the averting of that Plague In Mixco most of the idols were carryed to the field especially the pictures of our Lady and that of St. Nicolas Tolentine in whose name the Church of Rome doth use to blesse little Breads and Wafers with the Saint stamped upon them which they think are able to defend them from Agues Plague Pestilence Contagion or any other great and imminent danger There was scarce any Spanish Husbandman who in this occasion came not from the Valley to the Town of Mixco with his offering to this Saint and who made not a vow to have a Masse sung unto Saint Nicolas they all brought breads to bee blessed and carryed them back to their Farmes some casting them into their Corn some burying them in their hedges and fences strongly trusting in Saint Nicolus that his bread would have power to keepe the Locust out of their fields and so at the last those simple ignorant and blinded soules when they saw the Locusts departed and their Corn safe cried out to our Lady some others to Saint Nicolas Magro a Miracle judging the Saint worthy of praise more then God and performing to him their vows of Masses which in their feare and trouble they had vowed by which erroneous and idolatrous devotion of theirs I got that yeer many
leap over board and make haste after them others grinning their teeth at the poore English prisoners that were in the ship as if they would stab them for what they said their Country men had done I mâ—…t needs say I had enough to doe to hold some of those furious and raging brains from doing Layfield some mischief who more then the rest would bee smiling arguing and answering their outragious nonsense Order was presently given to the Vice-Admirall and two more Galeons to follow and pursue them but all in vaine for the wind was against them and so the two ships laughing and rejoycing as much as the Spaniards cursed and raged sailed away con Viento en Popa with full Sail gallantly boasting with so rich a prize taken away from two and fifty ships or as I may say from the chiefest and greatest strength of Spain That afternoone the Fleet of Vera Cruz tooke their leave of us not being furnished with Provision to goe on to Spain with us and went into the Havana and we set forwards towards Europe fearing nothing for the present but the Gulfe of Bahama through which wee got safely with the help and guidance of such Pilots which our Admirall Don Carlos had chosen and hired for that purpose I shall not need to tell thee my Reader of the sight which wee had of St Augustinâ—… Florida nor of many stormes which we suffered in this Voyage nor of the many degrees wee came under which made us shake with cold more then the Frost of England doe in the worst of winter onely I say that the best of our Pilots not knowing where they were had like to have betrayed us all to the Rocks of Bermâ—…da one night had not the breaking of the day given us a faire warning that we were running upon them For which the Spaniards in stead of giving God thankes for their delivery out of that danger began againe to curse and rage against the English which inhabited that Island saying that they had inchanted that and the rest of those Islands about and did still with the devill raise stormes in those Seas when the Spanish Fleet passed that way From thence when wee had safely escaped wee 〈◊〉 well to the Islands called Tercerâ—… where faine wee would have taken in freâ—… water for that which we had taken in at Havana now began to stink and look yellow making 〈◊〉 stop our noses whilst wee opened our mouthes but rigid Don Carles would not pity the rest of his Company who led us by the Islandâ—… and that night following wee all wiâ—…ed our selves in some harbour of them for though in their conceipt those Islands were not inchanted by English men but inhabited by holy and Idolatrous Papists wee were no sooner got from them when there arose the greatest storme that wee had in all our voyage from Havana to Spain which lasted full eight dayes where wee lost one Ship and indangered two Galeons which shot off their warning peeces for helpe and made us all stay and wait on them till they had repaired their Tacklings and maine Mast. We went on sometimes one way sometimes another not well knowing where wee were drinking our stinking water by allowance of pints till three or foure dayes after the storme was ceased wee discovered land which made all cry out Hispania Hispania Spain Spain whilst a Counsell was summoned by the Admirall to know what land that was some sold away barrels of bisket others of water to those that wanted every one thinking that it was some part of Spain but the result of the wise Counsell was after they had sailed neerer to the land and had layed and lost many wages about it that it was the Island of Modera which made some curse the ignorancee of the Pilots and made us all prepare our selves with patience for a longer voyage It pleased God from the discovery of this Island to grant us a favourable wind to Spain where within twelve dayes we discovered Cales and some of the ships there left us but most of them went forward to San Lucar as did the ship wherein I went when wee came neere to the dangerous place which the Spaniards call La Barra wee durst not venture our ships upon our Pilots own knowledge but called for Pilots to guide us in who greedy of their lucre came out in boats almost for every ship one Upon the eight and twentyeth of November 1637. we cast Anchor within St. Lucar de Barameda about one of the clock in the afternoon and before evening other passengers and my selfe went a shore having first been searched and although I might presently have gone to the Cloister of St. Dominick where my old friend Fryer Pablo de Lâ—…ndres was yet living whom I knew would bee glad of my coming from the India's yet I thought fit the first night to enjoy my friends company both Spaniards and English who had come so long a voyage with me in some Ordinary and to take my rest better abroad then I should doe in a Cloister where I expected but a poore Fryers supper a hard and mean lodging many foolish questions from old Fryer Pablo de Londres concerning the India's and my abode there so many yeeres and finally the noise of Bells and ratlers to rouse up the drowsie Fryers from their sleep to Matines at midnight That night therefore I betooke my selfe to an English Ordinary where I refreshed my selfe and my poore prisoners who by the Master of the ship were committed to my charge that night and forwards upon my word so as to bee forth comming when they should bee called and the next morning I sent my honest friend Layfield with a letter to the Cloister to old Pablo de Londres who upon my summons came joyfully to welcome mee from the India's and after very little discourse told mee of ships in the Haven ready to set out for England The old Fryer being of a decrepit and doting age thought every day a yeere that I stayed there and suspended my Voyage for England and not knowing the secrets of my heart judged already that the Conversion or turning of many Protestant soules to Popery waited for my comming which made him hasten mee who was more desirous then hee to bee gone the next day if I might have found wind weather and shipping ready But God who had been with me in almost ninety dayes sailing from Havana to San Lucar and had delivered mee from many a storme prepared and furthered all things in a very short time for the last accomplishment of my hope and desire to returne to England my native soil from whence I had been absent almost for the space of foure and twenty yeers My first thought here in St. Lucar was to cast off now my Fryers weed that outward sheepskin which covers many a wolvish greedy and covetous heart under it which doubtlesse is the ground why in Germany in the Protestant and Lutheran towns when the boyes and young
by the common sort of people unlesse they see in them such actions which may further disclaime Rome for ever for the future Whereupon I resolved to enter into the state of Marriage to which God hath already given his blessing which the Church of Rome disavowes to all her Preists What I have beene able to discover for the good of this State I have done and not spared when called upon to give in true evidence upon my Oath against Jesuites Preists and Fryers for the which after a faire invitation from my Brother Colonel Gage to come over again to Flanders offering mee a thousand pound ready money I have been once assaulted in Aldersgate street and another time like to be killed in Shooe lane by a Captain of my Brothers Regiment named Vincent Burton who as I was after informed came from Flanders on purpose to make me away or convey mee over and with such a malicious designe followed mee to my lodging lifting up the latch and opening the doore as hee had seene mee done and attempting to goe up the staires to my chamber without any inquiry for mee or knocking at the doore from whom God graciously delivered me by the weak meanes of a woman my Land-lady who stopped him from going any further and being demanded his name and answering by the name of Steward and my Land-lady telling him from mee that I knew him not he went away chasing and saying that I should know him before he had done with mee But hee that knoweth God well shall know no enemy to his hurt neither have I ever since seene or knowen this man I might here also write down the contents of a threatning letter from mine own Brother when hee was Colonell for the King of England and Governour of Oxford which I forbear with some tender consideration of flesh and blood At the beginning of the warres I confesse I was at a stand as a Neophyt and new plant of the Church of England concerning the lawfulnesse of the warre and so continued above a yeere in London spending my owne meanes till at last I was fully satisfied and much troubled to see that the Papists and most of my kindred were entertained at Oxford and in other places of the Kings Dominions whereupon I resolved upon a choice for the Parliament cause which now in their lowest estate and condition I am not ashamed to acknowledge From their hands and by their order I received a Benefice in the which I have continued almost foure yeers preaching constantly for a through and godly Reformation intended by them which I am ready to witnesse with the best drops of blood in my veins though true it is I have been envied jealousied and suspected by many to whom I desire this my History may be a better witnesse of my sincerity and that by it I may perform what our Saviour Christ spoke to Peter saying And thou being converted strengthen thy Brethren I shall think my time and pen happily imployed if by what here I have written I may strengthen the perusers of this small volume against Popish superstition whether in England other parts of Europe Asia or America for the which I shall offer up my dayly prayers unto him who as I may well say miraculously brought me from America to England and hath made use of mee as a Ioseph to discover the treasures of Egypt or as the spies to search into the land of Canaan even the God of all Nations to whom be ascribed by mee and all true and faithfull Beleevers Glory Power Majesty and mercy for evermore Amen FINIS Some brief and short Rules for the better learning of the Indian tongue called Poconchi or Pocoman commonly used about Guatemala and some other parts of Honduras ALthough it bee true that by the daily conversation which in most places the Indians have with the Spaniards they for the most part understand the Spanish tongue in common and ordinary words so that a Spaniard may travell amongst them and bee understood in what hee calleth for by some or other of the Officers who are appointed to attend upon all such as travell and passe through their townes Yet because the perfect knowledge of the Spanish tongue is not so common to all Indians both men and women nor so generally spoken by them as their owne therefore the Preists and Fryers have taken paines to learn the native tongues of severall places and countries and have studied to bring them to a Form and method of Rules that so the use of them may bee continued to such as shall succeed after them Neither is there any one language generall to all places but so many severall and different one from another that from Chiapa and Zoques to Guatemala and San Salvador and all about Honduras there are at least eighteen severall languages and in this district some Fryers who have perfectly learned six or seven of them Neither in any place are the Indians taught or preached unto but in their native and mother tongue which because the Preist onely can speake therefore are they so much loved and respected by the Natives And although for the time I lived there I learned and could speake in two severall tongues the one called â—…acchiquel the other Poconchi or Pocoman which have some connexion one with another yet the Poconchi being the easiest and most elegant and that wherein I did constantly preach and teach I thought fit to set down some rules of it with the Lords Prayer and brief declaration of every word in it to witnesse and testifie to posterity the truth of my being in those parts and the manner how those barbarous tongues have are and may be learned There is not in the Poconchi tongue nor in any other the deversity of declensions which is in the Latin tongue yet there is a double way of declining all Nownes and conjugating all Verbes and that is with divers particles according to the words beginning with a vowell or a consonant neither is there any difference of cases but onely such as the said Particles or some Prepositions may distinguish The Particles for the words or Nownes beginning with a Consonant are as followeth Sing Nu A Pa plural Ca. Ata Qui tacque As for example Tat signifieth a house and Tat signifieth father which are thus declined Sing Nupat my house Apat thy house Râ—…pat his house Plural Câ—…pat our house Apaâ—…ta your honse Zuipat tacque their house Sing Nutat my Father Atat thy Father Rutat his Father Plural Catat our Father Atatta your Father Quita tacque their Father Thus are declined Nownes beginning with a Consonant As Queh a horse Nuqueh Aqueh Ruqueh c. Huh booke or paper Nuhuh Ahuh Ruhuh Moloh Egge Numoloh Amoloh Rumoloh Holom Head Nuholom Aholom Ruholom Chi Mouth Nuchi Achi Ruchi Cam hand Nucam Acam Rucam Chac flesh Nuchac Achac Ruchac Car fish Nucar Acar Rucar Cacar Acarta Qui cartacque Chacquil body or flesh of man Nuchacquil Achacquil
in wax candles and sell sometimes one candle five or six times p. 150. An old Indian Womans judgement concerning the Sacrament of the Lords supper p. 150 151. All soules day Christmas Candlemas day and Whitsunday daies of great lucre and profit to the Preists p. 151 152. The Indians are forced to marry at thirteen and fourteen yeers of age and why p. 153. The ground of our Fairs in England p. 154. Severall dances of the Indians p. 154 155. CHAP. XX. Shewing how and why I departed out of Guatemala to learne the Poconchi language and to live among the Indians and of some particular passages and Accidents whilst I lived there p. 156. Contents The Author going with some few Spaniards and Christian Indians into a Countrey of unknowne Heathens fell dangerously sick and was further in a skirâ—…h with the Barbarians and by that meanes also in danger of his life p. 157. 158. Indians growne up in age forcedly driven to Baptisâ—… without any principlâ—…s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the Preists and Friers that first entred into America ibid. 〈◊〉 a woody mountainous and barren Countrey p. 159. 〈◊〉 India's are Grammers and Dictionaries of the severall Indian tongues p. 〈◊〉 The Authour became perfect in the Poconchi language in one quarter of a 〈◊〉 ibid. The meanes chiefly from the Church which the Authour enjoyed yeerly in the Townes of Mixco and Pinola p. 161 162. A Plague of Locusts in the India's brought no small profit to the Authour p. 163 164. The Spaniards confidence in some blessed breads against the plague of Locusts ibid. An infectious disease amongst the Indians brought to the Author neer a hundred pounds in halfe a yeer ibid. The Authour struck downe as dead to the ground with a flash of lightning and again in danger of his life by an Earthquake p. 165 166. Of a small Vermine lesse then a flea called Nigua common in the India's wherewith the Author was in danger of losing a leg ibid. The Authour like to be killed by a Spaniard for defending the poore Indians p. 167. A notorious Witch in the Town of Pinola affrighted the Authour p. 167. sequ The Indian Wizards and Witches changed into shapes of beasts by the Devil as appeareth by two examples p. 169. sequ Some Idolaters in the Towne of Mixco discovered their preaching Idol found out by the Authour and burnt publikely in the Church and hee in great danger to bee killed by them p. 171. sequ The Authors conflict within himselfe about comming home to England for conscience sake and his resolution therein p. 180 181. Neer upon 9000. peeces of Eight got by the Authour in twelve yeers that hee lived in the India's p. 181. CHAP. XXI Shewing my Iourney from the Towne of Petapa into England and some chief passages in the way p. 182. Contents Relation of a place called Serro Redondo five leagues from Petapa p. 182. A strange fire and smoake constantly comming out of the earth neer unto a Towne called Aguachapa which by the Spaniards is supposed to be a mouth of hell p. 183. The priviledge of a great river called Lempa dividing the Countrey of St. Salvador and Nicaragua p. 184. A Frier thinking to take up gold from the bottome of the fiery Vulcan of Leon deceived p. 185. The City of Leon and Countrey about called by the Spaniards Mahomets paradise ibid. About the beginning of February the City of Granada in Nicaragua is one of the richest places in the India's by reason of many rich commodities and some of the King of Spain his revenews carried thither to be transported by the Frigats to Carthagena or Havana p. 185 186. The dangerous passage from the Lake of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 led El Desâ—…adero p. 〈◊〉 The Authour and his 〈◊〉 like to be surprized by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Crocodile p. 187. The Authour roâ—…bed at sea by a Holland man of Warre of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Crownes p. 188 189. A Frier fâ—… defending the poâ—…re Indians of Nicoyâ—… 〈◊〉 two fingers which were cut off by the 〈◊〉 de Maior p. 192. The Author forced to drinke his owne urine and lost and like to perish in an unknowne Island and afterwards upon a Rocke p. 193 194. Some particulars of the City of Panama p. 195. The river of Chiagre very shallow in many places without some great raine cause the water to fall into it from the mountaines ibid. Some particulars of Portobello during the time that the Spanish Fleet stayeth there p. 196. The Papists Bread God or Sacrament eaten and gnawne by a Mouse in Porto-bello with a Fast in bread and water for that contempt done unto their God p. 197 198. The Spaniards feare of the English that then inhabited the Island called Providence p. 199. Some English Prisoners at Carthagena with one Captain Rouse who at Havana challenged some Spaniards into the field who had abused him p. 199 200 From the whole Spanish Fleet one gallantly taken 〈◊〉 worth foâ—…re 〈◊〉 thousand Duckats by two Holland or English ships not well knowne upon the Coast of Havana p. 201. The manner of the Dominicans habit with the meaning of it p. 203. CHAP. XXII Shewing how and for what causes after I had arrived in England I took yet another journey to Rome and other parts of Italy and returned again to settle my selfe in this my Countrey p. 205. Contents Price a Monke very familiar with William Laud late Archbishop of Canterbury p. 205. The Authors Brother in great favour at Court and aspiring to a Bishopricâ—…e or to be Parish Preist of Covengarden ibid. The Authour apprehended by a Pursevant aâ—… protected by Sir Francis VVindebank p. 207. The Authour from the low Countries got letters of recommendation to some chiefe Cardinals in Rome p. 207. The Author robbed by French Pyrates going from Ligorne to Rome ibid. The Cardinal Don Francisco Barbarini intituled the Protectour of England 〈…〉 and proceedings of VVilliam Laud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 20â—… VVilliam Laud his further Complyance with the Cardinals of Rome as testified by Fitzherbert the Iesuite in a conference with the Authour ibid. A designe of making an English Cardinall at Rome and who chiefly eyed for that purpose p. 20â—… A true Copy of the manner of sending the Author to live at Orleans in France p. 209 210. The miracle printed by the Papists of the blushing and sweating of the Ladies picture of Loretto tried by the Authour and found to bee a meer lie p. 210. At the calling of the Parliament now sitting the Romish crew in Italy much perplexed p. 210 211. The Authour taken again by a French Fleet of ships as he was coming home from Ligorne p. 211. The Author twice assaulted in London by Papists and like to be killed for his profession of the truth and service to the State p. 211 212. FINIS ERRATA PAg. 6 l. 54 read that Kingdom p. 8 l. 34 r. their own p. 10 l. 46 r. party p. 11 l 56 r. Sâ—…via p. 15 l. 2â—… r. St. Iohn de Ulâ—… ibid. l. 49. r. the spurnings p. 16 l. 33 34 r. the first founder p. 17 l. 23. r. were p. 24 l. 3 r. 〈◊〉 ibid. l. 5 6 r. Grijâ—…lva p. 25 l. 42 r. out of the Arbour p. 27 l 23 r. keepers p. 28 l. 46 r. 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 p. 35 l. 12 r. well bâ—…ked p. 36 l. 6 r. sacrificed p. 43 l. 5 r. in a Spanish ibid. l. 55 r. it maketh p. 51 l. 39 r. those sacrifices p. 53 l. 43 r. consecrated p. 62 l. 30 r. to be the Viceroyes p. 65 l. 31 r. Uiva â—…l Roy p. â—…9 l. 51 r. Antiquâ—…ra p. 71 l. 4 r. it glorietli ibid l. 47 r. made p. 72 l. 1 r. glorious p. 74 l. 23 24. r. 〈◊〉 p. 76 l. 12 r. have in it p. 79 l. 21 r. Sâ—…villa p. 83 l. 2 r. to follow him p. 85 l. 59 r. which p. 88 l. 2 r. met here p. 95 l. 14 r. merrâ—… p. 96 l. 28 r. Cloister p. 100 l. 21 r. bodies ibid. l. 22 r. planet p. 102 l. 51 52 r. women p. 109 l. 19 r. another p. 114 l. 33 r. those that p. 115 l. 41 r. any thing with them p. 116 l. 14 r. ten leagues p. 11â—… l. 10 a deadly p. â—…19 l. 3 r. Originall sin ibid l. 42 r. 1â—…27 ibid l. ult r. Preachers p. 122 l. 22 r. not holy p. 123 l. 2 r. grieving p. 125 l. 51 r. cheap ibid l. 59 r. stately p. 126 l. 38 r. he lift p. 128 l. 26 r. thousand Crownes ibidâ—… l. 55 r. is no landing p. 129 l. 20 r. to enrich Guatemala p. 130 l. 46 r. 〈◊〉 ibid l. 54 r. his power p. 141 l. 26 r. which after p. 149 l. 38 r. provide p. 150 l. 31 r. buy p. 153 l. 9 r taught more for ibid l. 33 r. livers in the town p. 156 l. 26 r. halving p. 159 l. 7 r. President p. 169 l. 38 r. killed him p. 170 l. 44 r. taken up p. 171 l. 54 r. a running water p. 178 l. 45 r. Priests p. 179 l. 12 r. sent me a Patent ibid l. 16. r. to further p. 180 l. 2 r. against it which p. 182 l. 14 r. would not p. 183 l. ulâ—… r. 〈◊〉 p. 184 l. 50 r. there p. 187 l. 5 r. difficult journey p. 193 l. 17 towards death p. 198 l. 13 r. would p. 203 l. 30 r. Popham p. 209 l. 48 49 put tâ—… before suprâ—…ominatum and leave it ouâ—… in the next line p. 213 l. 40 r. Râ—… ibid l. 43 r. quipat p. 214 l. 2 r. quitâ—… tacque p 215 l 26 r chiquilâ—…h tacque ibid l 4â—… r the second person ibid l 49 r loâ—…e thee p 216 l 18 r. 〈◊〉 ibid l 21 22 r verbs passives ibid l 28 r in 〈◊〉 and r change â—…h ibid l 51 â—… 〈◊〉