honorable presents And a litle afterward Upon the hearing of these newes the emperor departed with great ioy out of England whom the king honoured with many precious gifts The Voiage of the bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the sixe yeere of the reigne of Henry the fift which was the yeere of our Lord 1417. Thomas Walsing VLtimo die mensis Octobris episcopus Wintoniensis accessit ad concilium Constanciense peregrinaturus Hierosolymam post electioneÌ„ summi pontificis celebratam vbi tantum valuit elus facunda persuasio vâ— excitaret dominos Cardinales ad concordiam ad electionem summi pontificis se ocyâ—s praepararent The same in English THe last day of October the bishop of Winchester came to the Councell of Constance which after the chusing of the Pope determined to take his iourney to Ierusalem where his eloquent perswasion so much preuailed that he both perswaded my lords the Cardinals to vnity and concord and also moued them to proceed more speedily to the election of the Pope A preparation of a voyage of King Henrie the fourth to the Holy land against the infidels in the yere 1413 being the last yere of his reigne wherein he was preuented by death written by Walsingham Fabian Polydore Virgile and Holenshed IN this foureteenth and last yere of king Henries reigne a councell was holden in the White friets in London at the which among other things order was taken for ships and gallies to be builded and made ready and all other things necessary to be prouided for a voyage which he meant to make into the Holy land there to recouer the city of Ierusalem from the infidels for it grieued him to consider the great malice of Christian princes that were bent vpon a mischieuous purpose to destroy one another to the perill of their owne soules rather then to make warre against the enemies of the Christian faith as in conscience it seemed to him they were bound We finde sayeth Fabian in his Chronicle that he was taken with his last sickenesse while he was making his prayers at Saint Edwards shrine there as it were to take his leaue and so to proceede foorth on his iourney He was so suddenly and grieuously taken that such as were about him feared least he would haue died presently wherefore to relieâ—e him if it were possible they bare him into a chamber that was next at hand belonging to the Abbot of Westminster where they layd him on a pallet before the fire and vsed all remedies to reuiue him At length he recouered his speech and perceiuing himselfe in a strange place which he knew not he willed to knowe if the chamber had any particular name whereunto answere was made that it was called Ierusalem Then sayde the king Laâ—des be giuen to the father of heauen for now I knowe that I shall die here in this chamber according to the prophesie of mee declared that I should depart this life in Ierusalem Of this intended voyage Polydore Virgile writeth in manner following POst haec Henricus Rex memor nihil homini debere esse entiquius quà m ad officium iustiâ—iae quae ad hominum vellitatem perâ—inet omne suum studium conferre protinùs omisso ciuili bello quo pudebat videre Christianos omni tempore turpitèr occupari de republica Anglica benè gubernanda de bello in hostes communes sumendo de Hierosolymis tandem aliquando recipiendis plura destinabat classemque iam parabat cum ei talia agenti atque meditanti casus mortem attulit subito enim morbo tentatus nulla medicina subleuari potuit Mortuus est apud Westmonasterium annum agens quadragesimum sextum qui fuit annus salutis humanae 1413. The same in English AFterward King Henry calling to minde that nothing ought to be more highly esteemed by any man then to doe the vtmost of his indâ—uour for the performance of iustice which â—endeth to the good and benefite of mankinde altogether abandoning ciuill warre wherewith he was ashamed to see how Christians at all times were dishonourably busied cutered into a more derye consideration of well gouerning his Realme of England of waging warre against the common enemie and of recouering in processe of time the citie of Ierusalem yea and was prouiding a nauie for the same purpose whenas in the very midst of this his heroâ—call action and enterprise he was surprised with death for falling into a sudden disease he could not be cured by any kinde of phisicke He deceased at Westminster in the 46 yeare of his age which was in the yeere of our Lord 1413. A briefe relation of the siege and taking of the Citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke translated out of French into English at the motion of the Reuerend Lord Thomas Dockwray great Prior of the order of Ierusalem in England in the yeere 1524. WIlling faithfully to write and reduce in veritie Historiall the great siege cruel oppugnation and piteous taking of the noble and renowmed citie of Rhodes the key of Christendome the hope of many poore Christian men withholden in Turkie to saue and keepe them in their faith the rest and yeerely solace of noble pilgrimes of the holy supulchre of Iesu Christ and other holy places the refuge and refreshing of all Christian people hauing course of marchandise in the parties of Leuant I promise to all estates that shall see this present booke that I haue left nothing for feare of any person nor preferred it for fauour And first I shall shewe the occasions that mooued this cruell bloodshedder enemie of our holy Christian faith Sultan Soliman now being great Turke to come with a great hoste by sea and by lande to besiege and assayle the space of sixe moneths night and day the noble and mightie citie of Rhodes The yere of the incarnation of our Lord Iesu Christ 1522. The occasions why the great Turke came to besiege the Citie of Rhodes THe first and principall cause was that he did consider and sawe by experience that there was none other Towne nor place in Leuant that warred against him nor kept him in doubt but this poore rocke of Rhodes And hearing the continuall complaintes of his subiectes aswell of Syria as of Turkie for the domages and prises dayly done of their bodies and goods by Christian men of warre receiued into Rhodes And also of the shippes and gallies of the religion he tooke conclusion in himselfe that if he might put the sayde Towne in his power and subiection that then he should be peaceable lord of all the parties of Leuant and that his subiects should complaine no more to him The second that he might followe the doings of his noble predecessouâ—s and shewe himselfe very heire of the mightie and victorious lord Sultan Selim his father willing to put in execution the enterprise by him left the yeere one thousand fiue hundred twentie and one The which Selim the great Turke put in all
THE PRINCIPAL NAVIGATIONS VOYAGES TRAFFIQVES AND DISCOVEries of the English Nation made by Sea or ouer-land to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the Earth at any time within the compasse of these 1600 yeres Diuided into three seuerall Volumes according to the positions of the Regions whereunto they were directed The first Volume containeth the worthy Discoueries c. of the English toward the North and Northeast by Sea as of Lapland Scrikfinia Corelia the Baie of S. Nicolas the Isles of Colgoieue Vaigatz and Nona Zembla toward the great Riuer Ob with the mighty Empire of Russia the Caspian Sea Georgia Armenia Media Persia Boghar in Bactria and diuers kingdomes of Tartaria Together with many notable monuments and testimonies of the ancient forren trades and of the warrelike and other shipping of this Realme of England in former ages VVhereunto is annexed a briefe Commentary of the true state of Island and of the Northren Seas and lands situate that way As also the memorable defeat of the Spanish huge Armada Anno 1588. ¶ The second Volume comprehendeth the principall Nauigations Voyages Traffiques and discoueries of the English Nation made by Sea or ouer-land to the South and South-east parts of the World as well within as without the Streight of Gibraltar at any time within the compasse of these 1600. yeres Diuided into two seueral parts c. ¶ By RICHARD HAKLVYT Preacher and sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford Imprinted at London by George Bishop Ralph Newberie and Robert Barker ANNO 1599. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE MY SINGVLAR GOOD LORD THE LORD CHARLES HOVVARD Erle of Notingham Baron of Effingham Knight of the noble Order of the Garter Lord high Admirall of England Ireland and Wales c. one of her Maiesties most honourable priuie Counsell RIght Honourable and my very good Lord after I had long since published in Print many Nauigations and Discoueries of Strangers in diuers languages as well here at London as in the citie of Paris during my fiue yeeres abode in France with the woorthie Knight Sir Edward Stafford your brother in lawe her Maiesties most prudent and carefull Ambassador ligier with the French King and had waded on still farther and farther in the sweet studie of the historie of Cosmographie I began at length to conceiue that with diligent obseruation some thing might be gathered which might commend our nation for their high courage and singular actiuitie in the Search and Discouerie of the most vnknowen quarters of the world Howbeit seeing no man to step forth to vndertake the recording of so many memorable actions but euery man to folow his priuate affaires the ardent loue of my countrey deuoured all difficulties and as it were with a sharpe goad prouoked me and thrust me forward into this most troublesome and painfull action And after great charges and infinite cares after many watchings toiles and trauels and wearying out of my weake body at length I haue collected three seuerall Volumes of the English Nauigations Traffiques and Discoueries to strange remote and farre distant countreys Which worke of mine I haue not included within the compasse of things onely done in these latter dayes as though litle or nothing woorthie of memorie had bene performed in former ages but mounting aloft by the space of many hundred yeeres haue brought to light many very rare and worthy monuments which long haue lien miserably scattered in mustie corners retchlesly hidden in mistie darkenesse and were very like for the greatest part to haue bene buried in perpetuall obliuion The first Volume of this worke I haue thus for the present brought to light reseruing the other two vntill the next Spring when by Gods grace they shall come to the Presse In the meane season bethinking my selfe of some munificent and bountifull Patrone I called to mind your honorable Lordship who both in regard of my particular obligation and also in respect of the subiect and matter might iustly chalenge the Patronage thereof For first I remembred how much I was bound and how deeply indebted for my yongest brother Edmund Hackluyt to whom for the space of foure whole yeeres your Lordship committed the gouernment and instruction of that honorable yong noble man your sonne heire apparant the lord William Howard of whose high spirit and wonderful towardlinesse full many a time hath he boasted vnto me Secondly the bounden duetie which I owe to your most deare sister the lady Sheffield my singular good lady honorable mistresse admonished me to be mindfull of the renoumed familie of the Howards Thirdly when I found in the first Patent graunted by Queene Marie to the Moscouie companie that my lord your â—ather being then lord high Admirall of England was one of the first fauourers and furtherers with his purse and countenance of the strange and wonderfull Discouerie of Russia the chiefe contents of this present Volume then I remeÌ„bred the sage saying of sweet Isocrates That sonnes ought not onely to be inheriters of their fathers substance but also of their commendable vertues and honours But what speake I of your ancestors honors which to say the trueth are very great and such as our Chronicles haue notably blazoned when as your owne Heroicall actions from time to time haue shewed themselues so admirable as no antiquitie hath affoorded greater and the future times will not in haste I thinke performe the like To come to some particulars when the Emperors sister the spouse of Spaine with a Fleete of an 130. sailes stoutly and proudly passed the narow Seas your Lordship accompanied with ten ships onely of her Maiesties Nauie Roiall enuironed their Fleet in most strange and warrelike sort enforced them to stoope gallant and to vaile their bonets for the Queene of England and made them perfectly to vnderstand that olde speach of the prince of Poets Non illi imperium pelagi saeuúmque tridentem sed tibi sorte datum Yet after they had acknowledged their dutie your lordship on her Maiesties behalfe conducted her safely through our English chanell and performed all good offices of honor and humanitie to that forren Princesse At that time all England beholding your most honorable cariage of your selfe in that so weightie seruice began to cast an extraordinarie eie vpon your lordship and deeply to conceiue that singular hope which since by your most worthie wonderfull seruice your L hath more then fully satiâ—fied I meane among others that glorious triumphant and thrise-happy victory atchieued against that huge and haultie Spanish Armada which is notably described in the ende of this volume wherein being chiefe and sole Commander vnder her sacred and roiall Maiestie your noble gouernment and worthy behauior your high wisedom discretion and happinesse accompanied with the heauenly blessing of the Almightie are shewed most euidently to haue bene such as all posteritie and succeeding ages shall neuer cease to sing and resound your infinite prayse and eternall commendations As for the late renoumed expedition
would withholde from him all other gold within the earth I sawe some of those people being very deformed creatures In Tangut I saw lusly tall men but browne and smart in colour The Iugures are of a middle stature like vnto our French men Amongst the Iugures is the originall and roote of the Turkish and Comanian languages Next vnto Tebet are the people of Langa and Solanga whose messengers I saw in the Tartars court And they had brought more then ten great cartes with them euery one of which was drawen with sixe oxen They be little browne men like vnto Spaniards Also they haue iackets like vnto the vpper vestment of a deacon sauing that the sleeues are somewhat streighter And they haue miters vpon their heads like bishops But the fore part of their miter is not so hollow within as the hinder part neither is it sharpe pointed or cornered at the toppe but there hang downe certaine square flappes compacted of a kinde of strawe which is made rough and rugged with extreme heat and is so trimmed that it glittereth in the sunne beames like vnto a glasse or an helmet well burnished And about their temples they haue long bands of the foresayd matter fastened vnto their miters which houer in the wind as if two long hornes grewe out of their heads And when the winde tosseth them vp and downe too much they tie them ouer the midst of their miter from one temple to another and so they lie circle wise ouerthwart their heads Moreouer their principal messenger comming vnto the Tartars court had a table of elephants tooth about him of a cubite in length and a handfull in breadth being very smoothe And whensoeuer hee spake vnto the Emperor himselfe or vnto any other great personage hee alwayes beheld that table as if hee had found therein those things which hee spake neither did he cast his eyes to the right hand nor to the lefte nor vpon his face with whom he talked Yea going too and fro before his lord he looketh no where but only vpon his table Beyond theÌ„ as I vnderstand of a certainty there are other people called Muc hauing villages but no one particular man of them appropriating any cattell vnto himselfe Notwithstanding there are many flockes and droâ—es of cattell in their countrey no man appointed to keepe them But when any one of them standeth in neede of any beast hee ascendeth vp vnto an hill and there maketh a shout and all the cattell which are within hearing of the noyse come flocking about him and suffer themselues to be handled and taken as if they were tame And when any messenger or stranger commeth into their countrie they shut him vp into an house ministring there things necessary vnto him vntill his businesse he dispatched For if anie stranger should trauell through that countrie the cattell would flee away at the very sent of him and so would become wilde Beyond Muc is great Cathâ—ya the inhabitants whereof as I suppose were of olde time called Seres For from them are brought most excellent stuffes of silke And this people is called Seres of a certain towne in the same countrey I was crediblie informedâ— that in the said countrey there is one towne hauing walles of siluer and bulwarkes or towers of golde There be many prouinces in that land the greater part whereof are not as yet subdued vnto the Tartars And amongst * Somewhat is wanting Part of the great Charter granted by king Edward the first to the Barons of the Cinque portes in the sixt yeere of his reigne 1278. for their good seruices done vnto him by sea wherein is mention of their former ancient Charters from Edward the Confessor William the Conqueror William Rufus Henry the second king Richard the first king Iohn and Henry the third continued vnto them EDward by the grace of God king of England lord of Ireland duke of Gascoigne to all Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Earles Barons Iustices Shirifs Prouosts Officers to all Bayliffes and true subiects greeting You shall knowe that for the faithfull seruice that our Barons of the fiue Ports hitherto to our predecessors kings of England vnto vs lately in our armie of Wales haue done and for their good seruice to vs and our heires kings of England truly to be continued in time to come we haue granted by this our Charter confirmed for vs and our heires to the same our Barons and to their heires all their liberties and freedomes So that they shall be free from all toll and from all custome that is to say from all lastage tollage passage cariage riuage asponsage and from all wrecke and from all their sale carying and recarying through all our realme and dominion with socke and souke toll and theme And that they shall haue Infangthefe and that they shall be wreckefree lastagefree and louecopfree And that they shall haue Denne and Strande at great Yarmouth according as it is contayned in the ordinance by vs thereof made perpetually to bee obserued And also that they are free from all shires and hundreds so that if any person will plead against them they shall not aunswere nor pleade otherwise then they were wont to plead in the time of the lord king Henrie our great grandfather And that they shall haue their findeâ—â—es in the sea and in the land And that they be free of all their goods and of all their marchandises as our freemen And that they haue their honours in our court and their liberties throughout all the land wheresoeuer they shall come And that they shall be free for euer of all their lands which in the time of Lord Henrie the king our father they possessed that is to say in the 44. yere of his reign from all maner of summonces before our Iustices to any maner of pleadings iourneying in what shire soeuer their lands are So that they shall not be bound to come before the Iustices aforesaid except any of the same Barons doe implead any man or if any man be impleaded And that they shall not pleade in any other place except where they ought and where they were wont that is to say aâ— Shepeway And that they haue their liberties and freedomes from hencefoorth as they and their predecessors haue had them at any time better more fully and honourably in the time of the kings of England Edward William the first William the second Henrie the king our great grandfatherâ— and in the times of king Richard and king Iohn our grandfathers and lord king Henrie our father by their Charters as the same Charters which the same our Barons thereof haue and which we haue seene doe reasonably testifie And we forbid that no man vniustly trouble them nor their marchandise vpon our forfeyture of ten pounds So neuerthelesse that when the same Barons shall fayle in doing of Iustice or in receiuing of Iustice our Warden and the
hauing sent certaine of their factors and seruants with three shippes into your dominions there to exercise traffique and the sayd ships being laden in the hauen of your towne of Tonnesbergh with Herrings and other commodities to a great value and also the said mariners men and seruants of the foresayd shippes being licenced by vertue of the safe conduct which you had granted them freely to returne from your kingdome vnto the parts of England with their ships and goods aforesayd but afterward not being able to depart out of your hauen by reason of contrary windes certaine of your bayliffes vpon occasion of the slaughter of a knight being himselfe also of late your bayliffe of Vikia committed by malefactors and Pirates vpon the sea whilest the sayd shippes remained in the hauen aforesayd did at your commandement as they say arrest and for along season also deâ—eiâ—ed vnder that arrest the foresaid ships with all the men and goods that were in them namely vntill such time as the men and mariners aforesaide beeing driuen perforce and constrained thereunto should lay in sufficient securitie for the payment of fortie pounds sterling vpon a certain day appointed vnto your vse for euery of the foresaide ships and also vntill they had moreouer deliuered three pledges for the bringing of the saide ships and men backe againe into the foresaid hauen before the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn the Baptist next ensuing then and there to stand vnto your fauour and curtesie as touching the said persons and those ships of theirs which dealing the parties themselues take very grieuously yea and all others that heare thereof thinke it to be a strange and vnwonted course And because it is most vndoubtedly contrary to all reason equitie iustice and lawe that the faults or demerits of offenders should in any sort be punished in such persons or in their goods as neither haue bene accessory nor partakers in the crime nor haue had any society with the saide offenders we doe heartily intreat and request your Highnes that weighing and pondering the matter in the balance of iustice you would of your loue and friendship command the foresaid pledges to be set at libertie and the said securitie vtterly to bee released and acquited And know you this for a certaintie that if the foresaide malefactors who as it is reported slewe your Knight aforesaide shall any where within our realme and dominions be found we wil cause iustice and iudgement to bee executed vpon them according to the Lawe and custome of our sayde Realme For we cannot in these times conueniently and well indure that the ships aforesaide or any other ships of our kingdome which ought alwayes to be in a readinesse for our seruice should without speciall licence depart out of our saide kingdome vnto forreine dominions Nowe what you shall think good at this our request to performe in the premisses may it please you by the bearer of these presents to returne an answere vnto vs. Geuen at Windsore the 16. of April Another Letter of Edward the second to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants MAgnifico Principi Dom. Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegiae illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae dominus Hyberniae dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera Querelam dilectorum Mercatorum nostroâ—um Thomae de Swyn de Waynfleâ—te Simonis filij Alani de eadem recepimus continentem Quod cùm ipsi nuper quosdam seruientes suos infrà regnum vestrum pro suis ibidem exercendis mercimonijs transmisissent Thesaurarius vester bona mercimonia praedictorum Thomae Simonis ad valenciam quadraginta librarum quae seruientes praedicti in villa de Northberne in sua custodia habuerunt die Sancti Michaelis vltimò praeterita fecit absque causa rationabili arestari ea adhuc taliter arestata detinet iniustè in ipsorum Thomae Simonis damnum non modicum depauperationem manifestam Et quia eisdem mercatoribus nostris subuenire volumus quatenus suadente iustitia poterimus in hac parte vestram amicitiam requirimus cum affectu quatenus audita querela praedictorum Thomae Simonis vel ipsorum atturnatorum super restitutione bonorum mercimoniorum praedictorum impendere velitis eisdem celeris iustitiae complementum Iâ—a quod pro defectu exhibitions iustitiae super arestatione praedicta non oporteat nos pro mercatoribus nostris praedictis de alio remedio prouidere Nobis autem quid ad hanc nostram instantiam duxeritis faciendum rescribere velitis per presentium portitorem Datae vt suprà The same in English TO the mightie Prince Lord Haquinus by the grace of God the famous King of Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England Lorde of Ireland and Duke of Aquitaine greeting and sincere loue Wee receiued the complaint of our welâ—elo-Merchants Thomas de Swyn of Waynfleet and Simon the sonne of Alanus of the same towne the contents whereof are that whereas of late the saide parties sent certaine of their seruants to traffike in your kingdome your Treasurer vpon the feast of S. Michael last past without any iust or reasonable occasion caused the goods and merchandise of the foresaide Thomas and Simon to the value of fortie pound which their said seruants had vnder their custodie at the towne of Northberne to be arrested and as yet also iniuriously deteineth the same vnder the same arrest to the great damage and impouerishing of the sayd Thomas and Simon And for asmuch as our desire is to succour these our marchants so far foorth as we can Iustice requiring no lesse in this behalfe wee doe right earnestly request you that hauing hearde the complaint and supplication of the foresayde Thomas and Simon or of their Atturneyes you woulde of your loue and friendship vouchsafe them speedie administration of Iustice about the restitution of their goods and merchandise aforesaide least that for want of the exhibiting of Iustice about the foresaid arrest we be constrained to prouide some other remedie for our marchants aforesaid Our request is that you would by the bearer of these presents returne an answere vnto vs what you are determined to doe at this our instant motion Giuen as aboue A third letter of King Edward the second to Haquinus King of Norway in the behalfe of certaine English Marchants MAgnifico Principi Domino Haquino Dei gratia Regi Norwegiae illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadem Dei gratia Rex Angliae dominus Hyberniae dux Aquitaniae salutem cum dilectione sincera Pro mercatoribus nostris Lennae partium vicinarum quos Balliuus Officiarij vestri ciuitatis vestrae Bergen dudum ceperunt stricto carceri manciparunt quorum multi vt iam intelleximus propter alimentorum subtractionem duritiam ac asperitatem carceris perierunt vt ipsorum bonorum
forasmuch as the foresaid Master general and our Order do know no iust occasion wherby they haue deserued your maiesties indignation but are firmely and most vndoubtedly perswaded to finde all curtesie fauour and friendship at your Highnesse according to your wonted clemencie the said Master generall therefore maketh no doubt that al the aboue writtenâ—damages molestations being in such sort against God and iustice offred vnto his subiects by yours be altogether vnknown vnto your magnificence committed against your mind wherfore presently vpon the foresaid arrest of your marchants goods he dispatched his messengers vnto your roial maiesty Wherof one deceased by the way namely in the territory of Holland the other remained sick in those parts for a long season so that ambassage took none effect Wherfore the said master general was desirous to send vs now y e second time also vnto your Highnes We do make our humble sute therfore in the name behalf of our Master and Order aforesaid vnto your kingly supremacy that hauing God and iustice before your eies and also the dutifull and obsequious demeanor of the said master and order towards you you would vouchsafe to extend your gracious clemency for the redresse of the premisses wherby the foresaid losses may be restored and repaied vnto our subiects All which notwithstanding that it would please you of your wisedome prouidence to procure so absolute a remedy by meanes whereof in time to come such dealings and inconueniences may be auoided on both parts finally that your marchants may quietly be possessed of their goods arrested in Prussia and our marchants may be admitted vnto the possession of their commodities attached in England to conuert apply them vnto such vses as to themselues shal seem most conuenient Howbeit most gracious prince and lord we are to sollicite your Highnesse not onely about the articles to be propounded concerning the losses aforesaide but more principally for certain sinister reports and superstitious slanders wherwith certaine of your subiects not seeking for peace haue falsly informed your maiesty your most honorable discreete CouÌ„cel affirming that at the time of y e aforesaid arrest your marchants were barbarously intreated that they were cast into lothsom prisons brenched in myre and water vp to y e neck restrained from al conference and company of men and also that their meat was thrown vnto them as a bone to a dog with many other enormities which they haue most slanderously deuised concerning the master general aforesaid and his people and haue published them in these dominions vpon the occasion of which falshoods certain marchants of our parts and of other regions of Alemain who of your special beneuolence were indued with certaine priuileges and fauours in your citie of London and in other places were as malefactors apprehended and caried to prison vntil such time as the trueth was more apparant Whereupon the foresaide master generall propoundeth his humble sute vnto your maiestie that such enemies of trueth and concord your Maiesty woulde vouchsafe in such sort to chastise that they may be an example vnto others presuming to doe the like Moreouer high and mighty Prince and lord it was reported vnto our Master general that his former Legats required of your maiesty safe conduct freely to come into your highnesse Realme Which when hee heard he was exceedingly offended therat sithence vndoubtedly they did not this at his commaundement or direction We therefore humbly beseech your Grace as touching this ouersight to holde the Master generall excused because there is no need of safeconduct between so speciall friends Furthermore sundry damages and complaints of the foresaid general Master and his subiects are briefly exhibited and put downe in the billes following Also all and singular damnified persons besides other proofes were compelled to verifie their losses by their formall othes taken vpon the holy Bible Lastly we doe make our humble suite and petition vnto the prouidence and discretion of your Highnes and of your honorable Councell that concerning the premisses and all other matters propounded or to be propounded vnto your Maiesty we may obtaine a speedy answere and an effectuall end For it would redound vnto our great charges and losse to make any long delayes An agreement made by the Ambassadors of England and Prussia confirmed by king Richard the second RIchard by the grace of God king of England and France and lorde of Ireland To all vnto whom these present letters shall come greeting We haue seene and considered the composition ordination concord and treatie betweene our welbeloued clearke master Nicholas Stocket licentiat in both lawes Walter Sibel and Thomas Graa citizens of our cities of London York our messengers and ambassassadors on the one part and the honourable and religious personages Conradus de Walrode great commander Sifridus Walpode de Bassenheim chiefe hospitalary commander in Elburg and Vlricus Hachenberg Treasurer the messengers and ambassadors of the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothenstein master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospital of Saint Mary at Ierusalem on the other part lately concluded and agreed vpon in these words In the name of the supreame and indiuisible Trinitie the Father the Sonne and the holy Ghost Amen Forasmuch as the author of peace will haue peace-makers to be the sons of blessednes and the execrable enemie of peace to be expelled out of the dominions of Christians therefore for the perpetuall memorie of the thing be it knowen vnto all men who shall see or heare the tenour of these presents that there being matter of dissension and discord bred betweene the most renowmed prince and king Richard by the grace of God king of England and France and lord of Ireland and his subiects on the one part and the right reuerend and religious lord lord Conradus Zolner de Rothinstein Master generall of the knightly order of the Dutch hospitall of S. Marie at Ierusalem and his land of Prussia and his subiects also on the other part the foresaid lord and generall master vpon mature counsell and deliberation had sent his honourable ambassadours towards England vnto the forenamed most soueraigne prince and king to propound and make their complaint vnto him of violence and iniuries offered as it is sayd by the English vnto the Prussians in consideration whereof certaine goods of the marchants of England were arrested in the land of Prussia Whose complaint the foresayd most gracious prince did courteously and friendly admit receiue and accept and after many speeches vttered in this treaty louingly dismissed them vnto their owne countrey againe promising by his letters vnto the foresayd reuerend Master generall that hee would dispatch his ambassadours vnto the land of Prussia Whereupon in the yeere 1388. he sent hono and reuerend personages Master Nicholas Stocket licentiate of both lawes Thomas Graa and Walter Sibill citizens of London and Yorke with sufficient authority and full
Giuen in our castle of Marienburg in the yeare of our Lord 1398 and vpon the 22. day of February Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Maries hospital at Ierusalem A briefe relation of VVilliam Esturmy and Iohn Kington concerning their ambassages into Prussia and the Hans-townes IN primis that in the moueth of Iuly and in the yeare of our Lord 1403 and the fift yeare of the reigne of our souereigne Lord the king that nowe is there came into England the ambassadours of the mighty lord Fr Conradus de lungingen being then Master general of Prussia with his letters directed vnto our foresayd souereigne lord the king requiring amends and recompense for certaine iniuries vniustly offered by English men vnto the subiects of the sayd Master generall written in 20. articles which amounted vnto the summe of 19120. nobles and a halfe c. Item that the third day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our Lord aboue written and in the fift yere of the reigne of our soueraigne lord the king between the reuerend father in God Henrie then bishop of Lincolne lord chancelor and William lord de Roos high treasurer of England on the one party and the sayd ambassadours on the other party it was according to their petition amongst other things ordayned namely that the liege people of our soueraigne lord the king should freely he permitted vntill the feast of Easter then next after ensuing to remaine in the land of Prussia and from thence with their goods marchandises to returne vnto their own home and also that the subiects of the sayd Master generall in the kingdome of England should haue licence and liberty to doe the like Prouided alwayes that after the time aboue limitted neither the English marchants in the land of Prussia nor the Prussian marchaÌ„ts in the realme of England should vse any traffique of marchandise at all vnlesse in the meane space it were otherwise agreed and concluded by the sayd king and the sayd Master general Item immediately after our sayd soueraigne lord the king sent his letters by Iohn Browne marchant of Lin vnto the foresayd Master generall for to haue mutuall conuersation and intercourse of dealing to continue some certain space betweene the marchants of England and of Prussia promising in the same letters that he would in the meane season send vnto the foresayd Master his ambassadors to intreat about the pretended iniuries aforesaid which letters the foresayd Master for diuers causes refused to yeelde vnto as in his letters sent vnto our lord the king bearing date the 16. day of the moneth of Iuly in the yeare of our lord 1404. more plainely appeareth Item that after the receit of the letters of the Master aforesaid which are next aboue mentioned our sayd king according to his promise sent William Esturmy knight M. Iohn Kington câ—erke and William Brampton citizen of London from his court of parliament holden at Couentrie very slightly informed as his ambassadours into Prussia Item before the arriuall of the sayd ambassadours in Prussia all intercourse of traffique betweene the English and the Prussians in the realme of England and in the land of Prussia was altogether restrained and prohibited and in the same land it was ordayned and put in practise that in whatsoeuer porte of the land of Prussia any English marchant had arriued with his goods he was not permitted to conueigh the sayd goods out of that porte vnto any other place of the land of Prussia either by water or by lande vnder the payne of the forfeiting of the same but was enioyned to sell them in the very same porte vnto the Prussians onely and to none other to the great preiudice of our English marchants Item that after the arriuall of the sayd English ambassadours in the land of Prussia it was ordayned that from the eight day of the moneth of October in the yeare of our lord 1405 all English marchants whatsoeuer should haue free liberty to arriue with all kindes of their marchandise in whatsoeuer port of the land of Prussia and to make sale of them in the said land as hath heretofore from auncient times bene accustomed Also sundry other commodious priuiledges vnto the realme of England were then ordayned and established as in the indentures made for this purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item the said English ambassadours being arriued in the land of Prussia demanded of the â—aid Master generall a reformation and amends for the damages and iniuries offered by the Prussians vnto the liege people of our souereigne lord and king written in fifteene articles which losses amounted vnto the summe of 4535. nobles Item the said Master generall besides the articles exhibited vnto our soueraigne lord the king as it is aboue mentioned deliuered vnto the sayd ambassadours diuers other articles of certaine iniuries offered as he â—ayth vniustly by English men vnto his subiects which amounted vnto the summe of 5100. nobles Item it was afterward concluded that vpon the first of May next then insuing namely in the yeere of our Lord 1406 or within the space of one yeare immediatly following there should bee made a conuenâ—ent iust and reasonable satisfaction for all molestatious vniustly ofâ—â—red on both partes as well on the behalfe of our soueraigne lord the king as of the foresayd Master general Which satisfaction not being performed the Prussians with their goods marchandises within three moneths after the end of the sayd yere next following were without molestation or impediment enioined to depart out of the realme of England with their ships and goods and the English men likewise out of the territories and dominions of the said Master general both of them without any further admonition to abstaine separate themselues from both the countreis aforesayd For the performance of which premisses the ambassadors on both parts being sufficiently instructed were appointed to meete the first day of May at the towne of Dordract in Holland Item that the sayd William Esturmy and Iohn Kington in their returne homewards from Prussia towards England passed through the chiefe cities of the Hans and treated in such sorte with the Burgomasters of them that there were sent messengers and agents in the behalfe of the common society of the Hans marchants vnto the towne of Dordract to conferre with the ambassadors of England about the redressing of iniuries attempted on both parts where diuers agreements were set downe betweene the sayd ambassadors and messengers as in the indentures made for the same purpose it doth more manifestly appeare Item that the meeting appointed at the towne of Dordract vpon the first of May was by the letters of the foresayd ambassadors proroged vnto the first of August then next ensuing and afterward by vertue of the kings letters vnto the first day of March next following and there was another day of prorogation also Item that after the prorogations aforesayd
Liuonia doe demaund restitution namely waxe and furres redounded vnto the vse and commoditie of our soueraigne lord the king And also our said soueraigne lord the king gaue commandement by his letters that some of the sayd goods should be deliuered vnto others And a great part of them is as yet reserued in the towne of Newcastle One Benteld also hath the best of the sayd three ships in possession Also it is reported and thought to be true that certaine Furriers of London which will be detected in the end haue had a great part of the sayd goods namely of the Furres Now as concerning the cities of the Hans IN primis the Hamburgers exhibited nine articles wherein they demaunded restitution for certaine damages offered as they sayd by the English men the value of which losses amounted vnto the summe of 9117. nobles 20. pence For the which after due examination there was promised restitution to the summe of 416. nobles 5. shillings Besides the two articles propounded against theÌ„ of Scardeburg the summe wherof was 231. pounds 15. s. 8. d. coÌ„cerning the which there was sentence giuen in England by the coÌ„missioners of our lord the king the execution wherof was promised vnto the said Hamburgers by the ambassadors of England leaue and licence being reserued vnto the sayd Hamburgers of declaring or explaning certaine obscure articles by them exhibited which declaration was to be made at the feast of Easter then next to come or within one yeare next ensuing the said feast vnto the chancelor of England for the time being and of proouing the sayd articles and others also which haue not as yet sufficiently bene proued Which being done they are to haue full complement and execution of iustice Also by the Hamburgers there are demaunded 445. nobles from certaine of the inhabitants of Linne in England Which summe if it shal be prooued to be due vnto any English men the Hamburgers are to rest contented with those goods which they haue already in their possessions Item they of Breme propounded â—â—xe articles wherein the summe conteined amounteth vnto 4414. nobles And there was no satisfaction promised vnto them But the same libertie and licence was reserued vnto them in like maner as before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Stralessund propounded 23. articles wherof the summe amounted vnto 7415. nobles 20. d. for the which there was promised satisfaction of 253. nobles 3. q. Also here is a caueat to be obserued that they of Stralessund had of English mens goods a great summe particularly to be declared which will peraduenture suffice for a recompense And some of their articles are concerning iniuries offered before 20,22,23,24 yeres past Also their articles are so obscure that they will neuer or very hardly be able to declare or proue them Howbeit there is reserued the very same liberty vnto them that was before vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Lubec propounded 23. articles the summe whereof extended vnto 8690. nobles and an halfe whereupon it was agreed that they should haue paied vnto them 550. nobles There was reserued the same libertie vnto them which was vnto the men of Stralessund Item they of Gripeswold exhibited 5. articles the summe whereof amounted vnto 2092. nobles and an halfe For the which there was promised satisfaction of 153. nobles and an half And the said men of Gripeswold haue of the goods of English men in possession to the value of 22015. nobles 18. s as it is reported by them of Linne And the same libertie is reserued vnto them that was vnto the Hamburgers Item they of Campen propounded ten articles the summe whereof extended vnto 1405. nobles There is no satisfaction promised vnto them but the same liberty is reserued vnto them which was vnto the other abouementioned Item the ambassadors of England demanded of the citizens of Rostok Wismer for damages iniuries by them committed against the subiects of the foresayd souereigne king 32407. nobles 2. s. 10. d. And albeit euery of the foresayd cities sent one of their burgomasters vnto the towne of Hage in Holland to treat with the English ambassadours it was in the end found out that they had not any authority of negotiating or concluding ought at al. And therfore they made their faithfull promises that euery of the said cities should send vnto our soueraigne Lord the king one or two procurator or procurators sufficiently instructed to treat conclude with our said souereigne lord the king about the damages and iniuries aforesaid at the feast of the nauitie of Saint Iohn the Baptist. Compositions and ordinances concluded between the messengers of Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia and the chancelor and treasurer of the realme of England 1403. IN the yere of our Lord 1403 vpon the feast of S. Michael the Archangel the right hono Henrie bishop of Lincoln chancelor of England and the lord de Roos high treasurer of England the ambassadors of Prussia Iohn Godek of Dantzik Henry Monek of Elbing masters of the same cities haue at Westminster treated in maner of composition about the articles vnderwritten between the most souereigne lord the king of England and the right reuerend honorable Conradus de Iungingen Master general of Prussia as concerning the iniuries offered vnto the people of Prussia and Liuonia vpon the sea by the English First that all ships with their appurtenances the commodities of the mariners according vnto the condition of the things and all other goods taken away by the English which are actually vndiuided whole are incontinently with al speed to bee restored And if there bee any defect in ought the value of the said defect is to be accounted with other losses of goods to be restored at the terme of the restitution to be made and deliuered Item that all ships damages and goods as they are conteined in our bill of accusation which are not now immediately restored are to be restored and payd in the land of Prussia between this and the terme appointed with full execution and complement of iustice Item concerning the persons throwen ouer boord or slaine in the sea it shall remayne to bee determined at the will and pleasure of the most mighty prince the king of England and of the right reuerend the Master of Prussia Item betwene this and the terme appointed for the restoring of the goods taken away vntill there be due payment restitution of the said goods performed the marchants of England and of Prussia are in no wise to exercise any traffique of marchandise at all in the foresaid lands Memorandum that the third day of the moneth of October in the yere of our Lord 1403. and in the fift yere of the reigne of the most mighty prince and lord king Henrie the fourth by the grace of God king of England and France c. betweene the reuerend father Henrie bishop of Lincolâ— chancelor and the
whose highnesse arriuing the one and twentie of March the same Ambassadour the fiue and twentieth of March being the Annunciation of our Ladie the day tweluemoneth he tooke his leaue from the Emperour his master was most honourably brought to the King and Queenes maiesties court at Westminster where accompanied first with the said Uiscount and other notable personages and the merchants hee arriuing at Westminster bridge was there receiued with sixe lords conducted into a stately chamber where by the lords Chancellor Treasurer Priuie seale Admirall bishop of Elie and other Counsellers hee was visited and saluted and consequently was brought vnto the Kings and Queenes maiesties presence sitting vnder a stately cloth of honour the chamber most richly decked and furnished and most honourably presented Where after that hee had deliuered his letters made his Oration giuen two timber of Sables and the report of the same made both in English and Spanish in most louing maner embraced was with much honour and high entertainement in sight of a great confluence of people Lordes and Ladies eftsoones remitted by water to his former lodging to the which within two dayes after by the assignement of the King and Queenes maiesties repaired and conferred with him secretly two graue Counsellers that is the lord Bishop of Elie and Sir William Peter Knight chiefe Secretary to their Highnesse who after diuers secret talkes and conferences reported to their highnesse their proceedings the grauitie wisedome and stately behauiour of the sayd Ambassadour in such sort as was much to their maiesties contentations Finally concluding vpon such treaties and articles of amitie as the letters of the Kings and Queenes maiesties most graciously vnder the great seale of England to him by the sayd counsellers deliuered doth appeare The three and twentieth of April being the feast of S. George wherein was celebrated the solemnitie of the Noble order of the Garter at Westminster the same lord ambassadour was eftsoones required to haue audience and therefore conducted from the sayd lodging to the court by the right Noble the lords Talbot and Lumley to their maiesties presence where after his Oration made and thanks both giuen and receiued hee most honourably tooke his leaue with commendations to the Emperour Which being done he was with special honour led into the chappell where before the Kings and Queens maiesties in the sight of the whole Order of the Garter was prepared for him a stately seate wherein he accompanied with the Duke of Norfolke the lords last aboue mentioned and many other honorable personages was present at the whole seruice in ceremonies which were to him most acceptable the diuine seruice ended he eftsoones was remitted and reduced to his barge and so repaired to his lodging in like order and gratulation of the people vniuersally as before The time of the yeere hasting the profection and departure of the Ambassador the merchants hauing prepared foure goodly and well trimmed shippes laden with all kinds of merchandises apt for Russia the same Ambassadour making prouision for such things as him pleased the same ships in good order valed downe the Riuer of Thames from London to Grauesend where the same Ambassadour with his traine and furniture was imbarked towards his voyage homeward which God prosper in all felicitie It is also to be remembred that during the whole abode of the sayd Ambassadour in England the Agents of the sayde marchants did not onely prosecute and pursue the matter of restitution in Scotland and caused such things to be laden in an English shippe hired purposely to conuey the Ambassadours goods to London there to be deliuered to him but also during his abode in London did both inuite him to the Maior and diuers worshipfull mens houses feasting and banquetting him right friendly shewing vnto him the most notable and commendable sights of London as the kings palace and house the Churches of Westminster and Powles the Tower and Guild hall of London and such like memorable spectacles And also the said 29. day of April the said merchants assembling themselues together in the house of the Drapers hal of London exhibited and gaue vnto y e said Ambassador a notable supper garnished with musicke Enterludes and bankets in the which a cup of wine being drunke to him in the name and â—lieu of the whole companie it was signified to him that the whole company with most liberal and friendly hearts did frankly giue to him and his all maner of costs and charges in victuals riding from Scotland to London during his abode there and vntill setting of saile aboord the ship requesting him to accept the same in good part as a testimonie and witnes of their good hearts zeale and tendernesse towards him and his countrey It is to be considered that of the Bona Speranza no word nor knowledge was had at this present day nor yet of the arriuall of the ships or goods from Scotland The third of May the Ambassadour departed from London to Grauesend accompanied with diuers Aldermen and merchants who in good gard set him aboord the noble shippe the Primrose Admiral to the Fleete where leaue was taken on both sides and parts after many imbracements and diuers farewels not without expressing of teares Memorandum that the first day of May the Counsellers videlicet the Bishop of Elye and Sir William Peter on the behalfe of the Kings and Queenes Maiesties repairing to the lorde Ambassadour did not onely deliuer vnto him their highnes letters of recommendations vnder the great seale of England to the Emperour very tenderly and friendly written but also on their maiesties behalfe gaue and deliuered certaine notable presents to the Emperours person and also gifts for the lord Ambassadours proper vse and behoofe as by the particulars vnder written appeareth with such further good wordes and commendations as the more friendly haue not bin heard whereby it appeareth how well affected their hoâ—ours be to haue and continue amitie and traffique betweene their honours and their subiects which thing as the kings and Queenes maiesties haue shewed of their princely munificences liberalities so haue likewise the merchants and fellowship of the Aduenturers for and to Russia manifested to the world their good willes mindes and zeales â—orne to this new commensed voyage as by the discourse aboue mentioned and other the notable actes ouer long to be recited in this present memoriall doeth and may most clearely appeare the like whereof is not in any president or historie to bee shewed Forasmuch as it may bee doubted how the ship named the Edward Bonauenture suffered shipwracke what became of the goods howe much they were spoiled and deteined how little restored what charges and expenses ensued what personages were drowned how the rest of the ships either arriued or perished or howe the disposition of almightie God hath wrought his pleasure in them how the same ambassadour hath bene after the miserable case of shipwracke in Scotland vnreuerently abused and consequently into
it be some fewe relations Moreouer as touching Gronland we holde this from the opinion of our auncestours that from the extreeme part of Norway which is called Biarmlandia and from whence the saide Gronland is not farre distant it fetcheth about the Northren coast of Island with an huge circuit in maner of an halfe Moone Our Chronicles likewise doe testifie that our owne countreymen in times past resorted thither for traffique and also that the very same countrey of Gronland had certaine Bishops in the dayes of Poperie More then this we cannot auouch But now it is reported that your Englishmen whom I may almost call the lordes of the Ocean sea make yeerely voyages vnto Gronland concerning which matter if you please to giue me further aduertisement you shall doe me an especial fauour Moreouer whatsoeuer newes you heare concerning the affaires of England or of other Countreys thereabout I pray you make vs acquainted therewith Thus reuerend six wishing you long life for the seruice of God for the increase of learning and the benefit of the people committed to your charge I bid you farewel From Island vpon the feast of the visitation of the blessed Uirgine Mary Anno Dom. 1595. Yours Gudbrandus Thorlacius Bishop of Hola in Island The miraculous victory atchieued by the English Fleete vnder the discreet and happy conduct of the right honourable right prudent and valiant lord the L. Charles Howard L. high Admirall of England c. Vpon the Spanish huge Armada sent in the yeere 1588. for the inuasion of England together with the wofull and miserable successe of the said Armada afterward vpon the coasts of Norway of the Scottish Westerne Isles of Ireland of Spaine of France and of England c. Recorded in Latine by Emanuel van Meteran in the 15. booke of his history of the low Countreys HAuing in part declared the strange and wonderfull euents of the yeere eightie eight which hath bene so long time foretold by ancient prophesies we will now make relation of the most notable and great enterprise of all others which were in the foresaid yeere atchieued in order as it was done Which exploit although in very deed it was not performed in any part of the low Countreys was intended for their ruine and destruction And it was the expedition which the Spanish king hauing a long time determined the same in his minde and hauing consulted thereabout with the Pope set foorth and vndertooke against England and the low Countreys To the end that he might subdue the Realme of England and reduce it vnto his catholique Religion and by that meanes might be sufficiently reuenged for the disgrace contempt and dishonour which hee hauing 34. yeeres before enforced them to the Popes obedience had endured of the English nation and for diuers other iniuries which had taken deepe impression in his thoughts And also for that hee deemed this to bee the most readie and direct course whereby hee might recouer his heredetarie possession of the lowe Countreys hauing restrained the inhabitants from sayling vpon the coast of England Which verily vpon most weighty arguments and euident reasons was thought would vndoubtly haue come to passe considering the great aboundance and store of all things necessary wherewith those men were furnished which had the managing of that action committed vnto them But now let vs describe the matter more particularly The Spanish King hauing with small fruite and commoditie for aboue twentie yeeres together waged warre against the Netherlanders after deliberation with his counsellers thereabout thought it most conuenient to assault them once againe by Sea which had bene attempted sundry times heretofore but not with forces sufficient Unto the which expedition it stoode him nowe in hand to ioyne great puissance as hauing the English people his professed enemies whose Island is so situate that it may either greatly helpe or hinder all such as saile into those parts For which cause hee thought good first of all to inuade England being perswaded by his Secretary Escouedo and by diuers other well experienced Spaniards and Dutchmen and by many English fugitiues that the conquest of that Iland was lesse difficult then the conquest of Holland and Zeland Moreouer the Spaniards were of opinion that it would bee farre more behoueful for their King to conquere England and the lowe Countreys all at once then to be constrained continually to maintaine a warlike Nauie to defend his East and West Indie Fleetes from the English Drake and from such like valiant enemies And for the same purpose the king Catholique had giuen commandement long before in Italy and Spaine that a great quantitie of timber should be felled for the building of shippes and had besides made great preparation of things and furniture requisite for such an expedition as namely in founding of brasen Ordinance in storing vp of corne and victuals in trayning of men to vse warlike weapons in leauying and mustering of souldiers insomuch that about the beginning of the yeere 1588. he had finished such a mightie Nauie and brought it into Lisbon hauen as neuer the like had before that time sailed vpon the Ocean sea A very large and particular description of this Nauie was put in print and published by the Spaniards wherein were set downe the number names and burthens of the shippes the number of Mariners and souldiers throughout the whole Fleete likewise the quantitie of their Ordinance of their armour of bullets of match of gun-poulder of victuals and of all their Nauall furniture was in the saide description particularized Unto all these were added the names of the Gouernours Captaines Noblemen and gentlemen voluntaries of whom there was so great a multitude that searce was there any family of accompt or any one principall man throughout all Spaine that had not a brother sonne or kinseman in that Fleete who all of them were in good hope to purchase vnto themselues in that Nauie as they termed it inuincible endlesse glory and renowne and to possesse themselues of great Seigniories and riches in England and in the lowe Countreys But because the said description was translated and published out of Spanish into diuers other languages we will here onely make an abridgemeut or briefe rehearsall thereof Portugal furnished and set foorth vnder the conduct of the duke of Medina Sidonia generall of the Fleete ten Galeons two Zabraes 1300. Mariners 3300. souldiers 300. great pieces with all requisite furniture Biscay vnder the conduct of Iohn Martines de Ricalde Admiral of the whole Fleete set forth tenne Galeons 4. Pataches 700. mariners 2000. souldiers 250. great pieces c. Guipusco vnder the conduct of Michael de Oquendo tenne Galeons 4. Pataches 700. mariners 2000. souldiers 310. great pieces Italy with the Leuant Islands vnder Martine de Vertendona 10. Galeons 800. mariners 2000. souldiers 310. great pieces c. Castile vnder Diego Flores de Valdez 14. Galeons two Pataches 1700. mariners 2400. souldiers and 380. great pieces
began to recount vnto Drake the forces of all the Spanish Fleet and how foure mightie Gallies were separated by tempest from them and also how they were determined first to haue put into Plimmouth hauen not expecting to bee repelled thence by the English ships which they thought could by no meanes withstand their impregnable forces perswading themselues that by means of their huge Fleete they were become lords and commaunders of the maine Ocean For which cause they marueled much how the English men in their small ships durst approch withâ—n musket shot of the Spaniards mightie woodden castles gathering the wind of them with many other such like attempts Immediately after Valdez and his company being a man of principal authoritie in the Spanish Fleete and being descended of one and the same familie with that Valdez which in the yeere 1574. besieged Leiden in Holland were sent captiues into England There were in the sayd ship 55. thousand ducates in ready money of the Spanish kings gold which the souldiers merily shared among themselues The same day was set on fire one of their greatest shippes being Admirall of the squadron of Guipusco and being the shippe of Michael de Oquendo Uice-admirall of the whole Fleete which contained great store of gunnepowder and other warrelike prouision The vpper part onely of this shippe was burnt and all the persons therein contained except a very few were consumed with fire And thereupon it was taken by the English and brought into England with a number of miserable burnt and skorched Spaniards Howbeit the gunpowder to the great admiration of all men remained whole and vnconsumed In the meane season the lord Admirall of England in his ship called the Arke-royall all that night pursued the Spaniards so neere that in the morning hee was almost left alone in the enimies Fleete and it was foure of the clocke at afternoone before the residue of the English Fleet could ouertake him At the same time Hugo de Moncada gouernour of the foure Galliasses made humble sute vnto the Duke of Medina that he might be licenced to encounter the Admirall of England which libertie the duke thought not good to permit vnto him because hee was loth to exceed the limites of his commission and charge Upon Tuesday which was the three and twentie of Iuly the naâ—y being come ouer against Portland the wind began to turne Northerly insomuch that the Spaniards had a fortunate and fit gale to inuade the English But the Englishmen hauing lesser and nimbler Ships recouered againe the vantage of the winde from the Spaniards whereat the Spaniards seemed to bee more iucensed to fight then before But when the English Fleete had continually and without intermission from morning to night beaten and battered them with all their shot both great and small the Spaniardes vniting themselues gathered their whole Fleete close together into a roundell so that it was apparant that they ment not as yet to inuade others but onely to defend themselues and to make hast vnto the place prescribed vnto them which was neere vnto Dunkerk that they might ioine forces with the duke of Parma who was determined to haue proceeded secretly with his small shippes vnder the shadow and protection of the great ones and so had intended circumspectly to performe the whole expedition This was the most furious and bloodie skirmish of all in which the lord Admirall of England continued fighting amidst his enimies Fleete and seeing one of his Captaines afarre off hee spake vnto him in these wordes Oh George what doest thou Wilt thou nowe frustrate my hope and opinion conceiued of thee Wilt thou forsake mee nowe With which wordes hee being enflamed approched foorthwith encountered the enemie and did the part of a most valiant Captaine His name was George Fenner a man that had bene conuersant in many Sea-fights In this conflict there was a certaine great Venetian ship with other small ships surprised and taken by the English The English nauie in the meane while increased whereunto out of all Hauens of the Realme resorted ships and men for they all with one accord came flocking thither as vnto a set field where immortall fame and glory was to be attained and faithfull seruice to bee performed vnto their prince and countrey In which number there were many great and honourable personages as namely the Erles of Oxford of Northumberland of Cumberland c. with many Knights and Gentlemen to wit Sir Thomas Cecill Sir Robert Cecill Sir Walter Raleigh Sir William Hatton Sir Horatio Palauicini Sir Henry Brooke Sir Robert Carew Sir Charles Blunt Master Ambrose Willoughbie Master Henry Nowell Master Thomas Gerard Master Henry Dudley Master Edward Darcie Master Arthur Gorge Master Thomas Woodhouse Master William Haruie c. And so it came to passe that the number of the English shippes amounted vnto an hundreth which when they were come before Douer were increased to an hundred and thirtie being notwithstanding of no proportionable bignesse to encounter with the Spaniards except two or three and twentie of the Queenes greater shippes which onely by reason of their presence bred an opinion in the Spaniardes mindes concerning the power of the English Fleet the mariners and souldiers whereof were esteemed to be twelue thousand The foure and twentie of Iuly when as the sea was calme and no winde stirring the fight was onely betweene the foure great Galleasses and the English shippes which being rowed with Oares had great vauntage of the sayde English shippes which not withstanding for all that would not bee forced to yeeld but discharged their chaine-shot to cut asunder their Cables and Cordage of the Galleasses with many other such Stratagemes They were nowe constrained to send their men on land for a newe supplie of Gunne-powder whereof they were in great â—karcitie by reason they had so frankely spent the greater part in the former conflicts The same day a Counsell being assembled it was decreed that the English Fleete should bee deuided into foure squadrons the principall whereof was committed vnto the lord Admirall the second to Sir Francis Drake the third to Captaine Hawkins the fourth to Captaine Frobisher The Spaniards in their sailing obserued very diligent and good order sayling three and foure and somtimes more ships in a ranke and folowing close vp one after another and the stronger and greater ships protecting the lesser The fiue and twentie of Iuly when the Spaniardes were come ouer-against the Isle of Wight the lord Admirall of England being accompanied with his best ships namely the Lion Captaine whereof was the lord Thomas Howard The Elizabeth Ionas vnder the commandement of Sir Robert Southwel soone in lawe vnto the lord Admirall the Beare vnder the lord Sheffield nephew vnto the lord Admirall the Victorie vnder Captaine Barker and the Galeon Leicester vnder the forenamed Captaine George Fenner with great valour and dreadfull thundering of shot encountered the Spanish Admiral being in the very midst
English knight against the Moores of Alger to Barbary and to Spaine 67 40 The voyage of Henrie Earle of Derby after Duke of Hereford and lastly Henry the fourth king of England with an army of Englishmen to Tunis in Barbary 69 41 The trauailes and memorable victories of Iohn Hawkwood Englishman in diuerse places of Italy in the reigne of Richard the second 70 42 The voyage of Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mother to K. Richard the second to Ierusalem and S. Katherins mount Anno 1394. 70 43 The voyage of Thomas Lord Mowbrey duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. 70 44 The voyage of the bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1417. 71 45 A voyage intended by king Henry the fourth to the holy land against the Saracens and Infidels Anno 1413. 71. 72 46 A voyage made with two ships called The holy Crosse and The Matthew Gunson to the Isles of Candia and Chio about the yeere 1534. 98 47 Another voyage vnto Candia and Chio made by the foresayd ship called The Matthewâ— Gunson Anno 1535. 98 48 The voyage of the valiant Esquire M. Peter Read to Tunis in Barbarie 1538 recorded in his Epitaph 99 49 The voyage of Sir Thomas Chaloner to Alger with the Emperour Charles the fift Anno 1541. 99 50 The voyage of M. Roger Bodenâ—am with the great barke Aucher to Candia and Chio Anno 1550. 99 51 The voyage of M. Iohn Lok to Ierusalem Anno 1553. 101 52 The voyage of Iohn Foxe to the Streit of Gibraltar in a ship called The three halfe-moones Anno 1563. And his worthy enterprize in deliuering 266 Christians from the captiuitie of the Turkes at Alexandria Anno 1577. 131.132 53 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Ierusalem and Tripolis in the yeere 1581. 150 54 The voyage of The Susan of London to Constantinople wherein M. William Hareborne was sent first Ambassadour vnto Zuldan Murad Can the great Turke Anno 1582. 165 55 The voyage of a ship called The Iesus to Tripolis in Barbary Anno 1583. 184 56 The voyage of M. Henry Austel by Venice to Ragusa and thence ouer-land to Constantinople and from thence through Moldauia Polonia Silesia and Germany into England Anno 1586. 194 57 The voyage of Master Cesar Frederick into the east India and beyonde the Indies Anno 1563. 213 58 The long dangerous and memorable voyage of M. Ralph Fitch marchant of London by the way of Tripolis in Syria to Ormuz to Goa in the East India to Cambaia to the riuer of Ganges to Bengala to Bacola to Chonderi to Pegu to Siam c. begunne in the yeere 1583 and ended in the yeere 1591. 250 59 The voyage of M. Iohn Eldred to Tripolis in Syria by sea and from thence by land and riuer to Babylon and Balsara Anno 1583. 268 60 The voyage of M. Iohn Euesham by sea into AEgypt Anno 1586. 281 61 The voyage of M. Laurence Aldersey to the cities of Alexandria and Cairo in Aegypt Anno 1586. 282 62 The voyage of fiue marchants ships of London into Turkie and their valiant fight in their returne with 11 gallies and two frigats of the king of Spaine at Pantalarea within the Streits of Gibraltar Anno 1586. 285 63 The voyage of Master William Hareborne ouer-land from Constantinople to London Anno 1588. 289 64 A description of a voyage to Constantinople and Syria begun the 21 of March 1593 and ended the ninth of August 1595 wherein is shewed the manner of deliuering the second present by M. Edward Barton her Maiesties ambassadour which was sent from her Maiestie to Sultan Murad Can the Emperour of Turkie 33 The Ambassages Letters Priuileges Discourses Aduertisements and other obseruations depending vpon the Voyages contayned in the first part of this second Volume 1 A Testimony that the Britons were in Italy and Greece with the Cimbrians and Gauls before the incarnation of Christ. pag. 1 2 A testimony that certain Englishmen were of the guard of the Emperour of Constantinople in the time of Iohn the sonne of Alexius Comnenus 17 3 A great supply of money sent to the Holy land by King Henry the second 18 4 A letter written from Manuel the Emperour of Constantinople vnto Henry the second King of England Ann. 1177 wherein mention is made that certaine of king Henries noblemen and subiects were present with the sayd Emperour in a battel against the Soldan of Iconium 18 5 A note drawen out of a very auncient booke in the custodie of the right Wor. M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Fredericke Tilney his ancester knighted for his valour at Acon in the Holyland by king Richard the first 29 6 A large contribution to the succour of the holy land made by king Iohn king of England Anno 1201. 30 7 The comming of Baldwin the Emperour of Constantinople into England An. 1247. 31 8 A testimony concerning Anthony Beck bishop of Duresme that he was elected Patriarke of Ierusalem and confirmed by Clement the 5 bishop of Rome Anno 1305. 39 9 The comming of Lyon king of Armenia into England Anno 1â—86 to make a treaty of peace betweene Richard the second king of England and the French king 67 10 The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople into England to desire the ayde of king Henry the fourth against the Turkes Anno 1400. 70 11 A relation of the siege and taking of the citie of Rhodes by Sultan Soliman the great Turke Wherein honorable mention is made of diuers valiant English knights Anno 1522. 72 12 An ambassage from Don Ferdinando brother to the Emperour Charles the fift vnto King Henry the eight crauing his ayde against Soliman the great Turke An. 1527. 95 13 The antiquitie of the trade of English marchants vnto the remote parts of the Leuant seas Anno 1511 1512 c. 96 14 A letter of Henry the eight king of England to Iohn the third king of Portugale for a Portugale ship fraighted at Chio with the goods of Iohn Gresham William Lok and others and wrongfully vnladen in Portugale Anno 1531. 96 15 The maner of the entring of Soliman the great Turke with his army into Alepo in Syria as hee was marching toward Persia agaiâ—st the great Sophi Anno 1553. 112 16 A note of the presents that were giuen at the same time in Alepo to the Grand Signor and the names of the presenters 113 17 The safe conduct granted by Sultan Soliman the great Turke to M. Anthony Ienkinson at Alepo in Syria Anno 1553. 114 18 A discourse of the trade to Chio written by Gaspar Campion in the yeere 1569. 114 19 A letter of the sayd Gaspar Campion to M. William Winter in the yeare 1569. 116 20 A briefe description of the Isle of Cyprus 119 21 A report of the siege and taking of Famagusta the strongest citie in al Cyprus by Mustafa Bassa Generall of the great Turkes army Anno 1571. 121 22 The
the sea comming out of the Southwest and the wind very violent at North they were put all into great extremitie and then first lost the Generall of their fleete with 500 men in her and within three or foure dayes after an other storme rising there were fiue or sixe other of the biggest shippes cast away with all their men together with their Uice-Admirall And in the height of 38. degrees about the end of August grew another great storme in which all the fleâ—t sauing 48. sailes were cast away which 48. sailes kept together vntill they came in sight of the Islands of Coruo and Flores about the fift or sixt of September at which time a great storme separated them of which number fifteene or sixeteene were after seene by these Spanyards to ride at anchor vnder the Tercera and twelue or foureteene more to beare with the Island of S. Michael what became of them after that these Spaniards were taken cannot yet be certified their opinion is that very few of thee fleet are escaped but are either drowned or taken And it is otherwaies of late certified that of this whole fleete that should haue come into Spaine this yeere being one hundred twentie and three sayle there are arriued as yet but fiue and twentie This note was taken out of the examination of certaine Spaniardes that were brought into England by sixe of the ships of London which tooke sâ—uen of the aboue named Indian Fleete neere the Islands of Açores A report of Master Robert Flicke directed to Master Thomas Bromley Master Richard Staper and Master Cordall concerning the successe of a part of the London supplies sent to my Lord Thomas Howard to the Isles of the Azores 1591. WOrshipfull my heartie commendations vnto you premised By my last of the twelfth of August from this place I aduertised you particularly of the accidents of our Fleete vntill then It remayneth now to relate our endeuours in accomplishing the order receiued for the ioyning with my Lorde Thomas Howard together with the successe wee haue had Our departure from hence was the seuenteenth of August the winde not seruing before The next day following I caused a Flagge of Counsell to be put foorth whereupon the Captaines and Masters of euery shippe came aboord and I acquainted them with my Commission firmed by the Right honourable the Lordes of her Maiesties Counsell and with all the aduertisements of Sir Edward Denny of my Lordes determination to remaine threescore leagues to the West of Fayal spreading North and South betwixt thirtie seuen and a halfe or thirty eight and a halfe degrees And not finding him in this heigth to repaire to the Isles of Flores and Coruo where a Pinnesse of purpose should stay our comming vntill the last of August with intent after that day to repaire to y e coast of Spaine about the heigth of The Rocke some twentie or thirtie leagues off the shoare The which being aduisedly considered of hauing regard vnto the shortnesse of time by reason of our long abode in this place and the vncertainety of the weather to fauour vs it was generally holden for the best and securest way to meete with my Lorde to beare with the heigth of The Rocke without making any stay vpon the coast and so directly for the Islands which was accordingly fully agreed and performed The 28 day wee had sight of the Burlings and the 29 being thwart of Peniche the winde seruing vs without any stay we directed our course West for the Islands The 30 day we met with Captaine Royden in the Red-Rose sometime called the Golden Dragon separated from my Lorde of Cumberland in a storme who certified vs of 50 sayles of the Spanish kings Armadas to be gone for the Ilands but could not informe vs any newes of my Lord Thomas Howard otherwise then vpon presumption to remaine about the Islandes and so wee continued our course the winde standing with vs. The 4 of September we recouered Tercera and ranged along all the Islands both on the South and North sides the space of foure dayes during which time it was not our hap to meete with any shipping whereby either to vnderstand of my Lord or of the Indian Fleete hereupon we directed our course to the West from Fayal according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny The 11 day in the plying to the Westwards we descried a sayle out of our maine toppe and in the afternoone betweene two and three of the clocke hauing raysed her hull the weather became calme so that the ship could not fetch her I sent off my Skiffe throughly manned furnished with shot and swords The Cherubin and the Margaret and Iohn doing the like Upon this the sayle stood off againe and the night approching our boates lost her and so returned In this our pursute after the sayle the Centurion being left a sterne the next morning wee missed her and spent that day in plying vp and downe seeking her And for as much as euery of the ships had recâ—iued order that if by extremity of weather or any other mischance they should be seuered from our Fleete they should meete and ioyne at Flores we according to the instructions of Sir Edward Denny proceeded to the finding of my Lord Thomas Howard being in the heigth appointed and not aâ—le to holde the same by reason of extreme tempestes which forced vs to the Isles of Flores and Coruo which we made the 14 day in the morning aud there also ioyned againe with the Centurion whose company before we had lost who declared vnto vs that the 12 day being the same day they lost vs they met with fiue and forty sailes of the Indian Fleete The same night vpon these newes we came to an anker betweene Flores and Coruo and the morow following at the breake of day a flagge of Counsell being put out the Captaines Masters came abord me where for the desire to vnderstand some tidings of my Lord as also the supplying of our want of water it was thought good to send our boats â—urnished on shore vnder the conduct of Captaine Brothus and then it was also ordered after our departure thence to range along the Southsides of the Islands to the end we might either vnderstand of my Lord or â—lse light on the Indian fleete and in the missing of our purpose to direct our course for Cape Sant Vincente The boates according to the foresayd determination being sent on shoare it chaunced that The Costely ryding vttermost in the roade did weigh to bring her selfe more neere among vs for the succour of the boates sent off and in opening the land discouered two sayles which we in the roade could not perceiue whereupon shee gaue vs a warning piece which caused vs to waue off our boates backe and before they could recouer our shippes the discryed ships appeared vnto vs towardes the which we made with all haste and in a very happie houre as it pleased God In that wee had
thy sake bestowed vpon this first Volume which if thou shalt as thankefully accept as I haue willingly and freely imparted with thee I shall bee the better encouraged speedily to acquaint thee with those rare delightfull and profitable histories which I purpose God willing to publish concerning the Southerne and Westerne partes of the World ¶ Postscriptum Not knowing any other place so conuenient I am here to aduertise the friendly Reader of certaine faultes escaped in the printing of this booke and to request him that in the Page 54. and in the last line saue two hee would in stead of Kine read Swine and he shall thereby auoid a great contradiction likewise pag. 187. that hee would vnto the ende of the second verse of the Prologue to the English Policy make supply of the word Rest which is there wanting also pag. 221. lin 29. for woorthinesse read woorthies c. Other faults if there bee any are I doubt not easily corrigible ΕἸΣ ᾈΠΟΔΗΜΙΑΣ ΒΡΕΤΤΑÎΩΠΠΌÎΗΜΑ ΡΙΧî¿Î¡Î‘ΡΔΟΥ ΤΟΥ á¾ÎšÎ”ΥΙΥΟΥ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In nauales RICHARDI HAKLVYTI Commentarios ANglia magnarum foecunda puerpera rerum siue solum spectes nobile siue salum Quae quantum sumptis se nobilitauerit armis siue domi gessit praelia siue foris Multorum celebrant matura volumina tantae Insula materiem paruula landis alit At se in quot qualésque quando effuderit orâ—s qua fidit ignotum peruia classis iter Solius Hakluyti decus est praediuite penna ostendisse suis ciuibus ausa mari Quaecunque idcirco celeri gens Anglica naui Oceani tristes spernere doctaminas A prima generisque gentis origine gessit qua via per fluctus vlla patere potest Siue decus laudémque secuta vt hostibus alas demeret atque suis laeta pararet opes Hoc opus Hakluyti cui debet patria multum cui multum patriae quisquis amicus erit Qua re námque magis se nostra Britannia iactat quà m quòd sit praeter caetera classe potens Quam prius obsessam tenebris sic liberaâ— vt nunc quisque sciat quà m sit nobile classis opus Quaâ— si Daedalicè vtemur surgemus in altum sin autem â—earicè quod voret aequor habet RICH. MVLCASTER Eiusdem in eundem QVi graui primus cecinit camoena Aureum vellus procerésque Graecos quos sibi adiunxit comites IaÌ„son Vectus in Argo Naue quam primùm secuisse fluctus praedicant salsos sibi comparauit Inde non vnquam moritura magnae praemia famae Tanta si merces calamum secuta Vnicae nauis referentis acta Quanta Richardum manet Hakluytum gloria cuius Penna descripsit freta mille mille Insulae nostrae celeres carinas Quae per immensi loca peruolarunt omnia mundi Senties gratam patriam tuaeque Laudis aeternùm memorem laboris Quae tua cura calamóque totum ibit in orbem Quam doces omni studio fouere Naâ—ticum robur validámque classem Hac luet quisquis violentus Anglos vsserit hostis In eximium opus R. HAKLVYTI de Anglorum ad disiunctissimas regiones nauigationibus GVLIELMI CAMDâ—NI Hexastichon ANglia quae penitùs toto discluditur orbe Angulus orbis erat paruus orbis erat Nunc cùm sepositos alios detexerit orbes Maximus orbis honos Orbis orbis erit At quid Haklute tibi monstranti haec debeat orbis Laus tua crede mihi non erit orbe minor DI MARC ' ANTONIO PIGAfeta Gentilhuomo Vicentino IGnota mi starei con poto honore Sepolta nell ' oscure antiche carte S'alcun de figli mieicon spesa arte Non hauesse hor scoperto il mio splendore Ramusio pria pieno d'ardente amore Manifesto le mie piu riche parte Che son lá doue il Maragnon diparte E doue il Negro allaga e'l Gange scorre Hakluyto poi senza verunrisguardo Di fatica o di danno accolt ' hà insieme Ciò c'hà potuto hauer dâ— typhi Inglesi Onde veâ—rassie doue bella sguardo E la Dwina agghiaccia el'Obi freme Et altri membri mici non ben palesi ¶ A Catalogue of the Voyages of this first volume made to the North and Northeast quarters 1 THe voyage of Arthur K. of Britaine to Island and the most Northeaâ—tern parts of Europe Anno 517. pag. 1. 2 The voyage of Malgo king of Britaine to Island Gotland Orkney Denmark and Norway Anno 580. pag. 3. 3 The conquest of the Isles of Anglesey and Man by Edwin the Saxon king of Northumberland Anno 624. 3. 4 The voyage of Bertus into Ireland Anno 684. 4. 5 The voyage of Octher to the North parts beyond Norway about the yeere 890. 4. 6 The second voyage of Octher into the Sound of Denmarke 5. 7 Wolstans Nauigation into the East sea or the Sound of Denmarke 6. 8 The voyage of King Edgar with 4000. shippes round about his large Monarchie Anno 973. 6. 9 The voyage of Edmund and Edward the sonnes of King Edmund Ironside into Hungary Anno 1017. 9. 10 The mariage of the daughter of Harald vnto Ieruslaus duke of Russia in his owne Countrey Anno 1067. 16. 11 The voyage of a certaine Englishman into Tartaria and from thence into Poland and Hungary Anno 1243. â—0 12 The long and wonderfull voyage of Frier Iohn de Plano Carpini Anno 1246. 21,37,53 13 The iournall of Frier William de Rubricis Anno 1253. 71,93 14 The voyage of Nicolaus de Linna a Franciscan Frier and an excellent Mathematician of Oxford to all the Regions situate vnder the North-pole Anno 1360. 121. 15 The voyage of Henry Earle of Derby afterward King of England into Prussia and Letto Anno 1390. 122. 16 The voyage of Thomas of Woodstock duke of Glocester into Prussia Anno 1391. 123. 17 The voyage of sir Hugh Willoughby knight wherein he vnfortunately perished at Arzina Reca in Lapland Anno 1553. 232. 18 The voyage of Richard Chanceller Pilote maior the first discouerer by sea of the kingdome of Moscouia Anno 1553. 237,243 19 The voyage of Stephen Burrough toward the Riuer of Ob intending the discouery of the Northeast passage Anno 1556. 274. 20 The landing of Richard Iohnson among the Samoeds Anno 1556. 283. 21 The voyage of the aforesaide Stephen Burrough from Colmogro in Russia to Wardhouse in search of certaine English ships not heard-of the yeere before Anno 1557. 290. 22 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson into Russia wherein Osep Napea first Ambassadour from the Emperour of Moscouia to Queene Mary was transported into his Countrey Anno 1557. 310,314 23 The voyage of M. Anthony Ienkinson from the Citie of Mosco in
wardens of our heires of the Cinque Portes which for the time shall be their Ports and liberties may enter for to doe their full Iustice. So also that the sayd Barons and their heires do vnto vs and to our heirs kings of England by the yeare their full seruice of 57. shippes at their costs by the space of fifteene dayes at our somounce or at the somounce of our heires We haue granted also vnto them of our speciall grace that they haue Outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesayd in the same maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their monours in the countie of Kent And they be not put in any Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will and that they be free of all their owne wines for which they do trauaile of our right prise that is to say of one tunne before the mast and of another behind the maste We haue granted furthermore vnto the said Barons for vs and our heires that they for euer haue this liberty that is to say That we or our heires shall not haue the wardship or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayde for the which they doe their seruice aforesayd and for the which wee and our progenitors had not the wardships and mariages in time past But we our aforesayd confirmation vpon the liberties and freedomes aforesayde and our grants following to them of our especiall grace of newe haue caused to be made sauing alwaies in al things our kingly dignitie And sauing vnto vs and to our heires plea of our crowne life and member Wherefore we will and surely command for vs and our heires that the aforesaid Barons and their heires for euer haue all the aforesaid liberties and freedomes as the aforesaid Charters do reasonably testifie And that of our especial grace they haue outfang these in their lands within the Ports aforesaid after the maner that Archbishops Bishops Abbots Earles and Barons haue in their manours in the county of Kent And that they be not put in Assises Iuries or Recognisances by reason of their forreine tenure against their will And that they bee free of their owne wines for which they trauaile of our right price or custome that is to say of one tunne of wine before the maste and of another tunne behinde the maste And that likewise for euer they haue the libertie aforesayde that is to say That wee and our heires haue not the wardships or mariages of their heires by reason of their landes which they holde within the liberties and Portes aforesayd for which they doe their seruice aforesaid and for which wee and our predecessors the wardships and mariages haue not had in times past But our aforesayd confirmation of their liberties and freedomes aforesaid and other grants following to them of our especiall grace of new we haue caused to bee made Sauing alwayes and in all things our regall dignity And sauing vnto vs and our heires the pleas of our crowne of life and member as is aforesayd These being witnesses the reuerend father Robert of Portuens Cardinall of the holie Church of Rome frier William of Southhampton Prior pouincial of the friers preachers in England William of Valencia our vncle Roger of the dead sea Roger of Clifford Master Robert Samuel deane of Sarum Master Robert of Scarborough the Archdeacon of East Riding Master Robert of Seyton Bartholomew of Southley Thomas of Wayland Walter of Hoptan Thomas of Normannel Steuen of Pennester Frances of Bonaua Iohn of Lenetotes Iohn of Metingham and others Giuen by our hand at Westminster the fourteenth day of Iune in the sixth yeare of our reigne The roll of the huge fleete of Edward the third before Calice extant in the kings great wardrobe in London whereby the wonderfull strength of England by sea in those dayes may appeare The South fleete The Kings Shippes 25. Mariners 419. London Shippes 25. Mariners 662. Aileford Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Hoo Shippes 2. Mariners 24. Maydstone Shippes 2. Mariners 51. Hope Shippes 2. Mariners 59. New Hithe Shippes 5. Mariners 49. Margat Shippes 15. Mariners 160. Motue Shippes 2. Mariners 22. Feuersham Shippes 2. Mariners 25. Sandwich Ships 22. Mariners 504. Douer Ships 16. Mariners 336. Wight Ships 13. Mariners 220. Winchelsey Ships 21. Mariners 596. Waymouth Ships 15. Mariners 263. Lyme Ships 4. Mariners 62. Seton Ships 2. Mariners 25. Sydmouth Ships 3. Mariners 62. Exmouth Ships 10. Mariners 193. Tegmouth Ships 7. Mariners 120. Dartmouth Ships 31. Mariners 757. Portsmouth Ships 5. Mariners 96. Plimouth Ships 26. Mariners 603. Loo Ships 20. Mariners 315. Yalme Ships 2. Mariners 47. Fowey Ships 47. Mariners 770. Bristol Ships 22. Mariners 608. Tenmouth Ships 2. Mariners 25. Hasting Ships 5. Mariners 96. Romney Ships 4. Mariners 65. Rye Ships 9. Mariners 156. Hithe Ships 6. Mariners 122. Shoreham Ships 20. Mariners 329. Soford Ships 5. Mariners 80. Newmouth Ships 2. Mariners 18. Hamowlhooke Ships 7. Mariners 117. Hoke Ships 11. Mariners 208. SouthhaÌ„pton Ships 21. Mariners 576. Leymington Ships 9. Mariners 159 Poole Ships 4. Mariners 94. Warham Ships 3. Mariners 59. Swanzey Ships 1. Mariners 29. Iâ—fercombe Ships 6. Mariners 79. Patrickestowe Ships 2. Mariners 27. Polerwan Ships 1. Mariners 60. Wadworth Ships 1. Mariners 14. Kardife Ships 1. Mariners 51. Bridgwater Ships 1. Mariners 15. Kaertnarthen Ships 1. Mariners 16. Cailechesworth Ships 1. Mariners 12. Mulbrooke Ships 1. Mariners 12. Summe of the South fleete Ships 493 Mariners 9630 The North fleete Bamburgh Ships 1. Mariners 9. Newcastle Ships 17. Mariners 314. Walcrich Ships 1. Mariners 12. Hertilpoole Ships 5. Mariners 145. Hull Ships 16. Mariners 466. Yorke Ships 1. Mariners 9. Rauenset Ships 1. Mariners 27. Woodhouse Ships 1. Mariners 22. Strâ—khithe Ships 1. Mariners 10. Barton Ships 3. Mariners 30. Swinefleete Ships 1. Mariners 11. Saltfleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Grimesby Ships 11. Mariners 171. Waynefleet Ships 2. Mariners 49. Wrangle Ships 1. Mariners 8. Lenne Ships 16. Mariners 382. Blackney Ships 2. Mariners 38. Scarborough Ships 1. Mariners 19. Yernmouth Ships 43. Mariners 1950. or 1075. Donwich Ships 6. Mariners 102. Orford Ships 3. Mariners 62. Goford Ships 13. Mariners 303. Herwich Ships 14. Mariners 283. Ipswich Ships 12 Mariners 239. Mersey Ships 1. Mariners 6. Brightlingsey Ships 5. Mariners 61. Colchester Ships 5. Mariners 90. Whitbanes Ships 1. Mariners 17. Malden Ships 2. Mariners 32. Derwen Ships 1. Mariners 15. Boston Ships 17. Mariners 361. Swinhumber Ships 1. Mariners 32. Barton Ships 5. Mariners 91. The Summe of the North fleete Ships 217. Mariners 4521. The summe totall of all the English fleete Ships 700. Mariners 14151. Estrangers their ships and mariners Bayon Ships 15. Mariners 439. Spayne Ships 7. Mariners 184. Ireland Ships 1. Mariners 25. Flanders Ships 14. Mariners 133. Gelderland Ships 1. Mariners 24. The summe of all the Estrangers Ships 38. Mariners 805.
and purposely described all the Northerne Islands with the indrawing seas and the record thereof at his returne he deliuered to the king of England The name of which booke is Inuentio Fortunata aliter fortunae qui liber incipit a gradu 54. vsque ad polum Which frier for sundry purposes after that did fiue times passe from England thither and home againe It is to be noted that from the hauen of Linne in Norfolke whereof the foresaid Francisan frier tooke his name to Island it is not aboue a fortnights sailing with an ordinarie winde and hath bene of many yeeres a very common and vsuall trade which further appeareth by the priuileges granted to the Fishermen of the towne of Blacknie in the said Countie of Norfolke by king Edward the third for their exemption and freedome from his ordinary seruice in respect of their trade to Island The voyage of Henry Earle of Derbie after Duke of Hereford and lastly king of England by the name of Henry the fourth An. Dom. 1390. into Prussia and Lettowe against the infidels recorded by Thomas of Walsingham DDominus Henricus Comes de Derbie per idem tempus profectus est in le Pruys vbi cum adjutorio marescalli dictae patriae cujusdam Regis vocati Wytot deuicit exercitum Regis de Lettowe captis quatuor ducibus tribus peremptis amplius quam trecentis de valentioribus exercitus supradicti pariter interemptis Ciuitas quoque vocatur Will in cujus castellum Rex de Lettowe nomine Skirgalle confugerat potenti virtute dicti Comitis maximè aâ—que suorum capta est Namque qui fuerunt de famâ—lia sâ— primi murum ascenderant vexillum ejus super muros caeteris vel torpentibus vel ignorantibus posuerunt Captaque sunt ibi vel occisa quatuor millia plebanorum fratre Regis de Poleyn inter caeteros ibi perempto qui aduersarius nostri fuitâ— Obsessumque fuit castrum dictae Ciuitatis per quinque hebdomadas Sed propter infirmitates quibus vexabatur exercitus magistri de Pruys de Lifland noluerunt diutius expectare Facti sunt Christiani de gente de Lettowe octo Et magister de Lifland duxit secum in suam patriam tria millia captiuorum The same in English ABout the same time L. Henry the Earle of Derbie trauailed into Prussia where with the helpe of the Marshall of the same Prouince and of a certaine king called Wytot hee vanquished the armie of the king of Lettowe with the captiuitie of foure Lithuanian Dukes and the slaughter of three besides more then three hundred of the principall common souldiers of the sayd armie which were slaine The Citie also which is called Wil or Vilna into the castle whereof the king of Lettow named Skirgalle fled for his sauegard was by the valour of the sayd Earle especially and of his followers surprised and taken For certaine of the chiefe men of his familie while others were slouthfull or at least ignorant of their intent skaling the walles aduanced his colours thereupon And there were taken and slaine foure thousand of the common souldiers and amongst others was slaine the king of Poland his brother who was our professed enemie And the castle of the foresaid Citie was besieged for the space of fiue weekes but by reason of the infirmities and inconueniences wherewith the whole armie was annoyed the great masters of Prussia and of Lifland would not stay any longer There were conuerted of the nation of Lettowe eight persons vnto the Christian faith And the master of Lifland carried home with him into his countrey three thousand captiues The voyage of Thomas of VVoodstocke Duke of Glocester into Prussia in the yeere 1391. written by Thomas Walsingham EOdem tempore dux Glouerniae Dominus Thomas de Woodstock multis moerentibus iter apparauit versùs le Pruys quem non Londinensium gemitus non communis vulgi moeror retinere poterant quiâ— proficisci vellet Nam plebs communis tà m Vrbana quà m rustica metuebant quòd eo absente aliquod nouum detrimentum succresceret quo praesente nihil tale timebant Siquidèm in eo spes solatium totius patriae reposita videbantur Ipse verò mòx vt fines patriae suae transijt illicò aduersa agitatus fortuna nunc hà c nunc illà c turbinibus procellosis circumfertur in tantum destituitur vt de vita etiam desperaret Tandem post Daciam post Norwagiam post Scoticam barbariem non sine mortis pauore transcursam peruenit Northumbriam ad castellum se contulit de Tinnemutha velùt assylum antiquitùs notum sibi vbi per aliquot dies recreatus iter assumpsit versus manerium suum de Plashy magnum apportans gaudium toti regno tam de ejus euasione quà m de aduentu suo The same in English AT the same time the Duke of Glocester Lord Thomas of Woodstock the yongest sonne of Edward the third to the great griefe of many tooke his iourney towards Prussia whom neither the Londoners mones nor yet the lamentation of the communaltie could restraine from his intended expedition For the common people both of the Citie and of the countrey feared lest in his absence some newe calamitie might happen which they feared not while he was present For in him the whole nation seemed to repose their hope and comfort Howbeit hauing skarce passed as yet the bounds of his owne countrey he was immediatly by hard fortune tossed vp and downe with dangerous stormes and tempests and was brought into such distresse that he despaired euen of his owne life At length hauing not without danger of death sailed along the coastes of Denmarke Norway and Scotland he returned into Northumberland and went to the castle of Tinmouth as vnto a place of refuge knowen of olde vnto him where after hee had refreshed himselfe a fewe dayes hee tooke his iourney toward his Mannour of Plashy bringing great ioy vnto the whole kingdome aswell in regard of his safetie as of his returne The verâ—es of Geofrey Chaucer in the knights Prologue who liuing in the yeere 1402. as hee writeth himselfe in his Epistle of Cupide shewed that the English Knights after the losse of Acon were wont in his time to trauaile into Prussia and Lettowe and other heathen lands to aduance the Christian faith against Infidels and miscreants and to seeke honour by feats of armes The English Knights Prologue A Knight there was and that a worthie man that from the time that he first began to riden out he loued Cheualrie trouth honour freedome and Curtesie full worthy was he in his lords warre and thereto had hee ridden no man farre As well in Christendome as in Heathennesse and euer had honour for his worthinesse At Alisandre hee was when it was wonne full oft time hee had the bourd begon abouen all nations in Pruce In Lettowe had hee riden and in
English lawes that the people and the lawes were in reputation and then were the wisest of the people worship-worthy euery one after his degree Earle and Churle Thein and vnder-Thein And if a churle thriued so that hee had fully five hides of his owne land a Church and a Kitchin a Belhouse and a gate a seate and a seuerall office in the Kings hall then was he thenceforth the Theins right worthy And if a Thein so thriued that he serued the king and on his message rid in his houshold if he then had a Thein that followed him the which to the kings iourney fiue hides had and in the kings seate his Lord serued and thrise with his errand had gone to the king he might afterward with his forâ—oth his lords part play at any great neede And if a Thein did thriue so that he became an Earle then was he afterward an Earles right worthie And if a Marchant so thriued that he passed thrise ouer the wide seas of his owne craft he was thencefoorth a Theins right worthie And if a scholar so prospered thorow learning that he degree had and serued Christ he was then afterward of dignitie and peace so much worthie as thereunto belonged vnlesse he forfaited so that he the vse of his degree vse ne might A testimonie of certaine priuiledges obtained for the English and Danish Marchants of Conradus the Emperour and Iohn the Bishop of Rome by Canutus the King of England in his iourney to Rome extracted out of a letter of his written vnto the Cleargie of England SIt vobis notum quia magna congregatio nobilum in ipsa solemnitate Pascali Romae cum Domino Papa Ioanne imperatore Conrado erat scilicet omnes principes gentium a monte Gargano vsque ad iâ—tum proximum Marâ—â— qui omnes me honorifice suscepere magnificis donis honorauere Maxime autem ab imperatore donis varijs muneribus pretiosis honoratus sum tam in vasis aureis argenteis quam in pallijs vestibus valde pretiosis Locutus sum igitur cum ipso imperatore Domino Papa principibus qui ibi erant de necessitatibus totius populi mei tam Angli quam Dani vt eis concederetur lex aequior pax securior in via RomaÌ„ adeundi ne tot clausuris per viam arcerentur propter iniustum teloneuÌ„ fatigarentur Annuitque postulatis Imperator Rodulphus Rex qui maxime ipsarum clausurarum dominatur cunctique principes edictis firmarunt vt homines mei tam Mercatores quà m alij orandi gratia viatores absque omni anguria clausurarum teloneaâ—iorum cum firma pace Romam eant redeant The same in English YOu are to vnderstand that at the feast of Easter there was a great company of Nobles with Pope Iohn and Conradus the Emperour assembled at Rome namely all the princes of the nations from mount Garganus vnto the West Ocean sea Who all of them honourably interteined me and welcomed mee with rich and magnificent gifts but especially the Emperour bestowed diuers costly presents and rewards vpon mee both in vessels of golde and siluer and also in cloakes and garments of great value Wherefore I conferred with the Emperour himselfe and the Pope and with the other Princes who were there present concerning the necessities of all my subiects both Englishmen and Danes that a more fauourable law secure peace in their way to Rome might bee graunted vnto them and that they might not bee hindered by so many stops impediments in their iourney and wearied by reason of iniust exactions And the Emperour condescended vnto my request and king Rodulphus also who hath greatest authoritie ouer the foresaid stops and streights and all the other princes confirmed by their Edicts that my subiects as well Marchants as others who trauailed for deuotions sake should without all hinderance and restraint of the foresaid stops and customers goe vnto Rome in peace and returne from thence in safetie The flourishing state of Marchandise in the Citie of London in the dayes of Willielmus Malmesburiensis which died in the yeere 1142. in the reigne of K. Stephen HAud longe a Rofa quasi viginti quinque milliarijs est Londonia Ciuitas nobilis opima ciuium diuitijs constipata negociatorum ex omni terra maxime ex Germania venientium commercijs Vnde fit vt cum vbique in Anglia caritas victualium pro sterili prouentu messium sit ibi necessaria distrahantur emantur minore quà m alibi vel vendentium compendio vel ementium dispendio Peregrinas inuehit merces Ciuitatis sinibus Tamesis fluuius famosus qui citra vrbem ad ' 80. milliaria fonticulo fusus vltra plus 70. nomen profert The same in English NOt farre from Rochester about the distance of fiue and twenty miles standeth the Noble Citie of London abounding with the riches of the inhabitants and being frequented with the traffique of Marchants resorting thither out of all nations and especially out of Germanie Whereupon it commeth to passe that when any generall dearth of victuals falleth out in England by reason of the scarcitie of corne things necessary may there be prouided and bought with lesse gaine vnto the sellers and with lesse hinderance and losse vnto the buyers then in any other place of the Realme Outlandish wares are conueighed into the same Citie by the famous riuer of Thames which riuer springing out of a fountaine 80. miles beyond the Citie is called by one and the selfe same name .70 miles beneath it The aforesaid William of Malmesburie writeth of traffike in his time to Bristowe in his fourth booke degestis pontificum Anglorum after this maner IN eadem valle est vicus celeberrimus Bristow nomine in quo est nauium portus ab Hibernia Norwegia caeteris transinarinis terris venientium receptaculum ne scilicet genitalibus diuitijs tam fortunata regio peregrinarum opum frauderetur commercio The same in English IN the same valley stands the famous Towne of Bristow with an Hauen belonging thereunto which is a commodious and safe receptacle for all ships directing their course for the same from Ireland Norway and other outlandish and foren countreys namely that a region so fortunate and blessed with the riches that nature hath vouchsafed thereupon should not bee destitute of the wealth and commodities of other lands The league betweene Henry the second and Fredericke Barbarossa Emperour of Germanie wherein is mention of friendly traffike betweene the Marchants of the Empire and England confirmed in the yeere of our Lord 1157. recorded in the first Booke and seuenteenth Chapter of Radeuicus Canonicus Frisingensis being an appendix to Otto Frisingensis IBidem tunc affuere etiam Henrici Regis Angliae missi varia preciosa donaria multo lepore verborum adornata praestantes Inter quae papilionem vnum quantitate maximum qualitate optimum perspeximus
these goods and marchandises shall be brought into our realme and dominion and shall be there vnladen and solde And likewise three pence vpon euery pound of siluer in the carying out of any such goods and marchandises which are bought in our realme and dominion aforesayd aboue the customes beforetime payd vnto vs or any of our progenitors And touching the value and estimation of these goods and marchandises whereof three pence of euery pound of siluer as is aforesayd is to be payd credite shal be giuen vnto them vpon the letters which they are able to shewe from their masters or parteners And if they haue no letters in this behalfe we will stand to the othe of the foresayd marchants if they bee present or in their absence to the othes of their seruants Moreouer it shall be lawfull for such as be of the company of the aforesayd marchants within our realme and dominion aforesayd to sell woolles to other of their company and likewise to buy of them without paying of custome Yet so that the said wools come not to such hands that wee be defrauded of the custome due vnto vs. And furthermore it is to be vnderstood that after that the aforesaid marchants haue once payed in one place within our realme and dominion the custome aboue granted vnto vs in forme aforesayd for their marchandises haue their warrant therof whether these marchandises remayne within our kingdome or be caried out excepting wines which in no wise shal be caried forth of our realme and dominion aforesayd without our fauour licence as is aforesayd we wil and we grant for vs and our heires that no execution attachment or loane or any other burthen be layd vpon the persons of the aforesayd marchants vpon their marchandises or goods in any case contrary to the forme before mentioned and granted The faithfull principall witnesses of these presents are these Robert Archbishop of Canterbury Primate of all England Walter bishop of CoueÌ„trey and Lichfield Henry Lacie of Lincolne Humfrey de Bohume Earle of Herford and Essex high Constable of England Adomare of Valentia Geofrey of Gaymal Hugh Spenser Walter Beauchampe Seneschall of our house Robert of Bures and others Giuen by our owne hand at Windesore the first day of February in the yere of our reigne xxxi De mercatoribus Angliae in Norwegia arestatis eorum mercimonijs dearrestandis literae Edwardi secundi anno sexto regni sui Haquino regi Norwegie MAgnifico principi domino Haquino Dei gratia regi Norwegie illustri amico suo charissimo Edwardus eadeÌ„ Dei gratia rex Anglie Dom. Hibernie dux Aquitanie saluteÌ„ cuÌ„ dilectione sincera Miramur noÌ„ modicuÌ„ in intimis conturbamur de grauaminibus oppressionibus quae subditis nostris infra regnum vestrum causa negociandi venienâ—â—bus his diebus plus solito absque causa rationabili sicut ex graui querela didicimus inferuntur Nuâ—er siquidem Willihelmus filius Laurentij de Waynfleete Simon filius Alani de eadâ—m Guido filius Mathei eorum socij mercatores nostri nobis conquerendo monstrarunt quod cum ipsi quosdam homines seruientes suos cum tribus nauibus suis ad partes regni vestri ad negotiandum ibidem transmisissent naues illae in portu villae vestrae de Tonnesbergh halece alijs bonis diuersis vsque ad magnam summam oneratae fuissent Et licet nautis nauiuÌ„ praedictarum hominibusque seruientibus praedictis à regno vestro liberè cum nauibus bonis praedictis ad partes Anglie redeundi vestras fieri feceritis de coÌ„ductu postmodum ramen antequaÌ„ naues illae propter venti contrarietateÌ„ portum praedictum exire potuerunt quidam balliui vestri naues praedictas cum hominibus bonis omnibus tunâ— existentibus in eisdem occasione mortis cuiusdam militis nuper balliui vestri in Vikia per malefactores piratas dum naues praedictae in portu supradicto sicut praemittitur remanserunt supra mare vt dicitur interfecti de mandato vestro vt dicebant artestarunt diu sub aresto huiuâ—modi detinebant quousque videlicet homines marinarij praedicti de quadraginta libris sterlingoruÌ„ certo die statuto ad opus vestrum pro qualibetnaui predictarum soluendis inuiti coacti securitatem inuenissent Et similiter de eisdem nauibus cum hominibus praedictis infra portum praedictum citra sestuÌ„ natiuitatis Sancti Ioannis Baptistae proximo futuro ad standum runc ibidem de personis nauibus suis vestre gratie seu voluntatis arbitrio reducendis tres obsides vlterius liberassent quod ipsis valde graue censetur auditu mirabile auribus audientium non immerito reputatur Et quia contra rationem equitatem omnemque iustitiam fore dinoscitur atque legem quòd delinquentium culpe seu demerita in personis vel rebus illorum qui criminis rei conscijvel participes seu de huiusmodi delinquentium societate non fuerunt aliqualiter vlciscantur vestram amicitiam affectuose requirimus rogamus quatenus praemissa diligenti meditatione zelo iustitiae ponderantes obsides predictos iubere velitis ab hostagiamento huiusmodi liberari dictamque securitatem relaxari penitus resolui Scientes pro certo quod si malefactores predicti qui dictum militem vestrum vt dicitur occiderunt alicubi infra regnum seu potestatem nostâ—am poterunt inueniri de ipsis iustitiam iudicium secundum legem consuetudinem eiusdem regni fieri faciemus Non enim possumus his diebus aequanimiter tolerare quod naues predicte seu aliae de regno nostro quae semper prompte ad nostrum seruitium esse debent extra idem regnum ad partes remotas se diuertant sine nostra licentia speciali Quid autem ad hanc nostram instantiam faciendum decreueritis in premissis nobis si placeat reseribatis per presentium portatorem Datae apud Windesore decimo sexto die Aprilis The same in English The letters of Edward the second vnto Haquinus king of Norway concerning the English marchants arrested in Norway and their goods to be freed from arrest TO the mighty Prince lord Haquinus by the grace of God the famous king of Norway his most deare friend Edward by the same grace of God king of England lord of Ireland duke of Aquitaine greeting and sincere loue We maruell not a little and are much disquieted in our cogitations considering the greeuances and oppressions which as wee haue beene informed by pitifull complaints are at this present more then in times past without any reasonable cause inflicted vpon our subiects which doe vsually resort vnto your kingdome for traffiques sake For of late one William the sonne of Laurence of Wainfleete and one Simon the sonne of Alan of the same towne and Guido the sonne of Mathew and their associates our marchants in complayning wise declared vnto vs that
right honorable William lord de Roos high treasurer of England both of them counsellers vnto the sayd soueraigne king on the one party and the right worshipfull Iohn Godeke and Henrie Moneke sent as messengers by the right reuerend and religious personage Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Dutch knights of the Order of S. Mary on the other party it was at the request and instancie of the sayd messengers appoynted and mutually agreed vpon that all the liege people and subiects of the sayd soueraigne lord and king shall haue free licence and liberty vntill the feast of Easter next ensuing safely to trauel vnto the land of Prussia aforesayd there to remaine and thence with their ships marchandises other their goods whatsoeuer to returne vnto their owne home which on the other side all the subiects of the sayd Master general may within the terme prefixed likewise doe in the foresaid realme of England Prouided alwaies that after the time aboue limited neither the sayd marchants of the realme of England may in the land of Prussia nor the marchants of that land in the realme of England exercise any traffique at al vnles it be otherwise ordained by some composition betweene the foresaid king of England the said Master general in the meane time concluded In witnesse wherof one part of this present Indenture is to remaine in the custodie of the foresaid messengers Giuen in the Chapter-house of the Church of S. Paul at London the day and yere aboue written The letters of the chancelor and treasurer of England vnto Frater Conradus de Iungingen master generall of Prussia 1403. RIght reuerend and mighty lord your honorable messengers Iohn Godeke and Henry Moneke the bearers hereof comming of late before the presence of our most souereigne lord the king of England and of France and being welcomed by our said lord with a chearefull and fauourable countenance they presented certaine letters on your behalfe vnto the kings Maiestie with that reuerence which be seemed them expounding vnto his highnes sundry piracies molestations offered of late vpon the sea by his liege people subiects vnto yours contrary to the leagues of peace and amitie which hitherto by Gods grace haue bene maintained and continued on both parts In consideration of which piracies and molestations your messengers demanded full restitution and recompeâ—se to be made either vnto the damnified parties or vnto their procurators We therefore at that time especially being in the presence of our soueraigne who with his puissant army tooke his progresse towards the remote part of Wales being subiect vnto his dominion to see iustice executed vpon his people of those parts who very rashly haue presumed to rebell against him their souereigne contrary to their allegeance right well perceiued that it was his hignesse intention that euery one should haue due iustice faithfully administred vnto him especially your subiects and that with all fauour whom he hath alwayes in times past right graciously intreated as if they had bene his owne liege subiects and natiue countrey men whome also hee purposeth hereafter friendly to protect insomuch that betweene him and his subiects on the one party and betweene you and yours on the other party great abundance and perfection of mutuall amity may increase And therefore we offered vnto your foresayd messengers after they had particularly declared vnto vs such piracies and wrongs to sende the kings letters vnto them of whom complaint was made firmely inioyning them vnder grieuous penalties that without delay they restore or cause to bee restored vnto the parties damnified or vnto their procuratours all ships marchandises wares and goods by them taken or violently stolne from your subiects And that your said messengers may partly attaine their desire we haue commaunded certaine ships marchandises wares and goods found in certaine hauens to be deliuered vnto them Howbeit as touching other goods which are perhaps perished or wanting by infortunate dissipation or destruction and for the which the said messengers of yours demand satisfaction to be made vnto them within a certain time by vs limited may it please your honor to vnderstand that in the absence of our sayd souereigne lord the king being as yet farre distant from vs wee can in no wise limit or set downe any such terme of time Notwithstanding at the prosperous returne of our soueraigne we are determined to commune with him about this matter Of whose answere so soone as we be certified we purpose to signifie his intention vnto you by our letters Sithens also right reuerend and mighty lord your sayd messengers are contented for the present to accept of our offer aforesayde as indeede by all reason they ought thereat to rest content especially whereas by this meanes they shall the more speedily attaine vnto the effect of their purposes to the shorte and wished execution and performance of which offer we will by Gods helpe endeuour to the vtmost of our ability may it be your will and pleasure that as in the kingdome of England your marchants and subiects are courteously intreated euen so the marchants and liege people of our soueraigne lord the king and of his kingdomes peaceably frequenting your parts either in regard of traffique or of any other iust occasion may there in like manner friendly bee vsed and with your marchants and subiects suffered to communicate and to haue intercourse of traffique inioying the commodities of the ancient league By this also the feruent zeale and affection which you beare vnto the royall crowne of England shall vndoubtedly appeare albeit betweene the famous houses of England and of Prussia the bandes of vnfained loue and friendship haue bin successiuely confirmed and kept inuiolable in times past And thus right reuerend and mighty lord wishing vnto you increase of honour and prosperity wee take our leaues Written at London the fift of October in the yeare of our lord 1403 By the chancelor the treasurer and other lords of the hono counsell of the king of England and France being personally present at London The letters of king Henry the 4. vnto Conradus de Iungingen the master general of Prussia for mutual conuersation and intercourse of traffique to continue between the marchants of England and of Prussia for a certaine terme of time HEnry by the grace of God king of England France and lord of Ireland to the noble and mighty personage of sacred religion Frater Conradus de Iungingen Master generall of the Order of the Dutch knights of S. Marie c. our most deare and welbeloued friend greeting and continuall increase of our auncient and sincere amity By the grieuous complaynts of our liege subiects concerning traffique as it were circular wise too fro both our dominions we haue often bene aduertised that in regard of diuers iniuries and damages which as well our as your marchants who by their dealings in marchandise were woont peaceably to vse mutual conuersation together
beastes skinnes In those partes they haue but small store of cattell The Mosco it selfe is great I take the whole towne to bee greater then London with the suburbes but it is very rude and standeth without all order Their houses are all of timber very dangerous for fire There is a faire Castle the walles whereof are of bricke and very high they say they are eighteene foote thicke but I doe not beleeue it it doth not so seeme notwithstanding I doe not certainely know it for no stranger may come to viewe it The one side is ditched and on the other side runneth a riuer called Moscua which runneth into Tartarie and so into the sea called Mare Caspium and on the North side there is a base towne the which hath also a bricke wall about it and so it ioyneth with the Castle wall The Emperour lieth in the castle wherein are nine fayre Churches and therin are religious men Also there is a Metropolitane with diuers Bishops I will not stande in description of their buildinges nor of the strength thereof because we haue better in all points in England They be well furnished with ordinance of all sortes The Emperours or Dukes house neither in building nor in the outward shew nor yet within the house is so sumptuous as I haue seene It is very lowe built in eight square much like the olde building of England with small windowes and so in other poynts Now to declare my comming before his Maiestie After I had remained twelue daies the Secretary which hath the hearing of strangers did send for me aduertising me that the Dukes pleasure was to haue me to come before his Ma. with the kings my masters letters whereof I was right glad and so I gaue mine attendance And when the Duke was in his place appointed the interpretour came for me into the vtter chamber where sate one hundred or moe gentlemen all in cloth of golde very sumptuous and from thence I came into the Counsaile chamber where sate the Duke himselfe with his nobles which were a faire company they sateround about the chamber on high yet so that he himselfe sate much higher then any of his nobles in a chaire gilt and in a long garment of beaten golde with an emperial crowne vpon his head and a staffe of Cristall and golde in his right hand and his other hand halfe leaning on his chaire The Chancelour stoode vp with the Secretary before the Duke After my dutie done and my letter deliuered he bade me welcome enquired of me the health of the King my master and I answered that he was in good health at my departure from his court and that my trust was that he was now in the same Upon the which he bade me to dinner The Chancelour presented my present vnto his Grace bareheaded for before they were all couered and when his Grace had receiued my letter I was required to depart for I had charge not to speake to the Duke but when he spake to me So I departed vnto the Secretaries chamber where I remayned two houres and then I was sent for againe vnto another palace which is called the golden palace but I saw no cause why it should be so called for I haue seene many fayrer then it in all poynts and so I came into the hall which was small and not great as is the Kings Maiesties of England and the table was couered with a tablecloth and the Marshall sate at the ende of the table with a little white rod in his hand which boorde was full of vessell of golde and on the other side of the hall did stand a faire cupborde of place From thence I came into the dining chamber where the Duke himselfe sate at his table without cloth of estate in a gowne of siluer with a crowne emperiall vpon his head he sate in a chaire somewhat hie There sate none neare him by a great way There were long tables set round about the chamber which were full set with such as the Duke had at dinner they were all in white Also the places where the tables stoode were higher by two steppes then the rest of the house In the middest of the chamber stoode a table or cupbord to set place on which stoode full of cuppes of golde and amongst all the rest there stoode foure maruellous great pottes or crudences as they call them of golde and siluer I thinke they were a good yarde and a halfe hie By the cupborde stoode two gentlemen with napkins on their shoulders and in their handes each of them had a cuppe of gold set with pearles and precious stones which were the Dukes owne drinking cups when he was disposed he drunke them off at a draught And for his seruice at meate it came in without order yet it was very rich seruice for all were serued in gold not onely he himselfe but also all the rest of vs and it was very massie the cups also were of golde and very massie The number that dined there that day was two hundred persons and all were serued in golden vessell The gentlemen that waited were all in cloth of gold and they serued him with their caps on their heads Before the seruice came in the Duke sent to euery man a great shiuer of bread and the bearer called the party so sent to by his name aloude and sayd Iohn Basiliuich Emperour of Russia and great Duke of Moscouia doth reward thee with bread then must all men stand vp and doe at all times when those wordes are spoken And then last of all he giueth the Marshall bread whereof he eateth before the Dukes Grace and so doth reuerence and departeth Then commeth the Dukes seruice of the Swannes all in pieces and euery one in a seuerall dish the which the Duke sendeth as he did the bread and the bearer sayth the same wordes as he sayd before And as I sayd before the seruice of his meate is in no order but commeth in dish by dish and then after that the Duke sendeth drinke with the like saying as before is tolde Also before dinner hee changed his crowne and in dinner time two crownes so that I saw three seuerall crownes vpon his head in one day And thus when his seruice was all come in hee gaue to euery one of his gentlemen waiters meate with his owne hand so likewise drinke His intent thereby is as I haue heard that euery man shall know perfectly his seruants Thus when dinner is done hee calleth his nobles before him name by name that it is wonder to heare howe he could name them hauing so many as he hath Thus when dinner was done I departed to my lodging which was an hower within night I will leaue this and speake no more of him nor his houshold but I will some what declare of his land and people with their nature and power in the wars This Duke is Lord and Emperour of many countreis his power is marueilous
all our Townes Captaines and authorised men to defende and garde the said Marchants from all theeues robbers and euill disposed persons 23 If in comming or going to and fro our dominions the Marchants the factors or seruants be spoyled on the sea our Counsell shall send our letters and will them to be sought out and where they shall finde the goods cause it to be restored againe and the offender to be punished according to our commandement 24 Also of our goodnes we haue granted the saide Merchants to take vp Brokers Packers Wayers and such like labourers as shall be needefull for them paying for their hier as the labourers and they shall agree 25 We likewise of our goodnes haue licensed the English Marchants in our Townes of Mosco Nouogorod the great and Plesko that the Coiners of the said Townes shall melt Dollers and coine money for them without custome allowing for coales and other necessaries with the workemanship 26 Also of our goodnes we haue granted to the sayd English Merchants to take poste horse at needfull times leauing with our officers a note how many they take and not else in no case hindering or diminishing our treasurie 27 Also for our sister Queene Elizabeths sake we of our goodnes haue granted to the merchants within written this our letter and to their successors that no Englishman nor any other stranger come without the Queenes leaue to Colmogorode the riuer of Vob Vasiagy Pechora Cola Mezena Pechingo Zeleuetskyes Island the riuer of Shame nor to no other hauen of Dwina nor to any part of the northside of Dwina by hetherward of Wardhouse to any hauen with shippe Busse or any other vessell nor to occupie in any kind of waies but only the said English companie and their successors to whom we of our goodnes haue granted this priuiledge 28 Also that no English Merchant without the Queenes leaue shall come with any wares to the Narue or Vriogorod 29 And whatsoeuer English Merchant stranger or other of whatsoeuer Countrey he be shall come with any shippe Busse or any other vessel to any of the said hauens of the north side to any part of Dwina by North the Narue or Vriogorod without the Queenes leaue or knowledge not being of the company aboue written we to apprehende and take the same vessell from those strangers and Merchants the one halfe to vs the Emperour and great Duke and the other halfe to the company of English Merchants 30 Also of our goodnes we haue granted the said company of English merchants that no English merchants or strangers shall passe through our dominions to Boghar Persia Casbin Charday or other Countreys saue onely the company of English merchants and our owne messengers 31 Also whatsoeuer Englishman comming out of England or any other Countrey into our dominions without the Queenes leaue and knowledge not being of the sayd company written within those our letters mind and purpose to abide in our realme contrary to the Queenes will and pleasure or any way abuse himselfe the Agent shall freely send him home to the Queene his Soueraigne which if the Agent of himselfe be vnable to do let him pray for ayd of the captaines and officers of our townes there being and so send him to prison and will the sayd captaines not to hinder the sayd Agent from sending home such euill persons into England 32 And if any man within our countrey runne away to any other towne or place the English merchants and factours to haue free libertie to apprehend him and take their goods from him againe 33 And as for our priuilege giuen to Thomas Glouer Ralfe Rutter Christopher Bennet Iohn Chappell and their adherents we haue commanded the same priuileges to be taken from them 34 Aâ—so we of our goodnesse haue granted the sayd company of English merchants their successours seruants and deputies that doe or shall remaine at Mosco or elsewhere within our dominions freely to keepe their owne law and in any wise none of ours to force them to our law or faith against their will Moreouer besides and with the company of English merchants we permit all strangers to trade to our towne of Narue Iuanogorod other our townes of Liefland as they haue done beforetime Giuen from the beginning of the world 7077 in the moneth of Iune 20 Indiction 12 the yere of our lordship and reign 35 and of our Empire of Rusland 23 Cazan 17 Astracan 15. Other speciall grants by his Maiesties priuate letters at the sute of M. Randolfe Ambassadour REleasement out of prison of Fitzherbert that was accused for writing of letters against the Emperour Liberty giuen to Thomas Greene that was accused and troubled vpon suspition of his dealing with the Ambassadour and licence giuen to him to trafficke as he was accustomed Andrew Atherton and his sureties released at the Narue and his seruant at the Mosco that were in trouble for sending the merchants letters into England A letter granted to Thomas Southam to the Councell for iustice against them that stole the pearles His Maiesties fauor promised to the Artificers and liuings to be appointed them as they can best dâ—serue A letter to the merchants that went into Persia to passe freely without impeachment in his dominions as also letters of fauour to the great Shaugh of Persia. A grant vnto the company that at what time soeuer they send to the discouery of Cataya they shal be licenced to repaire vnto this countrey and haue such conducts and guides mariners vessels men and victuals as they shall stand in need of It is also promised by Knez Alfanas and Peter Gregoriwich in the Emperours name that if Benet Butler or any English man complaine deface hinder in way of traffike or otherwise go about to discredit the worshipfull company and their doings that therein they shall not be heard and the doers to be punished as in such cases they shal be iudged to haue deserued Certaine persons granted to be sent home into England that serued the company and were practisers against them in that countrey A Commission giuen by vs Thomas Randolfe Ambassadour for the Queenes Maiestie in Russia and Thomas Bannister c. vnto Iames Bassendine Iames Woodcocke and Richard Browne the which Bassendine Woodcocke and Browne we appoint ioyntly together and aiders the one of them to the other in a voyage of discouery to be made by the grace of God by them for searching of the sea and border of the coast from the riuer Pechora to the Eastwards as hereafter followeth Anno 1588. The first of August IN primis when your barke with all furniture is ready you shall at the beginning of the yere assoone as you possibly may make your repaire to the Easterne part of the riuer Pechora where is an Island called Dolgoieue and from thence you shall passe to the Eastwards alongst by the Sea coast of Hugorie or the maine land of Pechora and sailing alongst by the same coast you shall passe within
said Peraslaue the 3. of February where I remained vnder the charge of a gentleman hauing then a house appointed me allowance of victuals but so straitly kept that none of our nation or other might come or sende vnto me nor I to them And the 14. of March fâ—lowing I was sent for to the Court and being within three miles of the same a poste was sent to the Gentleman which had charge of me to returne backe againe with mee to the said Peraslaue and to remaine there vntill his Maiesties further pleasure wherewith I was much dismayed and marueiled what that sudden change ment and the rather because it was a troublesome time and his Maiestie much disquieted through the ill successe of his affaires as I did vnderstand And the twentieth of the same I was sent for againe to the Court and the 23. I came before his Maiestie who caused mee to kisse his hande and gaue gratious audience vnto my Oration gratefully receiuing and accepting the Queenes Maiesties princely letters and her present in the presence of all his nobilitie After I had finished my Oration too long here to rehearse and deliuered her highnesse letters and present as aforesaid the Emperour sitting in royall estate stood vp and said How doth Queene Elizabeth my sister is she in health to whom I answered God doth blesse her Maiestie with health and peace and doeth wish the like vnto thee Lord her louing brother Then his Maiestie sitting downe againe commaunded all his nobilitie and others to depart and auoyde the chamber sauing the chiefe Secretarie and one other of the Counsell and willing me to approch neere vnto him with my Interpretor said vnto me these words Anthony the last time thou wast with vs heere wee did commit vnto thee our trustie and secret Message to be declared vnto the Queenes Maiestie herselfe thy Mistresse at thy comming home and did expect thy comming vnto vs againe at the time wee appointed with a full answere of the same from her highnesse And in the meane time there came vnto vs at seuerall times three messengers the one called Manly the other George Middleton and Edward Goodman by the way of the Narue about the Merchants affaires to whom wee sent our messenger to know whether thou Anthony were returned home in safetie and when thou shouldest returne vnto vs againe but those messengers could tell vs nothing and did miscall and abuse with euil words both our messenger and thee wherewith wee were much offended And vnderstanding that the said Goodman had letters about him we caused him to be searched with whom were found many letters wherein was written much against our Princely estate and that in our Empire were many vnlawfull things done whereat we were much grieued would suffer none of those rude messengers to haue accesse vnto vs and shortly after wee were infourmed that one Thomas Randolfe was come into our Dominions by the way of Dwina Ambassadour from the Queene and we sent a Gentleman to meete and conduct him to our Citie of Mosco at which time we looked that thou shouldest haue returned vnto vs againe And the said Thomas being arriued at our said Citie wee sent vnto him diuers times that hee should come and conferre with our Counsell whereby we might vnderstand the cause of his comming looking for answere of those our princely affaires committed vnto thee But hee refused to come to â—ur said Counsell wherefore and for that our saide Citie was visited with plague the saide Thomas was the longer kept from our presence Which being ceased foorthwith wee gaue him accesse and audience but all his talke with vs was about Merchants affaires and nothing touching ours Wee knowe that Merchants matters are to bee heard for that they are the stay of our Princely treasures But first Princes affaires are to be established and then Merchants After this the said Thomas Randolfe was with vs at our Citie of Vologda and wee dealt with him about our Princely affaires whereby amitie betwixt the Queenes Maiestie and vs might bee established for euer and matters were agreed and concluded betwixt your Ambassadour and vs and thereupon wee sent our Ambassadour into England with him to ende the same but our Ambassadour returned vnto vs againe without finishing our said affaires contrary to our expectation and the agreement betwixt vs and your said Ambassadour Thus when his Maiestie had made a long discourse I humbly beseeched his highnesse to heare me graciouâ—ly and to giue me leaue to speake without offence and to beleeue those wordes to be true which I should speake Which he graunted and these were my words Most noble and famous Prince the message which thy highnesse did sende by mee vnto the Queene her most excellent Maiestie touching thy Princely and secret affaires immediatly and so soone as I came home I did declare both secretly and truely vnto the Queenes Maiestie her selfe word for word as thou Lord diddest commaund mee Which her highnesse did willingly heare and accept and being mindefull thereof and willing to answere the same the next shipping after her Maiestie did sende vnto thee Lord her highnesse Ambassadour Thomas Randolfe whose approoued wisedome and fidelitie was vnto her Maiestie well knowen and therefore thought meete to bee sent to so worthy a Prince who had Commission not onely to treate with thy Maiestie of Merchants affaires but also of those thy Princely and secret affaires committed vnto mee And the cause most gracious Prince that I was not sent againe was for that I was imployed in seruice vpon the Seas against the Queenes Maiesties enemies and was not returned home at such time as Master Thomas Randolfe departed with the Shippes to come into thy Maiesties Countrey otherwise I had bene sent And whereas thy Maiestie saith that Thomas Randolfe would not treate with thy Counsell of the matters of his Legation hee did Lord therein according to his Commission which was First to deale with thy Maiestie thy selfe which order is commonly vsed among all Princes when they send their Ambassadours about matters of great waight And whereas the saide Thomas is charged that hee agreed and concluded vpon matters at the same time and promised the same should bee perfourmed by the Queene her Maiestie Whereupon Lord thou diddest send thy Ambassadour with him into England for answere thereof It may please thy Maiestie to vnderstand that as the saide Thomas Randolfe doeth confesse that in deede hee had talke with thy Highnesse and counsell diuers times about princely affaires euen so hee denieth that euer hee did agree conclude or make any promise in any condition or order as is alleaged otherwise then it should please the Queene her Maiestie to like of at his returne home which hee did iustifie to thy Highnes Ambassador his face in England Wherefore most mighty Prince it doth well appeare that either thy Ambassador did vntruly enforme thy Maiestie or els thy princely minde and the true meaning of the Queenes highnes her
in the rode the ships sent out of England almost laden ready to depart The 25 day departed for England out of the rode of S. Nicholas the ship Elizabeth The 26 day departed thence the Thomas Allen and Mary Susan and in the Thomas Allen went William Turnbul Matthew Tailboys Thomas Hudson and others The goods returned of the Persia voyage were laden into the ship William and Iohn whereof was Master William Bigat and in her with the same goods came Peter Garrard and Tobias Parris The 11 of August the same ship being laden and dispatched departed from the rode of S. Nicholas and with her in company another of the companies fraighted ships called the Tomasin whereof was M. Christopher Hall In their returne homewards they had some foule weather and were separated at the sea the William and Iohn put into Newcastle the 24 of September from whence the sayd Peter Garrard and Tobias Parris came to London by land and brought newes of the arriuall of the ship The 25 of September both the sayd ships arriued at the port of London in safety and ankered before Limehouse and Wapping where they were discharged 1581. Obseruations of the latitudes and meridian altitudes of diuers places in Russia from the North to the South Anno 1581. Michael Archangel Meridian altitude obserued at Michael the Archangel 42. degrees 30. minuts The true latitude 64. degrees 54 minuts  The English house in Colmogro The English house in Colmogro in latitude 64. d. 25. m. The meridian altitude there obserued the 29 of Iuly 42. d. 15. m. Recola Meridian altitude the 30 of Iuly 41. d. 40. m. 64. d. 20. m. Declination 16. d. 6. m. Yeegris Meridian 4 of August 41. d. 50. m. 62. d. 59. m. Declination Northerly 14. d. 49. m. Towlma Meridian altitude the 15 of August 40. d. 45. m. 60. d. 17. m. Declination Northerly 11. d. 2. m. Vologda Meridian altitude the 20 of August 40. d. 59. d. 17. m. Declination Northerly 9. d. 17. m. Vologda Meridian altitude 21 of August 39. d. 36. m. 59. d. 20. m. Declination 8. d. 56. m. Yereslaue Latitude by gesse 57. d. 50. m. Swyoskagorod Meridian altitude 21. September 31. d. 56. d. 4. m. Declination 2. d. 56. m. Ouslona Monastery Meridian altitude 23. September 30. d. 26. m. 55. d. 51. m. Declination 2. d. 56. m. Tetuskagorod Meridian altitude 28. September 28. d. 28. m. 55. d. 22. m. Declination 5. d. 35. m. Oueek Meridian altitude 5. October 30. d. 12. m. 51. d. 30. m. Declination 8. d. 18. m. Astracan Astracan meridian altitude 22. October 29. d. 36. m. 46. d. 10. m. Declination 14. d. 16. m. Astracan Meridian altitude 1 of Nouember 26. d. 35. m. 46. d. 9. m. Declination 17. d. 16. m. Certaine directions giuen by M. Richard Hackluit of the Middle Temple to M. Morgan Hubblethorne Dier sent into Persia 1579. 1 FOr that England hath the best wool cloth of the world and for that the clothes of the realme haue no good vent if good dying be not added therfore it is much to be wished that the dying of forren countreyes were seene to the end that the arte of dying may be brought into the Realme in greatest excellency for thereof will follow honour to the Realme and great and ample vent of our clothes and of the vent of clothes will follow the setting of our poore on worke in all degrees of labour in clothing and dying for which cause most principally you are sent ouer at the charge of the city and therfore for the satisfying the lords and of the expectation of the merchants and of your company it behooues you to haue care to returne home with more knowledge then you caried out 2 The great dearth of clothes is a great let in the ample vent of clothes and the price of a cloth for a fifth sixth and seuenth part riseth by the colour and dying and therefore to deuise to die as good colours with the one halfe of the present price were to the great commodity of the Realme by sauing of great treasure in time to come And therefore you must haue great care to haue knowledge of the materials of all the countreys that you shall passe thorow that may be vsed in dying be they hearbs weeds barks gummes èarths or what els soeuer 3 In Persia you shall finde carpets of course thrummed wooll the best of the world and excellently coloured those cities townes you must repaire to and you must vse meanes to learne all the order of the dying of those thrummes which are so died as neither raine wine nor yet vineger can staine and if you may attaine to that cunning you shall not need to feare dying of cloth For if the colour holde in yarne and thrumme it will holde much better in cloth 4 For that in Persia they haue great colouring of silks it behocuâ—s you to learne that also for that cloth dying like dying haue a certaine affinity and your merchants mind to bring much raw silke into the Realme and therefore it is more requisit you learne the same 5 In Persia there are that slaine linnen cloth it is not amisse you learne it if you can it hath bene an olde trade in England whereof some excellent clothes yet remaine but the arte is now lost and not to be found in the Realme 6 They haue a cunning in Persia to make in buskins of Spanish leather flowers of many kindes in most liuely colours and these the Courtiers do weare there to learne which arte were no harme 7 If any Dier of China or of the East parts of the world be to be found in Persia acquaint yourselfe with him and learne what you may of him 8 You shall finde Anile there if you can procure the herbe that it is made of either by seed or by plant to cary into England you may do well to endeuour to enrich your countrey with the same but withall learne you the making of the Anile and if you can get the herbe you may send the same dry into England for possibly it groweth here already 9 Returne home with you all the materials and substances that they die withall in Russia and also in Persia that your company may see all 10 In some litle pot in your lodging I wish you to make daily trials in your arte as you shall from time to time learne ought among them 11 Set downe in writing whatsoeuer you shall learne from day to day lest you should forget or lest God should call you to his mercy and by ech returne I wish you to send in writing whatsoeuer you haue learned or at the least keepe the same safe in your coffer that come death or life your countrey may enioy the thing that you goe for and not lose the charge and trauell bestowed in this case 12 Learne you there to fixe and make sure the colour to be giuen by logge wood so shall we
princes There came also Ambassadors from the Emperor of Almaine the Pole the Swethen the Dane c. And since his coronation no enemie of his hath preuailed in his attempts It fell out not long after that the Emperor was desirous to send a message to the most excellent Queene of England for which seruice he thought no man fitter than M. Ierome Horsey supposing that one of the Queenes owne men and subiects would be the more acceptable to her The summe of which message was that the Emperor desired a continuance of that league friendship amitie and intercourse of traffique which was betweene his father and the Queens maiestie and her subiects with other priuate affaires besides which are not to be made common Master Horsey hauing receiued the letters and requests of the Emperour prouided for his iourney ouer land and departed from Mosco the fift day of September thence vnto Otuer to Torshook to great Nouogrod to Vobsky and thence to Nyhouse in Liuonia to Wenden and so to Riga where he was beset and brought foorthwith before a Cardinall called Rageuil but yet suffred to passe in the end From thence to Mito to Golden and Libou in Curland to Memel to Koningsburgh in Prussia to Elbing to Dantzike to Stetine in Pomerland to Rostock to Lubeck to Hamborough to Breme to Emden and by sea to London Being arriued at her maiesties roiall court and hauing deliuered the Emperors letters with good fauour and gracious acceptance he was foorthwith againe commaunded to repasse into Ruffia with other letters from her maiestie to the Emperor and prince Boris Pheodorowich answering the Emperors letters and withall requesting the fauour and friendship which his father had yeelded to the English merchants and hereunto was he earnestly also solicited by the merchants of London themselues of that company to deale in their behalfe Being thus dispatched from London by sea he arriued in Mosco the 20. of April 1586. and was very honorably welcommed And for y t merchants behoofe obtained all his requests being therein specially fauoured by y e noble prince Boris Pheodorowich who alwayes affected M. Horsey with speciall liking And hauing obtained priuiledges for the merchants he was recommended from the Emperor againe to the Queene of England his mistresse by whom the prince Boris in token of his honorable and good opinion of the Queens maiestie sent her highnesse a roiall present of Sables Luzarns cloth of gold and other rich things So that the Companie of English merchants next to their thankfulnes to her maiestie are to account M. Horseis paines their speciall benefit who obtained for them those priuileges which in twentie yeeres before would not be granted The maner of M. Horseis last dispatch from the Emperor because it was very honorable I thought good to record He was freely allowed post horses for him and his seruants victuals and all other necessaries for his long iourney at euery towne that he came vnto from Mosco to Vologda which is by land fiue hundred miles he receiued the like free and bountifull allowances at the Emperors charge New victuall and prouision were giuen him vpon the riuer Dwina at euery towne by the kings officers being one thousand miles in length When he came to the new castle called Archangel he was receiued of the Duke Knez Vasili Andrewich Isuenogorodsky by the Emperors commission into the Castle gunners being set in rankes after their vse where he was sumptuously feasted from thence hee was dispatched with bonntifull prouision and allowance in the Dukes boat with one hundred men to rowe him and one hundred Gunners in other boats to conduct him with a gentleman captaine of the Gunners Comming to the road where the English Dutch and French ships rode the gunners discharged and the ships shot in like maner 46. pieces of their ordinance so he was brought to his lodging at the English house vpon Rose Island And that which was the full and complete conclusion of the fauour of the Emperor and Boris Pheodorowich toward M. Horsey there were the next day sent him for his further prouision vpon the fea by a gentleman and a captaine the things folowing 16. liue oxen 70. sheepe 600. hens 25. fâ—itches of Bacon 80. bushels of meale 600. loaues of bread 2000. egs 10. geese 2. cranes 2. swans 65. gallons of mead 40. gallons of Aquauitae 60. gallons of beere 3. yong beares 4. hawkes Store of onions and garlike 10. fresh salmons A wild bore All these things were brought him downe by a Gentleman of the Emperors and another of prince Boris Pheodorowich were receiued in order by Iohn Frefe seruant to M. Horsey together with an honorable present and reward from the prince Boris sent him by M. Francis Cherry an Englishman which present was a whole very rich piece of cloth of gold a faire paire of Sables This Gentleman hath obserued many other rare things concerning those partes which hereafter God willing at more conuenient time and laisure shall come to light Pheodor Iuanowich the new Emperors gracious letter of priuilege to the English Merchants word for word obtained by M Ierome Horsey 1586. THrough the wil of the almightie and without beginning God which was before this world whom we glorifie in y e Trinitie one only God the father the sonne and the holy ghost maker of all things worker of all in all euery where fulfiller of all things by which will and workingâ— he both loueth and giueth life to man That our onely God which inspireth euery one of vs his onely children with his word to discerne God through our Lord Iesus Christ and the holy quickning spirit of life now in these perilous times Establish vs to keep the right Scepter and suffer vs of our selues to raigne to the good profite of the land and to the subduing of the people together with the enemies and to the maintenance of vertue We Pheodor the ofspring of Iohn the great Lord Emperor king and great prince of all Russia of Volodemeria Moscouia and Nouogrod king of Cazan king of Astracan Lord of Plesko and great prince of Smolensko of Tuer Yougoria Permia Viatsko of Bolghar and others lord and great prince of the land of the lower Nouogrod Chernigo Rezan Polotsko Rostow Yeraslaue the White lake Liefland Oudor Condensa and Ruler of all Siberia and all the North-side and lord of many other countries I haue gratified the merchants of England to wit sir Rowland Haiward and Richard Maâ—tin Aldermen sir George Barnes Thomas Smith esquire Ierome Horsey Richard Saltonstall with their fellowes I haue licensed them to saile with their shippes into our dominion the land of Dwina with all kind of commodities to trade freely and vnto our kingdom and the citie of Mosco and to all the cities of our empire of Moscouia And the english merchants sir Rowland Haiward his societie desired vs that we would gratifie them to trade into our kingdom of Moscouia and into our
Astracan William Cecill Lord Burghley Knight of the noble Order of the Garter and Lord high Treasurer of England sendeth greeting RIght honourable my very good Lord vpon the last returne of our merchants shippes out of Russia there was brought vnto my handes by one Francis Cherrie an English merchant a letter directed to the Queenes Maiestie from the great and mightie Emperour of Russia and another letter from your Lordship directed to me which sayd letter written from the Emperor to her Maiesty hath beene considerately and aduisedly by her Highnesse read and perused and the matter of complaint against Ierome Horsey therein comprised thorowly examined which hath turned the same Horsey to some great displeasure I did also acquaâ—nt our Maiesty with the contents of your Lordships letters written to mee and enformed her of your Lordships honourable fauour shewed to her Highnesse merchants from time to time who tooke the same in most gracious part and confessed her selfe infinitly beholding vnto your Lordship for many honourable offices done for her sake the which she meant to acknowledge by her letters to be written to your Lordship vnder her princely hand and seale And forasmuch as it hath pleased your good Lordshippe to take into your handes the protection of her Maiesties merchants and the redresse of such iniuries as are or shall be offered vnto them contrary to the meaning of the priuiledges and the free liberty of the entercourse wherein in some points your Lordship hath already vsed a reformation as appeareth by your sayd letters yet the continuance of traffique moouing new occasions and other accidents tending to the losse of the sayd merchants whereof some particulars haue beene offered vnto me to treat with your Lordship vpon I thought it good to referre them to your honourable consideration that order might be taken in the same for that they are apparantly repugnant to the Emperours letters written to her Maiestie and doe much restraine the liberty of the trade one is that at the last comming of our merchants to the port of Saint Michael the Archangel where the mart is holden their goods were taken by the Emperours officers for his Highnesse seruice at such rates as the sayd officers were disposed to set vpon them so farre vnder their value that the merchants could not assent to accept of those prices which being denied the sayd officers restrained them of all further traffique for the space of three weekes by which meanes they were compelled to yeeld vnto their demaund how vnwillingly soeuer Another is that our sayd merchants are driuen to pay the Emperours officers custome for all such Russe money as they bring downe from the Mosco to the Sea side to employ there at the Mart within the Emperours owne land which seemeth strange vnto me considering the same money is brought from one place of the Countrey to another and there imployed without any transport ouer of the sayd money These interruptions and impositions seeme not to stand with the liberties of the Emperours priuileges and freedome of the entercourse which should be restrained neither to times or conditions but to be free and absolute whereof it may please your Lordship to be aduised and to continue your honourable course holden betweene the Emperour and her Maiesty to reconcile such differences as any occasion doth offer to their league or trafficke Thus not doubting of your Lordships furtherance herein I humbly take my leaue of your good Lordship From her Maiesties royall palace of Whitehall this 15 of Ianuary 1591. A Letter from the Emperour of Russia Theodore Iuanouich to the Queenes Maiestie THrough the tender merrie of our God whereby the day-spring from on high hath visited vs thereby to guide our feet into the way of peace Euen this our God by mercy we glorifie in Trinitie We the great Lord King and great Duke Theodore Iuanowich gouernour of all Russia of Volodimer Mosco and Nouogrod King of Cazan and Astracan Lord of Vobsco and great Duke of Smolensco Otuer Vghori Perme Viatsky Bulgary and other regions Lord and great Duke also of Nouogrod in the low countrey of Chernigo of Rezan Polotsko Rostoue Yeroslaue Bealozera and of Lifland of Vdorsky Obdorsky Condinsky and all the countrey of Siberia and commander of all the North parts and Lord ouer the countrey of Iuersky and King of Grusinsky and of the countrey of Kabardinsky Cherchasky and Duke of Igorsky Lord and ruler of many countreys more c. To our louing sister Elizabeth Queene of England France and Ireland c. Louing sister your letters sent by your seruant Thomas Lind we haue receiued and read what you haue written in the same touching our title and touching your order holden in your letters heretofore sent vs by your seruant Ierome Horsey wherein you haue answered vs sufficiently and most graciously And whereas your Maiestie hath written in your letter concerning the goods of William Turnebull late deceased in our kingdome that your subiects for whom he was factour should haue debts growing vnto them from him by account we at your Maiesties request haue caused not onely order to be taken but for your Highnesse sake louing sister we haue caused the goods to be sought out and deliuered to your merchants Agent and his company together with his stuffe bookes billes and writings as also money to the value of sixe hundred rubbles which Christopher Holmes and Francis Cherry are to pay for yâ—arie and we haue set at libertie the sayd Turnebulles kinseman Raynold Kitchin and his fellowes and deliuered them to your merchants Agent And further where you write vnto vs for such your subiects as haue departed out of your maiesties Realme secretly without licence that we should giue order to send them home concerning such your subiects for which you haue written vnto our Maiestie by letters we will cause search to be made and such as are willing to goe home into your kingdome we will command forthwith to be deliuered vnto your merchants Agent and so to passe And such of your Maiesties people as haue giuen themselues vnder our gouernment as subiects we thinke it not requisite to grant to let them passe And further where you haue written vnto vs concerning the goods of Iohn Chappell we haue written heretofore the whole discourse thereof not once but sundry times and therefore it is not needfull to write any more thereof And such goods as were found out of the goods of the sayd Chappell the money thereof was restored to your Maiesties people William Turnbull and his fellowes Your Maiesties seruant Thomas Lind we haue sent with our letters the same way whereby he came into our kingdome The long abiding heere of your Maiesties seruant in our kingdome was for the comming of your people from the Sea port Written in our princely court and royall seat in the city of Mosco in the yeere from the beginning of the world 7101 in the moneth of Ianuary To
the English Nation made without the Streight of Gibraltar to the Islands of the Açores of Porto Santo Madera and the Canaries to the kingdomes of Barbary to the Isles of Capo Verde to the Riuers of Senega Gambra Madrabumba and Sierra Leona to the coast of Guinea and Benin to the Isles of S. Thomé and Santa Helena to the parts about the Cape of Buona Esperanza to Quitangone neere Mozambique to the Isles of Comoro and Zanzibar to the citie of Goa beyond Cape Comori to the Isles of Nicubar Gomes Polo and Pulo Pinaom to the maine land of Malacca and to the kingdome of Iunsalaon ¶ By RICHARD HACKLVYT Preacher and sometime Student of Christ-Church in Oxford Imprinted at London by George Bishop Ralph Newbery and Robert Barker ANNO 1599. TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE Sir Robert Cecil Knight principall Secretarie to her Maiestie master of the Court of Wardes and Liueries and one of her Maiesties most honourable priuie Counsell RIght honorable hauing newly finished a Treatise of the long Voyages of our Nation made into the Leuant within the Streight of Gibraltar from thence ouer-land to the South and Southeast parts of the world all circumstances considered I found none to whom I thought it fitter to bee presented then to your selfe wherein hauing begun at the highest Antiquities of this realme vnder the gouernment of the Romans next vnder the Saxons and thirdly since the conquest vnder the Normans I haue continued the histories vnto these our dayes The time of the Romans affoordeth small matter But after that they were called hence by â—orren inuasions of their Empire and the Saxons by degrees became lords in this Iland and shortly after receiued the Christian faith they did not onely trauell to Rome but passed further vnto Ierusalem and therewith not contented Sigelmus bishop of Shireburne in Dorcetshire caried the almes of king Alfred euen to the Sepulcher of S. Thomas in India which place at this day is called Maliapor and brought from thence most fragrant spices and rich iewels into England which iewels as William of Malmesburie in two sundry treatises writeth were remaining in the aforesayd Cathedrall Church to be seene euen in his time And this most memorable voyage into India is not onely mentioned by the aforesayd Malmesburie but also by Florentius Wigorniensis a graue and woorthy Author which liued before him and by many others since and euen by M. Foxe in his first volume of his Acts and Monuments in the life of king Alfred To omit diuers other of the Saxon nation the trauels of Alured bishop of Worcester through Hungarie to Constantinople and so by Asia the lesse into Phoenicia and Syria and the like course of Ingulphus not long afterward Abbot of Croiland set downe particularly by himselfe are things in mine opinion right worthy of memorie After the comming in of the Normans in the yeere 1096 in the reigne of William Rufus and so downward for the space of aboue 300 yeeres such was the ardent desire of our nation to visite the Holy land and to expell the Saracens and Mahumetans that not only great numbers of Erles Bishops Barons and Knights but euen Kings Princes and Peeres of the blood Roiall with incredible deuotion courage and alacritie intruded themselues into this glorious expedition A sufficient proofe hereof are the voiages of prince Edgar the nephew of Edmund Ironside of Robert Curtois brother of William Rufus the great beneuolence of king Henry the 2. and his vowe to haue gone in person to the succour of Ierusalem the personall going into Palestina of his sonne king Richard the first with the chiualrie wealth and shipping of this realme the large contribution of king Iohn and the trauels of Oliuer Fitz-Roy his sonne as is supposed with Ranulph Glanuile Erle of Chester to the siege of Damiata in AEgypt the prosperous voyage of Richard Erle of Cornwall elected afterward king of the Romans and brother to Henry the 3 the famous expedition of prince Edward the first king of the Norman race of that name the iourney of Henry Erle of Derbie duke of Hereford and afterward king of this realme by the name of Henry the 4 against the citie of Tunis in Africa and his preparation of ships and gallies to go himselfe into the Holy land if he had not on the sudden bene preuented by death the trauel of Iohn of Holland brother by the mothers side to king Richard the 2 into those parts All these either Kings Kings sonnes or Kings brothers exposed themselues with inuincible courages to the manifest hazard of their persons liues and liuings leauing their ease their countries wiâ—es and children induced with a Zelous deuotion and ardent desire to protect and dilate the Christian faith These memorable enterprises in part concealed in part scattered and for the most part vnlooked after I haue brought together in the best Method and breuitie that I could deuise Whereunto I haue annexed the losse of Rhodes which although it were originally written in French yet maketh it as honourable and often mention of the English natioÌ„ as of any other Christians that serued in that most violent siege After which ensueth the princely promise of the bountifull aide of king Henry the 8 to Ferdinando newly elected king of Hungarie against Solyman the mortall enemie of Christendome These and the like Heroicall intents and attempts of our Princes our Nobilitie our Clergie our Chiualry I haue in the first place exposed and set foorth to the view of this age with the same intention that the old Romans set vp in wax in their palaces the Statuas or images of their worthy ancestors whereof Salust in his treatise of the warre of Iugurtha writeth in this maner Saepe audiui ego Quintum maximum Publium Scipionem praeterea ciuitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere cum maiorum imagines intuerentur vehementissimè animum sibi ad virtutem accendi Scilicet non ceram illam neque figuram tantam vim in sese habere sed memoria rerum gestarum flammam eam egregijs viris in pectore crescere neque prius sedari quà m virtus eorum famam gloriam adaequauerit I haue often heard quoth he how Quintus maximus Publius Scipio and many other worthy men of our citie were woont to say when they beheld the images and portraitures of their ancestors that they were most vehemently inflamed vnto vertue Not that the sayd wax or portraiture had any such force at all in it selfe but that by the remembring of their woorthy actes that flame was kindled in their noble breasts and could neuer be quenched vntill such time as their owne valure had equalled the fame and glory of their progenitors So though not in wax yet in record of writing haue I presented to the noble courages of this English Monarchie the like images of their famous predecessors with hope of like effect in their posteritie And here by the way if any man shall think
authoritie For the second point when it pleased your Honour in sommer was two yeeres to haue some conference with me and to demaund mine opinion touching the state of the Country of Guiana and whether it were fit to be planted by the English I then to my no small ioy did admire the exact knowledge which you had gotten of those matters of Indian Nauigations and how carefull you were not to be ouertaken with any partiall affection to the Action appeared also by the sound arguments which you made pro contra of the likelihood and reason of good or ill successe of the same before the State and common wealth wherein you haue an extraordinarie voyce should be farther engaged In consideration whereof I thinke my selfe thrise happie to haue these my trauailes censured by your Honours so well approued iudgement Touching the third and last motiue I cannot but acknowledge my selfe much indebted for your fauourable letters heretofore written in my behalfe in mine honest causes Whereunto I may adde that when this worke was to passe vnto the presse your Honour did not onely intreate a worthy knight a person of speciall experience as in many others so in marine causes to ouersee and peruse the same but also vpon his good report with your most fauourable letters did warrant and with extraordinarie commendation did approue and allow my labours and desire to publish the same Wherefore to conclude seeing they take their life and light from the most cheerefull and benigne aspect of your fauour I thinke it my bounden dutie in all humilitie and with much bashfulnesse to recommend my selfe and them vnto your right Honorable and fauourable protection and your Honour to the mercifull tuition of the most High From London this 24. of October 1599. Your Honors most humble to be commanded Richard Hakluyt preacher ¶ A Catalogue of the English Voyages made by and within the Streight of Gibraltar to the South and Southeast quarters of the world conteined in the first part of this second volume Voyages before the Conquest 1 THe voyage of Helena the Empresse daughter of Coelus king of Britain and mother of Constantine the Great to Ierusalem An. 337. pag. 1.2 2 The voyage of Constantine the Great Emperour and king of Britaine to Greece AEgypt Persia and Asia Anno 339. pag. 2.3 3 The voyage of Pelagius Cambrensis vnder Maximus king of the Britaines into AEgypt and Syria Anno 390. pag. 4 4 The voyage of certaine Englishmen sent by the French king to Constantinople vnto Iustinian the Emperour about the yeere of our Lord 500. pag. 4 5 The memorable voyage of Sighelmus bishop of Shirburne sent by king Alphred vnto S. Thomas of India An. 883. confirmed by two testimonies pag. 5 6 The voyage of Iohn Erigen vnder king Alphred to Athens in the yeere of our Lorde 885. pag. 5.6 7 The voyage of Andrew Whiteman aliâs Leucander vnder Canutus the Dane to Palastina Anno 1020. pag. 6 8 The voyage of Swanus one of the sonnes of Earle Godwin vnto Ierusalem Anno 1052. pag. 6 9 A voyage of three Ambassadours sent in the time of king Edward the Confessor vnto Constantinople and from thence vnto Ephesus Anno 1056. pag. 7 10 The voyage of Alured bishop of Worcester vnto Ierusalem Anno 1058. pag. 8 11 The voyage of Ingulphus afterward Abbat of Croiland vnto Ierusalem An. 1064. pag. 8.9 Voyages since the Conquest 12 A Voyage made by diuerse of the honourable family of the Beauchamps with Robert Curtois the sonne of William the Conquerour to Ierusalem Anno 1096. pag. 10 13 The voyage of Gutuere an English Lady married vnto Baldwine brother of Godfrey duke of Bouillon toward Ierusalem An. 1097. 10.11 14 The voyage of Edgar the sonne of Edward which was the sonne of Edmund surnamed Ironside brother vnto king Edward the Confessor being accompanied with valiant Robert the sonne of Godwine to Ierusalem Anno 1102. 11 15 The voyage of Godericus a valiant Englishman who trauailed with his ships in an expedition vnto the holy land Anno 3. Hen. 1. 12 16 The voyage of Hardine an Englishman and one of the principall commaunders of 200 sayles of Christians ships which arriued at Ioppa Anno 1102 12. 13 17 A voyage by sea of Englishmen Danes and Flemings who arriued at Ioppa in the holy land the seuenth yeere of Baldwine the second king of Ierusalem and in the 8. yeere of Henry the first king of England pag. 13,14 15 18 The voyage of Athelard of Bathe to AEgypt and Arabia in the yeere of our Lord 1130 pag. 15. 16 19 The voyage of William Archbishop of Tyre to Ierusalem and to the citie of Tyre in Phoenicia Anno 1130. 16 20 The voyage of Robert Ketenensis vnder king Stephen to Dalmatia Greece and Asia Anno 1143. 16 21 A voyage of certaine Englishmen vnder the conduct of Lewis the French king vnto the holy land Anno 1147. 17 22 The voyage of Iohn Lacy to Ierusalem Anno 1173 17 23 The voyage of William Mandeuile Erle of Essex to Ierusalem Anno 1177. 17 24 The famous voyage of Richard the first king of England into Asia for the recouering of Ierusalem out of the hands of the Saracens Anno 1190. 20 25 The voyage of Baldwine Archbishop of Canterbury vnto Syria and Palaestina in the yeere 1190. 28 26 The voyage of Richard Surnamed Canonicus vnder king Richard the first into Syria and Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 27 The voyage of Gulielmus Peregrinus vnder king Richard the first to Palaestina Anno 1190. 30 28 The voyage of Hubert Walter bishop of Salisbury vnder king Richard also vnto Syria Anno 1190. 31 29 The voyage of Robert Curson a nobleman of England and a Cardinall vnder Hen. the third to Damiata in AEgypt Anno 1218. 31. 32 30 The voyage of Rainulph Earle of Chester of Saer Quincy Earle of Winchester of William de Albanie Earle of Arundel c. to the holy land Anno 1218. 32 31 The voyage of Henry Bohun and Saer Quincy to the holy land in the yeere of our Lord 1222. 32 32 The voyage of Rainulph Glanuile Earle of Chester to the holy land and to Damiata in AEgypt 32 33 The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of Winchester to Ierusalem Anno 1231. 33 34 The honourable voyage of Richard Earle of Cornwall brother to king Hen. the third accompanied with William Long-espee Earle of Salisburie and diuerse other noblemen into Syria Anno 1240. 33 35 The voyage of William Long-espee or Long-sword Erle of Salisburie into AEgypt with Lewis the French king Anno 1248. 33 36 The voyage of prince Edward the sonne of king Henry the third into Syria An. 1270. 36 37 The voyage of Robert Turneham vnder the said prince Edward into Syria in the yeere of our Lord 1270 38.39 38 The voyage of Frier Beatus Odoricus to Asia minor Armenia Chaldaea Persia India China and other remote parts c. 39.53 39 The voyage of Matthew Gurney an
their weapons as thicke as hailestones against vs slew diuers of our men and horses Hereupon the slaughter of our people still encreasing our maiestie imperiall deemed it requisite to stay behind and to succour our bands in the rereward and so expecting them we sustained the fierce encounter of many thousand Persians What exploits out Imperiall person atchieued in the same skirmish I hold it needlesse at this time to recount your maiestie may perhaps vnderstand more of this matter by them which were there present Howbeit our Imperiall highnesse being in the middest of this conflict and enduring the fight with so great danger all our hindermost troups both Greekes Latines and other nations retiring themselues close together and not being able to suffer the violence of their enemies weapons pressed on so hard and were caried with such maine force that hastening to ascend the next hill for their better safegard they vrged on them which went before whether they would or no. Whereupon much dust being raised which stopped our eyes and vtterly depriued vs of sight and our mē and horses pressing so sore one vpon the necke of another plunged themselues on the sudden into such a steepe and dangerous valley that treading one vpon another they quelled to death not onely a multitude of the common souldiours but diuers most honourable personages some of our neere kinsmen For who could restraine the irresistable throng of so huge a multitude Howbeit our Imperiall highnesse being enuironed with such swarmes of Infidels and giuing and receiuing wounds insomuch that the miscreants were greatly dismaied at our constancie we gaue not ouer but by Gods assistance wonne the field Neither did we permit the enemie to ascend vnto that place from whence we skirmished with him Neither yet spurred wee on our horse any faster for all their assaults But marshalling all our troupes together and deliuering them out of danger we disposed them about our Imperial person and so we ouertooke the foremost and marched in good order with our whole army Nowe the Soldan perceiuing that notwithstanding the great damages which we had sustained our Imperial highnes prouided to giue him a fresh encounter humbly submitting himselfe vnto vs and vsing submisse speaches made suite to haue peace at our hands and promised to fulfill the pleasure of our maiestie Imperiall to doe vs seruice against all commers to release all our subiects which were captiues in his realme and to rest wholy at our commaund Here therefore we remained two dayes with great authoritie and considering that wee could attempt nought against the citie of Iconium hauing lost all our warrelike engines both for defence and for batterie for that the oxen which drew them were slaine with the enemies weapons falling as thicke as hailestones and also for because all our beasts in a maner were most grieuously diseased our maiestie Imperial accepted of the Soldans petition league and oath being made and taken vnder our ensignes and granted our peace vnto him Then returned we into our owne dominions being greatly grieued for the losse of our deere kinsmen and yeelding vnto God most humble thanks who of his goodnesse had euen now giuen vs the victory We are right glad likewise that some of your maiesties princes and nobles accompanied vs in this action who are able to report vnto you all things which haue happened And albeit we were exceedingly grieued for the losse of our people yet thought it we expedient to signifie vnto you the successe of our affaires as vnto our welbeloued friend one who is very neerly allied vnto our highnesse Imperial by reason of the consanguinitie of our children Farewell Giuen in the moneth of Nouember and vpon the tenth Indiction ¶ The woorthy voiage of Richard the first K. of England into Asia for the recouerie of Ierusalem out of the hands of the Saracens drawen out of the booke of Acts and Monuments of the Church of England written by M. Iohn Foxe KIng Richard the first of that name for his great valure surnamed Ceur de Lion the sonne of Henry the second after the death of his father remembring the rebellions that he had vndutifully raised against him sought for absolution of his trespasse and in part of satisfaction for the same agreed with Philip the French king to take his voiage with him for the recouerie of Christes patrimonie which they called the Holy land whereupon the sayd king Richard immediately after his Coronation to prepare himselfe the better towards his iourney vsed diuers meanes to take vp summes of money and exacted a tenth of the whole Realme the Christians to make threescore and ten thousand pounds and the Iewes which then dwelt in the Realme threescore thousand Hauing thus gotten sufficient money for the exploite he sent certaine Earles and Barons to Philip the French king in the time of his Parliament at S. Denis to put him in mind of his promise made for the recouerie of Christs holy patrimonie out of the Saracens hands To whom he sent word againe in the moneth of December that he had bound himselfe by solemne othe deposing vpon the Euangelists that he the yeere next following about the time of Easler had certainly prefixed to addresse himselfe toward that iourney requiring him likewise not to faile but to bee ready at the terme aboue limited appointing also the place where both the Kings should meéte together In the yeere therfore 1190. King Richard hauing committed the gouernment of this realme in his absence to the bishop of Ely then Chancellor of England aduanced forward his iourney and came to Turon to meet with Philip the French king after that went to Vizeliac where the French king he ioyning together for the more continuance of their iourney assured themselues by solemne othe swearing fidelitie one to the other the forme of whose oth was this That either of them should defend and maintaine the honour of the other and beare true fidelitie vnto him of life members worldly honor and that neither of them should faile one the other in their affaires but the French King should aide the King of England in defending his land and dominions as he would himselfe defend his owne Citie of Paris if it were besieged and that Richard king of England likewise should aide the French king in defending his land and Dominions no otherwise then he would defend his owne Citie of Roan if it were besieged c. Concerning the lawes and ordinances appointed by K. Richard for his Nauie the forme therof was this 1. That who so killed any person on shipboord should be tied with him that was slaine and throwen into the sea 2. And if he killed him on the land he should in like maner be tied with the partie slaine and be buried with him in the earth 3. He that shal be conuicted by lawfull witnes to draw out his knife or weapon to the intent to strike any man or that hath
Laus tua prima fuit Siculi Cyprus altera Dromo tertia Caruanna quarta suprema Iope Retrusi Siculi Cyprus pessundata Dromo mersus Caruanna capta retenta Iope Epitaphium eiusdem vbi viscera eius requiescunt VIscera Kareolum corpus fons seruat Ebraldi cor Rothomagus magne Richarde tuum The life and trauailes of Baldwinus Deuonius sometime Archbishop of Canterbury BAldwinus Deuonius tenui loco Excestriae natus vir ore facundus exactus Philosophus ad omne studiorum genus per illos dies aptissimus inuenie batur Scholarum rector primùm erat tum postea Archidiac onus eruditione ac sapientia in omni negotio celebris fuit praeterâ—à Cisterciensis Monachus Abbas Fordensis Coenobij magnus suorum aestimatione ac vniuersae eorum societati quasi Antesignanus fuit deinde Wigoâ—niensis praesul fuit mortuo demùm Richardo Cantuariorum Archiepiscopus ac totius Angliae Primas Cui muneri Baldwinus sollicitè inuigilans egregium se pastorem exhibuit dominicum semen quantum patiebatur eius temporis iniquitas vnique locorum spargens Richardus Anglorum rex acceptis tunc regui insignijs summo studio classem ac omnia ad Hierosolymitanum bellum gerendum necessaria parauit Secutus est illicò regem in Syriam Palestinam vsque Baldwinus vt esset in tam Sancto vt ipse putabat iâ—inere laborum dolorum ac periculorum particeps Prefuit Cantuariensi Ecclesie ferè 6. annis Richardum regem in Syriam secutus anno Salutis nostrae 1190. Tyri vitam finiâ—it vbi sepultus est The same in English BAldwine a Deuonshire man borne in Exceter of mean parentage was a very eloquent man an exact Philosopher and in those dayes very excellent in all kind of studies He was first of all a Schoolemaster afterwards he became an Archdeacon very famous for his learning wisdom in all his doings He was also a Cistercian Monke and Abbot of Foord Monasterie and the chiefe of all those that were of his order he grew after this to be bishop of Worâ—ester and at last after the death of Archb. Richard he was promoted made Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England In the discharge of which place he being very vigilant shewed himselfe a worthy Pastor sowing the feed of Gods word in euery place as farre foorth as the iniquitie of that time permitted In his time king Richard with all indeuour prepared a Fleet and all things necessary for waging of warre against the Infidels at Ierusalem taking with him the standerd and ensignes of the kingdome This Baldwine â—ftsoones folowed the king into Syria and Palestina as one desirous to be partaker of his trauailes paines and perils in so holy a voyage Hee was Archbishop of Canterburie almost sixe yeres but hauing followed the king into Syria in the yeere 1190â— he died at Tyrâ— where he was also buried ¶ An annotation concerning the trauailes of the sayd Baldwine taken out of Giraldus Cambrensis in his Itinerarium Cambriae lib. â— Cap. 14. Fol. 229. INter primos Thomae Becketi successor hic secundus audita saluatoris salutiâ—â—rae Crucis iniuria nostris proh dolor diebus per Saladinum irrogata cruce â—ignatus in eiusdem obsequâ—js tam remotis finibus quà m propinquis praedicationis officium virilâ—ter assumpsit Et post-modùm iter accipiens nauigiâ—que fungens apud Marsiham transcurso tandem pelagi profundo in portu Tyrensâ—incolumis applicuit inde ad exercitum nostrum obsidentem pariter obsessum Aconem transiuit vbi multos ex nostris inueniens ferè cunctos principum defectu in summa desolatione iam positos desperatione alios quidem longa expectatione fatigatos alios fame inopia grauiter afflictos quosdam verò aëris inclementia distemperatos diem foelicitèr in terra sacra clausurus extremum singulos pro posse vinculo charitat is amplectens sumptibus impensis verbis vitae meritis confirmauit The same in English THis Baldwine being the second successor vnto Thomas Becket after he had heard y e wrong which was done to our Sauiour and the signe of the Crosse by Saladine the Sultan of Egypt taking vpon him the Lords Character he couragiously perfourmed his office of preaching in the obedience thereof as well in farre distant Countreis as at home And afterwards taking his iourney and imbarking himselfe at Marseils hauing at length passed y e Leuant sea he arriued safely in the Hauen of Tyrus and from thence went ouer to Achon vnto our armie besieging the Towne and yet as it were besieged it selfe where finding many of our Countreymen and almost all men remaining in wonderfull pensiuenesse and despaire through the withdrawing of the Princes some of them tyred with long expectation others grieuously afflicted with hunger and pouertie and others distempered with the heate of the weather being ready happily to ende his dayes in the Holy land embracing euery one according to his abilitie in the bond of loue he ayded them at his costes and charges and strengthened them with his wordes and good examples of life ¶ A note drawen out of a very ancient booke remaining in the hands of the right worshipfull M. Thomas Tilney Esquire touching Sir Frederike Tilney his ancestor knighted at Acon in the Holy land for his valour by K. Richard the first as foloweth PErtinult iste liber prâ—ùs Frederico Tilney de Boston in comitatu Lincolniae militi facto apud Acon in terra Iudae ae anno regis Richardi primi tertio Vir erat iste magnae staturae potens in corpore qui cum patribus suis dormit apud Titrington iuxta villam sui nominis Tilney in Mershland Cuius altitudo in salua custodia permanet ibidem vsque in hunc diem Et post eius obitum sexdecem militibus eius nominis Tilney haereditas illa successiuè obuenit quorum vnus post alium semper habitabat apud Boston praedictum dum fratris senioris haereditas haeredi generali deuoluta est quae nupta est Iohanni duci Norfolciae Eorum miles vltimus â—uit Philippus Tilney nuper de Shelleigh in Comitatu Suffolciae pater genitor Thomae Tilney de Hadleigh in Comltatu praedicto Armigeri cui modò artineâ— iste liber Anno aetatis suae 64. Anno Domini 1556. ¶ The same in English THis booke pertained in times past vnto Sir Frederick Tilney of Boston in the Countie of Lincolne who was knighted at Acon in the land of Iurie in the third yeere of the reigne of king Richard the first This knight was of a tall stature and strong of body who resteth interred with his fore fathers at Tirrington neere vnto a towne in Marshland called by his owne name Tilney The iust height of this knight is there kept in safe custody vntill this very day Also after this mans decease the inheritance of his landes fell successiuely vnto sixteene sundry knights called all
of Egypt in the yeere 1218. And then Henry the king vpon the motion of Honorius the third bishop of Rome sent thither this earle Ranulph with a great power of armed souldiers to further the enterprise of the Christians whose valure in that warre by the testimonie of Polidor Virgil was marueilously commended of all men After the end of which businesse he being returned into his countrey wrote a booke of the lawes of England It is also reported that he wrote other books but time the destroyer of many memorials hath taken them from vs. He flourished in the yeere after the natiuity of Christ 1230 being very aged and in the reigne of K. Henry the third The voyage of Petrus de Rupibus bishop of VVinchester to Ierusalem in the yere of grace 1231 and in the 15 of Henry the third ANno gratiae 1231 mense verò Iulio Petrus Wintoniensis episcopus completo in terra sancta iam sere per quinquennium magnificè peregrinationis voto reuersus est in Angliam Kalendis Augusti Wintoniam veniens susceptus est cum processione solenni in sua ecclesia cathedrali The same in English IN the yere of grace 1231 and in the moneth of Iuly Peter bishop of Winchester hauing spent almost fiue whole yeres in fulfilling his vow of pilgrimage in the Holy land with great pompe returned into England about the Kalends of August and comming vnto Winchester was receiued with solemne procession into his cathedrall church The honourable and prosperous voyage of Richard earle of Cornewall brother to king Henry the third accompanied with William Longespee earle of Sarisburie and many other noble men into Syria IN the 24 yeere of king Henry the third Richard earle of Cornwall the kings brother with a nauy of ships sailed into Syria where in the warres against the Saracens he greatly aduanced the part of the Christians There went ouer with him the earle of Sarisburie William Longspee and William Basset Iohn Beauchampe Geoffrey de Lucie Iohn Neuel Geoffrey Beauchampe Peter de Brense and William Furniuall Simon Montfort earle of Leicester went ouer also the same time but whereas the earle of Cornwall tooke the sea at Marseils the earle of Leicester passed thorow Italy and tooke shipping at Brindize in Apulia and with him went these persons of name Thomas de Furniual with his brother Gerard de Furniuall Hugh Wake Almerike de S. Aumond Wiscard Ledet Punchard de Dewin and William de Dewin that were brethren Gerard Pesmes Fouke de Baugie and Peter de Chauntenay Shortly after also Iohn earle of Albemarle William Fortis and Peter de Mallow a Poictouin men for their valiancy greatly renowmed went thither leading with them a great number of Christian souldiers Matth. Paris Matth. West Holensh pag. 225. col 2. The comming of the Emperour of Constantinople called Baldwine into England in the yere 1247 out of Matthâ— Paris Holensh pag. 239. vol. 2. ABout the same time Baldwine naming himselfe emperour of Constantinople came againe into England to procure some new ayd of the king towards the recouery of his empire out of the which he was expelled by the Greeks The voyage of VVilliam Longespee Earle of Sarisburie into Asia in the yeere 1248 and in the 32 yeere of the reigne of Henry the third king of England LEwis the French king being recouered of his sickenesse which he fell into in the yere 1234 vowed thereupon for a free will sacriâ—ice to God that he if the Councell of his realme would suffer him would in his owne person visit the Holy land which matter was opened and debated in the Parliament of France held in the yeere 1247. Where at length it was concluded that the king according to his vow should take his iourney into Asia and the time thereof was also prefixed which should be after the feast of S. Iohn Baptist the next yeere ensuing At which time William Longespee a worthie warrior with the bishop of Worcester and certaine other great men in the Realme of England mooued with the example of the Frenchmen prepared themselues likewise to the same iourney It fell out in this enterprise that about the beginning of October the French king assaulted and tooke Damiata being the principall fort or hold of the Saracens in all Egypt Anno 1249. and hauing fortified the Citie with an able garrison left with the Duke of Burgundie he remooued his tents from thence to goe Eastward In whose armie followed William Longespee accompanied with a piked number of English warriors retaining vnto him But such was the disdaine of the Frenchmen against this William Longespee and the Englishmen that they could not abide them but flouted them after an opprobrious maner with English tailes insomuch that the French king himselfe had much adoe to keepe peace betweene them The originall cause of this grudge betweene them began thus There was not farre from Alexandria in Egypt a strong fort or castle replenished with great Ladies and rich treasure of the Saracens which hold it chanced the sayd William Longespee with his company of English soldiers to get more by politique dexteritie then by open force of armes wherwith he his retinue were greatly enriched When the â—renchmen had knowledge hereof they not being made priuie hereto began to conceiue an heart burning against the English souldiers could not speake well of them after that It hapned againe not long after that the sayd William had intelligence of a company of rich merchants among the Saracens going to a certaine Faire about the parts of Alexandria hauing their camels asses and mules richly loden with silkes precious iewels spices gold siluer with cart loades of other wares beside victuall and other furniture whereof the souldiers then stood in great need he hauing secret knowledge hereof gathered all the power of Englishmen vnto him that he could and so by night falling vpon the merchants some he slew with their guides and conducters some hee tooke some hee put to flight the carts with the driuers and with the oxen camels asses and mules with the whole cariage and victuals he tooke brought with him loosing in all the skirmish but one souldier and eight of his seruitors of whom notwithstanding some he brought home wounded to be cured This being knowen in the Campe foorth came the Frenchmen which all this while loytered in their pauillions and meeting this cariage by the way tooke all the foresayd praie whole to themselues rating the said William and the Englishmen for aduenturing and issuing out of the Campe without leaue or knowledge of their Generall contrary to the discipline of warre William said againe he had done nothing but he would answere to it whose purpose was to haue the spoyle deuided to the behoofe of the whole armie When this would not serue hee being sore grieued in his minde so cowardly to be spoyled of that which he so aduenturously had trauailed for went to the
that the same was done neither by him nor his consent Which princes and messengers standing aloofe off from the kings sonne worshipping him fell flat vpon the ground you sayd the prince do reuerence me but yet you loue me not But they vnderstood him not because he spake in English vnto them speaking by an Interpreter neuerthelesse he honourably entertained them and sent them away in peace Thus when prince Edward had beene eighteene moneths in Acra he tooke shipping about the Assumption of our Lady as we call it returning homeward and after seuen weekes he arriued in Sicilia at Trapes and from thence trauailed thorow the middes of Apulia till he came to Rome where he was of the Pope honorably entertained From thence he came into France whose fame and noble prowesse was there much bruted among the common people and enuied of the Nobility especially of the earle of Chalons who thought to haue intrapped him and his company as may appeare in the story but Prince Edward continued foorth his iourney to Paris and was there of the French king honourably entertained and after certaine dayes he went thence into Gascoine where he taried till that he heard of the death of the king his father at which time he came home and was crowned king of England in the yere of our Lord 1274. The trauaile of Robert Turneham RObertus Turneham Franciscanus Theologiae professor insignis Lynnae celebri Irenorum ad ripas Isidis emporio collegio suorum fratrum magnificè praefuit Edwardus Princeps cognomento Longus Henrici textij filius bellicam expeditionem contra Saracenos Assyriam incolentes anno Dom. 1268. parabat Ad quam profectionem quaesitus quoque Orator vehemens qui plebis in causa religionis animos excitaret Turnehamus principi visus vel dignissimus est qui munus hoc obiret Sic tanquam signifer constitutus Assyrios vnà cum Anglico exercitu peâ—ijt ac suum non sine laude praestitit officium Claruit anno salutiferi partus 1280 varia componens sub eodem Edwardo eius nominis primo post Conquestum The fame in English RObert Turneham Franciscan a notable professour of Diuinity was with great dignity Prior of the Colledge of his Order in the famous Mart towne of Linne situate vpon the riuer of Isis in Norfolke Prince Edward surnamed the Long the sonne of Henry the third prepared his warlike voyage against the Saracens dwelling in Syria in the yeere of our Lord 1268. For the which expedition some earnest preacher was sought to stir vp the peoples minds in the cause of religion And this Turneham seemed to the Prince most worthy to performe that office so that he being appointed as it were a standerd bearer went into Syria with the English army and performed his duety with good commendation He flourished in the yeere of Christ 1280 setting foorth diuers works vnder the same king Edward the first of that name after the Conquest Anthony Beck bishop of Durisme was elected Patriarch of Hierusalem and confirmed by Clement the fift bishop of Rome in the 34 yere of Edward the first Lelandus ANtonius Beckus episcopus Dunelmensis fult regnante Edwardo eius appellationis ab aduentu Gulielmi magni in Angliam primo Electus est in patriarcham Hierosolomitanum anno Christi 1305 a Clemente quinto Rom. pontifice confirmatus Splendidus erat supra quâm decebat episcopum Construxit castrum Achelandae quatuor passuum millibus a Dunelmo in ripa Vnduglessi fluuioli Elte shamum etiam vicinum Grencuico ac Somaridunum castellum Lindianae prouinciae ae dificijs illustria reddidit Deinde palatium Londini erexit quod nunc Edwardi principis est Tandem ex splendore nimio potentia conflauit sibi apud nobilitatem ingentem inuidiam quam viuens nunquam extinguere potuit Sed de Antonio eius scriptis fusiùs in opere cuius titulus de pontificibus Britannicis dicemus Obijt Antonius anno a nato in salutem nostram Christo 1310 Edwardo secundo regnante The same in English ANthony Beck was bishop of Durisine in the time of the reigne of Edward the first of that name after the inuasion of William the great into England This Anthony was elected patriarch of Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord God 1305 and was confirmed by Clement the fift pope of Rome He was of greater magnificence then for the calling of a bishop He founded also the castle of Acheland foure miles from Durisme on the shore of a prety riuer called Vnduglesme He much beautified with new buildings Eltham mannor being nere vnto Greenwich and the castle Somaridune in the county of Lindsey And lastly he built new out of the ground the palace of London which now is in the possession of prince Edward Insomuch that at length through his ouer great magnificence and power he procured to himselfe great enuy among the nobility which he could not asswage during the rest of his life But of this Anthony of his writings we will speake more at large in our booke intitled of the Britain bishops This Anthony finished his life in the yere of our Lord God 1310 and in the reigne of king Edward the second Incipit Itinerarium fratris Odorici fratrum minorum de mirabilibus Orientalium Tartarorum LIcet multa varia de ritibus conditionibus huius mundi enarrentur a multis ego tamen frater Odoricus de foro Iulij de portu Vahonis volens ad partes infidelium transfretare magna mira vidi audiui quae possum veracitèr enarrare Primò transiens Mare Maius me de Pera iuxta CoÌ„stantinopolim transtuli Trapesundam quae antiquitus Pontus vocabatur Haec terra benè situata est sicut scala quaedam Perfarum Medorum eorum qui sunt vltra mare In hac terra vidi mirabile quod mihi placuit scilicèt hominem ducentem secum plusquam 4000 perdicum Homo autem per terram gradiebatur perdices vero volabant per aëra quas ipse ad quoddam castrum dictum Zauena duxit distans à Trapesunda per tres dieras Hae perdices illius conditionis erant cùm homo ille quiescere voluit omnes se aptabant circa ipsum more pullorum gallinarum per illum modum duxit eas vfque ad Trapesundam vsque ad palatium imperatoris qui de illis sumpsit quot voluit residuas vir ille ad locum vnde venerat adduxit In hac ciuitate requiescit corpus Athanasij supra portam ciuitatis Vltra transiui vsque in Armeniam maiorem ad quandam ciuitatem quae vocatur Azaron quae erat multùm opulenta antiquitùs sed Tartari eam pro magna parte destruxerunt In ea erat abundantia pani carnium aliorum omniuÌ„ victualium preterquam vini fructuum Haec ciuitas est multuÌ„ frigida de illa dicitur quòd altius situatur quà m aliqua alia in hoc
de pace ad eos legatos mitâ—unt quam nostris dare placuit vt soluta certa pecuniae summa ab omni deinceps Italiae Galliaeque ora manus abstinerent Ita peractis rebus post paucos menses quà m eo itum erat domum repediaâ—um est The same in English THe French in the meane season hauing gotten some leasure by meanes of their truce and being sollicited and vrged by the intreaties of the Genuois vndertooke to wage warre against the Moores who robbed and spoyled all the coasts of Italy and of the Ilandes adiacent Likewise Richard the second king of England being sued vnto for ayde sent Henry the Earle of Derbie with a choice armie of English souldiers vnto the same warfare Wherefore the English and French with forces and mindes vnited sayled ouer into Africa who when they approched vnto the shore were repelled by the Barbarians from landing vntill such time as they had passage made them by the valour of the English archers Thus hauing landed their forces they foorthwith marched vnto the royall citie of Tunis and besieged it Whereat the Barbarians being dismayed sent Ambassadours vnto our Christian Chieftaines to treat of peace which our men graunted vnto them vpon condition that they should pay a certaine summe of money and that they should from thencefoorth abstaine from piracies vpon all the coasts of Italy and France And so hauing dispatched their businesse within a fewe moneths after their departure they returned home This Historie is somewhat otherwise recorded by Froysard and Holenshed in manner following pag. 473. IN the thirteenth yeere of the reigne of king Richard the second the Christians tooke in hand a iourney against the Saracens of Barbarie through sute of the Genouois so that there went a great number of Lords Knights and Gentlemen of France and England the Duke of Burbon being their Generall Out of England there went Iohn de Beaufort bastarde sonne to the Duke of Lancaster as Froysard hath noted also Sir Iohn Russell Sir Iohn Butler Sir Iohn Harecourt and others They set forwarde in the latter ende of the thirteenth yeere of the Kings reigne and came to Genoa where they remayned not verie long but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genouois were ready to passe them ouer into Barbarie And so about midsomer in the begining of the foureteenth yere of this kings reigne the whole army being embarked sailed forth to the coast of Barbary where neere to the city of Africa they landed at which instant the English archers as the Chronicles of Genoa write stood all the company in good stead with their long bowes beating backe the enemies from the shore which came downe to resist their landing After they had got to land they inuironed the city of Africa called by the Moores Mahdia with a strong siege but at length constrained with the intemperancy of the scalding ayre in that hot countrey breeding in the army sundry diseases they fell to a composition vpon certaine articles to be performed in the behalfe of the Saracens and so 61 dayes after their arriuall there they tooke the seas againe and returned home as in the histories of France and Genoa is likewise expressed Where by Polydore Virgil it may seeme that the lord Henry of Lancaster earle of Derby should be generall of the English men that as before you heard went into Barbary with the French men and Genouois The memorable victories in diuers parts of Italie of Iohn Hawkwood English man in the reigne of Richard the second briefly recorded by M. Camden pag. 339. AD alteram ripam fluuij Colne oppositus est Sibble Heningham locus natalis vt accepi Ioannis Hawkwoodi Itali Aucuthum cortupâ—èvocant quem illi tantopere ob virtutem militarem suspexerunt vt Senatus Florentinus propter insignia merita equâ—stri statua tumuli honore in eximiae fortitudinis fideique testimonium ornauit Res â—ius gestas Itali pleno ore praedicant Paulus Iouius in elogijs celebrat sat mihi sit Iulij Feroldi tetrastichon adijcere Hawkwoode Anglorum decus decus addite genti Italicae Italico praesidiúmque solo Vt tumuli quondam Fâ—orentia sic simulachri Virtutem Iouius donat honore tuam William Thomas in his Historie of the common wealthes of Italy maketh honorable mention of him twise to wit in the common wealth of Florentia and Ferrâ—ra The voyage of the Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to King Richard the second to Ierusalem and Saint Katherins mount THe Lord Iohn of Holland Earle of Huntington was as then on his way to Ierusalem and to Saint Katherins mount and purposed to returne by the Realme of Hungarie For as he passed through France where he had great cheere of the king and of his brother and vncles hee heard how the king of Hungary and the great Turke should haue battell together therefore he thought surely to be at that iourney The voiage of Thomas lord Moubray duke of Norfolke to Ierusalem in the yeere of our Lord 1399. written by Holinshed pag. 1233. THomas lord Moubray second sonne of Elizabeth Segraue and Iohn lord Moubray her husband was aduanced to the dukedome of Norfolke in the 21. yeere of y e reigne of Richard the 2. Shortly after which hee was appealed by Henry earle of Bullingbroke of treason and caried to the castle of Windsore where he was strongly safely garded hauing a time of combate granted to determine the cause betweene the two dukes the 16. day of September in the 22. of the sayd king being the yeere of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordred that this duke of Norfolke was banished for euer whereupon taking his iourney to Ierusalem he died at Venice in his returne from the said citie of Ierusalem in the first yeere of king Henry the 4. about the yeere of our redemption 1399. The comming of the Emperor of Constantinople into England to desire the aide of Henry the 4. against the Turkes 1400. SVb eodem tempore Imperator Constantinopolitanus venit in Angliam postulaturus subsidium contra Turcas Cui occurrit rex cum apparatu nobili ad le Blackheath die sancti Thomae Apostoli suscepÃtque prout decuit tantum Heroem duxÃâ—que Londonias per multos dies exhibuit gloriose pro expenâ—iâ— hospiâ—ij suâ—â—oluens eum respiciens tanto falligio donariuis Et paulò post His auditis rumoribus Imperator laetior recessit ab Anglis honoratus à rege donarijs preciosis The same in English ABout the same time the emperor of Constantinople came into England to seeke ayde against the Turkes whom y e king accompanied with his nobilitie met withall vpon Black-heath vpon the day of saint Thomas the Apostle and receiued him as beseemed so great a prince and brought him to London and roially entertained him for a long season defraying the charges of his diet and giuing him many
Persians Moscouites and there is no nation that they seeke for to trouble except ours wherefore it were contrary to all iustice and reason that they should suffer all nations to trade with them and to forbid vs. But now I haue as great liberty as any other nation except it be to go out of the countrey which thing as yet I desire not But I thinke hereafter and before it be long if I shall be desirous to go from hence that they wil not deny me licence Before we might be suffered to come out of prison I was forced to put in suerties for 2000 pardaus not to depart from hence without licence of the viceroy otherwise except this we haue as much libertie as any other nation for I haue our goods againe haue taken an house in the chiefest streete in the towne called the Rue dreâ—ie where we sell our goods There were two causes which moued the captaine of Ormus to imprison vs afterwards to send vs hither The first was because Michael Stropene had accused vs of many matters which were most false And the second was for that M. Drake at his being at Maluco caused two pieces of his ordinance to be shot at a gallion of the kings of Portugall as they say But of these things I did not know at Ormus and in the ship that we were sent in came the chiefest iustice in Ormus who was called Aueador generall of that place he had beene there three yeeres so that now his time was expired which Aueador is a great friend to the captaine of Ormus who certaine dayes after our comming from thence sent for mee into his chamber and there beganne to demaund of me many things to the which I answered and amongst the rest he said that Master Drake was sent out of England with many ships and came to Maluco and there laded cloues and finding a gallion there of the kings of Portugall hee caused two pieces of his greatest ordinance to be shot at the same and so perceiuing that this did greatly grieue them I asked if they would be reuenged of me for that which M. Drake had done To the which he answered No although his meaning was to the contrary He said moreouer that the cause why the captaine of Ormus did send me for Goa was for that the Uiceroy would vnderstand of mee what newes there was of Don Antonio and whether he were in England yea or no and that it might be all for the best that I was sent hither the which I trust in God wil so fall out although contrary to his expectation for had it not pleased God to put into the minds of the archbishop and other two Padres or Iesuits of S. Pauls colledge to stand our friends we might haue rotted in prison The archbishop is a very good man who hath two yong men to his seruantes the one of them was borne at Hamborough and is called Bernard Borgers and the other was borne at Enchuyâ—en whose name is Iohn Linscot who did vs great pleasure for by them the archbishop was many times put in minde of vs. And the two good fathers of S. Paul who trauelled very much for vs the one of them is called Padre Marke who was borne in Bruges in Flanders and the other was borne in Wilshire in England and is called Padre Thomas Steuens Also I chanced to finde here a young man who was borne in Antwerpe but the most part of his bringing vp hath beene in London his name is Francis de Rea and with him it was my hap to be acquainted in Aleppo who also hath done me great pleasure here In the prison at Ormus we remained many dayes also we lay a long time at sea comming hither and forthwith at our arriuall here were caried to prison and the next day after were seâ—â— for before the Aueador who is the chiefest iustice to be examined and when we were examined he presently sent vs backe againe to prison And after our being here in prison 13 daies Iames Storie went into the monastery of S. Paul where he remaineth and is made one of the company which life he liketh very well And vpon S. Thomas day which was 22 dayes after our arriuall here I came out of prison and the next day after came out Ralph Fitch and William Bets. If these troubles had not chanced I had beene in possibility to haue made as good a voyage as euer any man made with so much money Many of our things I haue solde very well both here and at Ormus in prison notwithstanding the capâ—aine willed me if I would to sell what I could before we imbarked so with officers I went diuers times out of the castle in the morning and solde things and at night returned againe to the prison and all things that I solde they did write and at our imbarking from thence the captain gaue order that I should deliuer all my mony with the goods into the hands of the scriuano or purser of the ship which I did and the scriuano made a remembrance which he left there with the captaine that my selfe and the rest with money goods he should deliuer into the hands of the Aueador generall of India but at our arriuall here the Aueador would neither meddle with goods nor money for that he could not proue any thing against vs wherefore the goods remained in the ship 9 or 10 daies after our arriuall and then for that the ship was to saile from thence the scriuano sent the goods on shore and here they remained a day and a night and no body to receiue them In the end they suffered this bringer to receiue them who came with me from Ormus and put them into an house which he had hired for me where they remained foure or fiue daies But afterward when they should deliuer the money it was concluded by the iustice that both the money and goods should be deliuered into the positors hands where they remained fourteene dayes after my comming out of prison At my being in Aleppo I bought a fountaine of siluer and gilt sixe kniues sixe spoones and one forke trimmed with corall for fiue and twentie chekins which the captaine of Ormus did take and payed for the same twentie pardaos which is one hundred larines and was worth there or here one hundred chekins Also he had fiue emrauds set in golde which were woorth fiue hundred or sixe hundred crownes and payed for the same an hundred pardaos Also he had nineteene and a halfe pikes of cloth which cost in London twenty shillings the pike and was worth 9 or 10 crownes the pike and he payed for the same twelue larines a pike Also he had two pieces of greene Kersies which were worth foure and twentie pardaos the piece and payd for them sixteene pardaos a piece besides diuers other trifles that the officers and others had in the like order and some for nothing at all
sword and he tooke their city which was very mighty seated vpon the sea which is called Ceuta in their language Confirmatio treugarum inter Regem Angliae Eduardum quartum Ioannem secundum Regem Portugalliae datarum in oppido montis Maioris 8 Februarij apud Westmonasterium 12 Septembris 1482 anno regni 22 Regis Eduardi quarti lingua Lusitanica ex opere sequenti excerpta Libro das obras de Garcia de Resende que tracta da vida è feitos del Rey dom Ioham secundo Embaixada que el Rey mandou à el Rey d' Inglaterra cap. 33. EDa qui de Monte Mor mandou el Rey por embaixadores à el rey dom Duarte de Inglaterra Ruy de Sousa pessoa principal è de muyto bon saber é credito de que el Rey muyto confiaua é ho doutor Ioam d' Eluas é Fernam de Pina por secretario E for am por mar muy honradamente com may boa companhia hos quaes foram en nome del Rey confirmar as ligas antiquas com Inglaterra que polla condisan dellus ho nouo Rey de hum reyno é do outro era obrigado à mandar confirmar é tambien pera mostrarem ho titolo que el rey tinha no senhorio de Guinee pera que depois de visto el rey d'Inglaterra defendesse em todos seus reynos que ninguen armassenem podesse mandar à Guinee é assi mandasse desfazer huna armada que pera laa faziam per mandado do Duque de Medina Sidonia hum Ioam Tintam é bum Guilherme Fabiam Ingreses Com ha qual embaixada el rey d' Inglaterra mostrou receber grande contentamento é foy delle com muyta honra recebida é em tudo fez inteiramente ho que pellos embaixadores Ibe foy requerido De que elles trouxeran autenticas escrituras das diligencias que con pubricos pregones fizeram é assi as prouisones das aprouasones que eran necessarias é com tudo muyto ben acabado é ha vontade del rey se vieram The Ambassage which king Iohn the second king of Portugall sent to Edward the fourth king of England which in part was to stay one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men from proceeding in a voyage which they were preparing for Guinea 1481 taken out of the booke of the workes of Gracias de Resende which intreateth of the life and acts of Don Iohn the second king of Portugall Chap. 33. ANd afterwards the king sent as Ambassadours from the towne of Monte maior to king Edward the fourth of England Ruy de Sonsa a principall person and a man of great wisedome and estimation and in whom the king reposed great trust with doctor Iohn d'Eluas and Ferdinand de Pina as secretarie And they made their voyage by sea very honourably being very well accompanied These men were sent on the behalfe of their king to confirme the ancient leagues with England wherein it was conditioned that the new king of the one and of the other kingdome should be bound to send to confirme the olde leagues And likewise they had order to shew and make him acquainted with the title which the king held in the segneury of Ginnee to the intent that after the king of England had seene the same he should giue charge thorow all his kingdomes that no man should arme or set foorth ships to Ginnee and also to request him that it would please him to giue commandement to dissolue a certaine fleet which one Iohn Tintam and one William Fabian English men were making by commandement of the duke of Medina Sidonia to goe to the aforesayd parts of Ginnee With which ambassage the king of England seemed to be very well pleased and they were receiued of him with very great honour and he condescended vnto all that the ambassadours required of him at whose hands they receiued authenticall writings of the diligence which they had performed with publication thereof by the heralds and also prouisoes of those confirmations which were necessary And hauing dispatched all things well and with the kings good will they returned home into their countrey A briefe note concerning an ancient trade of the English Marchants to the Canarie-ilands gathered out of an olde ligier booke of M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a worshipfull marchant of the city of Bristoll IT appeareth euidently out of a certaine note or letter of remembrance in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt written by M. Nicolas Thorne the elder a principall marchant of Bristoll to his friend and factour Thomas Midnall and his owne seruant William Ballard at that time resident at S. Lucar in Andeluzia that in the yeere of our Lord 1526 and by all circumstances and probabilities long before certaine English marchants and among the rest himselfe with one Thomas Spacheford exercised vsuall and ordinary trade of marchandise vnto the Canarie Ilands For by the sayd letter notice was giuen to Thomas Midnall and William Ballard aforesayd that a certaine ship called The Christopher of Cadiz bound for the West Indies had taken in certaine fardels of cloth both course and fine broad and narrow of diuers sorts and colours some arouas of packthreed sixe cerons or bagges of sope with other goods of M. Nicolas Thorne to be deliuered at Santa Cruz the chiefe towne in Tenerifa one of the seuen Canary-ilands All which commodities the sayd Thomas and William were authorised by the owner in the letter before mentioned to barter sell away at Santa Cruz. And in lieu of such mony as should arise of the sale of those goods they were appointed to returne backe into England good store of Orchell which is a certaine kinde of mosse growing vpon high rocks in those dayes much vsed to die withall some quantity of sugar and certaine hundreds of kid-skinnes For the procuring of which and of other commodities at the best and first hand the sayd Thomas and William were to make their abode at Santa Cruz and to remaine there as factours for the abouesayd M. Nicolas Thorne And here also I thought good to signifie that in the sayd letters mention is made of one Thomas Tison an English man who before the foresayd yere 1526 had found the way to the West Indies and was there resident vnto whom the sayd M. Nicolas Thorne sent certaine armour and other commodities specified in the letter aforesayd A description of the fortunate Ilands otherwise called the Ilands of Canaria with their strange fruits and commodities composed by Thomas Nicols English man who remained there the space of seuen yeeres together MIne intent is particularly to speake of the Canaria Ilands which are seuen in number wherein I dwelt the space of seuen yeres and more because I finde such variety in sundry writers and especially great vntruths in a booke called The New found world Antarctike set out by a French man called Andrew Theuet the which
voyages The one was when I was master in the great Barke Aucher for the Leuant in which voyage I went not but the causes they did not know of my let from the same nor of the other But first the very trueth is that I was from the same voyage letted by the Princes letters which my Master Sebastian Gabota had obtained for that purpose to my great griefe And as touching the second voyage which I inuented for the trade of Barbarie the liuing God knoweth that I say most true that when the great sweate was whereon the chiefe of those with whom I ioyned in that voyage died that is to say Sir Iohn Lutterell Iohn Fletcher Henry Ostrich and others I my selfe was also taken with the same sweate in London and after it whether with euill diet in keeping or how I know not I was cast into such an extreame feuer as I was neither able to ride nor goe and the shippe being at Portesmouth Thomas Windam had her away from thence before I was able to stand vpon my legges by whom I lost at that instant fourescore pound Besides I was appointed by them that died if they had liued to haue had the whole gouernment both of shippe and goods because I was to them the sole inuenter of that trade In the first voyage to Barbary there were two Moores being noble men whereof one was of the Kings blood conuayed by the said Master Thomas Windham into their Countrey out of England Yours humble at your commandement Iames Alday The second voyage to Barbary in the yeere 1552. Set foorth by the right worshipfull Sir Iohn Yorke Sir William Gerard Sir Thomas Wroth Master Frances Lambert Master Cole and others Written by the relation of Master Iames Thomas then Page to Master Thomas Windham chiefe Captaine of this voyage THe shippes that went on this voyage were three whereof two were of the Riuer of Thames That is to say the Lyon of London whereof Master Thomas Windham was Captaine and part owner of about an hundred fiftie tunnes The other was the Buttolfe about fourescore tunnes and a Portugall Carauel bought of certaine Portugals in Newport in Wales and fraighted for this voyage of summe sixtie tunnes The number of men in the Fleete were an hundred and twentie The Master of the Lyon was one Iohn Kerry of Mynhed in Somersetshire his Mate was Dauâ—i Landman The chiefe Captaine of this small Fleete was Master Thomas Windham a Norffolke gentleman borne but dwelling at Marshfield-parke in Somerset shire This Fleete departed out of King-rode neere Bristoll about the beginning of May 1552. being on a Munday in the morning and the Munday fortnight next ensuing in the euening came to an ancker at their first port in the roade of Zafia or Asafion the coast of Barbarie standing in 32. degrees of latitude and there put on land part of our marchandise to be conueicd by land to the citie of Marocco which being done and hauing refreshed our selues with victuals and water we went to the second port called Santa Cruz where we discharged the rest of our goods being good quantitie of linnen and woosten cloth corall amber Iet and diuers other things well accepted of the Moores In which road we found a French ship which not knowing whether it were warre or peace betweene England and France drewe her selfe as neere vnder the towne wals as she could possible crauing aide of the towne for her defence if need were which in deed seeing vs draw neere shot at vs a piece from the wals which came ouer the Lion our Admirall between the maine maste her foremast Whereupon we comming to an anker presently came a pinnes aboord vs to know what we were who vnderstanding that we had bene there the yere before came with the good leaue of their king in marchant wise were fully satisfied and gaue vs good leaue to bring our goods peaceably on shore where the Uiceroy whose name was Sibill Manache within short time after came to visite vs and vsed vs with all curtesie But by diuers occasions we spent here very neere three moneths before we could get in our lading which was Sugar Dates Almonds and Malassos or sugar Syrrope And for all our being here in the heate of the Sommer yet none of our company perished by sicknesse Our ships being laden wee drew into the Sea for a Westerne wind for England But being at sea a great leake fell vpon the Lion so that we were driuen to Lancerota and Forteuentura where betweene the two Ilands we came to a road whence wee put on land out of our sayd ship 70. chestes of Sugar vpon Lancerota with some dozen or sixteene of our company where the inhabitants supposing we had made a wrongfull prize of our carauell suddenly came with force vpon our people among whom I my selfe was one tooke vs prisoners and spoiled the sugars which thing being perceiued from our ships they manned out three boates thinking to rescue vs and draue the Spaniards to flight whereof they slew eighteene and tooke their gouernour of the Iland prisoner who was a very aged gentleman about 70. yeeres of age But chasing the enemie so farre for our recouerie as pouder and arrowes wanted the Spaniardes perceiuing this returned and in our mens retire they flew sixe of them Then a Parle grew in the which it was agreed that we the prisoners should be by them restored and they receiue their olde gouernour giuing vs a testimonie vnder his and their hands what damages wee had there receiued the which damages were here restored and made good by the king of Spaine his marchants vpon our returne into England After wee had searched and mended our leake being returned aboord we came vnder saile and as wee were going to the sea on the one side of the Iland the Cacafuego and other ships of the king of Portugals Armada entered at the other and came to anker in the road from whence we were but newly departed and shot off their great ordinance in our hearing And here by the way it is to bee vnderstood that the Portugals were much offended with this our new trade into Barbarie and both in our voiage the yeere before as also in this they gaue out in England by their marchants that if they tooke vs in those partes they would vse vs as their mortall enemies with great threates and menaces But by God and good prouidence wee escaped their handes From this Iland shaping our course for England we were seuen or eight weekes before we could reach the coast of England The first port wee entered into was the hauen of Plimmouth from whence within short time wee came into the Thames and landed our marchandise at London about the ende of the moneth of October 1552. A voiage made out of England vnto Guinea and Benin in Affrike at the charges of certaine marchants Aduenturers of of the Citie of London in the yeere of our Lord 1553.
the Queenes Maiestie my Mistresse and that hee had sent them to attend vpon me it being his pleasure that I should tarie there on shoare fiue or sixe dayes for my refreshing So being mounted vpon the Iennet they conducted mee through the Towne into a faire fielde vpon the Sea-side where was a tent prouided for mee and all the ground spread wâ—th Turkie carpets and the Castle discharged a peale of ordinance and all things necessarie were brought into my tent where I both tooâ—e my table and lodging and had other conuenient tents for my seruants The souldiers enuironed the tents and watched about vs day and night as long as I lay there although I sought my speedier dispatch On the Wednesday towards night I tooke my horse and traueiled ten miles to the first place of water that we could finde and there pitched our tents till the next morning and so traueiled till ten of the clocke and then pitched our tents till foure and so traueiled as long as day light would suffer about 26 miles that day The next day being Friday I traueiled in like order but eight and twentie miles at the most and by a Riuer being about sixe miles within sight of the Citie of Marocco we pitched our tents Immediatly after came all our English marchants and the French on horsebacke to meete me and before night there came an Alcayde from the king with fiftie men diuers mules laden with victuall and banker for my supperâ— declaring vnto me how glad the king shewed himsâ—lfe to heare of the Queenes Maiestie and that his pleasure was I should be receiued into his countrey as neuer any Christian the like and desired to knowe what time the next day I would come into his citie because he would that all the Christians as also his nobilitie should meete me and willed Iohn Bampton to be with him early in the morning which he did About seuen of the clocke being accompanied with the French and English marchants and a great number of souldiers I passâ—d towards the citie and by that time I had traueiled 2 miles there met me all the Christians of the Spaniards and Portugals to receiue me which I knowe was more by the kings commandement then of any good wils of themselues for some of them although they speake me faire hung downe their heads like dogs and especially the Portugales and I countenanced them accordingly So I passed on till I came within two English miles of the Citie and then Iohn Bampton returned shewing me that the king was so glad of my comming that hee could not deuise to doe too much to shewe the good will that hee did owe to the Queenes Maiestie and her Realme His counsellers met me without the gates and at the entrie of the gates his footmen guard were placed on both sides of my horse and so brought me to the kings palace The king sate in his chaire with his Counsell about him as well the Moores as the Elchies and according to his order giuen vnto me before I there declared my message in Spanish and made deliuerie of the Queenes Maiesties letters and all that I spake at that present in Spanish hee caused one of his Elâ—hies to declare the same to the Moores present in the Larbe tongue Which done he answered me againe in Spanish yeelding to the Queenes Maiestie great thankes and offering himselfe and his countrey to bee at her Graces commaundâ—ment and then commaunded certaine of his Counsellers to conduct mee to my lodging not being farre from the Court. The house was faire after the fashion of that countrey being daily well furnished with al kind of victuall at the kings charge The same night he sent for mee to the Court and I had conference with him about the space of two houres where I throughly declared the charge committed vnto mee from her Maiestie finding him conformable willing to pleasure and not to vrge her Maiestie with any demaundes more then conueniently shee might willingly consent vnto hee knowing that out of his countrey the Realme of England might be better serued with lackes then hee in comparison from vs. Further he gaue me to vnderstand that the king of Spaine had sent vnto him for a licence that an Ambassadour of his might come into his countrey and had made great meanes that if the Queenes maiesty of England sent any vnto him that he would not giue him any credit or intertainment albeit said he I know what the king of Spaine is and what the Queene of England and her Realme is for I neither like of him nor of his religion being so gouerned by the Inquisition that he can doe nothing of himselfe Therefore when he commeth vpon the licence which I haue granted he shall well see how litle account I will make of him and Spaine and how greatly I will extoll you for the Queenes maiestie of England He shall not come to my presence as you haue done and shall dayly for I minde to accept of you as my companion and one of my house whereas he shall attend twentie dayes after he hath done his message After the end of this speech I deliuered Sir Thomas Greshams letters when as he tooke me by the hand and led me downe a long court to a palace where there ranne a faire fountaine of water and there sitting himselfe in a chaire he commanded me to sit downe in another and there called for such simple Musicians as he had Then I presented him with a great base Lute which he most thankfully accepted and then he was desirous to heare of the Musicians and I tolde him that there was great care had to prouide them and that I did not doubt but vpon my returne they should come with the first ship He is willing to giue them good intertainment with prouision of victuall and to let them liue according to their law and conscience wherein he vrgeth none to the contrary I finde him to be one that liâ—eth greatly in the feare of God being well exercised in the Scriptures as well in the olde Testament as also in the New and he beareth a greater affection to our Nation then to others because of our religion which forbiddeth worship of Idols and the Moores called him the Christian king The same night being the first of Iune I continued with him till twelue of the clocke and he seemed to haue so good liking of me that he tooke from his girdle a short dagger being set with 200 stones rubies and turkies and did bestow it vpon me and so I being conducted returned to my lodging for that time The next day because he knew it to be Sunday our Sabboth day he did let me rest But on the munday in the afternoone he sent for me and I had conference with him againe and musicke Likewise on the tuesday by three of the clocke he sent for me into his garden finding him layd vpon a
silke bed complayning of a sore leg yet after long conference he walked into another Orchard whereas hauing a faire banketting-house and a great water and a new gallie in it he went aboord the gallie and tooke me with him and passed the space of two or three houres shewing the great experience he had in Gallies wherein as he said he had exercised himselfe eighteene yeres in his youth After supper he shewed me his horses and other commodities that he had about his house and since that night I haue not sâ—ene him for that he hath kept in with his sore legge but he hath sent to me daily The 13 of Iune at sixe of the clocke at night I had againe audience of the king and I continued with him till midnight hauing debated as well for the Queenes commission as for the well dealing with her marchants for their traffike here in these parts saying he would do much more for the Queenes maiesty and the Realme offering that all English ships with her subiects may with good securitie enter into his ports and dominions as well in trade of marcandize as for victuall water as also in time of warre with any her enemies to bring in prises and to make sales as occasion should serue or else to depart againe with them at their pleasure Likewise for all English ships that shall passe along his coast of Barbarie thorow the straites into the Leuant seas that he would graunt safe conduct that the said ships and marchants with their goods might passe into the Leuant seas and so to the Turks dominions and the king of Argiers as his owne and that he would write to the Turke and to the king of Argier his letters for the well vsing of our ships and goods Also that hereafter no Englishmen that by any meanes may be taken captiues shall be solde within any of his dominions whereupon I declared that the Queenes maiesty accepting of these his offers was pleased to confirme the intercourse trade of our marchants within this his countrey as also to pleasure him with such commodities as he should haue need of to furnish the necessities and wants of his countrey in trade of marchandize so as he required nothing contrarie to her honour and law and the breach of league with the Christian princes her neighbours The same night I presented the king with the case of combes and desired his maiestie to haue special regard that the ships might be laden backe againe for that I found litle store of salt-peter in readinesse in Iohn Bamptons hands He answered me that I should haue all the assistance therein that he could but that in Sus he thought to haue some store in his house there as also that the Mountayners had made much in a readinesse I requested that he would send downe which he promised to doe The eighteene day I was with him againe and so continued there till night and he shewed me his house with pastime in ducking with water-Spaniels and baiting buls with his English dogges At this time I mooued him againe for the sending downe to Sus which he granted to doe and the 24. day there departed Alcayde Mammie with Lionell Edgerton and Rowland Guy to Sus and caried with them for our accompts and his company the kings letters to his brother Muly Hammet and Alcayde Shauan and the Uiceroy The 23. day the king sent me out of Marocco to his garden called Shersbonare with his gard and Alcayde Mamoute and the 24. at night I came to the court to see a Morris dance and a play of his Elchies He promised me audience the next day being Tuesday but he put it off till Thursday and the Thursday at night I was sent for to the king after supper and then he sent Alcayde Rodwan and Alcayde Gowry to conferre with me but after a little talke I desired to be brought to the King for my dispatch And being brought to him I preferred two bils of Iohn Bamptons which he had made for prouision of Salt-peter also two bils for the quiet traffique of our English Marchants and bils for sugars to be made by the Iewes as well for the debts past as hereafter and for good order in the Ingenios Also I mooued him againe for the Salt-peter and other dispatches which he referred to be agreed vpon by the two Alcaydes But the Friday being the 20. the Alcaydes could not intend it and vpon Saturday Alcayde Rodwan fell sicke so on Sunday we made meanes to the King and that afternoone I was sent for to conferre vpon the bargaine with the Alcaydes and others but did not agree Upon Tuesday I wrote a letter to the King for my dispatch and the same afternoone I was called againe to the Court and referred all things to the King accepting his offer of Salt-peter That night againe the King had me into his Gallie and the Spaniels did hunt the ducke The Thursday I was appointed to way the 300. kintals grosse of Salt-peter and that afternoone the Tabybe came vnto mee to my lodging shewing mee that the king was offended with Iohn Bampton for diuers causes The Sunday night late being the 7. of Iuly I got the King to forgiue all to Iohn Bampton and the King promised me to speake againe with me vpon Munday Upon Tuesday I wrote to him againe for my dispatch and then hee sent Fray Lewes to mee and said that he had order to write Upon Wednesday I wrote againe and he sent me word that vpon Thursday I should come and be dispatched so that I should depart vpon Friday without faile being the twelfth of Iuly So the fridayâ— after according to the kings order appointment I went to the court whereas motion and petition was made for the confirmation of the demaunds which I had preferred they were all granted and likewise the priuileges which were on the behalfe of our English marchants requested were with great fauour and readinesse yeelded vnto And whereas the Iewes there resident were to our men in certaine round summes indebted the Emperors pleasure and commandement was that they should without further excuse or delay pay and discharge the same And thus at length I was dismissed with great honour and speciall countenance such as hath not ordinarily bene shewed to other Ambassadors of the Christians And touching the priuate affaires intreated vpon betwixt her Maiestie and the Emperour I had letters from him to satisfie her highnesse therein So to conclude hauing receiued the like honourable conduct from his Court as I had for my part at my first landing I embarked my selfe with my foresaid company and arriuing not long after in England I repaired to her Maiesties court ended my Ambassage to her highnesse good liking with relation of my seruice performed The voyage of Thomas Stukeley wrongfully called Marques of Ireland into Barbary 1578. Written by Iohannes Thomas Freigius in Historia de caede Sebastiani Regis Lusitaniae
Colthirst Edward Holmden Iohn Swinnerton Robert Walkaden Simon Lawrence Nicholas Stile Oliuer Stile William Bond Henry Farrington Iohn Tedcastle Walter Williams William Brune Iohn Suzan Iohn Newton Thomas Owen Roger Afild Robert Washborne Rainold Guie Thomas Hitchcocke George Lidiate Iohn Cartwright Henry Payton Iohn Baldroe Robert Bowyer Anthony Dassell Augustine Lane Robert Lion and Thomas Dod that they and euery of them by themselues or by their factors or seruants and none others shall and may for and during the space of 12. yeeres haue and enioy the whole freedome and libertie in the saide trafique or trade vnto or from the said countrey of Barbary or to or from any part thereof for the buying and selling of all maner of wares and marchandizes whatsoeuer that now or accustomably heretofore haue bene brought or transported froÌ„ or to the said country of Barbary or froÌ„ or to any of the cities townes places ports roades hauens harbors or creeks of the said country of Barbary any law statute graunt matter customes or priuileges to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And for the better establishing ordering and gouerning of the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester Thomas Starkie c. abouesaid their factors seruants and assignes in the trade aforesaid we for vs our heires and successors doe by these presents giue and graunt full licence to the saide Thomas Starkie Ierard Gore the elder and the rest aforesaide and to euery of them from time to time during the said terme of twelue yeres at their pleasures to assemble and meete together in any place or places conuenient within our citie of London or elsewhere to consult of and for the said trade and with the consent of the said Erle of Leicester to make and establish good and necessary orders and ordinances for and touching the same and al such orders and ordinances so made to put in vre and execute and them or any of them with the consent of the said Erle of Leicester to alter change and make voyde and if need be to make new as at any time during the saide terme they or the most part of them then liuing and trading shall finde conuenient Prouided alwayes that the ordinances or any of them bee not contrary or repugnant to the lawes statutes or customes of this our Realme of England And to the intent that they onely to whom the said libertie of trafique is graunted by these our Letters patents and none other our Subiects whatsoeuer without their special consent and licence before had should during the said terme haue trade or trafique for any maner of Marchandizes to or from the said countrey of Barbary or to or from any Citie towne place port harbor or creeke within the said countrey of Barbary to or out of our said Realmes and dominions wee doe by these presents straightly charge commaund and prohibite all and euery our Subiects whatsoeuer other then only the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester Thomas Starkie and the rest abouesaid and euery of them by themselues or by their Factors or seruants during the â—aide terme to trade or trafique for or with any marchandize to or from the saide Countrey of Barbary or to or from any the dominions of the same as they tender our fauour and will auoyde our high displeasure and vpon paine of imprisonment of his and their bodies at our will and pleasure and of forfeiting all the marchandizes or the full value thereof wherewith they or any of them during the saide terme shall trade or trafique to or from the said countrey of Barbary or to or from the dominions of the same contrary to this our priuilege and prohibition vnlesse it be by and with the expresse licence consent and agreement of the saide Erles of Warwike and Leicester Thomas Starkie Ierard Gore the elder and all his sonnes Thomas Gore the elder Arthur Atie gentleman Alexander Auenon Richard Straper William Iennings Arthur Dawbnie William Sherington Thomas Bramlie Anthonie Gerrard Robert Howe Henry Colthirst Edward Holmden Iohn Swinnerton Robert Walkaden Simon Lawrence Nicholas Stile Oliuer Stile William Bond Henry Farington John Tedcastle Walter Williams William Brune Iohn Suzan Iohn Newton Thomas Owen Roger Afield Robert Washborne Rainold Guy Thomas Hitchcock George Lidiate c. or by and with the expresse licence and consent of the more part of them then liuing and trading first had and obtained so alwayes that the sayd Earle of Leicester be one if hee bee liuing And we further for vs our heires and successors of our speciall grace meere motion and certaine knowledge do graunt to the said Erles of Warwike and Leicester Thomas Starkie and the rest abouesaid and to euery of them that nothing shall be done to be of force or validitie touching the said trade or trafique or the exercise thereof without or against the consent of the saide Erles Thomas Starkie and the others before named during the time of these our Letters patents for 12. yeeres as aforesaid And for that the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. and euery of them aforesaid should not be preuented or interrupted in this their said trade we do by these presents for vs our heires and successours straightly prohibite and forbid all maner of person or persons as well strangers of what nation or countrey soeuer as our owne Subiects other then onely the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. and euery of them as aforesaid that they nor any of them from hencefoorth during the said terme of 12. yeeres do or shall bring or cause to be brought into this our Realme of England or to any the dominions thereof any maner of marchandizes whatsoeuer growing or being made within the said Countrey of Barbary or within any the dominions thereof vnlesse it be by and with the license consent and agreement of the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. or with the consent and licence of the more part of them then liuing first had and obtained so alwayes y t the sayd Erle of Leicester if hee be liuing be one vnder the paine that euery one that shall offend or doe against this our present prohibition here last aboue mentioned in these presents shall forfeite and lose all and singular the said marchandizes to be landed in any our realmes and dominions coÌ„trary to the tenor and true meaning of this our prohibition in that behalfe prouided the one moitie of all and euery which said forfaitures whatsoeuer mentioned or specified in these our present Letters patents shal be to vs our heires successors And the other moity of al and euery the said forfaitures we doe by these presents of our certaine knowledge and meere motion clearely and wholy for vs our heires and successors giue and graunt vnto the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. And these our Letters patents vpon the onely sight thereof without any further warrant shal bee sufficient authoritie to our Treasurer of England for the time being to our Barons of the Exchequer and to
all other our officers that shall haue to deale in this behalfe to make full allowance vnto the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. their deputies or assignes of the one moitie of all and singular the goods marchandizes and things whatsoeuer mentioned in these our present Letters patents to be forfaited at any time or times during the said terme of twelue yeres which said allowance we doe straightly charge and commaund from time to time to be made to the sayd Erles Thomas Starkie c. and to euery of them accordingly without any maner of delay or deniall of any of our officers whatsoeuer as they tender our fauour and the furtherance of our good pleasure And wee doe straightly charge and commaund and by these presents prohibite all and singular Customers and Collectors of our customes subsidies and comptrollers of the same of and within our Citie and port of London and all other portes creekes places within this our Realme of England and euery of them that they ne any of them take or perceiue or cause or suffer to be taken receiued or perceiued for vs in our name or to our vse or to y e vses of our heires or successors of any person or persons any sum or summes of money or other things whatsoeuer during the said terme of 12. yeres for and in the name liew or place of any custome subsidy other thing or duties to vs our heires or successors due or to be due for the customes subsidies of any marchandizes whatsoeuer growing being made or cōming out of the said countrey of Barbary or out of the dominions thereof nor make cause nor suffer to be made any entrie into our or their books of customs subsidies nor make any agreement for the subsidies and customs of and for any the said marchants sauing onely with in the name of the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. or the most part of them as they and euery of them will answere at their vttermost perils to the contrary And for the better and more sure obseruation of this our graunt wee will and grant for vs our heires successors by these presents that the Treasurer barons of our Exchequer for the time being by force of this our graunt or enrolment thereof in the said court at al euery time times during the said terme of 12. yeres at vpon request made vnto them by the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. or by the atturneis factors deputies or assignes of them or the most part of them then liuing and trading shall and may make direct vnder the seale of the said Exchequer one or moe sufficient writ or writs close or patents vnto euery or any of our said customers collectors or cōtrollers of our heires an◠successors in all and euery or to any port or ports creeke hauen or other places within this our realme of England as the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. or any the atturneis factors deputies or assignes of them or the most part of them then liuing and trading shall at any time require commaunding and straightly charging them and euery of them that they nor any of them at any time or times during the said terme of 12. yeeres make any entrie of any wares or marchandizes whatsoeuer growing being made or comming out or from the said countrey of Barbary or the dominions thereof nor receiue or take any custome subsidie or other entrie or make any agreement for the same other then with or in the name of the said Erles Thomas Starkie c. the factor or factors deputies or assignes of them or the most part of them then liuing and trading according to this our graunt and the true meaning thereof and according to our saide will and pleasure before in these presents declared In witnesse whereof we haue caused these our Letters to be made patents Witnesse our selfe at Westminster the 5. day of Iuly in the 27. yeere of our reigne The Ambassage of Master Henry Roberts one of the sworne Esquires of her Maiesties person from her highnesse to Mully Hamet Emperour of Marocco and the King of Fesse and Sur in the yeere 1585 who remained there as Liger for the space of 3. yeeres Written briefly by himselfe VPon an incorporation granted to the Company of Barbary Marchants resident in London I Henry Roberts one of her Maiesties sworne Esquires of her person was appointed her highnesse messenger and Agent vnto the aforesaid Mully Harner Emperor of Marocco king of Fesse and Sus. And after I had receiued my Commission instructions and her Maiesties letters I departed from London the 14. of August in the yeere 1585. in a tall ship called the Ascension in the company of the Minion and Hopewell and we all arriued in safetie at Azafi a port of Barbary the 14. of September next following The Alcaide of the towne being the kings officer there and as it were Maior of the place receiued mee with all humanitie and honour according to the custome of the Countrey lodging me in the chiefest house of the towne from whence I dispatched a messenger which in their language they call a Trottero to aduertise the Emperour of my arriuall who immediatly gaue order and sent certaine souldiers for my guard and conduct and horses for my selfe and mules for mine owne and my companies carriages Thus being accompanied with M. Richard Euans Edward Salcot and other English Marchants resident there in the Countrey with my traine of Moores and carriages I came at length to the riuer of Tensist which is within foure miles of Marocco and there by the water side I pitched my tents vnder the Oliue trees where I met with all the English Marchants by themselues and the French and Flemish and diuers other Christians which attended my comming And after we had dined spent out the heat of the day about foure of the clocke in the afternoone we all set forward toward the Citie of Marocco where we arriued the said day being the 14. of September and I was lodged by the Emperours appointment in a faire house in the Iudaria or Iurie which is the place where the Iewes haue their abode and is the fairest place and quietest lodging in all the Citie After I had reposed my selfe 3. dayes I had accesse to the kings presence deliuered my message and her Maiesties letters and was receiued with all humanitie and had fauourable audience from time to time for three yeeres during which space I abode there in his Court as her Maiesties Agent and Ligier and whensoeuer I had occasion of businesse I was admitted either to his Maiestie himselfe or to his vice Roy whose name was Alcayde Breme Saphiana a very wise and discreet person and the chiefest about his Maiestie The particulers of my seruice for diuers good and reasonable causes I forbeare here to put downe in writing After leaue obtained and an honourable reward bestowed by the Emperour vpon me I
leagues from Lisbone westwards early in the morning Captaine Preston descried a sayle some two or three leagues a head of vs after which we presently hastened our chase and ouertooke her about eight or nine of the clocke before noone She came lately from Saint Michaels roade hauing beene before at Brasill loden with Sugar and Brasile Hauing sent our boat to them to bring some of the chiefe of their men aboord the Victorie in the meane time whilest they were in comming to vs one out of the maine toppe espied another saile a head some three or foure leagues from vs. So immediately vpon the returne of our boate hauing sent her backe againe with some of our men aboord the prize we pursued speedily this new chase with all the sayles we could packe on and about two a clocke in the afternoone ouertooke her she had made prouision to fight with vs hauing hanged the sides of the ship so thicke with hides wherewith especially she was loden that musket shot could not haue pearced them but yer we had discharged two great pieces of our Ordinance at her she stroke sayle and approching neerer we asking of whence they were they answered from the West-Indies from Mexico and Saint Iohn de Lowe truely called Vlhuaâ— This ship was of some three or foure hundred tunnes and had in her seuen hundred hides worth tenne shillings a peece sixe chests of Cochinell euery chest houlding one hundred pound weight and euery pound worth sixe and twentie shillings and eight pence and certaine chests of Sugar and China dishes with some plate and siluer The Captaine of her was an Italian and by his behauiour seemed to be a graue wise and ciuill man he had put in aduenture in this shippe fiue and twentie thousand Duckats Wee tooke him with certaine other of her chiefest men which were Spaniards into the Victorie and Captaine Lister with so manie other of the chiefest of our Mariners souldiers and saylers as were thought sufficient to the number of 20. or there abouts were sent into her In the meane time we staying our other prizes which followed after came vp to vs. And nowe wee had our hands full and with ioy shaped our course for England for so it was thought meetest hauing now so many Portugals Spaniards and French men amongst vs that if we should haue taken any more prizes afterwards wee had not bene well able to haue manned them without endangering our selues So about 6. of the clocke in the afternoone when our other prize had ouertaken vs wee set saile for England But our prizes not being able to beare vs company without sparing them many of our sailes which caused our ship to rowle and wallow in such sort that it was not onely veâ—y troublesome to vs but as it was thought would also haue put the maine Maste in danger of falling ouerboord hauing acquainted them with these inconueniences we gaue them direction to keepe their courses together folowing vs and so to come to Portsmouth We tooke this last prize in the latitude of 39. degrees and about 46. leagues to the Westwards from The Rocke She was one of those 16. ships which we saw going into the hauen at Angra in Terçera October 8. Some of the men that we tooke out of her tolde vs that whilest wee were plying vp and downe before that hauen as before was shewed expecting the comming foorth of those shippes three of the greatest and best of them at the appointment of the Gouernour of Terçera were vnloden of their treasure and marchandize And in euery of them were put three hundred Souldiers which were appointed to haue come to lay the Victory aboord in the night and take her but when this should haue bene done the Victory was gone out of their sight Now we went meerily before the winde with all the sailes we could beare insomuch that in the space of 24. houres we sailed neere 47. leagues that is seuenscore English miles betwixt Friday at noone and Saturday at noone notwithstanding the shippe was very foule and much growne with long being at Sea which caused some of our company to make accompt they would see what running at Tilt there should bee at Whitehall vpon the Queenes day Others were imagining what a Christmas they would keepe in England with their shares of the prizes we had taken But so it befell that we kept a colde Christmas with the Bishop and his clearks rockes that lye to the Westwards from Sylly and the Westerne parts of England For soone after the wind scanting came about to the Eastwards the worst part of the heauens for vs from which the winde could blow in such sort that we could not fetch any part of England And hereupon also our allowance of drinke which was scant ynough before was yet more more scanted because of the scarcitie thereof in the shippe So that now a man was allowed but halfe a pinte at a meale and that many times colde water and scarce sweete Notwithstanding this was an happie estate in comparison of that which followed For from halfe a pinte we came to a quarter and that lasted not long neither so that by reason of this great scarcitie of drinke and contrarietie of winde we thought to put into Ireland there to relieue our wants But when wee came neere thither lying at hull all night tarrying for the daylight of the next morning whereby we might the safelyer bring our ship into some conuenient harbour there we were driuen so farre to lee-ward that we could fetch no part of Ireland so as with heauie hearts and sad cheare wee were constreined to returne backe againe and expect till it should please God to send vs a faire winde either for England or Ireland In the meane time we were allowed euery man three or foure spoones full of vineger to drinke at a meale for other drinke we had none sauing onely at two or three meales when we had in stead hereof as much wine which was wringed out of Wine-lees that remained With this hard fare for by reason of our great want of drinke wee durst eate but very litle wee continued for the space of a fourtnight or thereabouts Sauing that now and then wee feasted for it in the meane time And that was when there fell any haile or raine the haile-stones wee gathered vp and did eate them more pleasantly then if they had bene the sweetest Comfits in the world The raine-drops were so carefully saued that so neere as wee coulde not one was lost in all our shippe Some hanged vp sheetes tied with cordes by the foure corners and a weight in the midst that the water might runne downe thither and so be receiued into some vessell set or hanged vnderneth Some that wanted sheetes hanged vp nakins and cloutes and watched them till they were thorow wet then wringing and sucking out the water And that water which fell downe and washed away the filth and soyling of the shippe trod vnder foote
men hurt at the Capsten wee were faine to giue ouer and leaue it behinde holding on our course to Ventre hauen where wee safely arriued the same day that place being a very safe and conuenient harbor for vs that now wee might sing as we had iust cause They that goe downe to the Sea c. So soone as we had ankered here my Lord went foorthwith to shoare and brought presently fresh water and fresh victuals as Muttons pigges hennes c. to refresh his company withall Notwithstanding himselfe had lately bene very weake and tasted of the same extremitie that his Company did For in the time of our former want hauing a little fresh water left him remaining in a pot in the night it was broken and the water drunke and dried vp Soone after the sicke and wounded men were carried to the next principall Towne called Dingenacusli being about three miles distant from the foresaide hauen where our shippe roade to the Eastwards that there they might be the better refreshed and had the Chirurgians dayly to attend vpon them Here we wel refreshed our selues whilest the Irish harpe sounded sweetely in our eares and here we who for the former extremities were in maner halfe dead had our liues as it were restored vnto vs againe This Dingenacush is the chiefe Towne in al that part of Ireland it coÌ„sisteth but of one maine streete from whence some smaller doe proceede on either side It hath had gates as it seemeth in times past at either ende to open and shut as a Towne of warre and a Castle also The houses are very strongly built with thicke stone walles and narrow windowes like vnto Castles for as they confessed in time of trouble by reason of the wilde Irish or otherwise they vsed their houses for their defence as Castles The castle and all the houses in the Towne saue foure were won burnt and ruinated by the Erle of Desmond These foure houses fortified themselues against him and withstood him and all his power perforce so as he could not winne them There remaineth yet a thicke stone wall that passeth ouerthwart the midst of the streete which was a part of their fortification Notwithstanding whilest they thus defended themselues as some of them yet aliue confessed they were driuen to as great extremities as the Iewes besieged by Titus the Romane Emperour insomuch that they were constrained to eat dead mens carcases for hunger The Towne is nowe againe somewhat repaired but in effect there remaine but the ruines of the former Towne Commonly they haue no chimneis in their houses excepting them of the better sort so that the smoake was very troublesom to vs while we continued there Their fewell is turfes which they haue very good and whinnes or furres There groweth little wood thereabouts which maketh building chargeable there as also want of lime as they reported which they are faine to fetch from farre when they haue neede thereof But of stones there is store ynough so that with them they commonly make their hedges to part ech mans ground from other and the ground seemeth to be nothing else within but rockes and stones Yet it is very fruitfull and plentifull of grasse and graine as may appeare by the abundance of kine and cattel there insomuch that we had good muttons though somewhat lesse then ours in England for two shillings or fiue groates a piece good pigges and hennes for 3. pence a piece The greatest want is industrious painefull and husbandly inhabitants to till and trimme the ground for the common sort if they can prouide sufficient to serue from hand to mouth take no further care Of money as it seemeth there is very small store amongst them which perhaps was the cause that made them double and triple the prizes of many things we bought of them more then they were before our comming thither Good land was here to be had for foure pence the Acre yeerely rent There are Mines of Alome Tinne brasse and yron Sâ—ones wee sawe there as cleare as Christall naturally squared like Diamonds That part of the Countrey is all ful of great mountaines and hills from whence came running downe the pleasant streames of sweete fresh running water The naturall hardnesse of that Nation appeareth in this that their small children runne vsually in the middest of Winter vp and downe the streetes bare-foote and bare-legged with no other apparell many times saue onely a mantell to couer their nakednesse The chiefe Officer of their Towne they call their Soueraigne who hath the same office and authoritie among them that our Maiors haue with vs in England and hath his Sergeants to attenâ— vpon him and beare the Mace before him as our Maiors We were first intertained at the Soueraignes house which was one of those 4. that withstood the Erle of Desmond in his rebellion They haue the same forme of Common prayer word for word in Latin that we haue here in England Upon the Sunday the Soueraigne commeth into the Church with his Sergeant before him and the Sheriffe and others of the Towne accompany him and there they kneele downe euery man by himselfe priuately to make his prayers After this they rise and go out of the Church againe to drinke which being done they returne againe into the Church and then the Minister beginneth prayers Their maner of baptizing differeth something from ours part of the seruice belonging thereto is repeated in Latin and part in Irish. The Minister taketh the child in his hands and first dippeth it backwards and then forwards ouer head and eares into the cold water in the midst of Winter whereby also may appeare their naturall hardnesse as before was specified They had neither Bell drum nor trumpet to call the Parishioners together but they expect till their Soueraigne come and then they that haue any deuotion follow him They make their bread all in cakes and for the tenth part the bakers bake for all the towne We had of them some 10. or 11. Tunnes of beere for the Victory but it proued like a present purgation to them that tooke it so that we chose rather to drinke water then it The 20. of December we loosed froÌ„ hence hauing well prouided our selues of fresh water and other things necessary being accompanied with sir Edw. Dennie his Lady and two yong sonnes This day in the morning my Lord going ashoare to dispatch away speedily some fresh water that remained for the Victory the winde being very faire for vs brought vs newes that there were 60. Spanish prizes taken and brought to England For two or three dayes wee had a faire winde but afterwards it scanted so that as I said before we were faine to keepe a cold Christmas with The Bishop and his clearkes After this we met with an English ship that brought vs ioyful news of 91. Spanish prizes that were come to England and sorrowfull newes withall that the last and best prize we tooke had suffered shipwracke at
of August in the afternoone had intelligence by one Captaine Middleton of the approch of the Spanish Armada Which Middleton being in a very good sailer had kept them company three dayes before of good purpose both to discouer their forces the more as also to giue aduise to my L. Thomas of their approch Hee had no sooner deliuered the newes but the fleete was in sight many of our shippes companies were on shore in the Ilande some prouiding balast for their ships others filling of water and refreshing themselues from the land with such things as they could either for money or by force recouer By reason whereof our ships being all pestered and romaging euery thing out of order very light for want of balast and that which was most to our disaduantage the one halfe part of the men of euery shippe sicke and vtterly vnseruiceable for in the Reuenge there were ninety diseased in the Bonauenture not so many in health as could handle her maine saile For had not twenty men beene taken out of a Barke of sir George Careys his being commaunded to be sunke and those appointed to her she had hardly euer recouered England The rest for the most parte were in little better state The names of her Maiesties shippes were these as followeth the Defiance which was Admiral the Reuenge Uiceadmirall the Bonauenture commaunded by Captaine Crosse the Lion by George Fenner the Foresight by M. Thomas Vauasour and the Crane by Duffild The Foresight the Crane being but smal ships only the other were of the middle size the rest besides the Barke â—alegh commanded by Captaine Thin were victualleâ—s and of small force or none The Spanish fleet hauing shrouded their approch by reason of the Island were now so soone at hand as our shippes had scarce time to way their anchors but some of them were driuen to let slippe their Cables and set saâ—le Sir Richard Grinuile was the last that wayed to recouer the men that were vpon the Island which otherwise had bene lost The L. Thomas with the rest very hardly recouered the winde which Sir Richard Grinuile not being able to doe was perswaded by the Master and others to cut his maine sayle and cast about and to trust to the sayling of the ship for the squadron of Siuiâ— were on his weather bow But Sir Richard vtterly refused to turne from the enemie alleaging that hee would rather choose to die then to dishonour himselfe his countrey and her Maiesties shippe perswading his companie that hee would passe through the two squadrons in despight of them and enforce those of Siuil to giue him way Which hee performed vpon diuers of the formost who as the Mariners terme it sprang their luffe and fell vnder the lee of the Reuenge But the other course had beene the better and might right well haue bene answered in so great an impossibility of preualing Notwithstanding out of the greatnesse of his minde he could not be perswaded In the meane while as hee attended those which were nearest him the great San Philip being in the winde of him and comming towards him becalmed his sailes in such sort as the shippe could neither make way nor feele the helme so huge and high carged was the Spanish ship being of a thousand and fiue hundreth tuns Who after layd the Reuenge aboord When he was thus berâ—ft of his sailes the ships that were vnder his â—ee luffing vp also layd him aboord of which the nert was the Admiral of the Biscaines a very mighty and puissant shippe commanded by Briâ—tandona The sayd Philip carried three tire of ordinance on a side and eleuen pieces in euery â—ire She shot eight forth rightout of her chase besides those of her sterne ports After the Reuenge was entangled with this Philip foure other boorded her two on her larboord and two on her starboord The fight thus beginning at three of the clock in the afternoone continued very terrible all that euening But the great San Philip hauing receiued the lower tire of the Reuenge discharged with crosse bar shot shifted her selfe with all diligence from her sides vtterly misliking her first entertainement Some say that the shippe foundred but we cannot report it for truth vnlesse we were assured The Spanish ships were filled with companies of souldiers in some two hundred besides the mariners in some fiue in others eight hundreth In ours there were none at all beside the mariners but the seruants of the commanders and some few voluntary gentlemen onely After many enterchanged volies of great ordinance and small shot the Spaniards deliberated to enter the Reuenge and made diuers attempts hoping to force her by the multitudes of their armed soulders and Musketters but were still repulsed againe and and againe and at all times beaten backe into their owne ships or into the seas In the beginning of the fight the George Noble of LondoÌ„ hauing receiued some shot thorow her by the Armadas fell vnder the lee of the Reuenge and asked Sir Richard what he would command him being but one of the victualers and of small force Sir Richard bid him saue himselfe and leaue him to his fortune After the fight had thus without intermission continued while the day lasted and some houres of the night many of our men were slaine and hurte and one of the great Gallions of the Armada and the Admirall of the Hulkes both sunke and in many other of the Spanish shippes great slaughter was made Some write that sir Richard was very dangerously hurt almost in the beginning of the fight and lay speechlesse for a time ere hee recouered But two of the Reuenges owne company brought home in a ship of Lime from the Ilandes examined by some of the Lordes and others affirmed that hee was neuer so wounded as that hee forsooke the vpper decke till an houre before midnight and then being shot into the bodie with a Musket as hee was a dressing was againe shot into the head and withall his Chirurgion wounded to death This agreeth also with an examination taken by sir Francis Godolphin of foure other mariners of the same shippe being returned which examination the said sir Francis sent vnto master William Killegrâ—e of her Maiesties priuy Chamber But to returne to the fight the Spanish ships which attempted to bord the Reuenge as they were wounded and beaten off so alwayes others came in their places she hauing neuer lesse then two mighty Gallions by her sides and aboard her So that ere the morning from three of the clocke the day before there had fifteene seuerall Armadas assayled her and all so ill approued their entertainement as they were by the breake of day far more willing to harken to a composition then hastily to make any more assaulâ—s or entries But as the day encreased so our men decreased and as the light grew more and moreâ— by so much more grewe our discomforts For none appeared in sight but enemies sauing one small ship called the
with whom dayly I exchanged my yron other wares for hides and some elephants teeth finding the people very friendly and tractable And the next day after our arriuall I went vp into the land about three miles to the towne of Refisca where I was friendly vsed and well entertained of the alcaide and especially of a yoong nobleman called Conde Amar Pattay who presented me with an oxe for my company goats and some yoong kids assuring me that the king would be glad to heare of the arriuall of a Christians ship whom they called Blancos that is white men especially of an English ship And so dayly the yong Conde came with a small company of horsemen to the sea side feasting me very kindly and courteously And the fift of December he with his traine came aboord to see the ship which to them seemed woonderfull as people that seldome had seene the like who tolde me that his messenger from the king was returned and the king reioyced much to heare that English men were come with a ship to trade in his ports and being the first Englishman that euer came with a ship I was the better welcome promising that I or any Englishman hereafter should be wel intreated find good dealing at their hands And further the Conde on the kings behalfe and his owne earnestly requested that before my departure off the coast I would returne againe to his road to conferre with him for the better continuance and confirming of amity betweene them and Englishmen which I agreed vnto And so shewing him and his company the best friendship and courtesie I could he went on shore and should haue had the honor of our ordinance but that he desired the contrary being amazed at the sight of the ship and noise of the gunnes which they did greatly admire The 13 of December at night we weighed anker and arriued the 14 day at the road of Porto d' Ally which is another kingdome the king thereof is called Amar Meleck sonne to Meleck Zamba the other king and dwelleth a dayes iourney and an halfe from Porto d' Ally When we had ankered the kings kinsmen being gouernors with all the officers of that towne came aboord to receiue all duties for the ship licence to traffike due to the king who there generally seemed to be very glad that no Portugall was come in our ship out of England saying it was the kings pleasure we should bring none hereafter for that the king did esteeme them as people of no truth and complained of one Francisco de Costa seruant to Don Antonio how he had often and the last yere also abused and deluded their king Amar Meleck in promising to bring him certaine things out of England which he neuer performed and deemed that to be the cause of his staying behinde this voyage and that neither Spaniard nor Portugall could abide vs but reported very badly and gaue out hard speeches tending to the defamation great dishonor of England and also affirmed that at the arriuall of an English ship called The Command of Richard Kelley of Dartmouth one Pedro Gonsalues a Portugall that came in the sayd ship from Don Antonio reported vnto them that we were fled out of England and come away vpon intent to rob and do great spoile vpon this coast to the Negros and Portugals and that Thomas Dasâ—el had murdered Francisco de Acosta since our comming from England who was comming to their king in our ship with great presents from Don Antonio and desired that at our arriuall stay might be made of our goods and our selues in secret maner which they denied not giuing credit to his report hauing bene often abused by such friuolous and slanderous speeches by that nation telling me their king was sory for the former murder and captiuity of our nation and would neuer yeeld to the like hauing the Portugals and Spaniards in generall hatred euer since and conceiueth much better of our countrey and vs then these our enemies report of For which I yeelded them hearty thanks assuring them they should finde great difference betweene the loyalty of the one and disloyalty of the other and so payed their dueties and for that it was the chiefe place of trade I shewed them how I was resolued to goe to their king with certaine presents which we had brought out of England which we determined for the more honor and credit of our countrey and augmenting of their better affection toward vs. All this while Thomas Dassel was with our great pinnesse at the towne of Ioala being in the kingdome of king Iocoel Lamiockeric traffiking with the Spaniards Portugals there And the forenamed Pedro Gonsalues which came out of England was there also with other English marchants about the busines of Rich. Kelley and as it should seeme for that he could not obtaine his mischieuous pretended purpose against Thomas Dassel and others at the towne of Porto d' Ally where I Richard Rainolds remained he attempted with consent of other Portugals which were made priuy to his intent to betray the sayd Thomas Dassel at this towne had with bribes seduced the chiefe commanders and Negros to effect his wicked most villanous practise which as God would was reuealed to the sayd Thomas Dassel by Rich. Cape an Englishman and seruant to the forenamed Rich. Kelley to whom this sayd Pedro Gonsalues had disclosed his secret treachery willing him with all expedition to stand vpon his guard Whereupon Thomas Dassel went aboord a small English barke called The Cherubin of Lime and there one Iohn Payua a Portugall and seruant of Don Antonio declared that if he one Garcia a Portugall of the sayd towne would haue consented with Pedro Gonsalues the sayd Thomas Dassel had bene betrayed long before And vpon this warning Thomas Dassel the next day hauing gotten three Portugals aboord aduised for our better securities to send two on land detained one with him called Villa noua telling them that if the next day by eight of the clocke they would bring Pedro Gonsalues aboord â—o him he would release the sayd Villa noua which they did not And Thomas Dassel hauing intelligence that certaine Negros and Portugals were ridden post ouer-land Porto d' Ally with intent to haue Richard Rainolds and his company stayd on land being doubtfull what friendship soeuer the vnconstant Negros professed by reason they be often wauering being ouercome with drinking wine how they would deale to preuent the dangerous wiles that might be effected in the road by Portugals and for better strength the 24 of December he came with his pinnesse Portugall to ride in the road of Porto d' Ally where our great shippe the Nightingall was who was no sooner arriued but he had newes also from the shore from Iohn Baily Anthony Dassels seruant who was there with our goods detained by the Portugals means that aboue 20 Portugals and Spaniards
granted vnto Iohn Cabot and his 3. sonnes Lewis Sebastian and Sancius for the discouery of new and vnknowen lands Anno 1495. pag. 4 The signed bill of K. Henry the 7. on the behalfe of Iohn Cabot pag. 5â— 6 A briefe extract concerning the discouery of Newfoundland pag. 10 The large pension granted by K. Edward the 6. to Sebastian Cabota constituting him Grand pilote of England Anno 1549. pag. 10 A discourse written by sir Humfrey Gilbert knight to proue a passage by the Northwest to Cataya and the East Indies pag. 11 Experiences and reasons of the Sphere to prooue all parts of the worlde habitable and thereby to â—onfute the position of the fiue Zones pag. 48 A letter of M. Martin Frobisher to certaine Englishmen which were trecherously taken by the Saluages of Meta incognita in his first voyage pag. 70 Articles and orders prescribed by M. Martin Frobisher to the Captaines and company of euery ship which accompanied him in his last Northwestern voyage pag. 75 A generall and briefe description of the country and condition of the people which are founde in Meta incognita pag. 93 The letters patents of her Maiesty graunted to M. Adrian Gilbert and others for the search and discouery of a Northwest passage to China pag. 96 A letter of M. I. Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his second voyage p. 108 A letter of M. Iohn Dauis to M. Wil. Sanderson of London concerning his 3. voyage p. 114 A trauerse-booke of M. Iohn Dauis contayning all the principall notes and obseruations taken in his third and last voyage to the Northwest pag. 115 A report of M. Iohn Dauis concerning his three voyages made for the discouery of the Northwest passage taken out of a treatise of his intituled The worlds hydrographical description pag. 119 A testimony of Ortelius for the credit of the history of M. Nicolas M. Antonio Zeni p. 128. A catalogue of sundry voyages made to Newfoundland to the isles of Ramea and the isle of Assumption otherwise called Natiscotec as also to the coasts of Cape Briton and Arambec THe voyage of two ships whereof the one was called The Dominus vobiscum set out the 20 of May 1527 for the discouery of the North parts pag. 129 The voyage of M. Hore and diuers other gentlemen to Newfoundland and Cape Briton in the yere 1536. pag. 129 The voyage of Sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfoundland An. 1583. pag. 143,165 The first discouery of the isle of Ramea made by for Monsieur de la court pre Rauillon grandpre with the ship called The Bonauenture to kill and make trane-oile of the beasts called The Morses with great teeth Anno 1591. pag. 189 The voyage of the ship called The Marigolde of M. Hill of Redriffe vnto Cape Briton and beyond to the latitude of 44 degrees and a halfe Anno 1593. pag. 191 The voyage of M. George Drake of Apsham to the isle of Ramea in the yere 1593. pag. 193 The voyage of The Grace of Bristoll vp into the gulfe of S. Laurence to the Northwest of Newfoundland as far as the isle of Assumption or Natiscotec Anno 1594. pag. 194 The voyage of M. Charles Leigh and diuers others to Cape Briton and the isle of Ramea 1597. pag. 195 The patents discourses letters aduertisements and other obseruations incident to the voyages vnto Newfoundland next before rehearsed An act against the exaction of money or any other thing by any officer for licence to traffique into Newfoundland and Iseland made Anno 2. Edwardi sexti pag. 131 A letter written to M. Richard Hakluyt of the Midle Temple contayning a report of the true state and commodities of Newfoundland by M. Antony Parkhurt 1578. pag. 133 The letters patents granted by her Maiestie to sir Humfrey Gilbert knight for inhabiting some part of America 1578. pag. 135 A learned and stately Poeme written in Latine Hexamiters by Stephanus Parmenius Budeius concerning the voyage of sir Humfrey Gilbert to Newfound-landâ— for the planting of an English colonie there containing also a briefe remembrance of certaine of our principal English captâ—ines by sea pag. 138 Orders agreed vpon by the Captaines and Masters to bee obserued by the fleete of sir Humfrey Gilbert pag. 147 A briefe relation of Newfound-land and the commodities thereof pag. 152 Reckonings of the Master and Masters mate of the Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilbert in their course from cape Rase to cape Briton and to the Isle of Sablon pag. 155 The maner how the sayd Admirall was lost pag. 156 A letter of the learned Hungarian Stephanus Parmenius Budeius to master Richard Hakluyt the collectour of these voyages pag. 161. 16â— A relation of Richard Clarke of Weymouth master of the ship called The Delight which went as Admirall of sir Humfrey Gilberts fleete for the discouerie of Norumbega 1583 written in excuse of the casting away the sayd ship and the men imputed to his ouersight pag. 163 A discourse of the necessitie and commoditie of planting English colonies vpon the North paâ—tes of America pag. 165 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Richard Hakluyt then of Christ-church in Oxford incouraging him in the studie of Cosmography and furthering of new discoueries 1582. pag. 181 A letter of the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham to master Thomas Aldworth marchant and at that time Mayor of the citie of Bristol concerning their aduenture in the Westerne discouerie 1582. pag. 182 A letter written from master Aldworth marchant and mayor of the citie of Bristol to the right honourable sir Francis Walsingham concerning a voyage intended for the discouerie of the coast of America lying to the Southwest of cape Briton 1583. pag. 182 A briefe and summarie discourse vpon a voyage intended to the hithermost parts of America written by master Christopher Carlile 1583. pag. 182 Articles set downe by the committies appointed on the behalfe of the company of the Moscouian marchants to conferre with master Carlile vpon his intended discouery of the hithermost partes of America pag. 188 A letter sent to the right honourable sir William Cecil Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. from master Thomas Iames of Bristol concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea 1591. pag. 19â— A briefe note of the Morse and of the vse thereof pag. 191 Certaine obseruations touching the countries and places where master Charles Leigh touched in his voyage to cape Briton and to the Isle of Ramea anno 1597. pag. 200 A catalogue of certaine voyages made for the discouery of the gulfe of Saint Laurence to the West of Newfound-land and from thence vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Saguenay and other places THe first voyage of Iaques Cartier of Saint Malo to Newfound-land the gulfe of Saint Laurence and the Grand Bay Anno 1534. pag. 201 The second voyage of Iaques Cartier by the Grand bay vp the riuer of Canada to Hochelaga Anno 1535. pag. 212
but in very deede they are all firme land and if you come on the South and Southwest side you shall see a hill diuided into 2. parts which I called The three hillockes which is right within the hauen And for another better marke of the sayd harbour you shall see an Isle like vnto a Floure de lice distant from the sayd hauen 6. leagues at the least and this Isle and the sayd hauen lie Northeast and Southwest a quarter to the North and South And on the sayd Isle there is good pebble stone to drie fish vpon But to the West thereof there is a very faire countrey and there is a banke of sand which runneth the length of a cable hauing not past one fathom water vpon it From the sayde Isle along the firme land the coast lyeth East and West and you shall see as it were a great forrest running Eastwaâ—d and the Easterne Cape is called Cape du Chapt and is great and red toward the Sea And betweene the sayd lands you shall see as it were a small Island but it ioyneth to the firme land on the Southwest part and there is good shingle to drie fish on And you must coast the shore with boates and not with ships by reason of the shallowes of the sayd coast For I haue seene without Cape du Chapt in faire weather the ground in two fathoms water neere a league and an halfe from shore and I iudged by reason of the highnesse of the land that there had bene aboue thirtie fathoms water which was nothing so and I haue sounded comming neere the shore in more or lesse depth The coast stretcheth three leagues to the West from Lisle Blanch or the white Isle vnto the entrance of a riuer where we slewe and killed to the number of fifteene hundred Morses or Sea oxen accounting small and great where at full sea you may come on shoare with boates and within are two or three fathoms water From thence the coast trendeth foure leagues to the West ¼ to the Northwest vnto the Isle Hupp which is twentie leagues in circuit and is like the edge of a knife vpon it there is neither wood nor grasse there are Morses vpon it but they bee hard to be taken From thence the coast trendeth to the Northwest and Northnorthwest which is all that I haue seene to wit the two sides and one ende of the Isle And if I had had as good lucke as my Masters when I was on the Northwest side with my shippe I would haue aduenturâ—d to haue sayled South-southeast to haue discouered the Easterne shoare of the sayd Isle In your returne to the East as you come from the hauen of Cape du Chapt vnto the sayde hauen are sandes and sholds And three good leagues from Cape du Chapt there is a small Island conteining about a league of ground where there is an hauen toward the Southeast and as you enter into the sayd hauen on the starreboord side a dented Cape all of redde land And you cannot enter into the said hauen but with the flood because of a barre which lieth halfe a league without the poynts of the sayd hauen The tydes are there at Southeast and Northwest but when the wind is very great it bloweth much into the hauen at halfe flood But ordinarily it sloweth fiue foote and an halfe The markes to enter into the sayd hauen are to leaue the Isle Blanche or White Island at your comming in on the starreboord and the poynt of â—he hauen towarde the West hath a thick Island which you shall see on the other side and it hath a little round Buttresse which lyeth on the East side of the Island There are also two other buttresses more easie to bee seene then hidden these are not to the East but to the West and they haue markes on â—hem Here you shall not haue aboue two fathom and an halfe at a full sea vpon this barre And the sounding is stone and rough ground At your entring in when you shall finde white sand which lyeth next the Southeast of the Cape then you are vpon the barre and bee not afrayd to passe vp the chanell And for markes towarde the West athwart the barre when you haue brought an Island euen which lyeth to the westward without with the thicke part of the high land which lyeth most to the West you shall bee past the barre and the chanell runneth due North. And for your anchoring in the sayd hauen see that you carefully seeke the middest of the sayd Thicke landâ— which lyeth in the bottome of the sayd hauen for you must anchor betweene two bankes of sand where the passage is but narrow And you must anker surely for there goeth a great tyde for the Sea runneth there as swiftly and more then in There is good ground and ankorage here and you shall ride in three fathom water And within the sayde hauen there is nothing to hurt you for you are free from all winds And if by chance you should be driuen Westward of the sayd hauen you may seeke an entrance which is right ouer against the small Island named before which is called The Isle of Cormorants and you may enter in theâ—e as at the other hauen at a full sea And you must passe vp on the West side and you shall finde on the Barre at a full sea foureteene foote water and great depth when you are entred in for the Sea runneth very swiftly in that place and the entrie theâ—eof lyeth Southeast and Northwest Right ouer against you on the other side you may passe with boates at a full sea And all these entrances make all but one hauen which is good within I sayâ— his because I haue passed into the maine Sea by the one and the other passage And the said Isle is not past two leagues ouer in the middest It is but two bankes of sande whereof one is like to that of S. Malo which let the Sea from passing through the middest of all the Isle But the two endes are high mountaines with Islands altogether cut and separated with streames and riuers To anker in the sayd harbour you must not ride farthâ—r then fiue or sixe cables length from the sayd hauen A letter sent to the right Honorable Sir VVilliam Cecill Lord Burghley Lord high Treasurer of England c. From M. Thomas Iames of Bristoll concerning the discouerie of the Isle of Ramea dated the 14 of September 1591. RIght Honourable my humble duetie to your good Lordship done I thought good humbly to aduertise your honour of the discouery of an Island made by two smal shippes of Saint Malo the one 8 daies past being prised neare Silley by a ship of which I am part owner called the Pleasure sent by this citie to my Lord Thomas Howard for her Maiesties seruice Which prise is sent backe to this Port by those of the sayd
the weaknesse of our company the small number of the same the carying away of our first appointed barke with those two especiall Masters with our principall prouisions in the same by the very hand of God as it seemed stretched out to take vs from thence considering also that his second offer though most honourable of his part yet of ours not to be taken insomuch as there was no possibility for her with any safety to be brought into the harbour seeing furthermore our hope for supply with Sir Richard Greenuill so vndoubtedly promised vs before Easter not yet come neither then likely to come this yeere considering the doings in England for Flanders and also for America that therefore I would resolue my selfe with my company to goe into England in that fleet and accordingly to make request to the Generall in all our names that he would be pleased to giue vs present passage with him Which request of ours by my selfe deliuered vnto him hee most readily assented vnto and so he sending immediatly his pinnesseâ— onto our Island for the fetching away of a few that there were left with our baggage the weather was so Boisterous the pinnesses so often on ground that the most of all we had with all our Cards Books and writings were by the Sailers cast ouerboord the greater number of the fleet being much agriâ—ued with their long and dangerous abode in that miserable road From whence the Generall in the name of the Almighty weying his ankers hauing bestowed vs among his fleet for the reliefe of whom hee had in that storme susteined more perill of wracke then in all his former most honourable actions against the Spanyards with praises vnto God for all set saile the nineteenth of Iune 1586 and arriued in Portsmouth the seuen and twentieth of Iuly the same yeere The third voyage made by a ship sent in the yeere 1586 to the reliefe of the Colony planted in Virginia at the sole charges of Sir Walter Ralegh IN the yeere of our Lord 1586 Sir Walter Ralegh at his owne charge prepared a ship of an hundred tunne fraighted with all maner of things in most plentifull maner for the supply and reliefe of his Colony then remaining in Virginia but before they set saile from England it was after Easter so that our Colony halfe despaired of the comming of any supply wherefore euery man prepared for himselfe determining resolutely to spend the residue of their life time in that countrey And for the better performance of this their determination they sowed planted and set such things as were necessary for their reliefe in so plentifull a maner as might haue sufficed them two yeeres without any further labour Thus trusting to their owne haruest they passed the Summer till the tenth of Iune at which time their corne which they had sowed was within one fortnight of reaping but then it happened that Sir Francis Drake in his prosperous returne from the sacking of Sant Domingo Cartagena and Saint Augustine determined in his way homeward to visit his countreymen the English Colony then remaining in Virginia So passing along the coasts of Florida he fell with the parts where our English Colony inhabited and hauing espied some of that company there be ankered and went aland where hee conferred with them of their state and welfare and how things had past with them They answered him that they liued all but hitherto in some scarsity and as yet could heare of no supply out of England therefore they requested him that hee would leaue with them some two or three ships that if in some reasonable time they heard not out of England they might then returne themselues Which hee agreed to Whilest some were then writing their letters to send into England and some others making reports of the accidents of their trauels ech to other some on land some on boord a great storme arose and droue the most of their fleet from their ankers to Sea in which ships at that instant were the chiefest of the English Colony the rest on land perceiuing this hasted to those three sailes which were appointed to be left there and for feare they should be left behinde they left all things confusedly as if they had bene chased from thence by a mighty army and no doubt so they were for the hand of God come vpon them for the cruelty and outrages committed by some of them against the natiue inhabitants of that countrey Immediatly after the departing of our English Colony out of this paradise of the world the ship abouementioned sent and set forth at the charges of Sir Walter Ralegh and his direction arriued at Hatorask who after some time spent in seeking our Colony vp in the countrey and not finding them returned with all the aforesayd prouision into England About foureteene or fifteene dayes after the departure of the aforesayd shippe Sir Richard Grinuile Generall of Virginia accompanied with three shippes well appointed for the same voyage arriued there who not finding the aforesayd shippe according to his expectation nor hearing any newes of our English Colony there seated and left by him anno 1585 himselfe trauelling vp into diuers places of the countrey as well â—o see if he could heare any newes of the Colony left there by him the yeere before vnder the charge of Master Lane his deputy as also to discouer some places of the countrey but after some time spent therein not hearing any newes of them and finding the places which they inhabited desolate yet vnwilling to loose the possession of the countrey which Englishmen had so loug held after good deliberation hee determined to leaue some men behinde to reteine possession of the countrey whereupon he landed fifteene men in the Isle of Roanoak furnished plentifully with all maner of prouision for two yeeres and so departed for England Not long after he fell with the Isles of Açores on some of which Islands he landed and spoiled the townes of all such things as were woorth cariage where also he tooke diuers Spanyards With these and many other exploits done by him in this voyage aswell outward as homeward he returned into England A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia of the commodities there found and to be raised aswell merchantable as others Written by Thomas Heriot seruant to Sir Walter Ralegh a member of the Colony and there imployed in discouering a full tweluemoneth Rafe Lane one of her Maiesties Esquiers and Gouernour of the Colony in Virginia aboue mentioned for the time there resident to the gentle Reader wisheth all happinesse in the Lord. ALbeit gentle Reader the credit of the râ—ports in this Treatise contained can little be furthered by the testimony of one as my selfe through affection iudged partiall though without desert neuerthelesse for somuch as I haue bene requested by some my particular friends who conceiue more rightly of me to deliuer freely my knowledge of the same not
prouince of Tlapa to the riuer of Tlacolula For they may as I haue sayd carâ—â—e the timber in lighters or rafts downe the riuers and may vse the Indians in the townes thereabout to fell and draw the same out of the cold mountaines for in the warme countreyes the most is plaine ground whereas with very fewe men and oxen it may be brought vnto the place where it should be imbarqued There may come flat bottomes and canoas vnto the townes thereabout and lade themselues with victuals For they haue already come by that riuer to the rode of Ometepec made there prouision at the mansion of Don Mattheo and at the farmes at that time when his Maiestie did people the plaines which are betweene these riuers conteining a large and voyde countrey sufficient for the erecting of 20. manours being a countrey well furnished with water and pasture without any danger or perill according to the description hereunto annexed This small harbour of Tecuanapa being seene and viewed seemeth very commodious for to build shippes in by reason of the great abundance of mountaines full of good timber for that purpose with the commodities of riuers and with the seruice and victuals from the townes thereabout which be very good for coast townes The desire of him that made this relation hath bene with zeale to serue your excellencie who therewithall desireth the Lord God to giue the successe THE PRINCIPAL VOYAGES OF the English Nation to the Isles of Trinidad Margarita Dominica Deseada Monserrate Guadalupe Martinino and all the rest of the Antilles As likewise to S. Iuan de Puerto rico to Hispaniola Iamaica and Cuba and also to Tierra firma and all along the coast and Islands therof euen from Cumana and the Caracoâ— to the neckland of Dariene and ouer it to the Gulfe of S. Michael and the Isle of Perles in the South sea and further to Cabeça Catiua Nombre de dios and Venta de cruzes to Puerto Belo Rio de Chagre and the Isle of Escudo along the maine of Beragua to the Cape and Gulfe of the Honduras to Truxillo Puerto de cauallos and all other the principall Townes Islands and harbours of accompt within the said Gulfe and vp Rio dolce falling into this Gulfe aboue 30. leagues As also to the Isle of Coçumel and to Cape Cotoâ—he the towne of Campeche and other places vpon the land of Iucatan and lower downe to S. Iuan de Vllua Vera Cruz Rio de Panuco Rio de Palmas c. within the bay of Mexico and from thence to the Isles of the Tortugas the port of Hanana the Cape of Florida and the Gulfe of Bahama homewards With the taking sacking ransoming or burning of most of the principall Cities and townes vpon the coasts of Tierra sirma Nueua Espanna and all the foresaid Islands since the most traiterous burning of her Maiesties ship the Iesus of Lubeâ— and murthering of her Subiects in the port of S. Iuan de Vllua and the last generall arrest other Highnesse people with their ships and goods throughout all the dominions of the King of Spaine in the moneth of Iune 1585. Besides the manifold and tyrannicall oppressions of the Inquisition inflicted on our nation vpon most light and friuolous occasionâ— The voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot about the eight yeere of King Henry the eight which was the yere 1516. to Brasil Santo Domingo and S. Iuan de Puerto rico THat learned and painefull writer Richard Eden in a certaine Epistle of his to the duke of Northumberland before a worke which he translated out of Munster in the yeere 1553 called A treatiâ—e of new India maketh mention of a voyage of discouerie vndertaken out of England by sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabota about the 8. yere of King Henry the eight of famous memorie imputing the ouerthrow thereof vnto the cowardise and want of stomack of the said Sir Thomas Pert in maner following If manly courage saith he like vnto that which hath bene seene proued in your Grace as well in forreine realmes as also in this our countrey had not bene wanting in other in these our dayes at such time as our soueraigne lord of famous memorie king Henry the 8. about the same yeere of his raigne furnished and sent out certaine shippes vnder the gouernance of Sebastian Cabot yet liuing and one sir Thomas Pert whose faint heart was the cause that the voyage tooke none effect it I say such manly courage whereof wee haue spoken had not at that time beene wanting it might happily haue come to passe that that rich treasurie called Perularia which is nowe in Spaine in the citie of Siuill and so named for that in it is kept the infinite riches brought thither from the newfound land of Peru might long since haue beene in the â—ower of London to the kings great honour and wealth of this realme Hereunto that also is to bee referred which the worshipfull M. Robert Thorne wrote to the sayde king Henry the 8. in the yeere 1527. by doctor Leigh his ambassadour sent into Spaine to the Emperour Charles the fift whose wordes bee these Now rest to be discouered the North parts the which it seemeth vnto me is onely your highnes charge and dutie because the situation of this your realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other and also for that already you haue taken it in hand And in mine opinion it will not seeme well to leaue so great and profitable an enterprise seeing it may so easily and with so litle cost labour and danger be followed and obteined Though hitherto your grace haue made thereof a proofe found not the commoditie thereby as you trusted at this time it shal be none impediment for there may be now prouided remedies â—or things then lacked and the inconueniences and lets remooued that then were cause your graces desire tooke no full effect which is the courses to be changed and to follow the aforesayd new courses And concerning the mariners ships and prouiâ—ion an order may be deuised and taken meeâ—e and conuenient much better then hitherto by reason whereof by Gods grace no doubt youâ— purpose shall take effect And whereas in the aforesayd wordes M. Robert Thorne sayth that he would haue the old courses to bee changed and the newe courses to the North to be followed It may plainely be gathered that the former voyage whereof twise or thrise he maketh mention wherein it is like that sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot were set foorth by the king was made towarde Brasill and the South parts Moreouer it seemeth that Gonsaluo de Ouiedo a famous Spanish writer assudeth vnto the sayde voyage in the beginning of the 13. chapter of the 19. booke of his generall and natural historie of the West Indies agreeing very well with the time about which Richard Eden writeth that the foresaid voyage was begun The authors wordes are these as I finde them translated
at sea which was feared would turne to the losse of the life of Martin Cockeram his pledge Neuerthelesse the Sauages being fully perswaded of the honest dealing of our men with thâ—ir prince restored againe the said pledge without any harme to him or any man of the company which pledge of theirs they brought home againe into England with their ship fraighted and furnished with the commodities of the countrey Which Martin Cockeram by the witnesse of Sir Iohn Hawkins being an officer in the towne of Plimmouth was liuing within these fewe yeeres An ancient voyage of M. Robert Reniger and M. Thomas Borey to Brasil in the yeere of our Lord 1540. I Haue bene certainly informed by M. Anthony Garrard an ancient and worshipfull marchant of the citie of London that this commondious and gainefull voyage to Brasil was ordinarily and vsually frequented by M. Robert Reniger M. Thomas Borey and diuers other substantial and wealthie marchants of Southampton about 60. yeeres past that is to say in the yeere 1540. A voyage of one Pudsey to Baya in Brasil anno 1542. ALso the worshipfull M. Edward Cotton of Southhampton Esquire gaue mee more particularly to vnderstand how that one Pudsey of Southampton a man of good skill and resolution in marine causes made a voyage in like maner 62. yeeres agoe to Baya de todos los Santos the principall towne of all Brasil and the seate of the Portugal vice-roy and of the bishop and that he built a fort not farre distant from that place in the foresaid yeere 1542. A letter written to M. Richard Staper by Iohn VVhithal from Santos in Brasil the 26. of Iune 1578. WOrshipfull sir and welbeloued friend M. Staper I haue me most heartily commended vnto you wishing your health euen as mine owne These few words may bee to let you vnderstand that whereas I wrote vnto you not many dayes past by the way of Lisbon howe that I determined to bee with you very shortly it is in this countrey offered mee to marry and to take my choice of three or foure so that I am about three dayes agoe conâ—orted with an Italian gentleman to marry with his daughter within these foure dayes This my friend and father in law Signor Ioffo Dore is borne in the citie of Genua in Italy his kindred is well knowen amongst the Italians in London also hee hath but onely this childe which is his daughter which hee hath thought better bestowed vpon mee then on any Portugal in all the countrey and doeth giue with her in marriage to me part of an Ingenio which he hath that doeth make euery yeere a thousand roues of sugar This my mariage will be worth to me two thousand duckets little more or lesse Also Signor Ioffo Dore my father in lawe doeth intende to put into my handes the whole Ingenio with sixtie or seuentie slaues and thereof to make me factor for vs both I giue my lining Lord thankes for placing me in such honour and plentifulnesse of all things Also certaine dayes past I talked with the Prouedor and the Captaine and they haue certified me that they haue discouered certaine Mines of siluer and gold and looke euery day for Masters to come to open the said Mines which when they be opened will inrich this countrey very much This place is called S. Vincent and is distant from you two thousand leagues and in 24. degrees of latitude on the South side of the Equinoctial line almost vnder the Tropike of Capricorne A countrey it is very healthfull without sicknesse Moreouer I haue talked with the Captaine and Prouedor and my father in law who rule all this countrey for to haue a ship with goods to come from London hither which haue promised mee to giue mee licence saying that nowe I am free dâ—nizen of this countrey To cause a ship to come hither with such commodities as would serue this countrey would come to great gaines God sending in safety the profite and gaines In such wares and commodities as you may ship hither from London is for euery one commoditie deliuered here three for one and then after the proceed may be imployed in white sugar at foure hundred reis the roue I meane also to haue a â—riend in London to sende mee a ship of 60. or 70. tunnes little more or lesse with such commodities as I shall giue aduise for This voyage is as good as any Peru-voyage If you and Master Osborne will deale here I will deale with you before any other because of our old friendly friendship in time past If you haue any stomacke thereto in the Name of God do you espie out a sine barke of seuentie or eightie tunnes and send her hither with a Portugal Pilot to this port of S. Vincent in Brasil bordering vpon the borders of Peru. Also I herewith write vnto you in what forme and maner you shall furnish this voyage both in commodities and otherwise First you must lade in the said ship certaine Hampshire and Deuonshire karsies for the which you must let her depart from London in October and to touch in the Canaries and there to make sale of the saide karsies and with the proceed thereof of lade fifteene tunnes of wines that be perfect and good and siâ—e dozen of Cordouan skinnes of these colours to wit orenge tawnie yellow red and very fine black I thinke you shall not finde such colours there Therefore you must cause them that shall go vpon this voyage to take saffron with them to cause the same skinnes to bee put into the saide colours Also I thinke you shall finde oyles there Three hogsheads of sweete oyle for this voyage are very necessary or a hundred fiftie iarres of oyle Also in London you may lade in the said ship these parcels of commodities or wares as followeth In primis Foure peeces of hollands of middle sort Item One peece of fine holland Foure hundred elles of osenbriges very fine Foure dozen of sizzors of all sorts Sixteene kintals of pitch of the Canaries Twentie dozen of great kniues which be made in fardles of a low price Foure dozen of a small sort Sixe peeces of bayes of the lowest sort One very fine peece of dayes Foure hundred elles of Manchester-cottons most blacke greene some yellow Eight or tenne dozen of hats the one halfe trimmed with taffata the other plaine with the bands od Cypresse Sixe dozen of course shirts Three dozen of doublets of canuas Three dozen of doublets of stitched canuas One peece of fine Millan-fustian barred Sixe dozen of locks for doores and chests Sixe thousand of all maner of fish hooks Foure dozen reames of paper Two dozen of glasses of diuers sorts Two dozen of Venice glasses the one halfe great the other middle sort Two dozen of mantles of frize of the lowest price that can be Three dozen of frize gownes Foure hundred pound of tinne of the vse of Portugall most smal dishes and trenchers Foure pound
went about and stoode off South southwest one watch then the wind shrinked to the Southwest that we could lye but South southwest sixe glasses so that at three a clocke wee cast about and lay Northwest sixe glasses and North northwest a watch being then eight a clocke the next day The 26. day wee lay as nigh as wee coulde betweene the North and the North northeast and saw the same land againe and made it to bee the foreland of Fontenay and the ragges to bee the Seames which bare now East Northeast of vs and wee stoode on till tenne a clocke then being within two leagues of the rockes and lesse wee cast about and stoode off Southwest because wee could not double the vttermost rockes when we were about we draue to the Southwards very faste for the ebbe set vs West southwest and being spring tides it horsed vs a pace to leewards for the space of one houre then with the flood which was come we draue againe to windewards at twelue at noone it was calme till 6. afternoone then wee stoode about larbord tacked South southwest one watch then at midnight wee cast about and stoode ouer North till foure aforenoone The 27. day hauing brought the land East southeast of vs we made it to be Sylly being before deceiued and went hence East by North to double Grimsbie leauing The bishop and his clearks to the Southwestwards which we before tooke to be The Seames At 7. a clocke in the afternoone we sawe the lands end of England which bare East by North off vs and is 7. leagues off from Sylly The 29. day at sixe a clocke beforenoone we had brought the Ramhead North of vs and were within a league of it and went in Northeast next band being thicke and foggie and little winde so that at eleuen a clocke we got in within the yland and there by mistaking of a sounding our ship came aground betweene the yle and the maine and there sate till 4. a clocke in the afternoone that it was halfe flood The 30. day about 9. a clocke with much adoe I furnished away P. Ieffries M. Symberbe and William Towreson with letters after dined at M. Blaccollers and made many salutations with diuers gentlemen The 31. I wrought abord all day and put our ship and things in order Afternoone I hauing pitie of some poore men of Milbrooke which were robbed the night before by a pirate named Purser which rid in Cawson bay I consented to goe out with the Edward in company of a small shippe which they had furnished to bee their Master so about fiue of the clocke in the afternoone came a hundreth men of theirs abord of mee About twelue a clocke wee set saile and by three afore day wee were gotten to the windwards of him then bee set saile and went hence to the Eastwards and outsailed vs because our consort would not come neere him after a small chase which we gaue him to no effect wee returned into our old road and there moared the ship about nine of the clocke in the forenoone and hence went all the Milbrooke men agaiâ—e ashore from mee And thus I ended a trouble some voyage The voyage set out by the right honourable the Earle of Cumberland in the yere 1586. intended for The South sea but performed no farther then the latitude of 44 degrees to the South of the Equinoctial Written by M. Iohn Sarracoll marchant in the same voyage THe 26. day of Iune in the yeere 1586. and in the 28. yeere of the Queenes maiesties raigne wee departed from Grauesend in two ships the Admirall called The red dragon and the other The barke Clifford the one of the burden of 260. tunnes with 130. men and the other of the burden of 130. tunnes with 70. men the Captaine of the Admirall was M. Robert Withrington Of the vice-admirall M. Christopher Lister both being furnished out at the costs and charges of the right honorable the Erle of Cumberland hauing for their masters two brethren the one Iohn Anthonie and the other William Anthonie The 24. of Iuly wee came into the sound of Plimmouth and being there constrained by Westerly winds to stay till the 17. of August wee then departed with another ship also for our Rear-admirall called the Roe whereof M. Hawes was Captaine and a fine pinnesse also called the Dorothie which was sir Walter Raleghs We foure being out in the sea met the 20. of August with 16. sailes of hulkes in the Sleeue who named themselues to bee men of Hamborough laden and come from Lisbone Our Admirall hailed their Admirall with courteous wordes willing him to strike his sailes and to come abord to him onely to know some newes of the countrey but hee refused to do so onely stroke his flag tooke it in The vice-admirâ—l of the hulkes being a head would neither strike flagge nor saile but passed on without budging whereupon our Admirall lenâ— him a piece of Ordinance which they repayed double so that we grew to some little quarel whereupon one of the sternemost hulkes being as I suppose more afraide then hurt stroke amaine our Admirall being neere him laid him abord and entred with certaine of his men how many I know not for that we were giuing chase to the Windermost men thinking our Admirall would haue come vp againe to vs to haue made them all to haue stroke but the weather growing to be very thicke and foggie with small raine he came not vp but kept with another of the hulkes which Captaine Hawes had borded and kept all night and tooke out of her some prouision that that they best liked They learned of the men that were in the hulke that there were 7. hulkes laden in Lisbone with Spaniards goods and because their lading was very rich they were determined to go about Ireland and so they let her goe againe like a goose with a broken wing The next day after being the 21. day wee espied 5. sailes more which lay along to the Eastwards but by reason of the night which then was neere aâ— hand wee could hardly come to them Yet at last we hailed one of the biggest of them they tolde vs that they were al of Hamborough but another saide shee was of Denmarke so that indeede they knew neither what to say nor what to do Our Admirall being more desirous to folow his course then to linger by chasing the hulks called vs from pursuing them with his trumpet and a piece of Ordinance or els wee would haue seene what they had bene and wherewith they had bene laden The 22. day because of contrary winde wee put into Dartmouth all 4. of vs and caried there seuen dayes The 29. we departed thence and put out to Sea and began our voyage thinking at the first to haue runne along the coast of Spaine to see if wee could haue mette with sâ—me good prize to haue sent home to my Lord but our Captaine thought
no lesse store of fesants in the yland which are also marueilous bigge and fat surpassing those which are in our countrey in bignesse and in numbers of a company They differ not very much in colour from the partridges before spoken of Wee found moreouer in this place great store of Guinie cocks which we call Turkies of colour blacke and white with red heads they are much about the same bignesse which ours be of in England their egges be white and as bigge as a Turkies egge There are in this yland thousands of goates which the Spaniards call Cabritos which are very wilde you shall see one or two hundred of them together and sometimes you may beholde them going in a flocke almost a mile long Some of them whether it be the nature of the breed of them or of the country I wot not are as big as an asse with a maine like an horse and a beard hanging downe to the very ground they wil clime vp the cliffes which are so steepe that a man would thinke it a thing vnpossible for any liuing thing to goe there We tooke and killed many of them for all their swiftnes for there be thousands of them vpon the mountaines Here are in like maner great store of swine which be very wilde and very fat and of marueilous bignes they keepe altogether vpon the mountaines and will very seldome abide any man to come neere them except it be by meere chance when they be found asleepe or otherwise according to their kinde be taken layed in the mire We found in the houses at our comming 3. slaues which were Negros one which was borne in the yland of Iaua which â—olde vs that the East Indian fleete which were in number 5. sailes the least whereof were in burthen 8. or 900. tunnes all laden with spices and Calicut cloth with store of treasure and very rich stones and pearles were gone from the saide yland of S. Helena but 20. dayes before we came thither This yland hath bene found of long time by the Portugals and hath bene altogether planted by them for their refreshing as they come from the East Indies And when they come they haue all things plentiful for their reliefe by reason that they suffer none to inhabit there that might spend vp the fruit of the yland except some very few sicke persons in their company which they stand in doubt will not liue vntill they come home whom they leaue there to refresh themselues and take away the yeere following with the other Fleete if they liue so long They touch here rather in their comming home from the East Indies then at their going thither because they are throughly furnished with corne when they set out of Portugal but are but meanely victualed at their comming from the Indies where there groweth little corne The 20. day of Iune hauing taken in wood water and refreshed our selues with such things as we found there and made cleane our ship we set saile about 8. of the clocke in the night toward England At our setting saile wee had the winde at Southeast and we haled away Northwest and by West The winde is commonly off the shore at this yland of S. Helena On wednesday being the thirde day of Iuly we went away Northwest the winde being still at Southeast at which time we were in 1. degree and 48. minuts to the Southward of the Equinoctial line The twelfth day of the said moneth of Iuly it was very little winde and toward night it was calme and blew no winde at all and so continued vntil it was munday being the 15. day of Iuly On Wednesday the 17. day of the abousaid moneth wee had the winde skant at West northwest Wee found the wind continually to blow at East and Northeast and Eastnortheast after we were in 3. or 4. degrees to the Northward and it altered not vntill we came betweene 30. and 40. degrees to the Northward of the Equinoctial Line On Wednesday the 21. day of August the wind came vp at Southwest a faire gale by which day at noone we were in 38. degrees of Northerly latitude On friday in the morning being the 23. day of August at foure of the clocke we haled East and East and by South for the Northermost ylands of the Açores On Saturday the 24. day of the said moneth by 5. of the clocke in the morning we fel in sight of the two ylands of Flores and Coruo standing in 39. degrees and ½ and sailed away Northeast The third of September we met with a Flemish hulke which came from Lisbone declared vnto vs the ouerthrowing of the Spanish Fleete to the singuler reioycing and comfort of vs all The 9. of September after a terrible tempest which caried away most part of our sailes by the mercifull fauour of the Almightie we recouered our long wished port of Plimmouth in England from whence we set foorth at the beginning of our voyage CERTEINE RARE AND SPECIAL NOTES most properly belonging to the voyage of M. Thomas Candish next before described concerning the heights soundings lyings of lands distances of places the variation of the Compasle the iust length of time spent in sayling betweene diuer placesâ— and their abode in them as also the places of their harbour and anckering and the depths of the same with the obseruation of the windes on seuerall coastes Written by M. Thomas Fuller of Ipswich who was Master in The desire of M. Thomas Candish in his foresaid prosperous voyage about the world A note of the heights of certaine places on the coast of Barbarie INpriâ—is Cape Cantin standeth in the latitude of 32. degr 4. minâ— Item the yland of Mogador standeth in 31. degr 30. min. Item Cape d'oro standeth in 30. degr 20. min. Item the ylands of the Canaries abouâ— 28. degr Item Cape Bâ—jador standeth in 27. degr 30. min. Item Cape Verde standeth in 14. degr 30. min Item the Cape of Sierra Liona in 8. degr Item an yland called Ilha Verde in 7. degr 20. min A note of the heights of certaine places from the coast of Brasill to the South sea INprimis Cape Frio standeth in the latitude of 23. degr 30. min. Item the yland of S. Sebastian in 24. degr Item Port desire standeth in 47. degr 50. min Item Seales bay standeth in 48. degr 20. min. Item Port S. Iulian standeth in 50. degr Item The white riuer standeth in 50. degr 30. min. Item Cape Ioy standeth in 52. degr 40. min. Item Port famine within the Straights of Magellan standeth iâ— 53. degr 50. min Item Cape froward within the Straights of Magellan standeth in 54. degr 15. min. Item Cape desire in the entring into the South sea standeth in 53. degr 10. min. A note of the heights of certaine places on the coast of Chili and Peru in the South sea INprimis the yland of Mocha â—tandeth in the latitude of 38. degr 30. min.
dozens died into skarlet LondoÌ„ clothes much talked of in Persia. Much Venice cloth worne in Persia. The second admission to the Shaughs presence the 29. of Iune 1566. at which time he receiued the priuiledge The Shaughs promise to increase the priuiledge Aleppo a citie of great trade Armenians barter with the Venetians The distance from Shamaky to Aleppo Armenians and other desirous to barter silke and spices for karsies The Shaugh desirous to bargaine for our commodities 2000. pieces of karsies to be sent into Persia He departed from Casbin the 15. of Iuly Rich. Iohnsons great negligence Cozomomet was Arthur Edwards friend to the Shaugh Victuals and all things dear at Casbin The Ambassador of y e prince of Gilan Gilan but fiue dayes riding from Casbin Gals Grainâ— Ormus Aleppo M. Anthonie Ienkinsons offer to the Persian M. Anthonie Ienkinson commended The Shaughs letters to the Moscoup companie * By the word Karangies I thinke they meane karsles Fishing for Sturgeon for 3. moneths The Englishmen in making of cables set on worke a 100. men in Russia Sosnoua tree excellent for the 〈◊〉 of the wolfe The description of Rose Island A verst is but 3. quarters of an english mile At this towne Newnox Richard Chanceller in his first voyage with â—is companie a shipboard were relieued August The riuer Owiga The fall of a riuer A lake very ful of Islands The famous lake of Onega S. Clement his Monasterie ‖ Or. Sermaxe The riuer of Volhuski The lake of Ladiskai The Monasterie of Gosnopoli The Citie of Nouogrod Trauel by Sleds 2000. Sleds belongiâ—g to one towne A good caueat for seasonable trauell Nouogrod within 180. miles of the Narue This is meant by Alderman Bond the elder English Merchants for discouery of new trades Triall by lots The riuer of Ob traffikable The vse of furres wholesome delicate graue and comely The trade to S. Nicholas offensiue to diuers princes states Eastward Smolenâ—co won by the Russe Polotzko taken Polotzko recouered by Stephanus Batore 1568 In this voyage went Thomas Bannister Geofrey Ducket for their voyage into Persia. The abbey of S. Nicholas of 20 Monks The English house at S. Nâ—cholas The riuer of Dwina Colmogro An English house with lands at Colmogro The description of the inland of Moscouie â—is arriuall at Mosco A special house at Mosco built for Ambassadours Two Pristaues His admission to the Emperors presence The Queenes present The Emperoâ—s speech to the Ambassadour A second conference with the Emperor Andrew Sauia Ambassadour to the Queene Oâ—â—rhosâ—n sâ—or Cara Recâ— Naramsi Reca Their arriual at Bilbil the 14. of August 1568. Prince Erasbec Christopher Faucet and Richard Pingle Warre against the Portingals at Ormuz The gouernour of Grozin his Merchant The generall inconstancie in the merchants and dealers of those parts The trade betweene the Venetians and the Armenians not easily to be broken Babylon 15. dayes iourneâ— from Casbin His voyage to Gilan The malice of the Turkish merchants The price of spices Londro Loâ—don The Venetians traffike in England The English Barke assaulted neere Astracan by the Nagaian Tartars Astraâ—an besâ—eged by 70000. Turks and Tartars The death of Thomas Banister and Laurence Chapman Humfrey Greensell burnt at Ormus The English ship taken by the Cassaks Ice in the beginning of October 1574 Grosin or Georgia How strangers are vsed A goodly and well grounded religion Their opinion of Christ. Their money Their bookes and learning Such was the law of the Macedonians for treason Dissention for religion Their priests and preaching Their Lent Their saints and holy men Pilgrimage Their praier worshipping of God and Mahumet Washing and outward clenlinesse Their swearing The kings magnificence Pursuiuants The kings company with his wiues and concubines The succession of y â— kingdom Circumcision Their houses and maner of eating Bondmen and bondwomen Women bought sold and let to hire Abundance of oile issuing out of the ground Oleum Petroleum Two sorts of kine Foxes in great plenty Fiue ships of Freeboters taken 1571 The citie of Mosco burnt by y â— Crimme Englishmen smothered at the burning of Mosco M. Glouer and M. Rowley preserued Andrew Sauinâ— Ambassadour from the Emperour The causes of the Emperors displeasure He maruelleth the company do not coÌ„ferre with him of Lappia 1574. 5 English men wintered in Lappia Christopher Colt a simple marchant Good trade in winter in Lappia Henry Cocknedge honest but ignorant Roger Leche expert of Lappia If the companie do not enter into the trade of Lappia others wil preuent them The trade of Vedagoba He can say somewhat though not much 1183 barrels of oyle bought by others Colt sold 27 barrels to a Hollander The first Interrogatorie The deponents answeâ— Pechingo abbey The second Interrogatorie The deponents answer Note Hull the best market of England for sale of fish ‖ 1568 pag. 394. Yeraslaue Great store oâ— Licoris Perauolok Astracan Peter Garrard Ice at Astracan for foure moneths Anno 1580. Astracan situate vpon an IslaÌ„d The variation oâ— the compas in Aâ—â—racan was 13. deg 40. minuts May. Vchoog Shoald water Flats Chetera Boâ—gorâ— The Caspiaâ— sea 45. degrees 20. minuts The first obseruâ—tion in the Caspian sea Brackish water farre within the sea 43. degrees 15. minuts 41. degrees 32. minuts 40. degrees 54. minuts Bilbill Bachu port Thomas Hâ—dson oâ— Limehouse maister of the English barke M. Christopher Burrough The receiuing of the English into Derbent The latitude of Bildih 40. deg 25 min. The variation of the compas 10 deg 40. min. Zeâ—e Island The English suffer shipwracke Arthur Edwards dieth at Astâ—acan Septâ—mber The Armenian village The Turke his treasure sent to Derbent Osman Basha Derbent built by Alexander the great The latitude of Derbent 41. deg 52. min. The variation of the Compasse Nezauoo Two Spaniards deliuered by our English men A strange accident of prouision for their reliefe Nouember Ice the 13 of Nouember in the mouth of the riuer of Volga The 16 day Trauaile vpâ— on the yce Chetera Babbas The English ship cut in pieces with yce December Their returne to Astracan The breaking vp of the yce Morgan Hubblethorne dier sent into Persia. May. Borroughs streiâ—s The land of Samoeda The Queenes letters The Queenes letters The Citie of Siberia Willoughbies land How to note downe in his Iornall of the voyage his dead reckoning and other obseruations For noting the shape and view of the land at first discouery c. For obseruing of tides and currants To take the platformes of places witâ—in compasse of view vpon land M. d ee gaue them a Chart of his owne making which here he refers them vnto A good consideration Ingens Sinus post Insulam Vaigats Nouâ—m Zemblam Tabin promontorium ingens Quo propius ad polum acceditur eò directorium Nauticum magis a Septeouiorâ— deuiat Bautisus Oechardus maxima fluâ—ina in hunc Sinum illabuntur Postulata Mercatoris de quibus certior fieri cupit
generall conâ—ent chosen Emperour of Russia Duae nauâ—s aedificatae in Duina fluuio ad patefactioneâ— Orieâ—â—â—lem Dolgoia Insula Insula Vaigats Sinus inter Valgats Obam vergens per meridiem ‖ Vel Naramsey Cara reca Littus Obae incolitur ab Ostijs trium dierum itinere Yaks Olgush locus super Obam fluuiuÌ„ duodecim dierum itinere à mari Ardoh flumen influens in lacum Kitthaym de quo in itinere ad Boghariam scribit Antonius Ienkinsonus Carrah Colmak est Cathaya * Or Oliuer Two ships built vpon the riuer of Dwina for the Northeast discouerie The Island of Dolgoia The Island of Uaigats A Baie betweene Uaigats and Ob trending Southerly * Or Naramsey and Cara Reca The place vpon the riuer Ob where he was but 12. dayes iourney froÌ„ y e mouthes thereof and is called Yaks Olgush * M. Ienkinson in his voyage to Boghar speaketh of the riâ—er Ardok The great hope of the Northeasterne discouerie Commentarij duae partes Primae partis tractatio Munst. lib. 4. Cosmographâ— Bidni nauigatio ab Islandia ad Noruagiam desertam Munsterus Olaus magnus reliqui Munsteruâ— Saâ—o Snelandia 874 Glacies Aprili aut Maio soluitur Kranzius Munsterus Magnitude Islandiae Munst. Frisius Ziegler Munst. Frisius Lib. 2. cap. 20. Cardanus Annales Islandie Frisius Munst. Speculum Regale Gronlandia ChronicaIslandie Frisius Munsterus Cosmograph vniuersal lib. 1. cap. 7. Frisius Ziegleâ—us Olauus Magâ— Frisius Munst. Frius Zieglerus Saâ—o â—eâ—esiâ—iliter 〈◊〉 Lib. 3. Nat. quest Lib. de â—â—â—ab auscultâ—â— Lib. 2. de Element Sulphur in boreali Islandiae parte Munst. Frisius Munst. 1585. SecuÌ„dae panis distributio 1. Capitis huius partis diuisio Krantzius Chronologiae Isi indicae gentis antiquissimae Vetustissimi annales 874 Islandia primum inhabitata 974 Fredericus Saxo. Anno dom 1000. Gronlandie Episcopus Munst. Krantz Frisius Negotiaâ—io eum Noruagis defijt Syluae fluctibus maris delatae Munsterus Krantzius Occasio harum fabularum Prouerb 14. Krantzius Munster Munsterus Krantiziuâ— 858 1260 Margareta Krantzius â—lunâ—teâ—â—â— Krantzius Munsterus Munster Munster Krantzius Frisius Veterum gesta apud Islandos conseruata 1. Obiectio sen conuicium 2. Conuitium 3. Conuitium 4.5.6 7. Conuitia 9. Conuicium Ratio conseruandi cibos sine sale â— Conuicium Vrbes Angliae commercia olim in Islandia exercentes The errors of the writers of Island intolerable Great errors grow vpon mariners fabulous reports Munsterin lib. 4. cosmographie Seâ—en dayes â—ailing from Island to Hamburg Island but two daâ—â—s â—aâ—â—ing distant from Faar-Islands from the deserâ— shoâ—es of Norway Munsterus Olaus Magâ—us and others Island is not within the circle arctic Munsterus Saxo. Island first discouered by Naddocus in a tempest Sneland Gardasholme Island The ice of Iseland set always to the West No ice at all some yeres â—â— Island Nauigation open to Island from March till the midst of Nouember Krantzius Munsterus Island 144 Germaine miles in compasse Munsteâ— Fâ—isiuâ— Ziegleâ—â—sâ— Munster as Frisius Thrâ—â— naturall causes of firie mountaiâ—â—â— Lib. 20. cap. 20. Cardanus The chronicles of Island Fâ—isius Munsterus Speculâ—m regâ—le wâ—iâ—tâ—â— in the Noruagian tongue Whâ—nce the fâ—blâ—s of Island grâ—w Frisius Munsterus Cosmographâ— vniversalis lib. 1. cap. 7. Fâ—isius Ziâ—glerus Olaus magnuâ— Frisius and Munster Taking of Seales on the ice Westerne wind is disperse the ice Ice floateth noâ— 7. or 8. moneths about Island Frisius Ziegleruâ— Saxo. Frisiuâ— Many hote Baths in Island The causes of hote Baths Lib. 3 nat quaest Riuers of Island in sommer season luke-warme In lib. de mirab â—usculâ— The same Author saieth Island free from snakes and other venemous beasts Brimstone Mines onely in the North part of Island Munster Abundance of fish about Island diminished Prisiu◠‖ Raine deere Munster Certain letters sent by Brandan bishop of Breme to preach Christian faith in the North. Who be the Islandish witters Speculum regâ—le Uultures beares and crowes come vpon the drift Ice into Island Krantzius in praefatione suae Norwegiae The first christian king of Norway Nialus the first knowne professour of Christian faith in Island A summe of the Islanders Religion Krantzius The most ancient Chronicles of Island Island first inhabited Fridericus Saxo the first preacher of the Christian faith in Island Anno Domini 981. Anno Domini 1000. A notable testimonie of Saxo concerning the Islanders An English man Bishop in Island Munsterus Krantziuâ— Friâ—ius Traffike with the people of Norway ceaseth Drift wood not so plentifull now as in times past Krantzius Munsterus Krantzius Munsterâ—s Coâ—ne of old time growing in Island Munsterâ—s Krantzius The occasion of the first inhabiting of Island by the people of Norway Haquinus coroâ—â—tus Krantzius Munsterus The occasion of this slander Krantzius Munsterus Munsterus Munsterus Krantzius Frisius The Islanders preserue in writing the acts of their ancestors The first obiection or reproch The second reproch The third reproch The 4,5,6 7 reproches The ninth reproch Want of salt in Island The Islanders meanes of preseruing their meates without salt The tenth reproch The commodities of Island The ancient traffique of England with Island Lawes against libels Commentarius breuis de Islandia per Arngrimum Ionam Islandum editus 1593. ‖ Biarmia Gronlandia olim suos habuit Episcopos This is the briefe Commentarie of Ionas Arngrimus immediatly going before ‖ Biarmia Gronland in old time had Christian Bishops The preparation of the Spanish king to subdue England and the lowe Countreys The number and qualitie of the ships in the Spanish Fleete with the souldiers Mariners and pieces of Ordinance A description of the Galeons A description of the Galliasses The great Ordinance bullets gun-poulder and other furniture Their prouision of victuals and other things necessary A Spanish terza consisteth of 3200. souldiers The preparation of the duke of Parma to aide the Spaniards The Popes furtherance to the conquest of England and of the low Countries A treatie of peace to the end that England and the vnited prouinces might be secure of inuasion Her maiesties warlike preparation by sea Her Maiesties land-forces The preparation of the vnited prouinces The Spanish fleete set saile vpon the 19. of May. They set saile from y e Groine vpon the 11. of Iuly The Spaniards come within kenning of England Captaine Fleming The L. Admirals short warning vpon the 19. of Iuly The 20. of Iuly The 21. of Iuly The 22. of Iuly Don Pedro de Valdez with his ship company taken A great Bistaine ship taken by the English The 23. of Iuly A great Venetian ship and other small ships taken by the English The 24. of Iuly The 25. of Iuly The 26. of Iuly The 27. of Iuly The Spaniards ancre before Caleis The 28. of Iuly The 29. of Iuly The 30. of Iuly The Spaniards vaine opinion concerning their own fleet The 28 of Iuly The galliasse of Hugo de Moncada cast vpon the showlds before Caleis M. Amias Preston valiantly boordeth the galliasse The
Brasill Hogs grease instead of oile Silks of sundry sorts Horses Mules Iennets Maiz grainâ— for man and beast eaten in cakes An Hanege is a bushel and an halfe Salomons Ilands sought and â—ound in the South sea 1568. China found by the West * This is to be vnderstood of the time where this discourse was written Anno 1572. China ships with one saile Chamoice Spanish leather India Rauens not killed to deuoure carcion Wrongs done to the Indians punished Iustice cause of ciuilism The apparel of the Indians The houses of the Indians Fire rubbed out of two stickes Diuers speeches Mutezuma and his riches The Indians wash themselues euery day Canaybal Islands of salâ—â— Alume Cassia fistula Salsa Perilla Florida This Fleete consisted of 6. ships I. The Iesus 2 The Mynion 3 The William and Iohn 4 The Iudith 5 The Angel 6 The Swallow The William and Iohn separated and neuer after met with the fleeteâ— Mexico 60. leaâ—â—â—s froâ— S. Iuan de Vlluâ— It is put downe 6. millions in Sir Iohn Hawkins his relations 4 Articles concluded vpon betwixt the English the Spaniards although the treacherous Spaniards kept none of them A faire castle and bulwarke diuided vpon the yland of San Iuan de Vllua The vaine of a Spanish uiceroy his faith The villanous treacherie of the Spaniards and their crueltie Copstow◠〈◊〉 of M. Hawkins men returned from Nueua Espanna Theâ— were put on land 2â— leagues Northward of Panuco the 8 of October 1568. Capule a kind of stone fruit Chichiâ—â—ci a warlike and cruel people Our men assailed by the Chichemiâ—â— Eight of our men slaine Anthony Godard Dauid Ingram The riuer oâ— Panuco The Salines of Panuco Nuestra Sennorâ— Certaine Englishmen taken prisoners at the fight at Sant Iuan de Vllua Robeâ—t Sweeting an EnglishmaÌ„ English geÌ„tlemen hostages Almost an huÌ„dred Englishmen prisoners in Mexicoâ— Our men are truelly rackt The cruell iudgements of the Spanish Inquisitors vpoÌ„ our poorâ— countreâ—men Tuatepâ—c Washaca Tepiaca Pueblo de los Angeles Stapâ—lapa The Spanish Uiceroy prophecied buâ— falsely Vera Cruz distant 5 leagues from S. Iuan dâ— Vlluaâ— Miles Philips his last wonderâ—ull escape Guatimala on the South sea Puerto de Cauallos Don Pedro de Guzman He commetâ— home in an English ship from Maiorca A remedie against poysoned arrowes The riuer of Calousa The riuer of Taggarin 500 Negroes taken Rio grande Doâ—iâ—â—â—â— Margarita Burboroata Placencia in the maine Rio dela Hachâ— taken Santa Martha Cartagenâ—â— Campeche Don Martin de Henriquez thâ— trecherous Uice-roy Augustine de villa nueua a most thankelesse traytour The Spanish â—ice-admirall fiâ—iâ—d One of those three was Iob Hortop They sunke the Generals the reporter hereof Foure Spanish ships sunke About an hundred Englishmen landed Iohn Cornisâ— slaine Anthony Goddard A riuer Iames Collier 8. Englishmen slaine Another riueâ— Seuen dayes trauell to Pâ—nucoâ— The manifold vâ—e of Magueâ— Mexico A descripâ—ioâ— of ginger 157â— Haâ—â—â—â— A sea-monster in the shape of a man Robert Barret whom two familiars of the Inquisition and Iohn Gilbert burned Iob Hortop his condemnation 1590 1590 The Port of Tecuanapa The Bishopricks of Guaxacan Tlarcali Cuahintla Tulaningo a small lake Quacapotla The riuer of Ometepec Nicaraguâ— Xicaiâ—â— Aioanapa â—â—chistlahuaca 〈◊〉 â—hualapa 〈◊〉 Pio a frontier towne against the Mexicans Huehuatlan Cuahucapotla Cacatepec The riuer of Tlacamama Atoiaque â—icaian â—â—notespanâ— The towne of Tlacamama A lake hauing hard salt growing vnder the water Quesalâ— Cuahâ—ntâ—an del Rey. Huatulco or Guatulco in 15. deg and 50. minutes The riuer â—â— Tlacolula Azoyoque The prouinces of Tututepec and Tlapa Tecuanapa â— most fit harborough to builâ— ships for the South â—â—a This sir Tho. Pert was Uiceadmirall of England and dwelt in Poplar at Blackmall Note An English great shippe at Brasill 1517â— San Iuan de puerto Rico. M. Thomas Hampton â—â—â—rra Leona â—alled Tagâ—rin The Iles of Caycus October 1â—â— The Minion the Iohn Baptist and the Merlin bound for Guinea Good 〈…〉 a long day A dreadfull mischance by fire The I le of Palmes Gomera and Teneriffe Santa Cruz. A briefe description of the commodities of the Canaâ—ie Ilands 〈◊〉 Trees dropping water in Guinie The pike of Teneriffe Cape de las Barbas Cape Blanco Cape Verde in 14 degrees Leophares Ieloffes The trafficke of the Frenchmen at Cape Verde Alcatraâ—ses or Ganets The Sapieâ— Rio grande The Idols The Island called Sambula The Samboses â—apies The Samboses man-eaters The Sapies burie their dead with golde The Canoas of Aâ—trica The forme of their townes The Consultation house or towne-howâ—e Palmito is a â—â—lde datâ— A venemous Cucumber Idoles like deuils The extreme negligence of one of the companie The riuer Calowsa The Towne of Bimba Portugals nâ—â— to be trusted Want of circumspecâ— in ouâ— M. Field Captaine of the Salomon slaine Taggarin The riuer of Casterroes A new assault on the slegroo Great townes â—erâ— great Canoas The contagion of the countrey of Sierra Leona Tangomangos Dominica Island Canybals execeeding cruell and to be auoybed The Testigos Island Margarita Island Cumana Santa Fe. The description of the Indians of Terra â—â—â— The vse of Sorrell Memour of quilted canuas two ynches thicke The making of their poison The maners of the yong women The Isle of Tortuga The crueltie of the Caribes Burboroata An hundreth Englishmen in Aâ—â—â—ous The reports of the mishaps of the Minion in Guinie May. Horses kept ready sadled Exceeding plentie of â—aâ—tell in Curazâ—â— Great numbers of wilde dogs Aruba La Rancheria Rio de la Hacha M. Hawkins his letter to the Treasurer of Rio de la Hacha The authour of this storie Iune The deceitfull foâ—ce of the current Two hundred ylands for the most part not inhabited The Cape of S. Anthony in Cuba Florida The Isles of â—ortugaâ— Great store of birds A hill called the Table The port oâ— Hauana The sâ—ate oâ— the current of Florida M. Hawkins ranged all the coast of Florida The riuer of May. Florida found to be cut into Islands Sorell The commodities of Florida The houses of Florida The maner of kindling of fire in Florida The French fort Monsieur Laudonniere Bread made of â—cornâ— The occasion of the falling out with the Floridians The French greatly recieued by M. Hawkins Twentie hogsheads of wine made in Florida like to the wine of Orleans Labourers necessary to inhabit new countreys Tobacco the great vertue thereof The variety of commodities in Florida Colours Golde and siluer Two Spanyards liued log among y e Floridians Pieces of gold grauen among y e Floridians Florida esteemed an Island This copper was sound perfect golde called vp the Sauages Sye roa phyre Pearles Vnicornes hornes which y e inhabitants call Sonamamma Beasts Faulcons in Florida Serpents Flying fishes Dolphins Flemingo The egript The pellicane Meanes to reape a sufficient profit in Florida and Virginia These arriuall in Padstow in the moneth of September 1565. A storm Gomerâ— Enâ—enomeâ— arrowes A towne of 3000 Negros
â—aken â—â—o trueth in Negrosâ— â—â—â—inica Rio de la Hacha takeâ— â—artageâ—â— Furicanoâ— Stoâ—me Saint Iohn dâ— Vllua a Port. The Spaniards deceiueâ— Our requestâ— The fleete of Spaine The maner oâ— the Port S. Iohn de Vllâ—â— North wind periâ—ous 1800. thousand pond A Uiceroy Faire woâ—deâ— beguiled Our requestâ— The peacâ— concludâ— A Viceroy false of his faith The treason brake foorth The Minion escaped hardly The Iesus escaped hardly Sharpe wars 3. ships of the Spaniards consumed â— hard casâ— Small hope to be had of tyrants A storme Small hopes of life â—ard choleâ— Miseries An hundred men set on land in 23. deg and a halfe The greatest miserie of all The balâ—ant exploit of M. Francis Drake betwixt Panama and Nombre de Dios. M. Francis Drake burnt the house of Crosses The Iland of pearles 25. leagues from Panama A skirmish between the English men and the Spaniardâ— The English betrayed to the Spaniards The death of Iohn Oxnam The English mens coÌ„ming to the Indies caused the king of Spaine to build gallies to keepe the Seas â—sla del sal The Isle of Maio. Two villaâ—â—s burnt The Isle 〈◊〉 Trinidad The Isle 〈◊〉 Margarita The Isle oâ— Curaâ—â—â—â— Ca 〈…〉 Nombre de dios Simerons reâ—â—â—â— to the Spâ—niards Verag The bay oâ— Honduras The Isle oâ—â— Francisco A conspiracy against the Captainâ— M. Andrew Barker and 8 other slaine by the Spaniards The towne of Truxillio sacked by the English The death of Philip Roche master of the Ragged staffe Their arriual in the Isle of Sillie Certaine Ordinance of Iohn Oxnam recouered from the Spaniards San Vicente Islas de Madera Canaria y Cabo Verde Rio de Ienero Lugar por haeâ—a vn fuerte Estrecho de Magallanes Mar del Sur. Lima es ciudad de dos mil vezi noâ— pero facil â— tomar Panama La segunda viaje San Domingo Cartagena Rio de Chagre Panama lugar a bierto y facil a laquear La Huana Tomar las flotas Quarenta naos gruesas The damage which may be done by passing by the riuer of Ieâ—ero into the South sea Madera Canaries The Isle of Cape Verde The riuer of Ienero A â—ort may bee â—iuided on an Island in the mouth of the riuer of Ienero The streight of Magelan The citie of Lima easie to bee takenâ— though it haue 2000 inhabitants The ships in the South sea may be burnt Panama may be taken The second course which indeede Drake tooke Panama bâ—ing an open place is easie to be taken Hauana easie to be taken The Indian fleete may bâ— taken Sir Barnarâ— Drake tooke I7 sailes of the Spanish and Portugall fishers returning from Newfoundland 1585. His intelligence was â—oâ— true as since I found in the osfice of the Admiralty Fortie greaâ— ships to be prouided 1583. Terzena was won by the Marqueâ— of Santa Cruz. Another armâ— of ten sailes The Indian fleete to be strengthened with 4. shipâ— of warrâ— What prouision is to be made if Don Antonio shoulâ— come with aâ— army An armie of 14 gallies â—o be proâ—ided Another army oâ— 12 great ships 4 pataches and 1500 souldiersâ— The citie of S. Iago taken aâ—â— possessâ—d for 14. dayes A wise couâ—se â—o be â—â—â—tated in all great actions The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Poâ—â—ugal againâ—â— M. Wilâ—â—am Hawkins The citie of S. Domingo taken Most vnsatiable Spanish ambition Cartagena Alonso Brâ—â—o the gouernour of Cartagena taken The Island of Cares A most commendable example of diligence in a Generall Nicolas Boâ—gâ—gnoâ— Santa Helena Roanoac Santa Marta situate in 10. degrees and a halfe A new course to Noâ—a 〈◊〉 by 〈…〉 Santa Marta less◠〈…〉 then the ordained course Cartagena situate in 11. degrees sâ—anâ—◠〈…〉 The gallies of 〈…〉 The poynt of Ycacos Nombre de Dios in 9. deg and one tierce Panama hath 350. houses Negros Simerons mortall enemies to the Spanyards The best way to take Panama Perico An Island in the harbour of Panama Places good to land in 1 Place 2 Place This was Oâ—enâ—am 3 Place The place of most aduantage for the English Rebellion seated in the West Indies 5. or 6. millions of gold siluer The harbour of Perico Nota. A new way into the south-sea These fiue leagues are very good ground or champion countrey Spanish treason The newe fortification in Hauana Souldiers sent to Hauana A fort vpon an hill Fiue Frigats made at Hauana Iohn de Orimo General of the fleete The excellency of the great Frygates built in Cuba Copper mines newly found in Cuba Pedro de Valdes prisoner in England Iohn Baptista Antonio the generall Iugenour of the West Indies A strong fort newly builded in S. Iuan de puerto Rico. This Fort was taâ—en by thâ— Eaâ—le of 〈◊〉 lâ—nd 1â—â—6 Copper mines â—oâ—nd neere Hauana 200 souldiers sent to S. Iâ—an de Puerto Rico. 1500 fighting men in S. Iuan de puerto Rico Island The boldnes of the English The souldiers run away from Hauana The boldnes of the English 18 ships builded in Cuba against England Acapuâ—co the â—arbour where the â—hips â—â—e that goe for Châ—na FroÌ„ Acâ—pulcoâ— to China aboue â—000 leaguesâ— Flemish wares good in China A wonderfull gaâ—â—e M. Thomas Candish Gold mâ—â—es siluer mâ—â—â—s and Pearles in China Fiâ—e liâ—â—eâ— cloth greatly â—steemed in China Not aboue one thousand Spaniards in the Philippinas The people of the Riuer of Plate 100 men wanting Good watch continually kept English men in the South sea â—ought 3 yeres This was M. Chidleys fleet whereof the Delight was in the streights of Magelan in Ianuary and Feb. 158â— This was M. Iohn Chidlâ—ys fleet â—aâ—iâ—â— Plague Peâ—u vtteâ—ly vndoâ—â— with the plague A short passage from Buenos Aeres in the â—iuer of Plaâ—e to Peru. The tediousnesse of the way by Cartagena to Peru. Prinâ—e seales to borrow money sent into Peru. Adundance of money to come from Lima and from The Valleâ— The citie of Santa Fee in the new kingdom of Granada Great store of metal â—ound in the newe mines of Marequita The great riuer of Magdalena The richest mines in all Peru. The great profite of the trade to the Philippinas Twenty li. of beefe may bee bought for sixe pence in Peru. The Englishmen eâ—â—remely fâ—â—â—ed in Peru. A fight from 7. in the morning till 11 at night This towne standeth from the waters side a league They thought some fleete had bene come from Spaine for so they expected Iaâ—aâ—câ— A good riuer of fresh water in Grand Caimâ—â— Preseruing of hogs-flesh The excellent hauen of Cauannas A Portugal ship takenâ— They double the cape of Buena Esperanza Quitangone â—â—re Mozaâ—bique The isle of Comoro They Wiâ—neâ— at the isle of Zanzibar The isles of Pulo pinaom The isle of Nicubar They returne homeward They double the cape of Bona Speranza The isle of S. Helena The strange force of sudden feare and sudden ioy The isle of Trinidad in the West Indies The isle oâ— Monâ— Cape Tiburon * Of Gonnauy They wracked vpon Bermuda the 17 of December 1593.
Currants The I le de Flores The I le of Coruo Where they lost the sight of the North starre How the compasse doâ—th varie The Primrose The towne of Samma Golde Gold foure hundreth â—â—â—â—gâ—â— Graines Elephants teeth The head of an Elephant Sir Andrew Iudde The contemplations of Gods worâ—s The description and pâ—â—â—â—â—â—ies of the Elephant Debate betweene the Elephant the Dragon Sanguis Draconis Cinnabaris Three kinds of Elephants Workes of Iuorie The people of Africa Libya interior â—â—tulâ—â— AEthiope Nigrite The riuer Nigritis or Senega â— strange thing Garamantes People of Libya Prester Iohn Regnum Orguene Gambra Guinea Cabo Verde The Portugals Nauigation to Brasile Aethiopia The 7 Bank of Meroe The Queene of Saba Prester Iohn Emperour of Aethiopia People of the Eastside of Africa People without heads Myrth Azania Regnum Melinde Aethiopia interior White Elephants Habasia Iâ—â—â—hiophagi Anthropophagi Monteâ— Lunae Gazatia Cap. bonç Spei Africa without colde The winter of Africa Flames of fire and noise in the aire The middle region of the aire 〈◊〉 cold The sâ—â—â—â—e of Elements Winde The heate of the Moone The nature of the starres Spoutes of water falling out of the aire Cataracts of heauen Uehement motions in the Sea A strange thing The power of nature They rase their skinnes Fiue iewels A bracelet Shackles Kings Dogs chaines of golde A muske cat Their houses Their feeding Flying fishes A strange thing Their bread Their wheat The Sunne Their drinke Graines â—â—els that â—leaue to ships Barnacles Bromas A secret The death of our men Fiue blacke Moues brought vnto England Colde may be better abiden then heate September October Nouember Porto Santo Madera Tenerif Palma Gomera Ferro Riuer del Oro. A Caruell taken Great store of fish vpon the coast of Barbary The Tropike of Cancer in 23. and a halfe Cape Blanke Cape Verde The coast of Guinea The Currant setting Eastward Riuer S. Vincent Cloth made of the barke of trees The Negroes race their skinnes Graines of Guinea Elephants teeth The description of their Townes and houses Diago the name of a Captaine The latitude of S. Vincent riuer is 4. degrees and a halfe Leaues of exceeding length Long pease stalkes Long womens breasts The language about the Riuer of S. Vincent The tides and nature of the shoare The point of Palmas * That was the yere 1554. The tides running Eastward A Towne Many Palme trees Cape Tres puntas Their maner of swearing by the water of the Sea Two townes Cape Tres puntas The towne of Don Iohn Their weapons 60. Portugales in the castle of Mina The English in anno 1554 tooke away 5 Negroes This language seemeth partly to be corrupt Sight of the castle of Mina Don Iohns towne described The Portugales of the castle of Mina inuaded our men The towne of Don Iohn de Viso Foure men taken away by the English A great towne The like they doe in the countrey of Prete lanni Master Roberâ— Gainshes voyage to Guâ—â—ea uâ— anno 1554. The English were offered to buâ—â—d a towne in Gâ—â—ne A Portugale Brigandine Februarie They returne for England Cape de Monte. March Cape Verde in latitude 14 degrâ—es a halfe Aprill May. Their arriual â—t Bristoll Nouember December Sierra Leona The riuer of Sestos They admit certaine Frenchmen into their companie An assault vpon elephants Rio de S. Andre Captaine Blundel the French Admirall Allow Dondoâ— a great towne The castle of Mina Cape de Tres puntas Bulle Hanâ—a Shamma The Negros brought â—ome by our men * Note Robert Gaynsh Hanta Fiue sailes of Portiugals descried The fight with the Portugals The French foâ—sake our men Februarie George our Negro Two Portugalâ— slaine by the Engliâ—h The Frenchmen bridled by the English Iâ—ing Abaan The offer of the king to the English to build a Fort. A towne in circuit as big as London A pretie deuise to descrit the enemie The kings friendly entertainment of oâ—r men Their ceremonies in drinking Mowâ—e Lagoua They returneâ— Ships of Portugall Cape Mensâ—rado Two small Ilands by Sierra Leona Note A Freâ—ch bâ—as uado It is to be vnderstood that at this time there was warre betwixt England and France The French mens goods seazed in the time of the warre vpoâ— the losse of Tales Two English Marcâ—ants Ligiers in the Grand Canary The Spanish West Indian fleet oâ— nineteene saile Rio del Oro. Francis Castelin Cape verde Foure Ilands A great trade of the Frenchmen at Cape â—erde A faire Iland where the French trade Elephants teeth muske and hides Cabo de Monte. The riuer de Sestos Rio de Potos They descrie fiâ—e saile of the Portugals The fight Lagua Periâ—nen Weamba Peâ—ecow Egâ—â—nd The English boord the Frenchmen Fifty pound of golde taken in the French prise Benin Our men die of sicknesse Sicknesse Mowre The great towne of Don Iohn Cormatin A fight with the Negros Note They put the Frenchmen with victuals into the pinnesse Shamma burnt by the English Their returne homeward The currant S. Thome Iland The description of the â—le of S. Thome The Iland of Salt The great inconuâ—nience by late sâ—aying vpon the coast of Guinie The Tyger giuen vp Extreame weaknesse of our men The English marchants intend to fortifie in Ghinea in the king of Habaans countrey The king of Haban Capo verde Rio de Sestos The Minion Rio de Potis Rio de S. Andre Cauo das palmas Cauo de tres puntas Anta Equi Two galies Mowre Cormantin Much hurt done in the Minion with firing a barrel of gunpouder They returne Rio de Barbos The blacke pinnasse Rio de Sesto The Minion of the Queene The firing and sâ—nking of the Merline bound for Guinea They meet their Admirall againe A good caueat Cape Verde The foolish rashnes of Wil. Bats perswading the company to land vnarmed Ciuet muske gold grains the commoditieâ— of Cape Verde The Negros trecherie A French interpreter for Cape Verde The danger of poisonâ—d arrowes The answere of the Negros Bona vista A good admonition Banished Portugals Great store of goates The I le of Maiyo S. Iago The treason of the Portugals in S. Iago to our men The Isle of Fuego Mill. Cotton in Fuego The Isle of Braua They returne March Aprill Woad May. A Portugall Galiasse of 400 tunnes A fight betweene one English ship and 7 Portugals The 7 Portugals depart with shame from one English ship Iune A Portugall ship notwithstanding all their vilanies defended by one men from Rouers M. Hogan his arriual at Azafi in Barbarie May. â—n Barbary theâ— haue no Innes but they lodge in open fieldes where they can find water The singular humaniâ—ie of the king to our Ambassadour The Spaniards and Poâ—â—â—gales were coÌ„mandeâ— by the king in paine of death to â—eete thâ— Enâ—lish Ambasâ—adour The king of Spaine sought to disgrace the Queene heâ— Ambassour The king of Barbarie sent into England for Musicians A rich gift bestowed vpon our Ambassadour Iune The
offers of the king to our English merchants A good prouiso The Emperor of Maroco his priuileges to the English Thomas Stukeley was wrongfully indued with this title Fuquien Cincâ—o Cantan Cheqâ—eâ—m Xutiamfu Chelim Quianciâ— or Quinzi â—achin Their moneths Loutea Châ—an or Chaen Ponchiâ—ssi Anchiassi or Heâ—â—si Tâ—zi Taissuâ— Licentiates Doctors We that is the Italians and Spaniards After the Dutch fashion Pythagorean like The Italians call it the strapadoâ— A pilloâ—y boord Of like the first lenders be the more wealthie Fuquieo Hereâ—â—â—oforeâ— Parai Tamen the pâ—oper name of China Pochâ—n oâ— Pachin Their enemies Mariage of the kiâ—â—s children 〈◊〉 speaketh 〈◊〉 â—re of all 〈◊〉 but o◠〈…〉 s for 〈…〉 places 〈◊〉 beg 〈◊〉 â—s 〈…〉 ready◠〈◊〉 ming 〈◊〉 of trees 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 He speaketh of Fuquien shire Alà s Ceâ—â—bi The Kings reuenuâ—e Parai Fish poudered with peper ☞ Great ships comming from the North. * That is their temples It should seeme by their voyage to be Cardandan in Ortelius ☞ A Northerne Sea It seemeth they came vp the riuer from the Caspian sea At Cacan Riuers ouer-frosen in China Ali Auoins Tartars Mount Vsont Mogores Blewes of great price in China Brames Southward from Chenchi to the sea Auoins Chenchi Goa is a city of the Portugals in the East Indies Odericus writeth of the like Great store of â—ner mynes Petrus Maffeius de rebus Iaponicis But his almes are very good Inambuxu Genguis A warrelike people 300 leagues to the North of Meaco The Iapanish funerals They burnâ— their dead Aâ—â—â— De reb Iabâ—â— 4â— Santianum The situation and liâ—â—tes of China Chinian Cosmographers The rich reuenues of the king of China Fifteene great prouinces in China The seats roiall all of the king of China The warlike munitions of China a marueilous wall Abundance of â—nhabitants 〈◊〉 China Cities and townes The Chinian riuers greatly inhabited Holesome aâ—re plenty peace in China Chinian sâ—orâ—esâ— The city of Coanchesu aliaÌ„s Cantam Great abundance of gold in China Great store of siluer Pearles Great store of silke in China Silke brought into Iapon Spices Camphire muske Cotton-wooll whereof Calicut-cloth is made Three qualities of porcellan Plants Sugar China in a maner destitute of corne wine oile Chinian maps The dispositions maners of the Chinians Their loyaltie vnto their superiours Their laborious industry Painting Gunnes Printing Nauigation The Tartars tyranized ouer China Military discipline The literature of China Three degrees in learning The first degree The second degree The third and highest degree Note the extraordinary honor vouchsaâ—ed by the great King of China vpon his lâ—â—rned graduates Naturall philosophy Excellent astronomers in China The politike gouernment of China Three principall magistrates in ech prouince Two Senates or Counsels coÌ„tinually holden in China The causes of peace in China Learning the only step to honour in China The stately forâ—idable procession of the Chinian magistrates The houses of the Chinian magistrates The magistrates barges The maner of electing magistrates in China Degrees vnto honour Kiding post Martiall dignities The king of China Van-Sui The succession of the crowne The kingâ— yonger brethren Twelue chariots The idolatrous religion of the king The ciuill gouernment of China most agreeable to the instance of nature The fiue vertues principally esteemed among the Chinians â—rbanity The Chinians great piety towards their parents A memorable story The religion of China Three principall sectes among the Chinians Confucius authour of the first sect The summe of Confucius his doctrine Xequiam author of the second sect whose followers ar called Ceâ— or Bonzi Note The third sect The superstition of the Saraceni Christian religion planted in China An ancient custome worthy y e obseruation The Chinians contemne other nations The variation of the compasse Signes about the Cape of Boâ—a Speransa Fishes on the sea coast of Aâ—â—â—ca Note Corall Two wayes beyond y e capâ— of Good hoâ—e They coÌ„monly saile from Lisbon to Goa in 5 moneths Running seas very dangerous Certaine signs of land They arriuâ—d at Goa the 24 of October The coast of India greatly troubled with Moores Abundance of golde siluer pearles precious stones in Pegu. The great gaine of the Portugals in Pegu. Pegu the best richest countrey in all the East India A prophesie of an Indian against Spaine Three occasions of sicknes neere the line Agoada de Saldanha Great store of Penguins and Seales Bullocks oxe and sheepe dog-cheape Cape de Buona Speransa doubled Cape dos Corrientes Here they are seuered from the Penelope Foure men slaine with a clap of thunder The Shoulds of S. Laurence Quitangone neere Mozanbique The I le of Comoro 32 of our men betraied at the I le of Comoâ—o Zanzibar Iland A Portugall Factorie in Zanzibar The treason of the Portugals towards the English An excellent place for refreshing A gallie Frigate Another thunder-clap Heat in the head deadly Letting of blood very necessary A Iunco laden with pepper and brugs The currents set â—o the Northward Zocotora The Iles of Mamale Cape Comori doubled 1592. The Iles of Nicubar The Iles of Gomes Polo Sumatra The Iles of Pulo Pinaou Trees fit for mastes Malacca Three Ships of Pegu laden with pepper Martabam Pera. Pulo Sambilam A ship of Negapatan taken A ship of S. Thome The galeon of Malacca of 700 taken Wares fit to carâ— into the East India The kingdom of Iunsalaom Amber-greese The hornes of Abath The female Unicorne Some small quantitie hereof may be caried to pleasure those kings They arriue at the Iles of Nicubar which are inhabited by Moores They returne homeward They arriue at Zeilan Tanaseri in the kingdom of Siam Commodities of Bengala Commodities of Pegu. Commodities of Tanaseri A great current to the Southward A notable reliefe of fishes taken Baia de Agoa They double the Cape of Buona Speransa S. Helena Iohn Segar an Englishman left 18 moneths alone in the I le of Santa Helena A miraculous effect of extreme feare or extreme ioy The descriptioÌ„ of the commodities of the I le of santa Heleâ—a The gulfe of Paria or Bocca del Dragooâ— passed A good note The I le of Mona The I le of Sauona enuironed with flats Cape de Tiberon The old chanel passed They returne backe to the West Indies Fiue English men leâ—t on the Nueblas The ship lost by driuing away Great famine Two ships of Diepe The French trafike in S. Domingo M. Lancaster returneth to Diepe and so to England The Isle of S. Sebastian Râ—o grande Sue Coxe an old English man buried aliue by the Moores of Rio graÌ„de in Guinea The Coâ—igidoâ— of Bilbao taken and brought to London The same in English A letter of Mully Hamet to the Erle of Leicester ‖ Which is with vs 1587. The Queenes letters to the Emperour Iohn Herman an English rebel The gouernor of S. Michael taken prisoner Pedro Sarmiento the gouernour of the Straights of Magelan taken prisoner A ship laden with fish taken