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england_n	bishop_n	king_n	time_n	8,434	5	3.6763	3	true

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A88212	The legall fundamentall liberties of the people of England revived, asserted, and vindicated. Or, an epistle written the eighth day of June 1649, by Lieut. Colonel John Lilburn (arbitrary and aristocratical prisoner in the Tower of London) to Mr. William Lenthall Speaker to the remainder of those few knights, citizens, and burgesses that Col. Thomas Pride at his late purge thought convenient to leave sitting at Westminster ... who ... pretendedly stile themselves ... the Parliament of England, intrusted and authorised by the consent of all the people thereof, whose representatives by election ... they are; although they are never able to produce one bit of a law, or any piece of a commission to prove, that all the people of England, ... authorised Thomas Pride, ... to chuse them a Parliament, as indeed he hath de facto done by this pretended mock-Parliament: and therefore it cannot properly be called the nations or peoples Parliament, but Col. Pride's and his associates, whose really it is; who, although they have beheaded the King for a tyrant, yet walk in his oppressingest steps, if not worse and higher.	Lilburne, John, 1614?-1657.; Lenthall, William, 1591-1662.	1649 (1649)	Wing L2131; Thomason E560_14; ESTC P1297; ESTC R204531	104,077	84

had cansed the grace of God to appear in my soul to 〈◊〉 me as a reciprecall duty spread abroad in my heart by the overflowings of the fountaine of love within me to abstaine from all ungodlinesse and worldly best and to live soberly and righteously in this present evill world doing good to all his especially to the houshold of Faith Ingraving with his Spirit upon my heart as with a point of a Diamond those Divine Laws viz. to doe to all men as I would they should do to me and in all the carriages of my life to be watchfull over my actings and not to be evill that good may come of it and thirdly that seeing that I am bought with a pri●● by Redemption that therefore I should not be the servant of men to serve their best and wills but entirely and solely the servant of God to glorifie him with my body in rightous and just actions amongst the sons of men as well as in my soul in speculation imgra●tion or adoration and so at present I leave them to the reflections of their own consciences if the vanity of the world and the fadeing promotions thereof hath not eat out the life and sensible part of them into whose secrets 〈◊〉 let not my soul O Lord enter into But as for the rest of their subscribing Comrades being in all six or seven I know not some of them only 〈◊〉 Price and Richard Arnold I know to be men fitly to deserve the name of 〈◊〉 Baristors or known Eves-dropers so detestable and abominable therefore to all truly really honest unbialed men that know them that a man shal but defile himselfe to touch them with a paire of tongs deserving no other answer from me for their indefatigable and restlesse pains to bespatter and destroy me but either the highest of scorn or a good cudgell in due time and so at pres●●● I leave them to the serious perusal of their own ugly forms and shapes lively pictured out in that most excellent and masculine Anatomy of them by Doct. Brooks in his Law Book entituled the Charity of Churchmen or a Vindication of my most choice and honest Comrade and Fellow-sufferer Master William Walwyn But in regard my grand adversaries and their little Boagles in London doe continually report me to be a man of contention and one that is never 〈◊〉 from broyls nor never content with any Government but full of self ●●●ceitedness malice and revenge it will be very necessary for me to return a● effectuall answer to this before I come to the main thing I intend And therefore in the first place When I was a childe as Paul saith I thought as a childe I did as a childe but after I came to have any discretion well ngh twenty years agoe my Father brought me to London and bound me Apprendes to Mr. Thomas Hewson near London-stone whom I served as faithfully about six years as every Apprentice served a Master And though he had no more but my self and had many thousands of Pounds went through my hands driving a large Whole-sale trade yet directly nor indirectly I cannot remember that ever I wronged him of a Groat or the value of it or that ever all the 〈◊〉 I was with him I was ever branded or taxed with one bafe visible action or that I either gave or took a box on the eare or any thing like it or ever quarrelled with any Flesh alive all the time I was there although I had then as much mettle life and spirit as most young men in London had only I must confess my old Master offered me sometimes some abuse for which I carryed him before the Chamberlain of London and ever after lived in peace with him And after that in all the dayes of my calamity by the Bishops had the truest and cordiallest friend of him that ever servant had of a Master in the day of his tryall And though in his service keeping only a Ware-house severall days in the week I had spare time enough yet I never misspent it but continually spent it in reading the Bible the Book of Martyrs Luthers Calvins Bezaes Cartwrights Perkins Molins Burtons and Rogers Works with multitude of other such like Books that I had bought with my own money till the foresaid Mr. Edmond Rozer my familiar friend and neighbour and fellow-professor of Religion conversant at my Masters house from the beginning of my coming to him brought me in anno 1636. acquainted with Dr. Bastwick then prisoner in the Gatehouse whom after I visited constantly and for whose service I could have laid down my life and for my true affection to him I was forced by the Bishops and their Catchpoles to fly into the Low-Countreys for refuge just about the time of his Banishment where I was divers months and where the Kings Ambassador Sir VVilliam Boswell laid for me as I was informed severall designes to put me a Ship board and send me over to England to the Bishops here for my visible activity there against them which forced me continually to wear my sword about me yet in all my time there I never gave nor took a box on the eare nor had so much as a single quarrell and at my coming to England I was in danger enough and therefore went like a swaggerer disguised and yet was betrayed by my pretended bosome friend John Chilliburn servant to old Mr. VVharton in Bow-lane and so fell into the devouring clutches of the High-Commission Councell-board and the Star-Chamber all three of which had a sting at me But in all my troubles and tryals by them for divers years together I never saw or heard of any other prosecutor but only two most desperate forsworn false Oaths of my then familiar acquaintance Edmond Chillington then Button seller in Cannonstreet and now a forsworn lieutenant in Colonell Whaleys Regiment of Horse which false Oaths he was hired unto by the Bishops and their Chaplins Mr. Baker c. and by means of which he got his own Liberty and this he did for my curtesie and kindnesse to him in his then captivity c. owing me at this day I am confident of it upon that account well nigh 30 pounds by meanes of which Oathes I had above 500 stripes with knotted cords given me by the bloody decree ofold Sir Henry Vane c. and endured a world of other unheard of miseries and barbarous cruelties for three yeers together and at my deliverance by the Parliament I could have had his eares for perjury as easily as to have kissed my hand if I had been revengefull but so far was I from that that I never questioned him for it but contrarily I requited him good for evill when he was prisoner in Oxford Castle with me and ready to starve being destitute both of money and friends there and to save him alive I readily lent him both gold and silver as he very well knowes by the same token I was without my money

ordinary way and meerly wants nothing if it do want but twelve Kings as his Peer● or Equals will nourish and increase in men that erroneous conce●● That Mag●●●rates by the Law of God Nature and Reason are not no nor ought not to be subject to the penal part of the Laws of men as well as the directive part of it which is the bane ruine and destruction of all the Common-wealths in the world I say the confideration of the things fore-mentioned put me off the thought● of going to Holland my self and then I put the query to my self What course I should being now a free man take for my livelihood for if I and my family lived upon the main stock which was not very much now that I had paid almost all my debts that would soon waste and be gone and to take a place for my future livelihood as I have been offered often and that ●● considerable one that I could not do for these reasons First because I was not satisfied in the present power or Authority to act under them and so if I should I should be a supporter of so unj●st and illegal a fabrick as I judged an everlasting Parliament p●rged twice by force of Arms by the hands of their meer mercenary servants to be who were principally raised bired and paid to kil those they esteemed and judged Bears Wolves 〈◊〉 and P●●kass that took up Arms against the true chast and legally co●●●●tu●ed Representative of the Nation being not in the least bir●● or raised to be the Masters of their Masters or the Lawgivers to the legal Law ●●kers of the Nation in case of necessity And that an everlasting Parliamnet is dostructive to the very life and soul of the Liberties of this Nation I 〈◊〉 prove first by Law and secondly by Reason And first by Law The Law Books do shew That a Parliament which in its own institution is excellent good physick but never was intended no● safely can be used for diet because it is so unlimited and arbitrary was called and held somtimes twice a yeer before the Conquest as is declared by Lambert in his Collection of Laws before the Conquest amongst the Laws of Edgar chap. ● and by Sir Edward Cook in his margent in the ninth page of his par 4. Inst●● in the Cha●t of High Court of Parliament which with other of the Liberties of England being by force of arms subdued by the Bastard Norman Conquetor although he three severall times took his oath after his being owned for King to maintain their Laws and Liberties as being not able nor judging his Conquest so good just and secure a Plea to hold his new got Crown by as an after mutuall compact with the people or their Representatives over whom he was to rule and therefore as Co●k in the foresaid Chapt. pag. 12. declares a Parliament o● a kinde of one was held in his time See also 21 Edw. 3 fol 60. and 1 part Institut lib. 2. chap. 10. Sect. 164. fol. 110. a. and came to be more frequently used in his Successors time yea even to be 〈◊〉 in two years in Edward the First or Second's time at which notwithstanding the people grumbled as being an abridgment of their ancient and undoubted Libertie to meet more frequently in their National and publick assemblies to treat and conclude of things for their weal and better being the want of which of ancient time lost this Island to the Romans as Co●k declares 4 part 〈◊〉 fol. 9. out of Ta●itus in the Life of Agricola pag. 306. whereupon it was ●nacted in full Parliament in Edw. the Thirds time That the King who is their Officer of trust should assemble and call them together once every yeer or more often if need require as appears by the Statute of 4 Edw. 3. 14. But because this was not constantly used by that King but there sometimes was intervals of three or four yeers betwixt Parliament and Parliament which was a diminution of the soul and life of all their Liberties viz frequent and often 〈◊〉 Parliaments therefore in the 36 yeer of his Reign annuall Parliaments are provided for again and also the causes of their assembling declared in these very words Item For maintenance of the said Articles and Statutes and redresse of divers mischiefs and grievances which daily happen a Parliament shall be holden every yeer as another time was ordained by a Statute of 4. Edw. 3. chap. 14. But King Charles exceedingly breaking his trust in the frequent calling of Parliaments and dissolving them at his pleasure when they came to treat of any thing that he liked not and so made them uselesse to the Nation both which was against his trust as you notably declare in your Declaration of Novemb. 2. 1642. 1 part Book Decl. pag. 701 702. And of which you most bitterly complain in your first Remonstrance 1 part Book Decl. pag. 5. 6. 11. and in pag. 10. 11 ibidem you declare That his destroying of these two grand Fr●●d●ms of the People viz. Frequent successive Parliaments and free D●●a●es therein bad corrupted and distempered the whole frame and Government of the King●●● and brought in nothing but wayes of destruction and Tyranny For the preventing of which for the future you got an Act to passe in the s●xte●●th yeer of the late King and the first yeer of this long-winded Parliament to 〈…〉 of the two forementioned Acts for an annuall Parliament And further there say thus And whereas it is by experience found that the not holding of Parliaments according to the two forementioned Acts hath produced sundry and great mischiefs and inconveniences to the Kings Majesty the Church and Common-wealth For the prevention of the like mischiefs and inconveniences in time to come Be it enacted by the Kings most excellent Majesty with the consent of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled That the said LAST FOREMENTIONED Laws and Statutes be from henceforth duely kept and observed And you there go on and enact that in case the King perform not this part of his trust in calling annuall Parliaments that then a Trienniall one shall be CALLED BY THE LORD KEEPER c. whether the King will or no. And there being no provision in this Act but that the King might break up this Parliament at his pleasure as before he used to do and so dis-inable you to discharge your trust and duty to the people in providing fit remedies for those many grievances then extraordinarily spread over the whole Nation that the long intermission of Parliaments had occasioned you therefore presse the King to grant an Act that the two Houses might not be dissolved but by your own consents which the King condescended unto the rather because the Scotch Army was then in the Kingdom which he longed to be rid of and which you pretended you could not pay without such an Act these being the true declared and intended

and the ● part Cooks Reports in Dr. Bo●hams case See the Army Book Declarat pag. 35. ●9 61. 63. 143. First therefore let us begin with Common Right and we shall easily see this perpetuall Act is against that For it is against common Right that indebted men as most if not all Parliament men ar● should not pay their debts Or that if any Member of ●●●liament do any of the People of England w●ong as daily they do by unjust and 〈◊〉 r●●●ble 〈◊〉 of him o● them of hi● la●d or disp●ssessing him of his goods 〈…〉 of his fame or doing violence to his person by beating wounding or imprisoning c. that 〈◊〉 sons during their lives by a priviledge of Parliament that was intentionally 〈◊〉 and just in its institution when Parliaments were often and short should be 〈◊〉 and s●●●red from all manner of question at the Law by any parties so wronged by them is absolutely against common Right Nay and more That this should extend 〈◊〉 ●●ltitudes of persons besides that are their servants or attendants and also that any o● all of these shall have the benefit of the Law in any Court of Justice in England at their pleasure against any man whom they shall pretend wrongs them are such trans●●de●● and grievous enormities that common Right abhors and yet this with a thousand 〈◊〉 as much more as bad as these are the fruits of a perpetuall Parliament if they please which tends to the utter destruction of all mens Actions reall personall or mixt who have ●o do with Parliament men as appears expresly by the Statute of Limitations of the a● of James chap. 16. which strictly confines all manner of Suits to be commenced within 〈…〉 after the occasion given Secondly For common Reason Parliaments were ordained and instituted as is before truly and legally declared for remedies to redresse publick and capitall griev●●ces th●● 〈◊〉 where else could be redressed but it is against reason and the very end of the Institution of Parliament that Parliaments should make and create multitudes of publike and insufferable grievances The law of the Land allowes no protection for any ma● i●ployed in the service of the Kingdom but for a yeer at most as to be free from Sui●s and in many Suits none at all howbeit he be in such services But a perpetuall 〈◊〉 may prove a protection in all manner of wickednesse and misdea●●eanours 〈◊〉 against other men not of the Parliament amongst any of whom they may pi●k and chuse whom they please to ruinate and destroy and that no● for a yeer but for ever which is against all manner of Reason or the shadow or likenesse of it And therefore a● 〈◊〉 Sir Henry Vane said against Episcopal Government in the beginning of his larg● 〈◊〉 of the 11 of June 1641 now in print at a Committee for passing the Bill against ●●●●pall Government so say I of an everlasting or of any Parliament that shall do 〈◊〉 you have done in largely sitting beyond the time of your Commission c. That 〈…〉 thing is destructive to the very end for which it should be and was constituted to be 〈…〉 onely so but does the quite contrary as your House in every particular doth cer●ai●ly we have cause sufficient enough to lay it aside and not onely as uselesse in that it 〈…〉 its end But is dangerous in that it destroyes and contradicts its end Thirdly For Imp●ssibilitie The death of th● King in law undisputably dissolves the Parliament spoken of in the foresaid act which is pretended to be perpetu●ll for 〈◊〉 Writ of Summons that is directed to the Sheriffs by vertue of which Parli●●●●● 〈◊〉 are chosen runs in these words King Charles being to have conference and 〈…〉 c upon such a day about or concerning as the words of the T●ie●●●ial Act hath it the high and urgent affairs concerning his Majestie and he writes US the State and the 〈◊〉 of the Kingdom and Church of England But I would fain know how it's possibl● for a Parliament to confer or treat with King CHARLES now he is dead it 's impossible Se● 2 H. 5. Cook in Parl. 3. part And therefore the whole current of the Law of England yea Reason it self from the beginning to the end is expresly That the Kings death doth ipso facto dissolve this Parliament though it had been all the time before 〈◊〉 so intire and unquestionable to that very hour and it must needs be so he being in Law yea and by the authority of this very Parliament st●led the head the begi●●ing and end of Parli●ments See Co●ks 4 part Institutes fol. 1. 3. Mr. Py●●'s for 〈…〉 Stra●●ord pag. 8. S. John's forementioned argument against Strafford pag. 42. And therefore as a Parliament in l●w 〈◊〉 begin without the 〈…〉 in it 〈◊〉 person 〈◊〉 representatives Cook ibid. so 6. so it is pos●●ively 〈◊〉 by his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thereby not only the true declared but intended end of their assembling which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and confer with King CHARLES is ceased and thereby a final ●nd is put 〈◊〉 the means that are appointed to attain unto that end And therefore it is as 〈◊〉 for this Parliament or any Parliament to continue as long as they please a● for a Parliament to make King Charles alive again Fourthly For Repugnancy That which is but for a time cannot be affirmed to have continuance for ever it is repugnant but this Parliament in the intention of the makers of the Act was to be but for a time not above a yeer at most after the d●●e of the Act as is before proved and declared from their own words And therefore it cannot be reputed perpetual for there is a repugnancy betwixt them Again The King's Writ that summoned this Parliament is the Basis in law an● Foundation of this Parliament If the Foundation be destroyed the Parliament falls But the Foundation of it in every circumstance thereof is destroyed And therefore the thing built upon that Foundation must needs fall It is both a Maxim● in Law and Reason But if it be objected The Law of Necessity requires the continuance of the Parliament against the letter of the Law I answer First It s necessrry to consider whether the men that would have it continue as long as they please be not those that have created the necessities on purpose that by the colour thereof they may make themselves great and potent and if so then that Objection hath no weight nor by any rules of Justice can they be allowed to gain this advantage by their own fault as to make that a ground of their justification which is a great part of their offence And that it is true in it self is so obviou● to every unbiased knowing eye it needs no illustration but if it shall be denyed by any of their pens if God please to give further opportunity I shall prove it to the full Secondly I answer There can no necessity be pretended that can be

of June 1646. He gets an Order to passe the Lords House To summon me up to the Lords Bar to answer to such things as I stood Charged before their Lordships with concerning the writing the foresaid Letter or plea and when I came to their Bar they dealt with me like a Spanish Inquisition in examining me against my selfe which forced me then at the Bar to deliver in my plea in Law to prove that by the Laws of England they had no Jurisdiction over Commoners to try them either for life limb liberty or estate which you may read in my Printed Book called The Freemans freedom vindicated which plea and protestation made them mad and for which they sent me to Newgate from whence upon the 16 of June I sent my appeal for Justice to the House of Commons against them which made the Lords madder whereupon they upon the 12 of June 1646. issurred 〈…〉 bring me to their Bar again where in contempt of their Jurisdistion 〈…〉 to kneel for which they committed me to the foresaid Wollastone 〈◊〉 of Newgate to be kept close Prisoner without pen inke or paper the 〈…〉 or any other friend which was with rigour sufficiently exercised upon me till the ●● of July 1646. which day they issued our another Order to bring me again to their Bar at which when I came in the height of contempt of their Jurisdiction I marched in amongst them with my bat or not only refused to kneel at these Bar But also with my fingers stops both my ears when they went about to read my ●●tended Charge for all which they fined me 4000 l. to the King and forther sentenced me to be a prisoner seven yeares or during their pleasure in the T●●er of London to be for ever disfranchised of being capable to bear any 〈…〉 Military or Civill Government in Church or Common-wealth and accordingly I was committed to the Tower where I was in the nature of a close prisoner divorced from the society of my Wife till the 16 of September 〈◊〉 Whereupon a strong warre was made upon the Lords and their Jurisdiction by the Authors of those two notable Books called Vane plebis and Royall and I also paid them prety well my self in my two large books Called Londons Liberty in chaines discovered and Londons Charters and by a large 〈◊〉 of my Wives and accompanied at the delivery of it with divers of 〈…〉 friends I got my business to the examination of a Commities of the House of Commons before whom I appeared and pleaded the 9th November 1646. and had fair play but waited month after month and 〈◊〉 get no report of it made by reason of the swoy and power that Mr. Denail 〈◊〉 Sir Philip Stapleton the rest of their Associates had bene in the House of 〈◊〉 who were then strong confederates with the Lords in their unjust 〈◊〉 and my then professed enemies in keeping me from Justice the 〈…〉 of the Law and my right whereupon I was compell'd and necessitated by a hard long and almost starving imprisonment to engage against them which I did to the purpose as you may read in my Books called The oppressed ●●● oppressions declared The out-cryes of oppressed commons The resolved man resolution and Rash-Oaths And then the Army turned up the chief of 〈…〉 heels by a trick of Hōr●● Porus alias An IMPEACHMENY And the● up got Mr. Oliver Cromwall my pretended friend with whom and in whose quarrel for the Liberties of the Common-wealth as he pretended at his earnest follcitation of my wife in London to send for me from the 〈◊〉 then at Crowland and by his message delivered unto me for that end by his brother-in-law Major Desborough near Sir Will. Russels in Cambridg-shire I engaged against the Earl of Manchester c. and was one of the first ●vidences that gave in my testimony against him before Mr. Lisle then 〈◊〉 to that committee where Manchesters impeachment did then depend but alass Mr. Oliver impeached him only for this end as the fequel fully 〈◊〉 not in the least for Justice-sake but only to get him c. out of his command that so he might get in a friend of his own into it that he could rule and it may be in time himself both of which he hath compleatly done but I say Mr. Oliver by the help of the Army at their first Rebellion against the Parliament their Lords and Masters was no sooner up but like a most perfidious base unworthy man he turned my enemy and Jaylor and was as great with Manchester in particular as ever yea and the House of Peers were his only white Boyes Being more then his drudges and more conformable to his will then the House of Commons it self and who but Oliver that before to me had called them in effect both tyrants and usurpers became their Proctor where ever he came yea and sot his son Ireton at work for them also insomuch as at some meetings with some of my Friends at the Lord Whartons lodgings he clapt his hand upon his breast and to this purpose professed as in the sight of God upon his conscience That the Lords had 〈…〉 a right to their Legislative and Jurisdictive power over the Commons as he had to the coat upon his back and he would procure a friend viz. Mr. Nath. 〈◊〉 should argue and plead their said right with any friend I had in England and not only so but did he not get the Generall and councell of War as Windsor about the time when the Votes of no more Addresses were to pass to make a Declaration to the whole Kingdom declaring the legall Rights of the Lords House and their fixed Resolutions to maintain and uphold it which as I remember was sent by the General c. to the Lords by Sir Hardiasse VValler and to indear himself the more unto the Lords in whose House without all doubt he intended to have fate himself he required me evil for good and became my enemy to keep me in prison out of which I must not stir unless I would stoop and acknowledge the Lords jurisdiction over commoners and for that end he set his Agents and Instruments at work to get me to doe it And it became the above-board work of him and his son-in-law after a little under-hand working to make all means gone about in the Army for my liberty ineffectuall or a seate to me so that I was pinched and forced for my own preservation to fall about Olivers eares and his Sons both to discover their depth of 〈…〉 by themselves and agents in their base dealing with me who was them almost destroyed in prison by their villany as you may partly read in my Books called The Juglers discovered Jonah's cryes out of the Wholes holly The Peoples Prerogative My additionall Plea before Mr. John Maynard of the House and my Whip for the present House of Lords But to fill up the measure of his malice against me after by my

shall m●ch rather wish That the Authority of this Kingdom in Parliament rightly constituted that is freely equally and successively chosen according to its orteinall intention may ever st●nd and ●ave its ●ourse And ther●fore we shall apply our selves chiefly to such things ●● by having Parliaments setled in such a right constitution nay give most hope● of Justice and Right●ousnesse to flow down equally to all in that its Ancient ch●●nell without any overtures tending either to OVERTHROW that ●●undation of Order and Government in this Kingdom or TO INGROSS THAT POWER FOR PERPETUITY INTO THE HANDS OF ANY PARTICULAR PERSONS OR PARTY WHATSOEVER And for that purpose though as we have found it doubted by many men minding sincerely the publique good but not weighing so fully the consequences of things it may and is not unlike to prove that the ending of this Parliament and the election of a New the constitution of succeeding Parliaments as to the persons Elected may prove for the worse many weyes ye● since neither in the present purging of this Parliament nor in the Election of a New we can promise to our selves or the Kingdom and asurance of Justice or other positive good from the bands of men but those who for present appear most righteous and most for common good having an unlimited power fixed in them du●ing life or pleasure in time may become corrupt or settle into parties or factions or on the otherside in case ●f new Elections those that should succeed may prove as bad or worse then the former We therefore humbly co●ceive that of two inconveniences the lesse being to be chosen the main thing to be intended in this case and beyond whi●h humane providence cannot reach as to any assurance of positive good seem to be this viz to provide that however unjust or corrupt the persons of Parliament men in present or future may prove or whatever ill they may doe to particular parties or to the whole in particular ●●ngs during their respective termes or periods yet they shall not have the temptation of an ●●●imited power fixt in them during the●r owne pleasures whereby to perpetuate injustice or oppression upon any without end or remedy or to advance and uphold any one particular party faction or interest whatsoever to the oppression or prejudice of the Community and the enslaving of the Kingdom unto all posterity but that t●e people may have an equall hope or possibility if they have made an ●ll choice at one time to mend it in another and the Members of the House themselves may be in a capacity to taste subjection as well as rule and may be so inclined to consider of other mens cases as what may come to be their own Thus we speake in relation to the House of Commons as being intrusted on the Peoples behalfe for their interest in that great and supreme power of the Common wealth viz. the Legislative power with the power of finall Judgement which being in its own nature so arbitrary and in a manner unlimited unlesse in point of 〈◊〉 is most un●it and dangerous as ●o the peoples interest to be 〈◊〉 in the 〈…〉 the sa●e men during life or their own pleasures Neither by the originall 〈◊〉 of this State was it of ought to continue so nor does it wherever it is 〈◊〉 continues soe render that sta●e any better then a mee● tyranny or the people subjected to it any better then vassals But in all States where there is any f●●● of common freedom and partic●larly in this State of England as it is most evid●●● 〈…〉 many positive laws and ancient constant custome the people have a right to 〈…〉 successive Elections unto that great and supream trust at certain 〈…〉 time which is so essentiall and fundamentall to their freedom as it is ●●not or not to be denied them or witheld from them and without which the House of Commons is of very little concernment to the interest of the Commons of England Yet in this we could not be understood in the least to blame 〈◊〉 worthies of both Houses whose zeale to vindicate the Liberties of this Nation did 〈◊〉 that Act for the continuance of this Parliament wherby it was secured from 〈◊〉 dissolved at the Kings pleasure as former Parliaments had been or reduced to 〈◊〉 a certain●y as might enable them the better to assert and vindicate the Liberties of this Nation immediately before so highly invaded and then also so 〈◊〉 ●●dangered and those we take to be the princip●ll ends and grounds for which 〈…〉 exigency of time and affairs it was procured and to which we acknowledge it hath happily been made use of but we cannot thinke it was by those Worthies intended or ought to be made use of to the perpetuating of th●●●●pream trust and power into the persons of any during their owne 〈◊〉 or deb arring of the people from their right of elections totally new But it here it should be objected although the King be dead yet the Parliament 〈◊〉 altered the Government into a Common-wealth and so may if they please cha●●e the Constitution of Parliaments To which I answer Fi●st that those company of men at Westminster that g●●e Commission to the High Court of Justice to try and behead the King c. were ●o more a Parliament by Law nor a Representative of the people by the rules of Justice and Reason then such a company of men are a Parliament or Representative of the People that a company of armed Theeves chuse and set apart to try judge 〈◊〉 hang o● behead any man that they please or can prevail over by the power of their swords to bring before them by force of arms to have their lives taken away by pre●●●ce of Justice grounded upon rules meerly flowing from their wils and swords for I would fain know any Law in England that authoriseth a company of Servants to punish o● correct their Masters or to give a Law unto them or to throw them at their pleasure out of their power and set themselves down in it which is the Armies case wi●●●●e Parliament especially at THO. PRIDES late Purge which I call and will 〈◊〉 to be an abs●lute dissolution of the very essence and being of the House of 〈◊〉 and I would fain see any Law or Reason in Writing or Print to justifie th●● a 〈◊〉 upon my other a●●●unt then in hindering them from raising a new Warr and fro● destroying he peoples Liberties by their eternall sitting seeing they keep their power ●●●ger by fa● then their Masters or impowers the people intended they should and also employ it to their mischief by hindering them I mean those that had not acted agai●●● the Liberties of the Parliament entering into a mutuall engagement to appoint 〈◊〉 whereby to chuse seeing they cannot all meet in one place themselves and i●power new Trustees Commissioners or Represento●s to make equall and just Lawes to bi●● all and provide for their future well-being there being

three quarters of four of the House of Commons and so committed the affairs of Parliament to a few which was never intended by the i●powerers but hath always been holden to be against the honor and dignity of a Parliment and that no such Commission can or ought to be granted no not by a ●egall A●●h●rity if self see 4 part Cooks Institutes fol 42. chap. High court of Parliament and send whom of them he pleaseth to prison without charge or declared crime and to stand at the House door in a warlike posture with Swords and Muskets to keep ou● whomsoever he pleased against the Law and constitutions of Parliaments which ●ught 〈◊〉 Sit free from the force of Armed men 4 part Institut and let none goe into the House b●● only those that he knew or did beleeve would vote AS HE AND HIS Masters WOULD HAVE THEM For shame let no man be so audaciously and sottishly void of reason as to call Tho. Prides pittifull Jun●o a Parliament especially those that called avowed protested and declared again and again those to be none th●t sate at Westminster the 26 and 27 c. of July 647. when a few of their Members were seared away to the Army by a few houres Tumult of a ●ompany of a few disordred Apprentices And being no Representative of the people no nor so much as a thadow of it much lesse a PARLIAMENT with pretence in Law reason Justice or Na●●●e can there be for them to alter the constitution of successive and frequent Parliaments and force upon the people the shew of their own wils lusts and pleasures for Laws and rules of Government made by a pretended everlasting nulled Parliament a Councel of State or Star-chamber and a Councel of War or rather by Fairf●● Cromwell and Ireton And so much for my unsati ●●ednesse in the present Authoritie But secondly In case the Justices either in Law or by reason of the power that now rules England had to my understanding been a thousand times lesse unquestionable then it is and had neither against the rules of reason ejected two parts of three to set up themselves nor outstrip'd its Commission in sitting longer then they should nor never had been forced on●e by the Apprentices which the Army called and declared Treason ●nd th●se that remained a mock and pretended Parliament and if so the● it was dissolved ●●ing sine die and could legally meet no more at all nor once forced by the Army and then the second time not onely forced but pick'd and culled and one of four left behinde by means of which it was total●y d●stroyed and ann●h lated and none left in a manner but such as ●ould d● what those that left them would have them I say if none of all this had been I could not with freenesse of my own spirit live upon the sweat of poor peoples brows by a large Salary for my place who are ●●in now their Trades are gone their estates spent for the int●●●ed recovering of their freedoms of which notwithstanding they are cheated and that by their pretended friends and a famine come upon some parts of the Land and thousands ready to starve to pay taxations and Excise for the small beer they drink and the poor clothes they wear thousands of Families having never a penny in the world to buy bread for them their wives and children but what they earn with the sweat of their brows and notwithstanding are almost as much without work as without it and yet out of the bowels and pining bellies of these poor people in this sad and deplorable condition must my salary have come in case I had taken a publick place upon me Therefore when I seriously consider how many men in the Parliamen● and else-where of their associates that judge themselves the onely Saints and godly men upon earth that have considerable and some of them vast estates of their own inheritance and yet take five hundred one two three four five six thousand pounds per annum salaries and other comings in by their places and that out of the too much exhausted publick Treasury of the Nation when thousands not onely of the people of the world as they call them but also of the precious and redeemed Lambs of Christ are ready to sterve for want of bread I cannot but wonder with my self whether they have any conscience at all within them or no and what they think of that saying of the Spirit of God That whoso hath this worlds good and seeth his brother hath need and shutteth up his bowles of compassion from him which he absolutely doth that any way takes a little of his little from him how dwelleth the love of God in him 1 John 3. 17. These actions and practice● are so far from being like the true and reall children of the most high that they are the highest oppression theft and murder in the world thus to rob the poor people in the day of their great distresse by Excise Taxations c. to maintain their pomp super●●uities and debauchery and many of those from whom they take it do perish and sterve with want and hunger in the mean time and be deaf and adamant hearted to all their TEARS CRY●S LAMENTATIONS and MOURNFUL HOWLING GROANS without all doubt these pretended godly religious men have got a degree beyond those Atheists or fools that say in their hearts There is no God Psal 14. 1. and 53. 1. And these are my reasons with my resolvednesse of walking by a known rule amongst men the declared Law of England for not taking a publick place upon me though I have often been prof●ered considerable ones yea that very fore-noon the Votes of Treason passed in the House against that honest Book or Addresse for which I am imprisoned called THE SECOND PART OF ENGLAND's NEW CHAD● DISCOVERED In the third place I considered with my self that seeing I could do neither of those then I must do one of these two first ●ither ●ollow a Trade or else Go and b●y 〈◊〉 farme some Land in the Country and when I considered the grand oppressions there as by Tythes which is not onely annually the tenth part of the Husband mans prof●t to the lazy antichristian time observing Priests but annually the fourth part of his increase labour h●zards yea and stock too which Tythes I should sooner 〈…〉 then pay and not onely so but also the Taxations and Excise with that un 〈◊〉 gulf of free-quarter by means of which a great Officer that bore me a spleen amongst whom I have enemies enough with a Pegiment or more or fewer in two or three nights with free-quarter might eat me by force of arms out of house and home and so not only waste the increase but also destroy the principall And so for these ●●sons I was bloc●t ost from going to live in the Country Then secondly for a Trade I must either follow it in London or in some other Corporation and in another