singing-men to sing them and prescribed Vestments also to thesâ—singing-men by no other power then the regal only None of the Priâ—sts consulted in iâ— for ought yet appears The like authority was â—xercised and enjoyed by the Christian Emperors not only in their calling Councels and many times assisting at them or presiding in them by themselves or their Deputies or Commissioners but also in confirming the Acts thereof He that consults the Câ—de and 〈◊〉 in the Civil Lawes will finde the best Princes to have been most active in things which did concern Religion in regulating matters of the Church and setting out their Imperial Edicts for suppressing of Hereticks Quid Imâ—eratori cum Ecclesia What hath the Emperor to dâ— in matters which concern the Church is one of the chief Brand marks which Optatus sets upon the Donatists And though some Christians of the East have in the way of scorn had the name of Melchites men of the Kings Religion as the word doth intimate bâ—cause they adhered unto those Doctrines which the Emperors agreeable to former Councels had confirmed and ratified yet the best was that none but Sectaries and Hereticks put that name upon them Neither the men nor the Religion was a â—ot the worse Nor did they only deal in matters of Exterior Order but even in Doctrinals matters intrinsecal to the Faith for which their Enoticon set out by the Emperor Zeno for setling differences in Religion may be proof sufficiâ—nâ—â— The like authority was exercised and enjoyed by Charles the Great when he attained the Western Empire as the Capitulaâ—s published in hiâ— Name and in the names of his Successors do most clearly evidence and not much lesse enjoyed and practisâ—d by the Kings of England in the elder Times though more obnoxious to the power of the Pope of Rome by reason of his Apostleship if I may so call it the Christian Faith being first preached unto the English Saxons by such as he employed in that holy Work The instanceâ— whereof dispersed in several places of our English Histories and other Monuments and Records which concern this Church are handsomely summed up together by Sir Edward Coke in the fift part of his Reports if I well remember but I am sure in Cawdâ—ies Case entituled De Iure Regis Ecclesiastico And though Parsons the Iesuite in his Answer unto that Report hath took much pains to vindicate the Popes Supremacy in this Kingdome from the first planting of the Gospel among the Saxons yet all he hath effected by it proves no more thâ—n this That the Popes by permission of some weak Princes did exercise a kinde of concurrent jurisdiction here with the Kings themselves but came not to the full and entire Supremacy till they had brought all other Kings and Princes of the Western Empire nay even the Emperors themselves under their command So that when the Supremacy was recognized by the Clergy in their Convocationâ—o K. H. 8. it was only the restoring of him to his proper and original power invaded by the Popes of these later Ages though possiâ—ly the Title of Supreme Head seemed to have somewhat in it of an 〈◊〉 At which Title when the Papists generally and Calvin in his Comment on the Prophet Amos did seem to be much scandalizâ—d it was with much wisdome changed by Q. Elizabeth into that of Supreme Governour which is still in use And when that also would not down with some queasie stomachs the Queen her self by her Injunctions published in the first year of her Reign and the Clergy in their Book of Articles agreed upon in Convocation about five years aâ—ter did declare and signifie That there was no authority in sâ—cred matters contained under that Title but that only Prerogative which had bâ—en given alwaies to all godly Princes in holy Scriptuâ—es by God himself that iâ— That they should rule all Estates and degrees committâ—d to their change by God whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal and to restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and evil dâ—ers as also to exclude thereby the Bishop of Rome from having any jurisdiction in the Realm of England Artic. 37. Lay this unto the rest before and tell me if you câ—n what hath been acted by the Kings of England in the Reformation of Religion but what is warranted unto them by the practise and example of the most godly Kings of Iewry seconded by the most godly Emperorâ— in the Christian Church and by the usage also of their own Predecessors in this Kingdome till Papal Usurpation carried all before it And being that all the Popes pretended to in this Realm was but Usurpation it was no wrong to take that from him which he had no right to and to restore it at the last to the proper Owner Neither Prescription on the one side nor discontinuance on the other change the case at all that noted Maxim of our Lawyers that no prescriptionâ—indes the King or Nullum tempus occurrit Regi as their own words are being as good against the Pope as against the Subject This leads me to the second part of this Dispute the dispossessing of the Pope of that supreme Power so long enjoyed and exercised in this Realm by his Predecessors To which we say that though the pretensions of the Pope were antient yet they were not Primitive and therefore we may answer in our Saviours words Ab initio non â—uit sic it was not so from the beginning For it is evident enough in the course of story that the Pope neither claimed nor exercised any such Supermacy within this Kingdome in the first Ages of this Church nor in many after till by gaining from the King the 〈◊〉 of Bishops under Henry the â— the exemption of the Clergy from the Courts of Justice â—nder Henry the 2. and the submission of King Iohn to the See of Rome they found themselves of strength sufficient to make good their Plea And though by the like artifices seconded by some Texts of Scripture which the ignorance of those times incouraged them to abuse as they pleased they had attained the like Supremacy in France Spain and Germany and all the Churches of the West yet his incroachmâ—nts werâ— opposed and his authority disputed upon all occasions especially aâ— the light of Letters did begin to shine Insomuch as it was not only determined essentially in the Councel of Constance one of the Imperial Cities of High Germany that the Councel was above the Pope and his Authority much 〈◊〉 by the Pragmatick Sanction which thence took beginning but Gerson the learned Chancellor of Paris wrote a full discourse entituled De auferibilitate Papae â—ouching the totall abrogating of the Papall Office which certainly he had never done in case the Papall Office had been found â—ssential and of intrinsecal concernment to the Church of Christ According to the Position of that learned man the greatest Princes in these times did look upon the Pope and the Papall power
unto their Rights as any of their Sees were ruined by the barbarous Nations and consequently his consent not necessary to a Reformation beyond the bounds of his own Patriarchate under that pretence Let us next see what power he can lay claim unto as the Apostle in particular of the English Nation Which memorable title I shall never grudge him I know well not only that the wife of Ethelbert King of Kent a Christian and a daughter of France had both her Chappel and her Chappellane in the Palace Royal before the first preaching of Austin the Monk but that the Britains living intermixt with the Saxons for so long a time may be supposed in probability and reason to have gained some of them to the Faith But let the Pope enjoy this honour let Gregory the Great be the Apostle of the English Saxons by whom that Augustine was sent hither yet this enâ—iâ—uleth his Successors to no higher Prerogatives then the Lords own Apostles did think fit to claim in Countreys which they had converted For neither were the English Saxons Baptized in the name of the Pope they had been then Gregoriani and not Christiani or looked upon him as the Lord of this part of Gods 〈…〉 S. Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles did disclaim the one S. Peter the Apostle of the Iewes did disswade the other The Anglican Church was absolute and Independent from the first beginning not tyed so much as to the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome it being left by Gregory to the discretion of Augustine out of the Rites and Rubricks of such Churches as he met with in his journey hither these of Italie and France he means to constitute a form of worship for the Church of England And for a further proof hereof he that consults the Saxon Councels collected by that learned and indâ—striouâ— Gentleman Sir H Spelman will finde how little there was in them of a Papall influence from the first planting of the Gospel to the Norman Conquest If we look lower we shall finde that the Popes Legat a Latere whensoever sent durst not set foot on English ground till he was licensed and indemnified by the Kings Authority but all Apâ—eals in case of grievance were to be made by a Decree of Henry the 2. from the Archdeacon to the Bishop from the Bishop to the Metropolitaâ— Et si Archiepiscopus defecerit in justitia exhibenda ad Dominum Regem deveniendum est postremo and last of all from the Metropolitan to the King himself no Appeal hence unto the Pope as in other places that the Clergy of this land had a self-authority of treating and concluding in any businesse which concerned their own peace and happinesse without resorting â—o the Pope for a confirmation Out of which Canons and Determinations made amongst our sâ—lveâ— Lindwood composed his Provincial though framed according to the method of the Roman Dâ—cretal to be the standing body of ouâ—Common-Law that on the other side neither the Canons of that Church or Decretals of the Popes were câ—ncluding here but either by a voluntary submission of some â—â—â—ning and ambitiouâ— Pâ—â—lates or as they were received Synodically by the English Cleâ—gy of which the conâ—â—itutions made by Oâ—he and Othebâ—n Legâ—ts a lâ—tere from the Pope may be proof sufficient aâ—d finally that Ansâ—â—m the Aâ—chbishâ—p of Canterbury was welcomed by Pope Vâ—ban the 2. to the Councel of Bâ—ri in Apulia tanquam alterius orbis Papa as in William of Malmesbury tanquam Patriarcham Apostolicum as Iohn Capgrave hath it as the Pope Patriarch and Apostolick Pâ—â—â—or of another World Divisos orbe Britaâ—â—os as you know who said Which tiâ—les questionlesse the Pope would nâ—ver have conâ—â—â—red upon him had he not been as â—bsolute and supreme in his own jurisdiction succeeding in the Patriarchal Rights of the British Diocesse as the Pope was within the Churches â—ubject unto his Auâ—â—ority And this perhâ—ps might be the reason why Innocent the 2. bestowâ—d on Theobald the third from Ansâ—lm and on his Suâ—cessoâ—s in that Sâ—e the Title of Legati nâ—ti that they might seem to act rather in the time to come as Servants and Ministers to the Pope then as the Primatesâ—nd chief Pastors of the Church of England And by all this it may appear that the Popes Apostleship was never looked on here as a matter of so great concernment that the Church might not lawfully proceed to a Râ—formation without his allowance and consent Were that plea good the Germans might not lawfully have reformed themselves without the allowance of the English it being evident in story that not only Boniface Archbishop of Menâ—z called generally the Apostle of Germany was an Engglish man but that Willibald the first Bishop of Eystel Willibadâ—he first Bishop of Bremen Willibrod the first Bishop of Vtreoht Swibert the first Bishop of Virâ—â—em and the fiâ—st converterâ— of those parts were of England also men instigated to this great work all except the first not so much by the Popeâ— zeal as their own great piety By this that hath been said it is clear enough that the Church of England at the time of the Reformation was not indeed a Member of the Church of Rome under the Pope aâ— the chief Pastor and Supreme Head of the Church of CHRIST but a Fellow-member with it of that Body Mystical whereof CHRIST only is the Head part of that â—â—ock whereof he only iâ— the Shephâ—rd a sister Church to that of Rome though with relation to the time of her last conversion but a younger Sister And if a Fellow-member and a Sister-Church she might make use of that authority which naturally and originally was vested in her to reform her self without the leave of the particular Church of Rome or any other whatsoever of the Sister-Churches The Church is likened to a City in the Book of God a City at unity in it self as the Psalmist cals it and as a City it consisteth of many houses and in each house a several and particular Family Suppose this City visiâ—ed with some general sicknesse may noâ— each family take care to preserve it self advise with the Physitian and apply the Remedy without consulting with the rest Or if consulting with the rest must they needs ask leave also of the Maior or principal Magistrate take counsel with no other Doctors and follow no other course of Physick then such as he commends unto them or imposeth on them Or must the lesser languish irremediably under the calamity because the greater and more potent Families do not like the cure Assuredly it was not so in the primitive times wheâ— it was held a commendable and lawfull thing for National and particular Churches to reform such errors and corruptions as they found amongst them nor in the Church of Iudah nâ—ither when the Idolatries of their Nâ—ighbours had got ground upon them Though Israâ—l transgress◠〈◊〉 not Judah sin saith the Prophet Hosea chap. 4. Yet Israel
in the present business but impose that Form upon the people which by the learned religious Clergy-men whom the K. appointed thereunto was agreed upon and made it penal unto such as either should deprave the same or neglect to use it And thus doth Poulton no mean Lawyer understand the Statute who therfore gives no other title to it in his Abridgement published in the year 1612 than this The penalty for not using uniformity of Service and Ministration of the Sacrament So then the making of one uniform Order of celebrating divine Service was the work of the Clergy the making of the Penalties was the work of the Parliament Where let me tell you by the way that the men who were employed in this weighty business whose names deserve to be continued in perpetual memory were Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury George Day Bishop of Chichester Thomas Goodrich B. of Ely and Lord Chancellour Iohn Ship Bishop of Hereford Henry Holbâ—rt Bishop of Lincoln Nicholâ—s Ridley Bishop of Rochester translated afterwards to London Thomas Thirleby B. of Westminster Doctor May Dâ—an of S. Pauls Dr Taylor then Dean afterwards Bp of Lincoln Dr Haines Dean of Exeter Dr Robertson afterwards Dean of Durham Dr Redman Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge and Dr Coke then Alâ—ner to the King afterward Dean of Westminster and at last Bp of Ely men famous in their generations and the honour of the Age they lived in And so much for the first Liturgy of King Edwards Reign in which you see how little was done by authority or power of Parliament so little that if it had been less it had been just nothing But some exceptions being taken against the Liturgy by some of the preciser sort at home and by Calvin abroad the book was brought under a review and though it had been framed at first if the Parliament which said so erred not by the â—yd of the Holy Ghost himself yet to comply with the curiosity of the Ministers and mistakes of the people rather then for any other weighty cause As the Statute 5 and 6 Ed. 6. cap. 1. it was thought expedient by the King with the assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled that the said Order of Common Service should be faithfully and godly perused explained and made fully perfect Perused and explained by whom Why questionless by those who made it or else by those if they were not the same men who were appointed by the King to draw up and compose a Form of Ordination for the use of the Church And this Assent of theirs for it was no more was the onely part that was ever acted by the Parliament in matter of this present nature save that a Statute passed in the former Parliament 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. unto this effect that such form and manner of making and consecrating Archb. Bi-shops Priests Deacons and other Ministers of the Church which before I spake of as by sixe Prelates and sixe other men of this Realm learned in Gods lawes by the King to be appointed and assigned shall be devised to that purpose and set forth under the great Seal shall be lawfully used and exercised and none other Where note that the King onely was to nominate and appoint the men the Bishops and other learned men were to make the Book and that the Parliament in a blinde obedience or at the least upon a charitable confidence in the integrity of the men so nominated did confirm that Book before any of their Members had ever seen it though afterwards indeed in the following Parliament this Book together with the book of Common-prayer so printed and explained obtained a more formal confirmation as to the use thereof throughout the Kingdom but in no other respect for which see the Statute 5 and 6 Ed. 6. c. 1. As for the time of Qu. Elizabeth when the Common prayer book now in use being the same almost with the last of King Edward was to be brought again into the Church from whence it was cast out in Queen Maries Reign it was commited to the care of some learned men that is to say to M Whitehead once Chaplain to Queen Anne Bullen Dr Parker after Archbishop of Canterbury Dr Grindal after bishop of London Dr Cox after Bishop of Ely Dr Pilkington after Bishop of Durham Dr May Dean of Saint Pauls Dr Bill Provost of Eaton after Dean of Westminster and Sr Tho Smith By whom being altered in some few passages which the Statute points to 1 Eliz. c. 21. it was presented to the Parliament and by the Parliament received and established without more 〈…〉 troubling any Committee of both or â—ither Houses to consider of it for ought appears in their Records All that the Parliament did in it being to put it into the condition in which it stood before in King Edwards Reign partly by repealing the Repeal of King Edw. Statuteâ— made in the first of Q. Mary c. 2. and partly by the adding of some farther penalties on such as did deprave the book or neglect to use it or wilfully did absent themselves from their Parish-Churches And for the Alterations made in King Iames his time bâ—ing small in the Rubrick onely and for the additions of the Thanksgivings at the end of the Letany the Prayer for the Queen and the Royal Issue and the Doctrine of the Sacraments at the end of the Catechisiâ—e which were not in the book before they were never referred unto the Parliament but were done onely by aâ—thority of the Kings Commission and stand in force by vertue onely of His Proclamation which you may finde before the book the charge of buying the said book so explained and altered being laid upon the several and respective Parishes by no other Authority than that of the eightieth Canon made in Convocation Anno 1603. The like may also be affirmed of the Foâ—mes of prayer for the Inauguration day of our Kings and Queens the Prayer-books for the fifth of November and the fifth of August and those which have been used in all publike Fasts All which without the help of Paâ—liaments have been composed by the Bishops and imposed by the King Now unto this discourse of the Forms of Worship I shall subjoyn a word or two of the times of Worship that is to say the Holy dayes observed in the Church of England and so observed that they do owe that observation chiefly to the Church â— power For whereas it was found in the former times that the number â—f the holy dayes was grown so great that they became a burthen to the common people and a great hinderance to the thrist and manufactures of the Kingdom there was a Canon made in the Convocation An. 1536. for cutting off of many superstitious and supeâ—fluous Holy dayes and the reducing them into the number in which they now stâ—nd save that St Gâ—orge's day and Maâ—y Magdalens day and all the Festivals of the blessed Virgin
of Christ And so S Augustine hath resolved it in his thiâ—d Book against Cresâ—onius In hoc Reges sicut iis divinitus praecipitur pray you note that well Deo serviunt in quantum Reges sunt si in suo Regno bona jubeant mala prohibeant non solum quae pâ—rtinent ad humanam societatem verum etiam ad Divinam Religionem Which words of his â—â—emed so significant and convincing unto Hart the Iesuite that being shewed the Tractate writ by Dr. Nowell against Dorman the Priest in the beginning of Q Elizabeths time and finding how the case was stated by that reverend person he did ingenuâ—usly confesse that there was no authority ascribed to the Kings of England in Ecclesiastical affaire but what was warranted unto them by that place of Augustine The like affirmed by him that calleth himself Francisâ—us de S. Clâ—ra though a Iesuite too that you may see how much more candid and ingenuous the Iesuites are in this point then the Presbyterians in his Examen of the Articles of the Church of England But hereof you may give me opportunity to speak more hereafter when you propose the Doubts which you say you have relating to the King the Pope and the Churches Protestant and therefore I shall say no more of it at the present time SECT. II. The manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified HItherto I had gone in order to your satisfaction and communicated my conceptions in writing to you when I received your letter of the 4. of Ianuary in which you signified the high contentment I had given you in condâ—scending to your weaknesse as you pleased to call it and freeing you from those doubts which lay heaviest on you And therewithall you did request me to give you leave to propound those other Scruples which were yet behinde relating to the King the Pope and the Protestant Churches either too little or too much looked after in the Reformation And first you say it is complained of by some Zelots of the Church of Rome that the Pope was very hardly and unjustly dealt with in being deprived of the Supremacy so long enjoyed and exercised by his predecessors and that it was an innovation no lesse strange then dangerous to settle it upon the King 2. That the Church of England ought not to have proceeded to a Reformation without the Pope considered either as the Patriarch of the Western world or the Apostle in particular of the English Nation 3. That if a Reformation had been found so necessary it ought to have been done by a General Councel at least with the consent and co-operation of the Sister-Churches especially of those who were engaged at the same time in the same designs 4. That in the carrying on of the Reformation the Church proceeded very unadvisedly in letting the people have the Scriptures and the publique Liturgie in the â—ulgar tongue the dangerous consequents whereof are now grown too visible 5. That the proceedings in the point of the Common-prayer Book were meerly Regall the body of the Clergy not consulted with or consenting to it and consequently not so Regular as we fain would have it And 6. That in the power of making Canons and determining matters of the Faith the Clergy have so â—ettered and inâ—angled themselves by the Act of Submission that they can neither meet deliberate conclâ—de nor â—xâ—cute but as they are enabled by the Kings authority which is a Vassallage inconsistent with their native Libertieâ— and not agreeable to the usage of the Primitive times These are the points in which you now desire to have satisfaction and you shall have it in the best way I am able to do it that so you may be freed hereafter from such â—roubles and Disputants as I perceive have laboured to perplex your thoughts and make you lesse affectionate then formerly to the Church your Mother 1. That the Church of England did not innovaâ—e in the Ejâ—ction of the Pope and setling the Supremacy in the Regal Crown And in this point you are to know that it hath been and still is the general and constant judgement of the greatest Lawyers of this Kingdome that the vesting of the Supremacy in the Crown Imperial of this Realm was not Introductory of any new Right or Power which was not in the Crown before but Declaratory of an old which had been anciently and originalâ—y inherent in it though of late Times usurped by the Popes of Rome and in Abeyance at that time as our Lawyers phrase it And they have so resolved it upon very good 〈◊〉 â—â—he principal managâ—ry of 〈◊〉 which conceâ—n Religion being a flower inseparably annexed to the â—egal Diadem not proper and peculiar only to the Kings of England but to all Kings and Princes in the Church of God and by them exercised and enjoyed accordingly in their times and places For who I pray you weâ—e the men in the Iewish Church who destroyâ—d the Idols of that people cut down the Groves demolished the high places and brake in piâ—ces the Brazen Serpent when abused to Idolatry Were they not the godly Kingâ— and Princeâ— only which swâ—yâ—◠〈◊〉 Scepter of that Kingdomâ— And though ' â—is possible 〈◊〉 that they might do it by the counsel and advice of the High Priests of that Nation or of some of the more godly Priests and Levites who had a zeal unto the Lâ—w of the most high God yet we finde nothing of it in the holy Scripture the merit of these Reformations which were made occasionally in that faulty Church being ascribed unto their Kings and none but them Had they done any thing in this which belonged not to their place and calling or by so doing had intrenched on the Office of the Priâ—sts and Levites that God who punished Vzzah for attempting to support the Arke when he saw it totâ—ering and smote Osias with a Leprosie for burning incense in the Temple things which the Priests and Levites only were to meddle in would not have suffered those good Kings to have gone unpunished or at least uncensured how good soâ—ver their intentions and 〈◊〉 weâ—e Nay on the contrary when any thing was amisâ—e in the Church of Iewry the Kingâ— and not the 〈◊〉 were admonished of it and reproved for it by the Prophets which sheweth that they were trusted with the Reformation and none else but they Is it not also said of David that he distributed the Priests and Levites into several Classes alotâ—eâ— to them the particular times of their Ministration and designed them unto several Offices in the Publick Service Iosephus adding to these passages of the Holy Writ That he câ—mposed Hymns and Songs to the Lord his God and made them to be sung in the Congregation as an especial part of the publick Liturgy Of which although it may be said that he composed those Songs and Hymns by vertue of his Prophetical Spirit yet he imposed them on the Church appointed
was the greater and more numerous people Ten Tribes to two two of the ten the eldâ—st sons of their Father Iacob all of them older then Benjamin the last begotten being the second of the two which notwithstanding the Kings of Iudah might and did proceed to a Reformation though those of Israel did refuse to co-operate with them The like was also done de facto and de jure too in the best and happiest-times of Christianity there bâ—ing many errors and unâ—ound opinions condemned in the Councels of Gâ—ngra Aquilia Cartâ—age Milâ—vis and not a â—ew corâ—upâ—ions in the practical part of Religion reformed in the Synods of â—liberis Laodicâ—a Arles and others in the fourth Century of the Church without advising or consulâ—ing with the Râ—man Oracle or running to the Church of Rome for a confirmation of their Acts and doings though at that time invested with a greater and more powerful princiâ—ality then the others were No such regard had in those tiâ—es to the Church of Rome though the elder Sister but that another National Church might reform without her nor any such consideration had of the younger Sâ—sters that one should â—arry for another till they all agreed though possibly they might all be sensible of the inconvenience and all alike desirous of a speedy Remedy But of this more anon in Answer to the next Objections Proceed we now a little â—urther and let us grant for once that the Church of England was a Member at that time of the Church of Rome acknowledging the Pope for the Head thereof yet this could be no hindrance to a Reformation when the preâ—ended Head would not yeeld unto it or that the Members could not meet to consult about it Tâ—e whole Body of the Church was in ill condition every part unsound but the disease lay chiefly in the head it self grown monstrously too great for the rest of the Members And should the whole body pine and languish without hope of ease because the Head I mean still the pretended Head would not be purged of some supeâ—flâ—ous and noxious humours occasioning giddinesse in the brain dimnesse in the eye deafnâ—sse in the ear and in a word a general and sad distemper unto all the Members The Popâ— was grown to an exorbitant height both of pride and power the Court of Rome wallowing as in a course of prosperous fortunes in all volupâ—uousnesse and sensuality Nothing so feared amongst them as a Reformation wherâ—by they knew that an abatement must be made of their pomp and pleasure Of these corrupâ—ions and abuses as of many others complaint had formerly been made by Armachanus Grosthead Bishop of Lincoln S. Bernard Nicâ— de Clemangis anâ— other conscientious men in their several Countâ—eys 〈…〉 noted and informed against by Wicâ—lâ—sse Iohn 〈…〉 c. Buâ— they complained 〈…〉 who was resolvâ—d not to hear the voice of those 〈◊〉 câ—armed they never so wisâ—ly The Câ—urch mean while was in a very ill condiâ—iâ—n whâ—n he that should prescribe the cure was becoâ—e the siâ—knâ—sse Coâ—â—â—dering therefore that a Reformation could not be obtained by the Popes consent there was no râ—medy but that it must be made without it The Molten Calf modâ—lled by the Egyptian Apis and the Altar patteâ—ned from Damâ—sâ—us had made the Israelites in all probability aâ— great idolaters as their 〈◊〉 if the High priests that set them up might have haâ— their Wilâ— Nor had it been much better with the Chuâ—ch of CHRIST if Arianism could not have been suppressed in particulâ—r Churches because Liberius Pope of Rome supposing him to be the Head of the Church in gâ—neral had subscribed unto it and that no error and corruption could have been reformed which any of the Popes whose Graves I am very loâ—h to open had been guilty of but by their permission The Church now were in worse estate under Christian Princes then when it sâ—ffered under the power and tyranny of the Heathen Emperors if it were not lawfâ—l for particular Churches to provide for their own safety and salvation without resorting to the Pope who cannot every day be spoke with and may when spoken with be pressed with so many inconveniences nearer hand as not to be at leisure to attend such businesses as lie furthâ—r off And therefore it was well said by Danet the French Ambassâ—dor when he communicâ—ted to the Pope his Maâ—â—ers purpose of Reforming the Gaâ—â—â—can Church by a National Councel Is said he Paris were on fire would you not count the Citizens either Fools or Mad-men if they should send so far as â—iber for some water to quench it the River of Sâ—ine running through the City and the Marno so near it 3. That the Church of England might lawfully prâ—ceed to a Reformation withâ—ut the help of a General Councel or calling in the aid of the Protestant Churches But here you say it is objectâ—d that if a Reformation were so necessary as we seem to make it and that the Pope waâ— never like to yeeld unto it as the case then stood it ought to have been done by a General Councel according to the usage of the Primitive times I know indeed that General Councels such as are commonly so called are of excellent use and that the name thereof is sacred and of high esteem But yet I prize them not so highly as Pope Gregory did who ranked the â—our first General Câ—uncels with the four Evangelists nor am I oâ— opinion that they are so necessary to a Reformation either in point of Faith or corruption of manners but that the business of the Church may be done without them Nay might I be so bold as to lay my naked thoughts before you as I think I may you would there finde it to be some part of my Belief that there never was and never can be such a thing as a General Councel truly and properly so called thâ—t is to say such a General Councel to which all the Bishops of the Church admiting none but such to the power of voâ—ing have bin or can be called together by themselves or their Proxies These which are commonly so called as those of Nice Constantâ—nople 〈◊〉 Chalâ—â—don were only of the 〈◊〉 of the Roman Eâ—pire Chriâ—tian Churches â—xisting at that time in Ethiopia and the Kingdome of Persia which made up no small pâ—rt of the Church of Christ were neither present at them nor inviâ—â—d to them And yet not all the Pâ—elates nâ—ither of the Roman Empire nor some from â—very Province of it did attend that service those Councels only being the Assemblies of sâ—me Eastern Bishopâ— such as could most conveniently be drawn together few of the Wesâ—eâ—n Churches none at all in some having or list or leisure â—or so long a journey For in the so much celebraâ—â—d Councel of Nice there were but nine Bishops sâ—nt from France but two from Africk one alone from Spain none â—rom the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 and out of Itâ—ly which â—ay nearest to it none
THE WAY and MANNER OF THE REFORMATION OF THE Church of England DECLARED and JUSTIFIED Against the Clamors and Objections of the Opposite Parties By PETER HEYLYN D. D. MALACH. 2. 7. Labâ—a Sacerdotis custodient Sapientiam legem requirent ex ore ejus quia Angelus Domini Exercituum est Heb. 13. 17. Obey them that rule over you and submit your selves for they watch for your souls as they that must give account that they may do it with joy and not grief LONDON Printed by E. Cotes for Henry Seile over against St. Dunstans Church in Fleetstreet M.DC.LVII TO THE READER THe occasion which induc'd me to the writing of this Discourse hath been already touched at in our general Preface and shall be shewn thee more at large in the following Preamble or Introduction Let it suffice thee now to know that it was done on an occasion really given and not in supposition only the better to bring in the Design which I have in hand and that it gave such satisfaction to the Party for whose sake it was undertaken that it was thought fit by some to have it publisht for the Use of others But being published by a faulty and imperfect Copy I caus'd it presently to be call'd â—in not willing it should goe abroad though without my Name till it were able in some measure to defend it self if not to justifie the Authour Being now set upon a resolution which God bless me me in of vindicating this poor Church as far at least as in me is in her Forms of Worship her Government and establisht Patrimony together with the Times and Places destinate to her Sacred Offices I have thought good to place this Tractate in the Front as a Praecognitum or necessary Manuduction unto all the rest The way and manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified cannot but give a good Relish unto all that follows being no other then the Essentiall parts and branches of that Reformation If thou art satisfied in this it will be a faire Omen to me that the rest may not prove unwelcome And that thou mayst peruse it with the greater chearfulness I will not keep thee longer in the Entrance of it it being no good Husbandry to waste that Friend in petit Matters whom we endeavour to preserve for nobler favours And so fare thee well The Contents of the Chapters SECT. I. THe Introduction shâ—wing the Occasion Method and Design of the whole Discourse pag 1. 1. Of Calling or Assembling the Convocation of the Clergie and the Authority thereof when convened together 3. 2. Of the Ejection of the Pope and vesting the Supremacy in the Regal Crown 10. 3. Of the translation of the Scriptures and permitting them to be read in the English tongue 13. 4. Of the Reformation of Religion in the points of Doctrine 19. 5. Of the Reformation of the Church of England in the forms of Worship and the times appointed thereunto 28. 6. Of the power of making Canons for the well ordering of the Clergy and the directing of the people in the publick duties of Religion 34. 7. An Answâ—â— to the main Objections of either Party 38. SECT. II. 1. That the Church of England did not innovate in the Ejection of the Pope and setling the Supremacy in the Regal Crown pag. 46. 2. That the Church of England might proceed to a Reformationâ—ithout the approbation of the Pope or the Church of Rome 52. 3. That the Church of England might lawfully proceed to a Reformation without the help of a General Councell or calling in the aid of the Protestant Church 62. 4. That the Church did not innovate in translating the Scriptures and the publick Liturgie in to vulgar Tongues and of the Consequents thereof to the Church it self 70. 5. That the proceedings of this Church in setting out the English Liturgie were not meerly Regal and of the power of Soveraign Princes in Ecclesiastical affaires 79. 6. That the Clergie lost not any of their just Rights by the Act of submission and that the power of calling and confirming Councels did antiently belâ—ng to the Christian Princes 86. The Errata of the First Part to be thus Corrected Pape 1. for New read Your p. 8. r. convâ—niâ—ntly p. 9. r. pâ—iviledged p. 9. r. ejection p. 11. l. 10. r. enact p. 12. l. 22. r. final p. 13. l. 16. to Phil. and Mary add yet were they all revived in the 1. of Elazabeth p. 19. l. 19. r. Sacraments p. 25. l. 17. r. not on it p 30. r. Holbeck p. 34. r. Warham p. 56. l. 11. r. four p. 58. l. 7. r. Canon Law p 63. l. 27 r. come p. 76. l. 6. dele to the Popes authority on the one side or the other side p. 72. l. 7. r. of it into the p. 84. l. 22. r. formerly p. 93. l. 23. r. continued p. 95. l. 7. r. humble p. 181. l. 1. r. we shall see hereafter p. 194. l. 6. r. one new body p. 251. l. 20. r. Nicomedia p. 254. l. 2. r. derived p. 258. l. 1. r. Sabbath p. 292. l. 10. r. hint p. 296. l. 21. r. praefantes p. 300. l. 23. r. cure p. 342. l. 3. dele Greek and The Way of the Reformation of the Church of England Declared and Justified c. The Introduction Shewing the Occasion Method and Design of the whole Discourse My dear Hierophilus 〈◊〉 company is alwaies very pleasing to me but you are never better welcome then when you bring your doubts and scruples along with you for by that means you put me to the studying of some point or other whereby I benefit my self if not profit you And I remember at the time of your last being with me you seemed much scandalized for the Church of England telling me you were well assured that her Doctrine was most true and orthodox her Government conform to the Word of God and the best ages of the Church and that her publick Liturgie was an extract of the primitive Formes nothing in all the whole Composure but what did tend to edification and increase of piety But for all this you were unsatisfied as you said in the waies and means by which this Church proceeded in her Reformation alledging that you had heard it many times objected by some Partisans of the Church of Rome that our Religion was meer Parliamentarian not regulated by Synodical Meetings or the Authority of Councels as in elder Times or as Dr. Harding said long since in his Answer unto B. Iewel That we had a Parliament Religion a Parliament Faith and a Parliament Gospel To which Scultingius and some others after added that we had none but Parliament Bishops and a Parliament Clergy that you were apt enough to think that the Papists made not all this noise without some ground for it in regard you have observed some Parliaments in these latter daies so mainly bent to catch at all occasions whereby to manifest their power in
of their money which as it doth at large appear in the Records and Acts of the Convocation so it is touched upon in a Historical way in the Antiq. Britan. Mason de Minist. Anglic. and other Authors by whom it also doth appear that what was thus concluded on by the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury was also ratified and confirmed by the Convocation of the Province of York according to the usual custom save that they did not buy their pardon at so dear a râ—te This was the Leading Card to the Game that followed For on this ground were built the Statutes prohibiting all Appeales to Rome and for determining all Ecclesiastical suits and controversies within the Kingdoms 24 H. 8. c 12. That for the manner of electing and conseâ—rating of Arch-Bishops and Bishops 25 H. 8. c. 2â— and the prohibiting the payment of all Impositions to the Court of Rome and for obtaining all such dispensations from the See of Canterbury which formerly were procured from the Popes of Rome 25. H. 8. c. 21. Which last is built expresly upon this foundations That the King is the onely supream Head of the Church of England and was so recognized by the Prelates and Clergy representing the said Church in their Convocation And on the veâ—y same foundation was the Statute raised 26 H. 8. c. 1. wherein the King is declared to be the supream Head of the Church of England and to have 〈…〉 which were annexed unto that Title as by the Act it self doth at full appear Which Act being made I speak it from the Act it self onely for corroboration and confirmation of that which had been done in the Convocation did afterwards draw on the Statute for the Tenths and first fruiâ—s as the point incident to the Headship or supream Authority â—6 H. 8. c. 3. The second step to the Ejection of the Pope was the submission of the Clergy to the said King Henry whom they had recognizanced for their supream Head And this was first concluded on in the Convocation before it was proposed or agitated in the Houses of Parliament and was commended onely to the care of the Parliament that it might have the force of a Law by a civil Sanction The whole debaâ—e with all the traverses and emergent difficulties which appeared therein are specified at large in the Records of 〈◊〉 Anno 1532. But being you have not opportunity to consult those Records I shall prove it by the Act of Parliament called commonly The Act of submission of the Clergy but bearing this Title in the Abridgment of the Statutes set out by Poulton That the Clerâ—y in their Convocations shall enact no constitutions without the Kings assent In which it is premised for granted that the Clergy of the Realm of England had not onely acknowledged according to the Truth that the Convocation of the same Clergy is alwayes hath been and ought to be assembled alwayes by the Kings Writ but also submitting themselves to the Kings Majesty had prâ—mised in verbo Saceâ—dotis That they would never from henceforth presum to attempt allcadge claim or put in ure enact promulge or execute any new Canons Constitutions Ordinances provincial or other or by whatsoever other name they shall be called in the Convocation unless the Kings most Royal Assent may to them be had to make promulge and execute the same and that his Majesty do give his most Royall Assent and Authority in that behalf Upon which ground-work of the Clergies the Parliament shortly after built this superstructure to the same effect viz. That none of the said Clergy from thenceforth should presume to attempt alleadge claâ—m or put inâ—ure any Constitutions or Ordinances Provincial or Synodals or any other Canons nor shall enact promulge or execute any such Canonâ— Constitutions or Ordinances Provincâ—sâ— by whatsoever name or names they may be called in their Convocations in time coming which alwayes shall be assembled by the Kings Writ unless the same Clergy may have the Kings in st Royal Assent and Licence to make promulge and execute such Canons Constitutions and Ordinances Provincial or Synodical upon pain of every one of the said Clergy doing the contrary to this Act and thereof convicted to suffer imprisonment and make fine at the Kings Will 25 H. 8. c. 19. So that the statute in effect is no more then this an Act to binde the Clergy to perform their promise to keep them fast unto their word for the time to come that no new Canon should be made in the times succeeding in the favour of the Pope or by his Authority or to the diminution of the Kings Râ—yal Preâ—ogative or contrary to the Iuwes and statutes of this Realm of England at many Papal Constitutions were in the former Ages Which statute I desire you to take notice of because it is the Rule and Measure of the Churches power in making Canons Constitutions or whatsoever else you shall please to call them in their Convocations The third and small Act conducing to the Popes Ejection was an Act of Parliament 28. H. 8. c. 10. entitâ—led An Act exâ—inguishing the 〈◊〉 of the Bishop of Rome By which it was enacted That if any person should extoll the Authority of the Bishop of Rome he should incur the penalty of a praeminire that every Officer both Ecclesiastical and Lay should be sworn to renounce the said Bishop and his Authority and to resist it to his power and to repute any Oath formerly taken in maintenance of the said Bishop or his Authority to be void and finally that the refusal of the said Oath should bejudged High Treason But this was also usher'd in by the determination first and after by the practice of all the Clergy For in the year 1534 which was two yeares before the passing of this Act the King had sent this Proposition to be agitated in both Vniversities and in the greatest and most famous Monasteries of the kingdom that is to say 〈…〉 Romans dejure competat plusquam alii cujamque Episcoâ—o extero By whom it was determined Negatively that the Bishop of Rome had no more power of right in the Kingdom of England than any other forreign Bishop Which being testified and returned under the hands and seales respectively the Originals whereof are still remaining in the Library of Sr Robert Cotton was a good preamble to the Bishops and the rest of the Clergy assembled in their Convocation to conclude the like And so accordingly they did and made an Instrument thereof subscribed by the hands of all the Bishops and others of the Clergy and afterwards confirmed the same by their corporal Oaths The copies of which Oaths and Instrument you shal finde in Foxes Acts and Monuments Vol. 2. fol. 1203. and fol. 1210 1211. of the Edition of Iohn Day Anno 1570. And this was semblably the ground of a following statute 35 H. 8. c. 1. wherein another Oath was devised and ratified to be imposed upon the Subject for
hands was by them presented to the King by His most excellent judgment to be allowed of or condemned This book containing the chief heads of Christian Religion was forthwith printed and exposed to publike view But some things not being cleerly explicated or otherwise subject to exception he caused it to be reviewed and to that end as Supream Head on Earth of the Church of England I speak the very words of the Act of Parl. 32. H. 8. c. 26. appointed the Archbishops and Bishops of both Provinces and also a great number of the best learned honestest and most vertuous sort of the Doctors of Divinity men of discretion judgment and good disposition to be called together to the intent that according to the very Gospel and Law of God without any partial respect or affection to the Papistical sort or any other sect or sects whatsoever they shâ—â—ld declare by writing publish as well the principal Articles and points of our Faith and Belief with the Declaration true understanding anâ— observation of such other expediâ—nt points as by them with his Grace advice councel and consent shall be thought needful and expedient as also for the lawful Rights Ceremonies and observation of Gods service within this Realm This was in the year 1540. at what time the Parliament was also sitting of which the King was pleased to make this especial use That whereas the work which was in hand I use again the words of the statute required ripe and mature deliberation and was not rashly to be defined and set forth and so not fit to be restrained to the present Session an Act was passed to this effect That all Determitions Declarations Decrees Definitions and Ordinances as according to Gods Word and Christs Gospel should at any time hereafter be set forth by the said Archbishops and Bishops and Doctors in Divinity now appointed or hereafter to be appointed by his Royal Majesty or else by the whole Clergy of England in and upon the matter of Christs Religion and the Christian Faith and the lawful Rights Ceremonies and Observations of the same by his Majesties advice and confirmation under the great Seal of England shall be by all his Graces subjects fully believed obeyed observed and performed to all purposes and intents upon the paines and penalties therein to be comprized as if the same had been in 〈◊〉 and 〈…〉 and fully made set forth declared and contained in the said Act 32. H. 8. c. 26. where note That the two House of Parliament were so far from â—edling in the matter which was then in hand that they did not so much as require to see the Determinations and Decrees of those learned men whom His Majesty had then assembled before they passed the present Act to bind the Subject fully to believe observe and perform the same but left it wholly to the judgment and discretion of the King and Clergy and trusted them besides with the ordaining and inflicting of such paines and penalties on disobedient and unconformable persons as to them seemed meet This ground-work laid the work went forwards in good order and at last being brought unto as much perfection as the said Arch-Bishops Bishops and other learned men would give it without the co-operation and concurrence of the Royal assent it was presented once again to the Kings consideration who very carefully perused it and altered many things with his own hand as appeares by the book it self â—â—ll extant in the famous Library of Sr Robert Cotton and having so altered and corrected it in some passages returned it to the Archbishop of Canterbury who bestowed some further paines upon it to the end that being to come forth in the Kings Name and by his Authority there might be nothing in the same which might be justly reprehended The business being in this forwardnesse the King declares in Parliament Anno 1544. being the 34 year of his Reign his zeal and care not onely to suppress all such Bookes and Writings as were noysome and pestilent and tended to the seducing of his subjects but also to ordain and establish a certain form of pure and sincere Teaching agreeable to Gods Word and the true Doctrine of the Catholick and Apostolick Church whereunto men may have recourse for the decision of some such controversies as have in Times past and yet do happen to arise And for a preparatory thereunto that so it might come forth with the greater credit he caused an Act to pass in Parliament for the abolishing of all Bookes and Writings comprizing any matters of Christian Religion contrary to that Doctrine which since the year 1540. is or any time during the Kings life shall be set forth by his Highnesse and for the punishment of all such and that too with most grievous 〈◊〉 which should preach teach maintain or defend any matter or thing contrary to the book of Doctrine which was then in readiness 34 35 H. 8. c. 1. Which done He canâ—ed the said book to be imprinted in the year next following under the Title of Anecessdry Doctrine for all sorts of people prefixing a Preface thereto in his Royal Name to all his faithful and loving Subjects that they might know the better in those dangerous Times what to believe in point of Doctrine and how they were to carry and behave themselves in points of practice Which Statute as it is the greatest Evidence which those Times afford to shew that both or either of the Houses of Parliament had any thing to do in matters which concerned Religion so it entitles them to no more if at all to any thing then that thâ—y did make way to a book of Doctrine which was before digested by the Clergy onely revised after and corrected by the Kings own hand and finally perused and perfected by the Metrâ—politan And more then so besides that being but one Swallow it can make no Summer it is acknowledged and confessed in the Act it self if Poulton understand it rightly in his Abridgment That recourse must be had to the Catholick and Apostolick Church for the decision of Controversies Which as it gives the Clergy the decisive power so it left nothing to the Houses but to assist and aid them with the Temporal Sword when the Spiritual Word could not do the deed the point thereof being blunted and the edge abated Next let us look upon the time of K. Ed. 6. and we shall finde the Articles and Doctrine of the Church excepting such as were contained in the book of Common-Prayer to be composed confirmed and setled in no other way then by the Câ—ergy onely in their Convocation the Kings Authority co-operating and concurâ—ing with them For in the Synod held in London Anno 1552. the Clergy did compose and agree upon a book of Articles containing the chief heads of the Christian Faith especially with reference to such points of Controversie as were in difference between the Reformators of the Church of England and the Church of Rome
whatsoever Unlesse he meanes upon the post-fact after the Church hath done her part in determining what was true what false what new what ancient and finally what Doctrines might be counted counterfeit and what sincere And as for Law 't is true indeed that by the Statute 1 Eliz. cap. 1. The Court of Parliament hath power to determine and judge of Heresie which at first sight seems somewhat strange but on the second view you will easily finde that this relates onely to new and emergent Heresies not formerly declared for such in any of the first four General Councels nor in any other General Councel adjudging by express words of holy Scripture as also that in such new Heresies the following words restrain this power to the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation as being best able to instruct the Parliament what they are to do and where they are to make use of the secular sword for cutting off a desperate Hâ—retick from the Church of CHRIST or rather from the body of all Christian people 5 Of the Reformation of the church of England in the Formes of Worship and the Times appointed thereunto THis rub removed we now proceed unto a view of such Formes of Worship as have been setled in this Church since the first dawning of the day of Reformation in which our Parliaments have indeed done somewhat though it be not much The first point which was altered in the publike Liturgies was that the Creed the Pater-â—â—ster and the Ten Commandements were ordered to be said in the English Tongue to the intent the people might be perfect in them and learn them without book as our phrase is The next the setting forth and using of the English Letany on such dayes and times in which it was accustomably to be read as a part of the service But neither of these two was done by Parliament nay to say truth the Parliament did nothing in them All which was done in either of them was onely by the Kings Authority by vertue of the Headship or Supremacy which by way of recognition was vested in him by the Clergy either co-operating and concurring with them in their Convocations or else directed and assisted by such learned Prelates with whom he did advise in matters which concerned the Church and did relate to Reformation By vertue of which Headship or Supremacy he ordained the first and to that end caused certain Articles or Injunctions to be published by the Lord Cromwel then his Vicar General Anno 1536. And by the same did he give order for the second I mean for the saying of the Letany in the English Tongue by his own Royal Proclamation Anno 1545. For which consult the Acts and Monuments fol. 1248 1312. But these were only preparations to a greater work which was reserved unto the times of K. Edw. 6. In the beginning of whose Reign there passed a statute for the administring the Sacrament in both kindes to any person that should devoutly and humbly desire the same 1. E. 6. c. 1. In which it is to be observed that though the statute do declare that the ministring of the same in both kinds to the people was more agreeable to the first Iâ—stitution of the said Sacrament and to the common usage of the primitive Times Yet Mr. Fâ—x assures us and we may take his word that they did build that Declaration and consequently the Act which was raised upon it upon the judgment and opinion of the best learned men whose resolution and advice they followed in it fol. 1489. And for the Form by which the said most blessed Sacrament was to be delivered to the common people it was commended to the care of the most grave and learned Bishops and others assembled by the King at His Câ—stle of Windsor who upon long wise learned and deliberate advice did finally agree saith Fox upon one godly and uniform Order for receiving of the same according to the right rule of Scriptures and the first use of the primitive Church fol. 1491. Which Order as it was set forth in print Anno 1548. with a Proclamation in the name of the King to give authority thereunto amongst the people so was it recommended by especial Letters 〈◊〉 unto every Bishop severally from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution A copy of which Letters you may finde in Fox fol. 1491. as afore is said Hitherto nothing done by Parliament in the Formes of Worship but in the following year there was For the Protector and the rest of the Kings Councel being fully bent for a Reformation thought it expedient that one uniform quiet and godly Order should be had thoroughout the Realm for Officiating Gods divine Service And to that end I use the words of the Act it self appointed the Archbishop of Canterbury and certain of the most learned and discreet Bishops and other learned men of the Realm to meet together requiring them that having aswel eye and respect to the most pure and sincere Christian Religion taught in Scriptures as to the usages in the Primitive Church they should draw and make one convenient and meet Oâ—der â—ite and fashion of Common Prayer and Administration of Sacraments to be had and used in this his Majesties Realm of England Well what did they being thus assembled that the Statute tels us Where it is said that by the aid of the Holy Ghost I pray you mark this well and with one uniform agreement they did conclude upon and set forth an Order which they delivered to the Kings Higness in a Book entituled The Book of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments and other â—ites and Ceremonies of the Church after the use of the Church of England All this was done before the Parliament did any thing But what was done by them at last Why first considering the most godly travail of the Kings Highness and the Lord Protector and others of his Highness Councel in gathering together the said B. and learned men Secondly the Godly prayers Orders Rites and Ceremonies in the said Book mentioned Thirdly the motives and inducements which inclined the aforesaid learned men to alter those things which were altered and to retain those things which were retained And finally taking into consideration the honour of God and the great quietness which by the grace of God would ensue upon it they gave his Majesty most hearty and lowely thanks for the same and most humbly prayed him that it might be ordained by his Majesty with the assent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament and by authority of the same that the said Form of Common-prayer and another after the Feast of Pentecost next following should be used in all his Majesties Dominions with several penalties to such as either should deprave or neglect the same 2. and 3. E. 6. cap. 1. So farre the very words of the Act it self By which it evidently appeareth that the two Houses of Parliament did nothing
them which being agreed on by the Clâ—rgie and by them presented to the King humbly requiring him to give his royal asâ—ent unto them according to the Statute made in the 25 of K. H. 8 and by his Majesties Prerogative and Supream authority in Ecclesiastical causes to ratifie and confirm the same his Majesty was graciously pleased to confirm and ratifie them by his Letters Patents for himself his heirs and lawfull successours straightly commanding and requiring all his loving Subjâ—cts diligâ—ntly to observe execute and keep the same in all points wherein they do or may concern all or any of them No running to the Parliament to confirm these Canons nor any question made till this present by temperate and knowing men that there wanted any act for their confirmation which the law could give them 7. An Answer to the main Objections of either Party BUt against this all which hath been said before it will be objected â—hat being the Bishops of the Church are fully and wholly Parliamentarian and have no more authority and jurisdiction nisi a Parliamentis derivatum but that which is conâ—erred upon them by the power of Parliamâ—nts as both Sanders and Schultingius do expresly say whatsoever they shall do oâ— conclude upon either in Convocation or in more private conferences may be called Pâ—rliâ—menâ—arian also And this last calumny they build on the sevâ—ral Stâ—tutes 24. H 8. c. 12. touching the manner of eâ—ecting and consecrating Arch-Bishops and Bishops that of the 1 E. 6. c. 2. appointing how they shall be chosen and what seaâ—s they shaâ—l uâ—e thâ—se of 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. 5 6. E. 6. â—or authorizing of the book of Ordination But châ—â—fly that of the 8 Eliz. c. 1. for making good all Acts since 1 Eliz. in coâ—sâ—crating any Arch Bishop or Bishop within this Reaâ—m â—o give a general answer to each several cavil you may please to know that the Bishops as they now stand in the Church of England derive their calling together with their authority and power in Spiritual matâ—ers from no other hands then those of Christ and his Apostles their Temporal honors and posâ—â—â—â—ions from the bounty and affection onely of our Kings Princes their Ecclesiastical juriâ—diction in caâ—ses Matrimonial Testamentary and the like for which no action lieth at the common Law from continuall usage and prescription and ratified and continued unto them in the Magna Charta of this Realm and 〈◊〉 more unto the Parliament than all sort of subjects do besidâ—s whose fortunes and estates have been occasionally and collaterally confirmed in Parliament And as for the particular Statutes which are touched upon that of the 24 H. 8. doâ—h only constitute and ordain a way by which they might be chose and conâ—ecrated without recourse to Rome for a conâ—irmation which formerly had put the Prâ—lates to great charge and trouble but for the form and maâ—ner of their consecration the Staâ—uâ—e leaves it to those Rites and Ceremonies wherewith before it was perfoâ—â—ed and therefore Sanders doth not stick to affirm that all the Bishops which were made in King Henries days were lawfully and Canonically ordained and consâ—crated the Bishops of that time not onâ—ly being acknowledged in Queen Maries days for lawfull and Canonical Bishops but called on to assist at the consecration of such other Bishops Carâ—inal Pool himself for one as were promoted in her Reign whereof see Masons book de Minist. Ang. l. c. 〈◊〉 Next for the Statute 1 E. 6. cap. 2. besides that it is satisfied in part by the former Answer as it relates to their Canonâ—cal Consecrations it was repeaeld to Tâ—rminis in the first of Queene Maries Reigne and never stood in â—orce nor practise to this day That of the authorizing of the booke of Ordination in two severall Parliaments of that King the one a parte ante and the other a parte post as before I told you mâ—ght indeed seeme somewhat to the purpose if any thing were wanâ—ing in it which had beene used iâ— the formula's of the Primitive times or if the book had beâ—n composed in Paâ—liament or by Parliament men or otherwise received more authority from them then that iâ— might be lawfully used and exercâ—sed thâ—oughouâ— the Kingdome But it is plâ—in that none of these things were oâ—jected 〈◊〉 Queen Maries dayâ—â— when the Pâ—pists stood mâ—st upon their points 〈◊〉 Ordinal being not â—aâ—led in because it had too much of the Parliament buâ— becauâ—e it had too lâ—ttle of the Pope and reâ—shâ—d too strongly of the Pâ—imitive piety And for the Sâ—atute oâ— 8 of Qu. Elizâ—beth which is chiefly stood on all that was done therein was no more then thiâ— and on this occasion A question had been mâ—de by captiouâ— and unquiet men and amongst the rest by Doctor Bâ—nner sometimes Bishop of London whether the Bishops of those times were lawâ—ully ordained or not the reason of the doubâ— being this which I marvell Mason did not sâ—e because the â—ook of Ordination which was annulled and abâ—ogated in the 〈◊〉 of Queen Mary had not been yet restored and revived by any legal Act oâ— Qu. Elizabeths time which Cauâ—e being brought before the Pâ—rliamenâ— in the 8 year of her Reign thâ—Pâ—rliâ—ment took notice first that their not restoring of thaâ— booke 〈…〉 foâ—mer power in terâ—s significant and expresse was but 〈…〉 and then declare that by the Stature 5 and 6 E. 6. it had been 〈◊〉 to the book of Common-prâ—yer and Administration of the Sacramâ—nss as a member of it at least as an Appâ—â—dant to it and therefore by the Staâ—uâ—e 1 Eliz. c. â— was restored again together with the sâ—id boo◠〈◊〉 Common-prayer intentionally at the least if not in Terminis But 〈…〉 words in the said Statute were not clear enough to remove all doubâ—s they therefore did revive now and did accordingly enact That whatsoâ—veâ— had been done by vertue of that Ordination should be good in Law 〈…〉 the total of the Statute and this shews rather in my judgement thaâ— the Bishops of the Queens first times had too little of the Parliament in them then that they were conceived to have had too much And so I come to your laâ—t Objection which concerns the Parliament whose entertaining all occasions to manifest their power in Ecclesiasticall matâ—â—â—â— doth seeme to you to make that groundlesse slâ—nder of the Pâ—pists the more fair and plaâ—sible 'T is true indeed that many Members of both Houses in these latter Times have been â—een very ready to embrace all businesses which are offered to them out of a probable hope of drawing the managery of all Affairs as well Ecclesiastical as Civil into their own hands And some there are who being they cannot hope to have their fancies authorized in a regular way do put them upon such designs as neither can consist with the nature of Parliaments nor the authority of the King nor with the priviledges of the Clergy nor to say truth with
as an Excâ—escence at the best in the body mystical subject and fit to be pared off as occasion served though on self-ends Reasons of State and to serve their several turnâ— by him as their needs required they did and do permit him to continue in his former greatnesse For Lewis the 11. King of France in a Councel of his own Bishops held at Lions cited Pope Iulius the 2. to appear before him and Laâ—strech Governour of Millaine under Francis the 1. conceived the Popes authority to be so unnecessary yea even in Italy it self that taking a displeasure against Leo the 10. he outed him of all his jurisdiction within that Dukedome anno 1528. and so disposed of all Ecclesiasticall affairs ut praefecto sacris Bigorrano Episcâ—po omnia sine Romani Pontificis autoritate adminâ—strarentur as Thuanuâ— hath it that the Church there was supremely governed by the Bishop of Bigorre a Bishop of the Church of France without the intermedling of the Pope at all The like we finde to have been done about six years after by Charleâ— the fift Emperor and King of Spain who being no lesse displeased with Pope Clement the 7. abolished the Papall power and jurisdiction out of all the Churches of his Kingdomes in Spain Which though it held but for a while till the breach was closed yet left he an example by it as my Aâ—thor noteth Ecclesiasticam disciplinam citra Romani nominis autoritatem posse conservari that there was no necessity of a Pope at all And when K Henry the 8. following these examples had banished the Popes authority out of his Dominions Religion still remaâ—ning here as before it did he Popeâ—Supremacy not being at that time an Article of the Christian Faith as it haâ—h since been made by Pope Pius the 4. that Act of his was much commended by most knowing men in that without more alteration in the face of the Church Romanae sedis exuisset obsequium saith the Author of the Tridentine History he had â—reed himself and all his subjects from so great a Vassaâ—lage Now as K. Henry the 8. was not the first Christian Pâ—ince who did de facto abrogate the Popes authority so was he not the last that thought it might be abrogated if occasion were For to say nothing of King Edward the 6. and Queen Elizabeth two of hiâ— Successoâ—s who followed his example in it we finde it to have been resolved on by K. Henry the 4. of France who questionlesse had made the Archbishop of Bouâ—ges the Patriarch of the Gallicane Church and totally withâ—rawn it from acknowledging of the authority of the See of Rome had not Pope Clement the 8. much against his will by the continual solicitations of Cardinal D' Ossat admittâ—d him to a formal Reconciliation on his last falling off to popery How neeâ— the Signeury of Venice was to have done the like anno 1608. the History of the Interdict or of the Quarrelâ— betwixt that State and Pope Paul the 5. doth most plainly shew This makes it evident that in the judgement and esteem of most Christian Pâ—inces in other things of the Religion of the Church of Rome the Popes Supremacy was looked upon as an incroachment and therefore might be abrogated upon betâ—â—◠〈…〉 been admitted in their several Kingdomeâ— By consâ—quence the doing of it here in England neither so injurious or unjust as your Zelots make it 2. That the Church of England might proceed to a Reformation without the Approbation of the Popâ— or Church of Rome But here you say it will be replied that though the Pope 〈◊〉 not conâ—idâ—reâ— aâ— the 〈…〉 of the Church with reference wherâ—unto his super eminent jurisdiction was disputed in the former times yet it cannot be denied with reason but that he is the Patriarch of these Wâ—stern Churches and the Apostle in particular of the English Nation In these respects no Reformation of the Church to be made without him especially considering that the Church of England at that time was a Member of the Church of Rome and therefore to act nothing in that kinde but by consent of the whole according to that known Maxim of the Schools Turpis est pars ea quâ—e toti suâ— non cohaereâ—t This though it be a Triple Cord will be easily broken For first the Pâ—pe is not the Patriarch of the West One of the Patriâ—â—â—â— of the Wâ—st we shall easily grant him but that he is the Patriarch we will by no means yeeld To tell you why we dare not yeeld it I must put you in minde of these particulars 1. That all Bishops in respect of their Office or Episcopality are of equall power whether they be of Rome or Rhegium of Constantinople or Engubium of Alexaâ—dria or of Tanais as S. Hierom hath it Potnâ—ia divitiarum paupertatis humilitas vel sublimiorem vel inâ—eriorem â—piscopum non faciâ— A plentiful Revenue and a sorry Competency makes not saith he one Bishop higher then another in regard of his office though possibly of more esteem and reputation in the eyes of men 2. That in respect to Polity and external order the Bishops antienâ—ly were disposed of into Sub et supra according to the Platform of the Roman Empire agreeable to the good old Rule which we finde mentioned though not made in the general Councel of Chalcâ—don that is to say {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} c. The 〈…〉 Civil State 3. That the Româ—n Empire was divided anâ—iently into 14 Juridical Circuitâ— which they called Diocesses reckoning the Praefecture oâ—Rome for one of the number six of the which that is to say the Diocessâ—s of Italie Africk Spain Britain Gaul and Illyricum occidentale besides the Pâ—aefecture of the City were under the command of the Western Emperoâ—s after the Empire was divided into East and West 4. That in the Pâ—aefecture of the City of Rome were contained no more than the Provinces of Latium Tuscia Picenum 〈…〉 and Lucania in the main land of Italy tâ—gether with the Islands of Sicilie Corsica and Sardinia 5. That every Province having sâ—veral Cities there was agreeable to this model a Bishop placâ—d in every City a Metropolitan in the chief City of each Province who had a superintendence over all the Bishops and in each Diocesse a Primate ruling in chief over the Metropolitans of the several Provinces And 6. though at fiâ—st only the three Primates or Arch-bishops of Rome Antioch and Alâ—xandria commonly and in vulgar speech had the name of Patriarchs by reason of the wealth and greatnâ—sse of those Cities the greatest of the Roman Eâ—pire and the chief of Europe Asia and Africa to which the Bishops of Hierusalem and 〈◊〉 were after added yet were they all of â—qual power amâ—ng themselveâ— and shined with as full a splendor in their proper Orbes as any of the Popes then did in the Sphere of Rome receiving all their light from the Sun of righteousnesse not borrowing it
from one another for which the so much celebrated Canon of the Nâ—cene Councel may may be proâ—f suâ—â—icient If not the Edicts of Iusâ—inian shall come in to help by which it was decreed that all Appeals in point of grievance should lie from the Bishop to the Metropolitan and from the Metropolitans unto the Primates the Patriarchs as he cals them of the several Diocessâ—s By which accompt it doth appear that the Patriarchâ—te of Rome was anâ—iently confined within the Praefecture of that City in which respect as the Provinces subject to the Pope were by Ruffinus called Regiones Suburbicariae or the City Provinces so was the Pope himself called Vrbicus or the City-Bishop by Optatus Aâ—er To prove this point more plâ—inly by particular instances I shall take leave to travel over the Western Diocesses to seâ— what marks of Independence we can finde among them such as dissenting in opinion from the Church of Rome or adhering unto different ceremonies and formes of worship or otherwise standing in defence of their own authority And first the Diocesse of Italy though under the Popes nose as we use to say was under the command of the Archbishop of Millaine as the Primate of it which City is therefore called by Athanasius {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the Metropolis or chief City oâ—Italy The Saturdaies fast observed at Rome and not at Millaine Quando Romae sum jejuno Sabbato quum hic sum non jejuno Sabbato as S. Ambrose hath it shewes clearly that the one had no dâ—pendence upon the other And yet the diffâ—rence of Divine Offices or Formes of worship is a more pregnant proof then this the Churches of Millain officiating for many ages by a Liturgie which S. Ambrose had a special hand in they of the Patriarchate of Rome following the old Roman Missals not fully finished and compleated till the time of Pope Gregory Whence the distinction of Ecclesiae Ambrosianae Ecclesiae Gregorianae extant in Bonaventure and others of the writers of the later times Crosse we the Seas unto the Diocesse of Africk governed in chief by the Pâ—imate or Archbishop of Carthage and there we finde S. Cyprian determining against Pope Stephen in the then controverted case of Rebaptization and calling him in his Epistle of Pompeius an obstinate and presumptuous man and a fauter of Hereticks no very great tokens of subjection if you mark it well The error of his judgement in the point debated I regard not here but I am sure that in defence of his authority and jurisdiction he was right enough and therein strongly seconded by the African Church opposing the incroachments of Zosimus Boniface and Celestine succeeding one another in the Roman Patrâ—archaâ—e prohibiting all appeals to Rome in the Councels of Milevis and Carthage and finally â—xcommunicating Lupicinus for appealing to Pope Leo the first contrary to the rites and liberties of the African Church Next for the Diocesse of Spain I look upon the Musarabick Liturgie composed by Isidore Archbishop of Sevil and universally received in all the Churches of that Continent 〈…〉 as the Amâ—rosian Office was in the Church of Mâ—llain the Roman or Gregorian Missal not being used in all this Countrey till the year 1083. At which time one Bernard a Frenchman and a great stickler in behalf of the Roman Ceremonies being made Archbishop of Toledo by practising with Alfonso the then King of Castile first introduced the Roman Missall into some of the Churches of that City and after by degrees into all the rest of those Kingdomes soon after the Chuâ—ches of France the greatest and most noble part of the Gallick Diocesse they were originally under the authority of the Bishop of Lions as their proper Primate not owing any suiâ— of sâ—rvice to the Court of Rome but standing on their own Basis and acting all 〈…〉 did The freedome wherewith Iâ—enaeuâ— the renowned 〈◊〉 of that City reproved the rashnesse of Pope Victor in the Case of Easter not well becoming an inferiâ—r Bishop to the Supreme Pastor shewes plainly that they stood on even ground and had no advantage of each other in respect of sub supra as Logicians say notwithstanding that more powerful Principality potentior principalitas as the Latin hath it which Irenaeus did allow him over those at home But a more evident proof of this there can hardly be then those large libâ—rties and freedomes which the Church Gallican doth at this time enjoy the remainders past all doubt of those antient rights which under their own Patriarch they were first possessed of not suffering the Decrees of the Councel of Trent that great supporter of the Popâ—dome to take place amongst them but as insensiâ—ly and by the practises of some Bishopâ— they were introduced cuâ—bing the Popes exorbitant power by the pragmatick Sanction and by the frequent Judgements and Arrests of Parliament insomuch â—s a Book of Cardinal 〈◊〉 tending to the advancement of the Papall Monarchy and another writ by Becanus the Iesuiteâ—ntiâ—uled Controvâ—rsia Anglicana in maintenance of the Popes supremacy weâ—e suppâ—essed and cenâ—uâ—ed anno 1612. Another writ by â—aspâ—r Schioppius to the same effect but with â—ar lesse modesty being at the same time burnt by the hands of the Hangman Finally for the Churches of the Diocesse of Britain those of Illyricum lying too far off to be brought in here they had their own Primate also the Archbishop of York and under him two Metropolitâ—nâ— the Bishops of London and Caer-leon And for a character of their Freedome or self subsistence they had four different customes from the Church of Rome as in the Tonsure and the keeping of the Feast of Easter wherein they followed the Tradition of the Eastern Churches So firm withall in their obedience to their own Primate the Archbishop of Caâ—r-leon on Vsh the only Archbishop of three which before they had that they would by no means yeeld subâ—ection unto Augustine the Monk the first Archbishop of the English though he came armed amongst them with the Popes authority Nor would they afterwards submit unto his successors though backed by the authority of the Kings of England acknowledging no other Primate but the Bishop of St. Davids to which the Metropolitan See was then translated untill the time of Henry the 2. when the greatest part of South Wales and the City of S. Davids it self was in possession of the English These were the Patriarchs or Primates of the Western Churches and by these Primates the Church was either governed singly but withall supremely in their several Diocesses taking the word Diocese in the former notion or in conjunction each with other by their letters of advice and intercourse which they called Literas Formatas and Communicatorias You see by this that though the Pope was one of the Western Patriarchs yet was he not originally and by primitive Instiâ—ution either the Patriarch of the West that is to say not the only one nor could pretend
but two Priests appeared at all and those as Legatâ— from the Pope not authorised to represent the Italian Churches so that of 318 Bishops which were there assembled there were but twelve in all besides the Lâ—gats of the Pâ—pe for the Western Churches too great a disproporâ—ion to entitle it 〈◊〉 the name of General And yet this was more General then the rest that followed there being no Bishops of the Wâ—st at all in the second and third but the Popes themselves and in the 4 none but the Legats of the Pâ—pe to supply his place So that â—hese 〈◊〉 were called General not that they were so in themsâ—lves but that there was a greaâ—eâ— câ—ncâ—urse to them frâ—m the nâ—â—ghbouring Provinces then was oâ— had bâ—en to somâ— oâ—â—ers on the like occasions Which if it be enough to 〈◊〉 a General 〈◊〉 I sâ—e no 〈…〉 callâ—d so too summoned in the case of 〈…〉 the Patriarch at that time of that â—amous City For the condemning of whose Heresie there conveenâ—d not the Bishops of that Province only but the Paâ—riaâ—ch oâ—Hiâ—rusâ—lem the Bishâ—p of Caesarea in Palestine Bâ—zra in Arabia Tarsus in Ciliâ—â—a Caesarea in Cappadocia of Iconium in Lyâ—aâ—niâ— oâ—Neo-Caesareâ— in Pontus besides many others from all places of the 〈◊〉 rank and quâ—lity but of lesser fame not â—o say any thing 〈◊〉 Dionysius Pâ—triarch of Alexandâ—ia 〈◊〉 buâ— not 〈◊〉 in regard of sicknesse which dâ—fâ—ct he recompensâ—d 〈…〉 and intâ—rcourse or of Dionâ—sius Pope oâ—Rome so 〈◊〉 by the Puritan or 〈…〉 that he could not shine So that if the present of two of the fouâ— Patâ—iarchs and the inviâ—ing of the others with the Bishops of so many distant Nâ—tions as were there assembled â—uffice to make a General Councel the Councel of Antioch might as well havâ— the name of General as almost any of the rest which are so entituled But laying by thâ—se thoughts as too strong of thâ—Paradox and looking on a General Councel in the common notiâ—n â—or an Assembly of the Prelates of the East and West â—o which the four Patriarchs are invited and from which no Bishop is excluded that comes commissionated and instructed to atâ—â—nd the 〈◊〉 I cannot think them of such coâ—sequence to the Church of God but that it may proceed without them to a Reformation For certainly that saying of S. Auguâ—tine in his 4. Book against the two Epistles of the Pelagians cap. 12. is â—xceeding true Paucas fuisse haereses ad quas superandas necessarium fuerit Concilium plenarium occidentis orientis that very few Heresies have been crushed in such General Câ—uncels And so far we may say with the learned Cardinal that for seven Heresies suppressed in seven General Councelâ— though by hiâ— leave the seventh did not so much suppress as advance an Heresie an hundred have been quashed in National and Provincial Synods whether confirmed or not confirmed by the Pâ—pes authority we regard not here Some instances hereâ—f in the Synods of Aquileia Carthage Gangra Milevis we have seen before and might adde many others now did we think it necessary The Church had been in ill condition if it had been otherwise especially under the power of Heathen Emperors when such a confluence of the Prelates from all parts of the world would have been construed a Conspiracie against the State and drawn destruction on the Church and the Persons both Or granting that they might assemble without any such danger yet being great bodies moving slâ—wly and not without long time and many difficulties and disputes to be rightly constituted the Church would suffer more under such delay by the spreading of Heresie then receive benefit by their care to suppress the same Had the same course been taken at Alexandria for suppressing Arius as was before at Antioch for condemning Paulus we never had heard newes of the Councel of Nice the calling and assembling whereof took up so long time that Arianism was diffused over all the world before the Fathers met together and could not be suppressâ—d though it were condemned in many ages following after The plague of Heresie and leprosie of sin would quickly over-run the whole face of the Church if capable of no other cure then a General Councel The case of Arius and the universal spreading of his Heresie compared with the quick rooting out of so many others makes this clear enough To go a little further yet we will suppose a General Councel to be the best and safest Physick that the Church can take on all occasions of Epidemical distemper but then we must suppose it at such times and in such casâ—s only when it may conveniently be had For where it is not to be had or not had conveniently it will either prove to be no Physick or not worth the taking But so it was that at the time of the Reformation a General Councel could not conveniently be assembled and more then so it was impossible that any such Councel should assemble I mean a General Councel rightly called and constituted according to the Rulâ—â— laid down by our Controversors For first they say it must be called by such as have power to do it 2. That it must be intimated to all Christian Churches that so no Church nor people may plead ignorance of it 3. The Pope and the four chief Patriarchs must be present at it either in person or by Proxie And lastly that no Bishop is to be excluded if he be known to be a Bishop and not excommunicated According to which Rules it was impossible I say that any General Councel should be assembled at the time of the Reformation of the Church of England It was not then as when the greatest part of the Christian world waâ— under the command of the Roman Emperors whose Edict for a Genâ—ral Councelâ—ighâ— speedily be posted over all the Provinces The Messengers who should now be sent on such an errand unto the Countreys of the Turk the Persian the Tartarian and the great Mogul in which are many Christian Churches and more perhaps then in all the rest of the world besides would finde but sorry entertainment Nor was it then as when the four chief Patriarchs together with their Metropolitans and Suffragan Bishops were under the protection of the Christian Emperors and might without danger to themselves or unto their Churches obey the intimation and attend the service those Patriarchs with their Metropolitans and Suffragans both then and now languâ—shing under the tyranny and power of the Turk to whom so general a confluence of Christian Bishops must nâ—eds give matter of suspicion of just fears and jealousies and therefore not to be permitted as far as he can possibly hindâ—r it on good Reason of State For who knowes better theâ— themselveâ— how long and dangerous a war was raised against their Predecessors by the Western Christians for recovery of the Holy Land on a resolution taken up at the Councel of Cleâ—mont and that â—â—â—ing war against the Turks is
still â—steemed a cause sufficient â—or a General Councel And then besides it would be known by whom this General Councel was to be assemblâ—d if by the Pope as generally the Papists say he and his Court were looked on as the greatest grievance of the Christian Church and 't was not probable that he would call a Councell against himself unlesse he might have leave to pack it to govern it by his own Legats fill it with Titular Bishops of his own creating and send the Holy Ghost to them in a Clokâ—bag as he did to Trent If joyntly by all Christian Princes which is the common Tenet of the Protestant Schools what hopes could any man conceive as the times then were that they should lay aside their particulâ—r interesses to center all together upon one design or if they had agreed about it what power had they to call the Prelates of the East to attâ—nd the business or to protect them for so doing at their going home So that I look upon the hopes of a General Councel I mean a General Councel rightly called and constitâ—ted as an empty 〈◊〉 The mâ—st that was to be expected was but a meeting of some Bishops of the West of Europe and those but of 〈◊〉 party only such as were excommunicated and thâ—â— might be as many as the Pope should please being to be excluded by the Cardinals Rule Which how it may be callâ—â—â—n Oecumenial or General Councell unlesse it be a Topical Oecumenical a Particular-general as great an absurdity in Grammar as a Roman Catholick I can hardly see Which being so and so no question but it was either the Church must continue withouâ—â—eformatiâ—n or elâ—e it must be lawfull for National paâ—ticular Churches to reform themselves In such a case the Church â—ay be reformed per partes Part after part Province after Province as is said by Gerson But I do not meâ—◠〈◊〉 trouble you with this Disâ—â—â—◠〈…〉 may reform themselves by National or Provincial Counâ—â—ls 〈…〉 Church generall will not do it or that it cannot be effected by a General Councel hath been so fully proved by my Lord of Canterbury in his learned and elaborate discourse against Fisher the Iesuite thaâ— nothing can be added unto so great diligence But if it be objected as you say it is that National Councels have a power of Promulgation only not of 〈◊〉 also I answer first that this runs crosse to all the current of Antiquity in which not only National but Provincial Councels did usually determine in the poinâ—â— of Faith and these too of the greatest moment as did that of Antiâ—ch which if it were somewhat more then a National was notwithstanding never reckoned for a General Councel I answer secondly as before that for one Heresie suppressâ—d in a General Councel there have been ten at least suppressed in National and Provincial Synods wich could not be in case they had no power of Determination And thirdly That the Articles or Confession of the Church of England are only Declaratory of such Catholick Doctrines as were received of old in the Church of CHRIST not Introductory of new ones of their own devising as might be evidenced in particular were this place fit for it But what needs any proof at all when we have Confession For the Archbishop of Spalato a man as well studied in the Fathers as the best amongst them ingenuously acknowledged at the High Commission that the Articles of this Church were profitable none of them Heretical and that he would defend the honour of the Church of England against all the world And this he said at the very time of his departure when his soul was gone before to Rome and nothing but his carkasse left behinde in England The like avowed by Davenport or Franciscus a Sancta Clara call him which you will who makes the Articles of this Church rightly understood according to the literal meaning and not perverted to the ends of particular Factions to be capable of a Catholick and Orthodox sense which is as much as could be looked for from the mouth of an Adversary So much as cost one of them his life though perhaps it will be said that he died in prison and the burning of his body after his death though he endevoured to save both by a Retractation So that in thiâ— case 〈◊〉 we have omniâ— bene 〈◊〉 amisse in the proceedings of this Church with reference to the Pope or a General Councel But you will say that though we could not stay the calling of a General Councel which would have justified â—ur proceedings in the eyes of our Adversaries it had been requisite even in the way of civil Prudence to have taken the advice of the Sister-Churches especially of those which were â—ngaged at the same time in the same designs which would have addâ—d râ—putation to us in the eyes of our Friends As for the taking counsel of the Sister-Churches it hath been tâ—uchâ—d upon â—lready and thereâ—ore we shall say no more as tâ— that particular unlesse the Sister-Churches of these later timâ—â— had bâ—en like the Believers in the infancy of the Châ—istian Faith when they were all of one heart and one soul as the Scripture hath it Act. 4. their counsâ—ls had been 〈◊〉 if not destructive 'T is true indeâ—d united Councelâ— are the stronger and of greater weight and not to be neglected whâ—re they may be had but where they are not to be had we â—ust act without them And if we look into the time of our Reformation we shall finde those that were engaged in the same design divided into obstinate parties and holding the names of Luther and Zuinglius in an higher estimate then either the truth of the Opinion in which they differed or the common happinesse of the Church so disturbed between them The breath not lessened but made wider by the rise of Calvin succeeding not long after in the fame of Zuinglius besides that living under the command of several Princes and those Princeâ— driving on to their several ends it had been very difficult if not impossible to draw them unto such an Harmony of affections and consent in judgement as so gâ—eat a businesse did require So that the Church of England was necessitated in that conjuncture of affairs to proceed as it did and to act that single by it self which could not be effected by the common Councels and joynt concurrence of the others 'T is true Melanchthon was once coming over in King Henries daies but stâ—id his journey on the death of Qâ—een Anne Bullen and that he was after sent fâ—r by King Edward the sixth Regis Literiâ— in Angliam vocor as he affirms in an Epistle unto Camerarius anno 1553. But he was staid at that time also on some other occasion though had he come at that time he had come too late to have had any hand in the Reformation the Articles of the Church being passed the Liturgie reviewed and setled in
indulgence and celebrate their Liturgie in their own Language to this very day So that the wonder is the greater that those of Rome should stand so stifly in defence of the Latine Service which the common people understand not and therefore cannot knowingly and with faith say Amen unto it For though the Latine Tongue was Vulgar in a manner to those Western Nations amongst whom the Latine Service was first received and for that cause received because Vulgar to them yet when upon the inundation of the barbarous nation the Latine tongue degenerated into other Languages as in France Italy and Spain or else was quite worn out of knowledge as in Britain Belgium and some parts of the modern Germany in which before it had been commonly understood it was both consonant to piety and Christian Prudence that the Language of the common Liturgies should be altered also The people otherwise either in singing David's Psalmes or repeating any parts of the daily Office must needs be like those Romans or Italians which S. Ambrose speaks of who loved to sing Greek songs by rote as we use to say out of a meer delight which they had to the sound of the words nescientes tamen quid dicant not understanding one word which they said or sung The blame and guilt of Innovation being taken off we must next examine the effects and dangerous consequents more visibly discerned at this time in the Church of England then was or could have been believed when they were first intimated Amongst these they reckon in the first place the increase of Heresies occasioned by the mistaking of the true sense and meaning of the Holy Scripture and to that end it is said by Bellarmine that the people would not only receive no good by having the Scripture read publickly unto them in their national Languages Sed etiam caperet detrimentum but on the contrary are like to receive much hurt However acciperet facillime occasionem errandi because thereby they would most easily be led into errors which gave occasion unto some as he tels as there to call the Scripture Librum Haereticorum the Hereticks Book So he in his 2. Book and 15. chapter De verbo Dei The like saith Harding in his Answer to Bishop Iewel's Challenge Art 3. sect. 31. The Nations saith he that have ever had thei Service in the vulgar Tongue where note that some Nations never had it otherwiâ—e have continued still in Errors Schisms and certain Judaical Ceremonies c. In the next place they â—eckon this that by permitting Scripture and the publick Liturgies to be extant in the Vulgar Tongues all men would think themselves Divines and 〈◊〉 authority of the Prelates would be disesteemed So Harding in his Answer to Iewels Apologie l 5. fol. 460. that the people not content with hearing or 〈◊〉 the holy Scripture would first take upon them to be Expositors and at last to be Preachers also which in effect is that which is charged by Bellarmine And for this last the present Distempers and consusions in the Church of England out of which they suck no small advantage gives them great rejoycing as seeing their predictions so exactly verified In answer to the first we need say no more then that there have been Sects and Heresies in all times and Ages never so many as in the first ages of the Church witnesse the Catalogue of S. Augustine Philastrius and Epiphanius in which the Scripture was translated into fewer Languages then it is at the present 2. That this is no necessary effect of such Translations for we see few new Heresies started up of late in France or Germany where such Translations are allowed of but a meer possible Contingency which 〈◊〉 may be or may not be as it pleaseth God to give or to withdraw his grace from a State or Nation And 3. That as according to the Divine Rule of the Apostle we must not do a thing positively evil in hope that any good how great soever may come of it so by Analogie thereunto we must not debar the people of God from any thing positively good for fear that any contingent mischief may ensue upon it But of this I shall not say more now as being loth to travel on a common place The point hath been so canvassed by our Controversors that you may there finde Answers unto all Objections That which doth most concern me to consider of is the second consequent because it doth relate more specially then the other did to the present condition and estate of the Church of England Although the Charge be general and equally concerning all the Protestant and Reformed Churches yet the Application makes it ours as before I said and as ours properly within the compasse of my present design And though I will not take upon me to Advocate for the present distempers and confusions of this wâ—etched Church which no man can lament with a greater tendernesse or look on with more indignation then I do and I think you know it yet I must tell you that it is neither Novum crimen C. Caesar nor ante haec tempora inauditum for those of the inferiour sort to take upon them the inquiry into sacred matters to turn Expositors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the spirit of delusion moves them The people have had an itch this way iâ— all times and Ages The Satyrist thus complained of it amongst the Heathens Ecce inter pocula quaerunt Romulides satuâ—i quid dia Poemaâ—a narrant That is to say The wel-â—ed Romans in their Cups do sit And judge of things contain'd in holy Writ And the Apostle doth complain of it among the Christians where he informes us of some ignorant and unstable men which wrested some haâ—d places of S. Pauls Epistles as they also did the other Scriptures to their own destruction 2 Pet. 3. 26 and wrest them so they could not I am sure of that did they not take the liberty of expounding also Look lower to S. Basils time when learning did most flourish in the Church of CHRIST and we shall finde the Emperors Cook or the Clerk of his Kitchen at the best as busily dishing out the Scriptures as if it were no more then serving up his Masters diet from the Kitchin-hatch paid home by that good father for his over-great sawcinesse with this handsome scoffe Tuum est de pulmento cogitare non Divind decoquere that it belonged unto his office to provide good pottage for the Court not to Cook the Scriptures But this was not the folly only of this Master Cook who perhaps though better fed then taught might now and then have carried up the Chaplains Messe and having heard their learned conferences and discourses was apt enough to think himself no small fool at a joynt of Divinity That whole age was extremely tainted with the self-same pâ—â—cancy of which S. Hierome in his Epistle to Paulinus makes this sad complaint Whereas saith he all other Sciences and Trades
have their several and distinct professors Sola Scripturarum ars est quam omnes passim sibi vendicant only the Art of opening or rather of undoing a Text of Scripture as the phrase is now was usurped by all Hanc garrula anus hanc delirus senex c. The pratling Gossip and the doting Sire the windy Sophister and in a word all sorts of people do presume upon dismembring the body of the Scriptures and teaching others before they have learnt any thing that is worth the teaching Some with a supercilious look speaking big words discourse of holy Scripture amongst silly women others the more the shame learn that of women which afterwards they may teach to men and some with no small volubility of tongue and confidence teach that to others which they never understood themselves Not to say any thing of those who having a smack of humane learning and coming so prepared to handle the Holy Scriptures do with entâ—câ—ng words feed the ears of the people bearing their Auditors in hand quicquid dixerint legem Dei esse that whatsoever they deliver is the Word of God nor will vouchsafe to learn what the Prophets and Apostles do conceive of the matter but very incongruously produce some Testimoniâ—s out of holy Writ to make good their corrupt imaginations as if it were an excellent not a pernicious way of teaching to wrest the sense of holy Scripture and thereby to accommodate it to their present purposes Hath not the Father given us in this place and passage a most excellent Mirrour wherein to see the ill complexion of the present times doth not he set them forth in such likely colours as if he rather did delineate the confusions of the present Age then lament the miseries of his own May not both Factions see by this what a condition the poor Church of England is involved in by them The sight whereof although it justifie them not in their several courses as being not without example in their present practises yet it may serve to let you know that as the distractions and confusions under which we suffer are not the consequents of our translating of the Scriptures and publick Liturgies into the common vulgar Tongues so â—t is neither â—ew noâ— stranâ—e that such confusions and distractions should befall the Church 5. That the proceedings of this Church in setting out the English Liturgie were not meerly Regal and of the power of Soveraign Princes in Ecclesiastical affairs Having thus proved that nothing hath been done amisse by the Church of England with reference to Godâ— Word the testimonies of godly Fathers and the usage of the primitive times in leaving off the Latine Service and celebrating all Divine Offices in the English Tongue I am to justifie it next in order to the carrying on of that weighty businesse whether so Regular or not as we fain would have it I see you are not scrupled at the subject-matter of the Common-prayer-Book which being translated into Greek Latine French and Spanish hath found a general applause in most parts of Christendome no where so little set by as it is at home All scruples in that kinde have been already fully satisfied by our learned Hooker who hath examined it per partes and justified it in each part and particular Office But for the greater honour of it take this with you also which is alledged in the Conference of Hampton Court touching the Marquesse of Rhosny after Duke of Sally and Lord High Treasurer of France who coming Ambassador to King Iames from Henry the 4. and having seen the solemn celebration of our Service at Canteâ—bury and in his Majesties Royall Chappels did often and publickly affirm that if the Reformed Churches in France â—ad 〈◊〉 the same Orders as were here in Eâ—gland he was assured there would haâ—e been many thousand Protestants in that Kingdome more then were at that time That which you seem to stick at only is in the way and manner of proceeding in it which though you finde by perusal of the papers which I sent first unto you not to have been so Parliamentarian as the Papists made it yet still you doubt whether it were so Regular and Canonical as it might have been And this you stumble at the rather in regard that the whole Body of the Clergy in their Convocation had no hand therein either as to decree the doing of it or to approve it being done but that it was resolved on by the King or rather by the Lord Protector in the Kings Minority with some few of the Bishops by which Bishops and as small a number of learned Church-men being framed and fashioned it was allowed of by the King confirmed or imposed rather by an Act of Parliament Your question hereupon is this Whether the King for his acting it by a Protector doth not change the Case consulting with a lessâ—r part of his Bishops and Clergy and having their consent therein may conclude any thing in the way of a Reformation the residue and greatest part not advised withall nor yeelding their consent unto it in a formal way This seems to have some reference to the Scottish Liturgie for by your Letter I perceive that one of the chief of your Objectors is a Divine of that Nation and therefore it concerns me to be very punctual in my Answer to it And that my Answer may be built on the surer Ground it is to be considâ—red first whâ—ther the Reformation be in corruption of manners or abuses in Government whether in matters prâ—ctical or in points of Doctrine 2. If in matters practical whether such practise have the character of Antiquity Vniâ—ersality and Consent imprinted on it or that it be the practise of particular Churchs and of some times only And 3. if in points of Doctrine whether such points have been determined of before in a General Councel or in particular Councels universally received and countenanced or are to be defined de novo on emergent controversies And these Distiâ—ctions being laid I shall answer briefly First if the things to be reformed be either corruptions in manners or neglect of publick duties to Almighty God abuses either in Government or the parties governing the King may do it of himself by his sole authority The Clergy are beholding to him if he takes any of them along with him when he goeth about it And if the times should be so bad that either the whole body of the Clergy or any though the greatest part thereof should oppose him in it he may go forwards notwithstanding punishing such as shall gainsay him in so good a work and compelling others And thiâ— I look on as a Power annexed to the Regal Diadem and so inseparably annexed that Kings could be no longer Kings if it were denied them But hereof we have spoke already in the first of this Section and shall speak more hereof in the next that followes And on the other side if the Reformation be in points of
the year beforâ— And 't is as true that Calvin offered his assistance to Archbishop Cranmer for the reforming of this Church Si quis mei usus esset as his own words are iâ— his assistance were thought nâ—edfull to advance the work But Cranmer knew the man and refused the offer and he did very wisely in it For seeing it impossible to unite all parties it had been an imprudent thing to have closed with any I grant indeed thâ—t Martin Bucer and Pâ—ter Martyr men of great learning and esteem but of different judgements were brought over hither about the beginning of the reign of K Edward 6. the one of them being placed in Oxford the other in Cambridge but they were rather entertained as private Doctors to mâ—derate in the Chairs of those Universities then any waies made use of in the Reformation For as the â—iâ—st Liturgie which was the main key unto the work was framed and setled before either of them were come over so Bucer died before the compiling of the Book of Articles which was the accâ—mplishment thereof nor do I finde that Peter Martyr was made use of otherwise in this weighty businesse then to make thâ—t good by disputation which by the Clergy in their Synods or Convocations was agreed upon By means whereof the Church proceeding without reference to the different interesses of the neighbouring Churches kept a conformity in all such points of Government and publâ—qâ—e order with the Church of Rome in which that Church had not forsaken the clear Tract of the primitive Times retaining not only the Episcopall Government with all the concomitants and adjuncts of it which had been utterly abolished in the Zuinglian Churches and much impaired in power and jurisdiction by the Luthâ—rans also and keeping up a Liturgie or set form of worship according to the rites and usages of the primitive times which those of the 〈◊〉 congregâ—â—ioâ—s would not hearken to God certainly hâ—d so disposed it in his heavenly wisdome that so this Church without respect unto the names and Dictateâ— of particular Doctors might found its Reformation on the Prophets and Apostles only according to the Explications and Traditions of the ancient Fathers and being so founded in it self without respect to any of the differing parties might in succeeding Ages sit as Judge between thâ—m as being more inclinable by her constitution to mediate a peace amongst them then to espouse the quarrel of eiâ—her side to the Popes authority on the one side or on the other side And though Spalâ—to in the Book of his Retractations which he cals Consilium reâ—eundi objects against uâ— That besides the publick Articles and confession authorised by the Churches we had embraced some Lutheran and Calvinian Fancies multa Lutheri 〈◊〉 dogâ—ata so his own words run yet this was but the 〈◊〉 of particular men not to be charged upon the Church as maintaining either The Church is constant to her safe and her first conclusions though many private men take liberty to imbrace new Doctrines 4. That the Châ—rch did not innovate in translating the Scriptureâ— and the publick Liturgie into vulgar tongues and of the consequents thereof in the Church of England The next thing faulted as you say in the Reformation iâ— the committing so much heavenly treasure to such rotten vessels the trusting so much excellent Wine to such musty bottles I mean the versions of the Scriptures and the publick Liturgies into the usual Languages of the common people and the promiscuous liberty indulged them in it And this they charge not as an Innovation simply but as an Innovation of a dangerous consequence the sad effects whereof we now see so clearly A charge wich doth alike concern all the Prâ—testant and Reformed Churches so that I should have passed it over at the present time but that it is made ourâ— more specially in the application the sad effects which the enemy doth so much insult in being said to be more visible in the Church of England then in other placeâ— This makes it ourâ— and therefore here to be considered as the former were First then they charge it on the Church as an Innovation it being affirmed by Bellarmine in his 2. Book De verbo Dei cap. 15. whether with lesse truth or modesty it is hard to say Vniversam Ecclesiam semper his tantum linguis c. that in the Universal Church in all times foregoing the Scriptures were not commonly and publickly read in any other language but in the Hebrew Greek and Latine this is you seâ— a two-edged sword and strikes not only against all Translaâ—iâ—ns of the Scriptures into vulgar languages for commâ—n use but against reading those Translationâ— publickly 〈…〉 part oâ— the Liturgie in which are many things as the Cardinal telâ— uâ—quae secreta esse debent which are not fit to be made known to the common people This is the substance of the charge and herein we joyn issuâ— in the usual Form with Absque hoc sans ceo no such matter really the constant current of Antiquity doth affiâ—m the contrary by which it will appear most plainly that the Church did neither innovate in this act of hers nor dâ—viaâ—e therein fâ—om the Word of God or from the usage of the best and happiest times of the Church of CHRIST Not from the Word of God there 's no doubt of that which was committed unto writing that it â—ight be read and read by all that were to be directed and guided by it The Scriptures of the Old Testament fiâ—st writ in Hebrew the Vulgar language of that people and read unto them publickly on the Sabbath daiâ—s as appears clearly Act. 13. 15. 15. 21. translated afterwards by the cost and care of Ptolemy Philadelphus King of Egypt into the Greek tongue the most known and studied language of the Eâ—stern world The Nâ—w Testament first wâ—it in Grâ—ek for the self-same reason but that St. Matthew'â— Gospel iâ—â—ffirmed by some learned men to have been written in thâ—Hebrew and written to thiâ— end and purpose that men might believe tâ—â—t IESVS is the CHRIST tâ—e Son of GOD and that believing tâ—ey might have use in his Name Joh. 20. vers. ult. But being that all the Faithfull did not understand these Languages and that the light of hâ—ly Scripture might not be likened to a Candlâ— hidden under â—â—ushel it waâ— thought good by many â—odly men in the Pâ—iâ—itive timâ—s to translate the same into the â—anâ—uagâ—s of the Countreys in which thâ—â— lived or of the which thâ—â— had been Naâ—ives In which respect S Chrysostome then banished inâ—o Armenia translated the New Testament and the Pâ—alms of David into the Language of that people S. Hierom a Pannonian born translated the whole Bible into the Dalmatick tongue as Vulphilas Bishop of the Goâ—hes did into the Gâ—thick all which we finde together without fuâ—ther search in the Bibliotheque of Sixtus Senensis a learned and ingenuâ—us man but a Pontifician and
so lesse partial in this cause The like done hâ—re in England by the care of Athelstan causing a Translation of the Saxon Tongue the like done by Methodâ—us the Apostle Genâ—râ—l of the Sclaves translating it into the Sclavonian for the use of those Nations not to say any thing of the Syriack Aethiopick Arabick the Peâ—sian and Chaldaean Versions of which the times and Authors are not so well known And what I pray you is the vulgar or old Latine Edition of late times made Authentick by the Popes of Rome but a Translation of the Scriptures out of Greek and Hebrew for the insâ—ruction of the Roman and Italian Nations to whom the Latine at that time was the Vulgar Tongue And when that Tongue by reason of the breaking in of the barbarous Nations was worn out of knowledge I mean as to the common people did not God stir up Iames Archbishop of Genoa when the times were darkest that is to say annoâ—290 or theâ—eabouts to give some light to them by translating the whole Bible into the Italian the modern Lanâ—uâ—ge of that Countrey As he did Wiâ—lef not long after to translate the same into the English of those times the Saxon Tongue not being then commonly understâ—od a copy of whose Version in a fair Velom Manuscript I have now here by me by the gift of my noble Friend Charles Dymoke Hereditary Champion to the Kings of England So then it is no innovation to translate the Scriptures and lesse to suffer these Translations to be promiscuously read by all sorts of people the Scripture being as well MILK for Babes as strong Meat for the man of more able judgement Why else doth the Apostle note it as a commendâ—ble thing in Timothy that he knew the Scriptures from his childhood and why else doth S. Hierom speak it to the honour of the Lady Paula that she made her maids learn somewhat daily of the holy Scriptures Why else does Chrysostome call so earnestly on all sorts of men to provide themselves of the holy Bibles {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the only Physick for the Soul as he cals it there inviting to the reading thereof not only men of learning and publick businesse but even the poor Artificer also as is acknowledged by Senensis whom before we mentioned And why else doth S. Augustine inform his Auditors that it sufficeth not to hear the Scriptures read in the Congregation unlesse they read also in their private Hoâ—ses Assuredly if Boyes and Girles if Servants and Artificers are called upon so earnestly to consult the Scriptures tâ— have them in a Tongue intelligible to them in their private Faâ—ilies and are commended for so doing as we see they are I know no rank of men that can be excluded Let us next see whether it be an Innovation in the Church of CHRIST to have the Liâ—urgies or Commâ—n-prayers of the Chuâ—ch in the Tongue generally understood by the commâ—n People which make the greatest number of all Church Assemblies And first we finde by the Apostle not only that the publick Prayeâ—s of the Church of Câ—rinth were celebrated in a language which they understood but that it ought to be so also in all other Churches Except saith he ye utter by the voice words easie to be understood how shall it be known what is spoken How shall he that occupieth the room of the unlearned say Ameâ—to thy giving of thanks and consequently to thy Prayers also if he understand not what thou sayest 1 Cor. 14. 9. 16. What say the Papists unto this Do not both Lyra and Aquinas expresly grant in their Commentaries on this place of Scripture that the common Service of the Church in the Primitive times was in the common vulgar language Is not the like affirmed by Harding in his Answer to Bishop Iewels challenge Art 3. Sect. 28. Adding withall that it was necessary in the Primitive times that it should be so and granting that it were still better that the people had their Service in their own vulgar Tongue for their better understanding of it Sect. 33. Having thus Confitentes reos we need seek no further and yet a further search will not be unprofitable And on that search it will be found that the converted Iewes did celebrate their divinâ— Offices â—ractatus oblationes as the Father hath it most commonly in the Syriack and sometimes in the Hebrew tongue the natural â—anguages of that people as is affirmed by S. Ambrâ—se in 1. ad Cor. cap. 14. and out of him by Durand in his Râ—tiâ—nâ—le Divinorum Eckius a great stickler of the Popes affirmeth in his Common places that the Indians have their Service in the Indian tongue and that S. Hierome having translated the whole Bible into the Dâ—lmatick procured that the Service shâ—uld be celebrated in that Language also The like S. Hâ—erome himself in his Epistle to Heliodorus hath told us 〈◊〉 the Bessi a Sarmation people the like S. Basil in his Epistle to the Neâ— caesareans assures us for the Aegyptians Libyans Palestinians Phenicians Arabians Syrians and such as dwell about the Bâ—nks of the River Euphrates The Aethiopians had their Mâ—ssal the Chaldeans theirs each in the language of their Countryes which they still retain So had the Mâ—scovites of old and all the scattered Churches of the Eastern parts which they continue to this day But nothing is more memorable in this kinde then that which Aenaeas Silvius tels of the Sclavonians who being converted to the Faith made suite unto the Pope to have the publick Service in their natural Tongue but some delay being made therein by the Pope and Cardinals a voice was heard seeming to have come from Heaven praying Omnis Spiritus laudet Dominum omnis lingua conâ—iteatur ei whereupon their desires were granted without more dispute Touching which Grant there is extant an Epistle from Pope Iohn the 8. to Sfentopulcher King of the Moravian Selaves anno 888. at what time both the Latine Service and the Popes authority were generally received in those parts of Europe Which Letter of Pope Iâ—hn the 8. together with the Story above mentioned might probably be a chief inducement to Innocent the 3. to set out a Decree in the Lateran Councel importing that in all such Cities in which there was a concourse of divers Nations and consequently of different Languages as in most Towns of Trade there doth use to be the Serviâ—e should be said and Sacraments administred Secundum diversitates nationum linguarum according to the difference of their Tongues and Nations And though Pope Gregory the 7. a turbulent and violent man about 200 years afâ—er the Concession made by Iohn the S. in his Letter to Vratislaus King of Bohemia laboured the cancelling of thâ—t priviledge and possibly might prevail therein as the â—imes then were yet the Liburnians and Dalmatians two Sclavonian Nations and bordering on Italy the Popes proper seat do still enjoy the benefit of that