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A34718 The histories of the lives and raignes of Henry the Third, and Henry the Fourth, Kings of England written by Sr. Robert Cotton and Sr. John Hayvvard. Cotton, Robert, Sir, 1571-1631.; Hayward, John, Sir, 1564?-1627. 1642 (1642) Wing C6494; ESTC R3965 119,706 440

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man within the Realme that was enobled with that title But as they grew in honour so did they in hate for many Noble-men did infinitely stomack their undeserved advancements and with these the favour of the People generally went but the Kings intemperate affection was peremptory and violent not regarding envy untill hee could not resist it The yeare next following Robert Veer● the new Marquesse was created Duke of Ireland This yeare the Knights and Burgesses of Parliament put up many complaints against the Earle of Suffolke upon which they desired his answers and triall namely how hee had abused the King in taking of him to farme all the profits and revenues of the Crowne how wantonly hee wasted the treasure of the land in riotous liberality and unnecessary charges how deepe hee had dived into the Kings debt how carelesse and corrupt hee was in his office how greatly hee had both deceived and discredited the King in certaine dealings and accounts particularly expressed with divers other imputations touching dishonour and dishonesty both in private action and in office This Earle was a Merchants Sonne in London and growing mighty on the sudden hee could not governe himselfe in the change but prosperity layed open the secret faults of his mind which were suppressed and cloaked before and serving a weake Ruler in great place with an ill mind hee made open sale of his Princes honour Yet the King was willing either secretly to dissemble or openly to remit these offences and so passed them over with a short audience as his manner was in matters of greatest weight and without examination shewing himselfe neither grieved at the faults nor well pleased with the complaint Afterwards a Subsidy was required but answer was made that this needed not since the Kings wants might bee furnished with the debts which were owing him from his Chancelour neither was it to any purpose so long as the money should bee ordered by such persons as before it had beene and that that time was like Then were the matters against the Lord Chancellour againe set on foote and the King perswaded that it was neither honorable nor safe to beare him out that to private men it was sufficient if themselves abstaine from wrong but a Prince must provide that none doe wrong under him for by maintaining or wincking at the vices of his Officers hee maketh them his owne and shall surely bee charged therewith when first occasion doth serve against him At the last upon instant importunity of both Houses the King did consent that a commission should goe forth to certaine Noble-men giving them authority to heare and determine all matters which were objected against the Lord Chancellour and then was a Subsidie granted with exception that the money should bee expended by the Lords to the benefit and behalfe of the Realme The King did further demand that the Heires of Charles Bloyes who made claime to the Dutchy of Britaine should bee sold to the French-men for thirty thousand markes and the money granted to the Duke of Ireland for recovery of those possessions which the King had given him in Ireland this was likewise assented unto upon condition that before Easter the next ensuing the Duke should depart into Ireland and there remaine at so high a price did they value the riddance of him out of the Realme The charge of the Subsidie money was committed to Richard Earle of Arundell Commissioners for the Earle of Suffolke were appointed Thomas Duke of Glocester the Kings Vncle and the said Earle of Arundell but during the time of their proceeding the King kept all off in places farre distant either to manifest thereby the discent of his mind or to avoid the griefe which his neerenesse would encrease And now was the Chancellour left unto himselfe to answere to those demeanours wherein hee made the Kings blind favour his priviledge and protection supposing never to see the same either altered or over-ruled In the end being convict of many crimes and abuses hee was deposed from his office his goods were confiscated to the Kings Exchequer and himselfe was adjudged worthy of death Yet was execution submitted to the Kings pleasure and under sureties hee was permitted to goe at large At the same time Iohn Foorde Bishop of Duresme another of the Kings dainties was removed also from being Lord Treasurer of England hee was a man of little depth either in learning or wisedome but one that had the Art of seeming in making the best shew of whatsoever hee spake or did and rising from meane estate to so high a pitch of honour hee exercised the more excessively his riot avarice and ambition not able to moderate the lusts and desires which former want had kindled When this businesse was blowne over the King returned againe to London and did presently receive the Earle of Suffolke with the Duke of Ireland and the Archbishop of Yorke to greater grace and familiarity then at any time before These Triumvirs did not cease to stirre up the Kings stomack against those Noblemen whose speciall excellency had made matter of ●ame and regard partly for the disgraces which they had received partly upon malicious emulation to see the other so favoured and themselves so odious and that their private choller and ambition might beare some shew of publike respect they suggested unto the King that hee was but halfe yea not halfe a King in his owne Realme but rather the shadow and picture of a King for if wee respect said they matters of state you beare the sword but they sway it you have the shew but they the authority of a Prince using your name as a colour and countenance to their proceeding and your person as a cipher to make them great and bee your selfe nothing Looke to the duty of your Subjects and it is at their devotion so that you can neither command nor demand any thing but with such exceptions and limitations as they please to impose come now to your private actions your liberality the greatest vertue in a Prince is restrained your expences measured and your affections confined to frowne and favour as they doe prescribe What Ward is so much under government of his Gardian Wherein will they next or can they more abridge you Except they should take from you the place as they have done the power of a Prince and in this wee thinke they may justly bee feared having so great might joyned with so great aspiring minds For power is never safe when it doth exceed and ambition is like the Crocodile which groweth so long as hee liveth or like the Ivie which fastning on the foote of the tallest Tower by small yet continuall rising at length will climbe above the top it is already growne from a sparke to a flame from a twig to a tree and high time it is that the increase were stayed oftentimes such over-ruling of Princes have proceeded to their overthrowing and such cutting them short hath turned to cutting
by the Lords spirituall and temporall of the Realme of England and the Commons of the said Realme representing all the States of the said Kingdome specially deputed sitting in seate of judgement and considering the manifold iniuries and cruelties and many other crimes and offences by Richard late King of the said Realm committed and done contrary to good governement in the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid during the time of his Raigne also considering the articles which were openly exhibited and read before the said States which were so publike notorious manifest and famous that they could nor can by no avoydance and shift bee concealed also considering the confession of the said King acknowledging and reputing and truly upon his certaine knowledge judging himselfe to have beene and to be altogether insufficient and unskilfull for the rule and government of the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid and of any parts of them and not unworthy to bee deposed for the notorious demerits by the said Richard first acknowledged and afterward by his will and mandate before the said States published and to them opened and declared in the English tongue Vpon these and other matters which were done concerning the same busines before the said States and us by the diligent place name and authority to us in this part committed in abundance and for a cautele wee pronounce decree and declare the said Richard to have beene and to be unprofitable and unable and altogether unsufficient and unworthy for the rule and government of the said Realmes and of the Dominions Rights and parts of them and in regard and respect of the premises worthily to bee deposed from all kingly dignity and honour if any such dignity and honour remaineth in him and for the like cautele wee doe depose him by our sentence definitive in this writing inhibiting from henceforth expresly all and singular Lords Archbishops Bishops Prelates Dukes Marquesses and Earles Barons Knights Vassalles and all other persons whatsoever of the said Realmes and Dominions and other places to the said Realmes and Dominions appertaining the subjects and liege people of the same and every of them that from henceforth none obey or intend to obey the aforesaid Richard as King or Lord of the Realmes and Dominions aforesaid Then the same Commissioners were by the consent and suffrages of both houses constituted Procurators joyntly and severally for all the States of the Realme to resigne and surrender unto King Richard for them and all other homages of the Realme all the homages and fealties which were both due and done unto him as King and Soveraigne and also to declare unto him all the premises concerning his deposition Now Henry Duke of Lancaster that hee might bee reputed or reported at the least not to attaine the Kingdome by intrusion and wrong was counsailed by his friends to pretend some lawfull challenge and claime thereunto and being in power it was no sooner advised what was to bee done but it was presently devised how to doe it So a title was drawne from Edmund sonne to King Henry the third whom they surnamed Crouch-backe affirming that hee was the eldest sonne of King Henry and that for his deformity hee was put from his right of succession in the Kingdome which was for that cause given to his younger brother King Edward the third to this Edmund the Duke was next of blood by his mother Blanche sole daughter and heyre to Henry the first Duke of Lancaster and sonne to the said Edmund This cunning conceit was perceived of all men but seeming not to perceive it was a point of friendship in some and of obedience in the rest therefore the Kingdome of England being then thought vacant both by the resignation and also by the deposition of King Richard Duke Henry arose from his seat and standing in the view of the Lords crossed himselfe on the fore-head and on the brest and spake as followeth In the name of God Amen I Henry of Lancaster claime the realme of England and the Crown with all the appurtenances as I that am descended by right line of the blood royall comming from that good Lord K. Henry the third through the right that God of his grace hath sent me with the helpe of my kindred and of my friends to recover the same Which kingdome was in point to be undone for default of good government and due justice After these words it was demanded in both houses of the Nobility and of the Commons which were assembled whether they did consent that the Duke should raign who all with one voyce acknowledged and accepted him for their King then the Archbishop of Canterbury tooke him by the hand and placed him in the Throne of estate the Archbishop of Yorke assisting him and all the assembly testifying their owne joy and wishing his Then the Archbishop made an Oration and tooke for his theame this place of Scripture See this is the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall raigne over my people 1 Reg. 9.17 After all this hee was proclaymed King of England and of France and Lord of Ireland and the common people which is void of cares not searching into sequels but without difference of right or wrong inclinable to follow those that are mighty with shoutes and clamours gave their applause not all upon judgement or faithfull meaning but mostionly upon a received custome to flatter the Prince whatsoever he be Yet least the heat of this humour should allay by delay it was forthwith proclaimed in the great Hall that upon the 13. day of September next ensuing the Coronation of the King should be celebrated at Westminster These matters being thus dispatched the K. proclaimed arose from his seat and went to White-Hall where hee spent the rest of day in royall feasting and all other complements of joy notwithstanding there appeared in him no token of statelinesse or pride nor any change in so great a change Vpon Wednesday next following the Procurators before mentioned went to the presence of King Richard being within the Tower and declared unto him the admission of his resignation and also the order and forme of his deposition and in the name of all the States of the realm did surrender the homage and fealty which had bin due unto him so that no man from thenceforth would bear to him faith and obedience as to their King The King answered that he nothing regarded these titular circumstances but contented himselfe with hope that his cousen would be a gracious Lord and good friend unto him So upon the 13. day of October which was the day of the translation of Edward the Confessor the Duke was with all accustomed solemnities by the Archbishop of Canterbury sacred annoynted and crowned King at Westminster by the name of King Henry the fourth upon the very same day wherein the yeare before he had bin banished the Realme Hee was annoynted with an oyle which a certain religious man gave unto Henry the first Duke
Bishop of Salisburies servants named Romane meeting in Fleet-street with a Bakers man bearing horse-broad tooke a loafe out of his basket and by rude demand of the one and rough deniall of the other chollar so kindled betwixt them that Romane brake the Bakers head Hereupon the Neighbours came forth and would have arrested the Bishops lusty yeoman but hee escaped and fled to this Bishops house The Constable followed peaceably and demanded a quiet delivery of the Offendour but the Bishops men shut the gates against him that no man could come neere Then much people flocked together threatning to breake open the gates and fire the house unlesse Romane were brought forth unto them What said they are the Bishops men priviledged or is his house a Sanctuary or will hee protect those whom hee ought to punish if wee may bee shuffled off in this sort not onely our streets but our stops and our houses shall never bee free from violence and wrong This wee will not endure wee cannot it standeth not us in hand Herewith they approached the gates and beganne to use violence but the Major and Sheriffes of the City upon advertisement of this tumult came amongst them crying out that it was not courage but out-rage which they shewed whereby they would procure both danger to themselves and displeasure against the whole City that although wrong had beene received yet they were not in the men nor this the meanes to redresse the same So partly by their perswasions partly by their presence and authority they repressed the riot and sent every man away with streight charge to keepe the peace Here was yet no great harme done and the quarrell might have beene quieted without more adoe had not the Bishops stirred therein and kindled the coales of unkindnesse a fresh For the Londoners at that time were not onely suspected secretly but openly noted to bee favourers and followers of Wickliffes opinions for which cause they were much maliced of the Bishops and many of their actions interpreted to proceed from another mind and tend to a worse end then was outwardly borne in countenance and shew and some matters of chance were taken as done of purpose Therefore the Bishop of Salisbury called Iohn Waltham who was also Treasourer of England made a grievous complaint of this attempt to Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Yorke and Lord Chancellour affirming that if upon every light pretence the Citizens might bee suffered in this sort to insult upon the Bishops without punishment without reproofe and blame they would bring into a hazard not onely the dignity and state but the liberty also of the whole Church did they not lately take upon them the punishment of adulteries and other crimes appertaining to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction maliciously alleaging that the Bishops and their Officers either being infamous for those vices themselves did winck at the same in others or else by covetous commutation did rather set them to sale then carefully represse them Did they not rudely and unreverently breake open the doores upon the Archbishop of Canterbury and interrupt his proceedings against Iohn Astone an open follower of Wickliffe and doe wee thinke that this is the last indignity that they will offer no surely nor yet the least and if this boldnesse bee not beaten downe our authority will fall into open contempt and scorne and bee made a common foote ball for every base Citizen to spurne at Hereupon they went together to the King and so incensed his displeasure against the Londoners being prepared thereto by former provocations that hee was in the mind to make spoile of the City and utterly to destroy it But being perswaded to some more moderation in revenge first hee caused the Major and Sheriffes and many of the chiefe Citizens to bee apprehended and committed to divers severall Prisons then hee ceazed all the liberties of the City into his hands and ordained that no Major should any more bee elected but that the King should at his pleasure appoint a Warden and Governour over the City This office was first committed to Sir Edward Darlington who for his gentlenesse towards the Citizens was shortly after removed and Sir Bauldwike Radington placed in his roome Also the King was induced or rather seduced by the Archbishop of Yorke Lord Chancellour to remove the Tearmes and Courts to wit the Chancery the Exchequer the Kings bench the hamper and the Common pleas from London to bee kept at Yorke where the same continued from Mid-sommer in the yeare 1393. untill Christmasse next following to the great hinderance and decay of the City of London At the last the King upon earnest intreaty of the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Glocester called the Londoners before him at Windsore where having first terrified them with the presence and shew of a great number of armed men hee caused all the priviledges of the City both old and new to bee brought forth whereof hee restored some and restrained the rest yet the Londoners were not fully restored to favour neither recovered they at that time either the person or dignity of their Major Shortly after the King went to London at whose comming the Citizens changed all their griefe into gladnesse as the common sort is without measure in both entertaining him with such joyfull triumphes and rich presents as if it had beene the day of his coronation They supposed with these great curtesies and costs to have satisfied his displeasure but they found themselves farre deceived for they were not fully restored to their liberties againe untill they had made fine to pay unto the King tenne thousand pounds Thus did the Londoners manifest in themselves a strange diversity of disposition both licentiously to commit offence and patiently to endure punishment having rashnesse and rage so tempered with obedience that they were easily punished who could not possibly be ruled Yet for this cause so soone as first occasion did serve against the King they shewed themselves either his earnest enemies or faint friends King Richard in the nineteenth yeare of his raigne passed the Seas to Calis the French King also came downe to Ard betweene which two Townes a place was appointed and tents erected for both the Kings to meet After large expences on both sides and great honour done by the one King to the other a surcease of armes was concluded betweene them for thirty years and King Richard tooke to wife Lady Isabel the French Kings Daughter being not above seven or eight yeares old The Duke of Glocester was so offended both with this friendship and affinity that hee lost all manner of patience exclaiming that it was more meet to bee in armes then in amity with the Frenchmen who being inferiour to the English in courage did alwayes over-reach them in craft and being too weake for Warre did many times prevaile by peace that now they had got into their hands many Townes and Holds appertaining to the Crowne of England they were willing to conclude
a peace to exclude the King thereby from his possessions but whensoever occasion should change for their advantage they would bee then as ready to start from the friendship as at that present they were to strike it that the French Kings Daughter being but a child was very unmeet for the marriage of King Richard as well for disparity of age as for that the King had no issue by his first wife and was not like to have any by this except perhaps in his old and whithered yeares When the Duke saw that with these motives hee did nothing prevaile hee subordned the Londoners to make petition to the King that seeing there was peace with France hee would release them of the Subsidy which they had granted to him in regard of those warres This suite was instantly followed and much perplexed the King untill the Duke of Lancaster declared to the people that the King had beene at the charge and dispence of three hundred thousand pounds in his voyage into France for the procuring of this peace whereupon they were pacified and desisted from their demand The yeare following Guido Earle of Saint Pauls was sent into Englan by Charles King of France to visite and salute in his name King Richard and Queene Isabel his wife the French Kings Daughter To this Earle the King did relate with what fervency the Duke of Glocester contended to make disturbance of the peace betweene England and France how because his mind was not therein followed hee moved the people to seditious attempts bending himselfe wholly to maintaine discord and disquiet rather in his owne Countrey then not at all Hee further reported what stiffe strifes in former times the Duke had stirred which howsoever they were done yet as they were declared they sounded very odious and hard When the Earle heard this hee presently answered that the Duke was to dangerous a subject to bee permitted to live that greatnesse was never safe if it grow excessive and bold that the King must not affect the vaine commendation of clemency with his owne perill and that it touched him both in honour to revenge the disgraces which hee had received and in policy to prevent the dangers which hee had cause to feare These words so sharpened the Kings displeasure that from thenceforth hee busied his braines in no one thing more then how to bring the Duke to his end Now hee beganne to pry more narrowly into his demeanour to watch his words to observe actions and alwayes to interpret them to the worst framing himselfe to many vaine and needlesse feares Oftentimes hee would complaine of him to the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Yorke how fierce and violent hee was in his speeches and crosse to him in all matters The Dukes would make answer that the Duke of Glocester their brother was indeed more hot and vehement then they did commend yet his fiercenesse was joyned with faithfulnesse and his crossenesse proceeded from a care least the Common-wealth should decrease either in honour or in possessions and therefore the King had neither need to feare nor cause to dislike About that time the Dukes of Lancaster and of Yorke withdrew themselves from the Court to their private Houses the Duke of Glocester also went to ly at Plashey neere Chelmsford in Essex upon advantage of which seperation the King stood distracted in mind betweene feare to defer and shame to avow the destruction of the Duke least hee might happily bee disappointed by the one or dishonoured by the other Hereupon hee entred into counsaile with Iohn Holland Earle of Huntington his halfe brother and Thomas Mowbray Earle of Nottingham how the Duke of Glocester might be suppressed or oppressed rather the cruelty which was but wavering in the King yea wanting by nature was soone confirmed by evill advise and being once inclined to bloud hee did not faile either of examples of lewd action to follow or direction of cruell Counsaile what to doe so the plot was contrived and according thereto the King and the Earle of Nottingham rode together into Essex as though it were to disport themselves in hunting when they were in the midst of the Forrest the Earle made stay and the King passed forth with a small and unsuspitious company to the Duke lying at Plashey there hee stayed dinner and then pretending occasion of present returne hee desired the Duke to accompany him to London the faire intreaty of a Prince is a most forcible command therefore the Duke supposing that onely to bee inte●ded indeed which was pretended in shew went to horse-back with the King taking such small attendance as upon the sudden could bee in a readinesse and appointing the rest to come after him to London So they rode together using much familiar talke by the way untill they came neere the place of await then the King put his horse forward and the Duke comming behind was suddenly intercepted and stayed crying aloud and calling to the King for his helpe the King continued his journey as though hee had not heard and the Duke was violently carried to the Tham●s and t●ere shipped in a vessell layed for the purpose and from thence conveyed over to Calis When the King came to London hee caused the Earle of Warwick also to bee arrested and sent to prison the same day that hee had invited him to dinner and shewed good countenance and promised to bee a gracious Lord unto him Vpon the like dissembled shew the Earle of Arundel and his Sonne and certaine others were arrested also and committed to prison in the I le of Wight The common people upon the apprehending of these three Noblemen whom they chiefely and almost onely favoured were in a great confusion and tumult and there wanted but a head to draw them to sedition every man sorrowed murmured and threatned and daring no further stood waiting for one to lead them the way all being ready to follow that which any one was loath to beginne The Duke of Lancaster and of Yorke gathered a strong army and came therewith to London where they were readily received by the Citizens although the King had commanded the contrary but this seemed to bee done rather for guard to themselves then regard to any others The King all this time kept at a Village called Helhame within foure miles of London having about him a great power of armed men which hee had gathered out of Cheshire and Wales and to pacifie the common people hee caused to bee proclaimed that the Lords were not apprehended upon old displeasures but for offences lately committed for which they should bee appealed by order of Law and receive open triall in the Parliament next following the like message was sent to the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Yorke lying at London to whom the King made faith for the safety of their persons and indemnity of their goods and that nothing should bee attempted without their privity and advice all this was as
and the most unable with hatefulnesse of the one and contempt of the other were generally despised in all the Realme that hereby First the honour of the Kings person was much blemished for ungrate and ungratious adherents are alway the way to hatred and contempt Secondly the safety of his state might bee endangered for extraordinary favour to men apparently of weake or bad desert doth breed insolency in them and discontentment in others two dangerous humours in a Common-wealth Thirdly the dignity of the Realme was much empaired whose fortune and valour being guided by the ill chance of such unlucky leaders stood never in the like Tearmes of doubt and distresse so that matters of peace were tumultuous and uncertaine and atchievements of warre were never brought to honourable conclusion that Alexander Severus would have smoaked such sellers of smoake that Xerxes would have pulled their skinne over their eares and high time it was that the King should looke unto them for the Nobility grew out of heart the Commons out of hope and all the people fell to a discontented murmuring And this hee said as hee said not for any grudge but for griefe and good will and therefore desired the Duke who was one of the privy Councell and well heard with the King to discover unto him these deformities and dangers that by repairing the one hee might happily repell the other These words procured to the Duke of Hereford both great offence and great glory at the delivery whereof the Duke of Norfolke made shew of good liking and promise of sincere dealing And indeed if they had beene as faithfully reported by him and by the King as friendly taken as they were faithfully and friendly meant many mischiefes might have beene avoided but both of these did faile for the Duke of Norfolke although in former times he had taken part with the Lords yet afterwards being desirous to bee accounted rather among the great men then the good hee made sale of his honour to maintaine his pleasure and continue himselfe in grace with the King to which hee was altogether inthralled insomuch that the murthering of the Duke of Glocester and the execution of the Earle of Arundel was to his charge especially committed and supposing upon this occasion to make a free hold of his Princes favour hee grievously aggravated these speeches in reporting them and yet cunningly too with many lies intermixing some truths or making the truth much more then it was Againe the King not enduring the search of his soares did bend his mind rather to punish the boldnesse then examine the truth of these reproofes his eares being so distempered with continuance of flattery that hee accompted all sharp that was sound and liked onely that which was presently pleasant and afterwards hurtfull Thus wee may dayly observe that no strange accident doth at any time happen but it is by some meanes foreshewed or foretould but because these warnings are oftentimes either not marked or misconstrued or else contemned the events are accompted inevitable and the admonitions vaine The King being in this sort touched by the one Duke and tickled by the other was not resolved upon the suddaine what to doe therefore hee assembled his Councell and called the two Dukes before him and demanded of the Duke of Norfolke if he would openly avouch that which hee had suggested in secret The Duke seeing it was now no time for him either to shrinke or shuffle in his tale with a bold and confident courage repeated all that before hee had reported But the Duke of Hereford could not bee borne downe by countenance where his cause was good and therefore after a short silence whereby hee seemed rather amazed at the strangenesse of this matter then abashed at the guilt hee made low obeysance to the King and greatly both thanked and commended him that hee had not given hasty credite to matters of such tender touch as his griefe might have borne out the blame of rashnesse in revenge desiring him to continue yet a while the respite of his displeasure and to reserve his judgement free for indifferent audience Then he declared in order what speech had passed from him upon what occasion and to what end all the rest hee stoutly denied affirming that it was falsely surmised by his Adversary either upon malice to pick a quarrell or upon sycophancy to pick a thanke and that thereupon hee was untrue unjust a forger of slanderous and seditious lies whereby hee treacherously indevoured to seduce the King to destroy the Nobility and to raise disturbance within the Realme and this hee offered to prove upon him if the King would permit by the stroake of a speare and by dint of sword The Duke of Norfolkes stomack not used to beare scorne could not disgest these Tearmes of disgrace whereupon hee stiffely stood to his first imputation for maintenance thereof he accepted and also desired the combate The King would some other wayes have quieted this contention but the Dukes would agree to no other kind of agreement and thereupon threw downe their gloves one against the other for gages The King seeing their obstinacy granted them the battaile and assigned the place at the City of Coventry in the Moneth of August then next insuing where in the meane time hee caused a sumptuous Theater and Lists royall to bee prepared At the day of combate the two Dukes came well handed with Noblemen and Gentlemen of their linage The Duke of Aumerle for that day high Constable and the Duke of Surrey for the same time and action high Marshall of England entred into the Lists with a great troupe of men apparelled in silke sondale embroidered with silver every man having a tipped staff to keep the field in order About the time of prime the Duke of Hereford came to the Barriers of the Lists mounted upon a white courser barbed with blew and greene velvet embroidered gorgeously with Swans and Antilops of Goldsmiths worke armed at all points and his sword drawne in his hand The Constable and Marshall came to the barriers and demanded of him who hee was Hee answered I am Henry Duke of Hereford and am come to doe my devoire against Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke as a Traytour to God the King the Realme and mee Then hee sware upon the Evangelists that his quarrell was right and upon that point desired to enter the lists then hee put up his sword pulled downe his beavier made a crosse on his fore-head and with speare in hand entred into the Lists and there lighted from his horse and sate downe in a chaire of greene velvet which was set in a traverse of greene and blew velvet at the one end of the listes and so expected the comming of his enemy soone after King Richard entred the field with great pompe both in bravery and traine hee had in his company the Earle of Saint Paul who came purposely out of France to see this combate tried he was attended
with possibility for if it were fully quietly possessed some governor might hap to grow to that greatnesse as to make himselfe absolute Lord thereof and therefore it was better to hold it certaine by weake enemies then suspected by mighty friends and yet by what meanes should those bogges and those woods be overcome which are more impregnable then the walled Townes of other countries then if the purpose were only to represse the savage people the warre was of no such weight as should draw the King to stand in the field and therfore he might stay in the West parts in England and from thence make shew of the Princely puissance and state neither venturing his person without cause and already at hand if need should require Others were of opinion that to subdue and replenish Ireland was a matter neither of difficulty nor danger but both profitable and honourable to the King and to God very acceptable For if credit might be given to ancient Histories this Realme of England was once as insuperable with bogs and woods as Ireland was then but the Roman Conquerors kept not their presidiarie Souldiers in idle garrison whereby many times the mind grew mutinous and the body diseased and both unable for the labour and hardnesse of the field but they held as well them as the subdued Britains continually exercised either in building of townes in places of best advantage or in making of high wayes or else in drayning and paving of bogs by which meanes the countrey was made fruitfull and habitable and the people learned the good manners not rudely to repulse the flattering assaults of pleasure preferring subjection with plenty before beggerly and miserable liberty That the same Romans also kept many larger Countries in quiet obedience so long as they were quiet among themselves without either feare or danger of any Governours first by dividing them into small Provinces Secondly by constituting in every province divers officers as Lieutenants and Procurators whereof one was able to restraine the other the first having power over the bodies of the subjects the second over their goods thirdly by changing these officers every yeare which was too short a time to establish a soveraignty Lastly by retaining at Rome their wives and children and whole private estate as pledges for their true demeanour That the danger was rather to bee feared least a weake enemy whilest he was contemned should gather strength and be able to stand upon termes of withstanding example here of happened when the Romans overcame this Iland for many Britaines who upon no conditions would abide bondage withdrew themselves into the North parts of the land and by maintaining their ancient custome of painting their bodies were called of the Romans Picti these were neglected along time and held in scorne as neither of force nor of number to be thought worthy the name of enemies but afterwards they confederated themselves with other people and so sharpely assaulted the subdued Britaines that being unable to resist and the Romans shrinking from them they were constrained to desire helpe of the Saxons and so betweene their enemies and their aids being set as it were betwixt the bee●le and the blocke they lost the possession of the best part of their land That it was a pittifull policy for assurance of peace to lay all waste as a wildernesse and to have dominion over trees and beasts and not over men That hereby the King did loose the revenue of a fruitfull countrey and the benefit of wealthy subjects which are the surest treasure that a prince can have That hereby also the majesty of his estate was much impaired for as Salomon saith The honour of a king consisteth in the multitude of subjects That the country being unfurnished of people was open to all opportunity of forrain enemies That if none of these respects would move yet the King was bound in duty to reduce those savages to the true worship of God who did then either prophanely contemne him or superstitiously serve him These reasons so weighed with the King that hee gathered a mighty Army determining to goe in person into Ireland and to pacifie the countrey before his returne but all his provision was at the charge of the subjects and whereas in time of sedition a wise Prince will least grieve his people as seeming to stand in some sort at their courtesie and having to imploy their bodies beside the King in peace no storer for war was forced to offend when he should have beene most carefull to winne favour So about Whitsontide hee set forth on his voyage with many men and few souldiers being a dissolute and untrained company and out of all compasse of obedience hee carried with him his whole treasure and all the goods and ancient Iewels appertaining to the Crowne In his company went the Duke of Aumerle and the Duke of Exeter and divers other noble men and many Bishops and the Abbot of Westminster Hee also tooke with him the sonnes of the Duke of Gloucester and of the Duke of Hereford whose favourers he chiefely feared When he came to Bristow he was put into suspicion whether upon some likelihood or meere malice that Henry Piercy Earle of Northumberland and certaine others entended some disloyall enterprise against him and for that cause did not follow him into Ireland but had fastned friendship with the King of Scots upon purpose to retire themselves into his countrey if their attempts should faile Hereupon the King sent message that the Earle should forthwith come unto him with all the power that he could conveniently make The Earle returned answer that it was unnecessary in respect of that service to draw men from such distant places for the Irish rebels were neither so many nor so mighty but the King had strength at hand sufficient to suppresse them that it was also dangerous to disfurnish the North-parts of their forces and to offer opportunity to the Scottish Borderers who were alwayes uncertaine friends in their extremities and assured enemies upon advantage The King seeing his commandement in these termes both contemned and controuled would not stand to reason the matter with the Earle neither had he the reason to defer revenge untill hee had full power to worke it but presently in the violence of his fury caused the Earle and his confederates to be proclaimed traytors and all their Lands and goods to be seized to his use The Earle tooke grievously this disgrace and determined to cure and close up this harme with the disturbance of the common state And thus the King having feathered these arrowes against his owne brest passed forth in his Iourney into Ireland This expedition at the first proceeded and succeeded exceedingly well and the King obtained many victories even without battell as leading his men to a slaughter rather then to a fight for the savage Irish were not under one government but were divided into many parti●lities and factions and seldome did two or three
Holds untill his lawfull inheritance was to him assured It terrifieth mee to remember how many flourishing Empires and Kingdomes have beene by meanes of such contentions either torne in pieces with detestive division or subdued to forreigne Princes under pretence of assistance and aid and I need not repeate how sore this Realme hath heretofore beene shaken with these severall mischieves and yet neither the e●amples of other Countries nor the miseries of our owne are sufficient to make us to beware O English men worse bewitched then the foolish Galathians our unstayed minds and restlesse resolutions doe nothing else but hunt after our owne harmes no people have more hatred abroad and none lesse quiet at home in other Countries the sword of invasion hath beene shaken against us in our owne land the fire of insurrection hath beene kindled among us and what are these innovasions but whetstones to sharpen the one and bellowes to blow up the other Certainely I feare that the same will happen unto us which Aesop fableth to have beene fallen unto the Frogges who being desirous to have a King a beame was given unto them the first fall whereof did put them in some feare but when they saw it lye still in the streame they insulted thereon with great contempt and desired a King of quicker courage● then was sent unto them a Storke which stalking among them with stately steps continually devoured them The mildnesse of King Richard hath bred in us this scorne interpreting it to bee cowardise and dulnesse of nature the next Heire is likewise rejected I will not say that with greater courage we shall find greater cruelty but if either of these shall hereafter bee able to set up their side and bring the matter to triall by armes I doe assuredly say that which part soever shall carry the fortune of the field the people both wayes must goe to wrack And thus have I declared my mind concerning this question in more words then your wisedom yet fewer then the weight of the cause doth require and doe boldly conclude that we have neither power nor policy either to depose King Richard or to elect Duke Henry in his place that King Richard remaineth still our Soveraigne Prince and therefore it is not lawfull for us to give judgement upon him that the Duke whom you call King hath more offended against the King and the Realme then the King hath done either against him or us for being banished the Realme for tenne yeares by the King and his Counsaile amongst whom his owne Father was chiefe and sworne not to returne againe without speciall license hee hath not onely violated his oath but with impious armes disturbed the quiet of the Land and dispossessed the King from his Royall estate and now demandeth judgement against his person without offence proved or defence heard If this injury and this perjury doth nothing move us yet let both our private and common dangers somewhat withdraw us from these violent proceedings This speech was diversly taken as men were diversly affected betweene feare hope and shame yet the most part did make shew for King Henry and thereupon the Bishop was presently attached by the Earle Marshall and committed to prison in the Abbey of Saint Albones whose counsaile and conjecture then contemned was afterwards better thought upon partly in the life time of King Henry during whose raigne almost no yeare passed without great slaughters and executions but more especially in the times succeeding when within the space of 36. yeares twelve set battailes upon this quarrell were fought within the Realme by English men onely and more then fourescore Princes of the Royall bloud slaine one by another Then it was concluded that King Richard should bee kept in a large prison with all manner of Princely maintenance and if any persons should conspire to reare warre for his deliverance that hee should bee the first man who should suffer death for that attempt Then the Acts of the Parliament holden at Westminster in the 11. yeare of King Richard were revived and the Parliament holden the 21. yeare of King Richard was wholly repealed and they who were attainted by that Parliament were restored againe to their fame and honour and to their Lands without suing livery and to such goods whereof the King was not answered except the rents and issues which had beene received out of their lands in the meane time Hereupon Richard Earle of Warwick was delivered out of prison and the Earle of Arundels Sonne recovered his inheritance many others also that were banished or imprisoned by King Richard were then fully restored againe to their Countrey Liberty and Estate It was further provided that none of those which came in aid of King Henry against King Richard should for that cause bee impeached or troubled Also the King gave to the Earle of Westmerland the County of Richmond and to the Earle of Northumberland hee gave the I le of Man to bee houlden of him by the service of bearing the sword wherewith hee entred into England Divers other of his followers he advanceth to offices of highest place and charge some upon judgement and for desert but most part to winne favour and perhaps projecting a plot for friends if times should change for in many actions men take more care to prevent revenge then to lead an innocent and harmelesse life It was further agreed that the Procurers of the death and Murther of Thomas late Duke of Gloucester should bee searched out and severely punished And judgement was given against the appellants of the Earle of Warwick and the Earle of Arundel that the Dukes of Aumerle Sussex and Exceter the Marquesse of Dorset and the Earle of Gloucester who were present should loose their degree of honour for them and their Heires that they should likewise loose all the Castles Mannours Lordships c. then in their hands which sometimes appertained to those whom they did appeale and that all the letters patents and charters which they had concerning the same should bee surrendred into the Chancery and there bee cancelled that for all other their Castles Mannours Lordships Possessions and Liberties they should bee at the grace and mercy of the King that they should give no liveries nor keepe any retinue of men but onely such Officers as were meerely necessary for their degree that if any of them should adhere to Richard the deposed King in giving him aid or encouragement against the judgement of his deposition then hee should incurre the paines and forfeitures of high treason And because it was a clamorous complaint among the Common people that many Officers had committed grievous extortions and wrongs either by the open maintenance or secret connivence of these Lords First those Officers were removed and that corruption taken away with integrity which bribery had wrought in placing for money men of bad quality in high degrees of office and service then Proclamations were made that if any man had beene oppressed by
these Lords or by any Officers under them he should prove his complaint receive recompence It was made a question whether it was not meet that these Noble men should be put to death the importunity of the people and the perswasion of many great men drew that way but policy was against it and especially the opinion of clemency which seemed needfull to the setling of a new risen state In this Parliament also the Lord Fitzwater appealed the said Duke of Aumerle Sonne to the Duke of Yorke upon points of High treason likewise the Lord Monley appealed Iohn Montacu●e Earle of Salisbury and more then twenty other appealants waged battaile but the King purposing to lay the foundation of his Realme by favour and not by force gave pardon and restitution alike to all upon sureties and band for their allegeance and in a sweet and moderate oration hee admonisheth and as it were intreated the one part that old griefes and grudges should not bee renewed but buried together with the memory of former times wherein men were forced to doe many things against their minds the other part hee desired to bee more regardfull of their actions afterwards and for the time past rather to forget that ever they were in fault then to remember that they were pardoned No punishment was laid upon any save onely the Earle of Salisbury and the Lord Morley who had beene in especiall grace and favour with King Richard● these two were committed to prison but at the sute of their friends they were soone released the rest the King received freely to favour but most especially the Duke of Aumerle and the Duke of Excester Lord Governour of Calis The Duke of Aumerle was cousen germane to both the Kings Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter was halfe brother to King Richard and brother in law to King Henry whose Sister the Lady Elizabeth hee had taken to wife The greatest matter that was enforced against them was their loialty unto King Richard a grievous crime among rebels because they did not onely stomack and storme at his dejection but stirre also more then others and assay to raise forces on his behalfe The Dukes boldly confessed the accusation that they were indeed unfortunately faithfull to King Richard but as those who once are false doe seldome afterwards prove soundly firme so they that have shewed themselves true to one Prince may the better bee trusted by any other The King did rather admit this as a defence then remit it as a fault affirming that such examples were not to bee misliked of Princes so hee entred with them into great termes of friendship and put them in place neerest his person endeavouring by courtesie and liberalty to make them fast and faithfull unto him this fact was diversly interpreted according to mens severall dispositions some admiring the Kings moderation others disliking and disallowing his confidence and indeed although these meanes have to this purpose prevailed with some yet the common course may move us commonly to conjecture that there is little assurance in reconciled enemies whose affections for the most part are like unto Glasse which being once cracked can never bee made otherwise then crazed and unsound Furthermore to qualifie all prejudice and hard opinion which other Princes might chance to conceive King Henry dispatched Embassadours to divers Countries neere unto him to make it knowne by what title and by what favour and desire of all the people hee attained the Kingdome To the Court of Rome hee sent Iohn Trevenant Bishop of Hereford Sir Iohn Cheyney Knight and Iohn Cheyney Esquire into France hee sent Walter Sherlow Bishop of Durham and Lord Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester into Spaine hee sent Iohn Trevor Bishop of S. Assaphes and Sir William Parre and into Almaine hee sent the Bishop of Bangor and certaine other Most of these Princes as in a matter which little concerned either their honour or their harme seemed either not to regard what was done or easily to bee perswaded that all was done well But Charles King of France was so distempered at this dishonourable dealing with his Sonne in law King Richard that by violence of his passion hee fell into his old panges of phrensie and at the last by helpe of physick returning to the sobriety of his sences hee purposed to make sharpe warre upon that disloyall people as hee termed them for this injury against their lawfull and harmelesse Prince Many Noble men of France shewed themselves very forward to enter into the service but especially the Earle of Saint Paul who had married King Richards halfe Sister So letters of defiance were sent into England and great preparation was made for the warre Likewise the newes of these novelties much abashed the Aquitanes who were at that time under the English subjection and plunged their thoughts in great perplexities Some were grieved at the infamous blemish of the English nation who had destained their honour with the spot of such disloyall dealing others feared the spoile of their goods and oppression of their liberties by the French-men against whose violence they suspected that the Realme of England being distracted into civill factions either would not attend or should not bee able to beare them out but the Citizens of Burdeaux were chiefely anguished in respect of King Richard partly fretting at his injury and partly lamenting his infortunity because hee was borne and brought up within their City And thus in the violence some of their anger some of their griefe and some of their feare in this sort they did generally complaine O good GOD said they where is the World become Saints are turned to Serpents and Doves into Divels The English nation which hath beene accompted fierce onely against their foes and alwayes faithfull to their friends are now become both fierce and faith lesse against their lawfull and loving Prince and have most barbarously betrayed him Who would ever have thought that Christians that civill people that any men would thus have violated all Religion all Lawes and all honest and orderly demeanure And although the Heavens blush at the view and the Earth sweat at the burthen of so vile a villany and all men proclaime and exclaime upon shame and confusion against them yet they neither feele the horrour nor shrinke at the shame nor feare the revenge but stand upon tearmes some of defence for the lawfulnesse of their dealing and some of excuse for the necessity Well let them bee able to blind the world and to resist mans revenge yet shall they never be able to escape either the sight or vengeance of Almighty God which we daily expect and earnestly desire to bee powred upon them Alas good King Richard thy nature was too gentle and thy government too mild for so stiffe and stubborne a people what King will ever repose any trust in such unnaturall subjects but fetter them with Lawes as theeves are with Irons What carriage hereafter can recover their credit What time will
to robbe and spoile without correction and reproofe 6 Item that although the King flatteringly and with great dissimulation made proclamation throughout the Realme that the Lords aforenamed were not attached for any crime of treason but onely for extortions and oppressions done within the Realme yet hee laid to them in the Parliament rebellion with manifest treason 7 Item hee hath compelled divers of the said Lords servants by menace to make great fines and extreme payments to their utter undoing and notwithstanding his pardon to them granted he made them fine a new 8 Item where divers were appointed to commune of the estate of the Realme and the Common-wealth of the same the King caused all the roules and records to bee kept from them contrary to his promise made in Parliament to his open dishonour 9 Item hee uncharitably commanded that no man upon paine of losse of life and goods should once intreat him for the returne of Henry now Duke of Lancaster 10 Item where the Realme is houlden of God and not of the Pope or any other Prince the said King Richard after hee had obtained divers acts of Parliament for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure then hee procured Bulles and extreame censures from Rome to compell all men streightly to keepe the same contrary to the honour and ancient priviledges of this Realme 11 Item although the Duke of Lancaster had done his devoire against Thomas Duke of Norfolke in proofe of his quarrell yet the said King without reason or ground banished him the Realme for tenne yeares contrary to all equity 12 Item before the Dukes departure hee under his broad Seale licensed him to make Atturneyes to prosecute and defend his causes the said King after his departure would suffer none Atturney to appeare for him but did with his at his pleasure 13 Item the said King put out divers Sheriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes divers others of his owne minions subverting the law contrary to his oath and honour 14 Item hee borrowed great summes of money and bound himselfe under his Letters patents for the repayment of the same and yet not one penny paid 15 Item he taxed men at the will of him and his unhappy Counsaile and the same Treasure spent in folly not paying poore men for their vittaile and viand 16 Item he said that the lawes of the Realme were in his head and sometimes in his breast by reason of which phantasticall opinion hee destroyed Noble men and impoverished the poore Commons 17 Item the Parliament setting and enacting divers notable Statutes for the profit and advancement of the Common wealth he by his privy friends and solicitours caused to bee enacted that no act then enacted should bee more prejudiciall to him then it was to his Predecessours thorow which proviso he did often as hee list and not as the law meant 18 Item for to serve his purpose he would suffer the Sheriffes of the Shires to remaine above one yeare or two in their office 19 Item at the summons of Parliament when the Knights and Burgesses should bee elected and the election had fully proceeded hee put out divers persons elected and put in others in their places to serve his will and appetite 20 Item hee had privy espials in every Shire to heare who had of him any communication and if hee communed of his lascivious living and outragious doing hee straightwayes was apprehended and made a grievous fine 21 Item the Spiritualty alledged against him that hee at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money beside Plate and Iewels without law or custome contrary to his oath taken at his coronation 22 Item when divers Lords and Iustices were sworne to say the truth of divers things to them committed in charge both for the honour of the Realme and profit of the King the said King so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right 23 Item that without the assent of the Nobility he carried the Iewels and Plate and Treasure over the Sea into Ireland to the great impo●verishing of the Realme and all the good Records of the Common-wealth against his extortions hee caused privily to bee embeasoled and carried away 24 Item in all leagues and letters to bee concluded and sent to the Sea of Rome and other Regions his writing was so subtill and darke that no other Prince durst once believe him not yet his owne Subjects 25 Item hee most tyrannously and unprincely said that the lives and goods of all his Subjects were in the Princes hands and at his disposition 26 Item that hee contrary to the great Charter of England caused divers lusty men to appeale divers old men upon matters determinable at the Common law in the Court Marciall because that in that Court is no triall but onely by battaile whereby the said aged persons fearing the sequell of the matter submitted themselves to his mercy whom hee fined and ransomed unreasonably at his pleasure 27 Item he craftily devised cercaine privy oathes contrary to Law and caused divers of his subjects first to be sworne to observe the same and after bound them in bands for surer keeping the same to the great undoing of many honest men 28 Item where the Chancellor according to law would in no wise grant a prohibition to a certaine person the King granted it unto the same person under his privie Seale with great threatnings if it should be disobeyed 29 Item he banished the Bishop of Canterbury without cause or judgement and kept him in the Parliament Chamber with men of armes 30 Item the Bishops goods hee granted to his successor upon condition that hee should maintaine all his statutes made at Shrewsbury Anno 21. and the statutes made Anno. 22. at Coventree 31 Item upon the accusation of the Archbishop the King craftily perswaded the said Bishop to make no answer for he would be his warrant and advised him not to come to the Parliament and so without answer hee was condemned and exiled and his goods seazed Foure other Articles were laid which particularly did concerne the said Archbishop by whose doing chiefly the King was utterly undone Then was demanded of the Nobility and Commons of the Realme what they judged both of the truth and desert of these Articles who all agreed that the crimes were notorious and that King Richard was worthy for the same to be deposed from his princely dignity The noble men gave their voyces part corrupted by favour part awed by feare and the Commons are commonly like a flocke of Cranes as one doth fly all will follow Hereupon Commissioners were appointed by both the Houses who pronounced sentence of deposition against King Richard in manner and forme as followeth In the name of God Amen Wee Iohn Bishop of S. Asses I. Abbot of Glastenbury Thomas Earle of Gloucester Thomas Lord Bekley Thomas Erpinghaime Thomas Gray Knights William Therning Iustice Commissioners for the matters hereafter specified