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A52455 Dr. Burnett's reflections upon a book entituled Parliamentum pacificum. The first part answered by the author. Northleigh, John, 1657-1705.; Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715. Reflections on a late pamphlet entituled Parliamentum pacificum.; Northleigh, John, 1657-1705. Parliamentum pacificum. 1688 (1688) Wing N1298; ESTC R28736 98,757 150

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some and I think now is so to all My self knew and still do many of those Members most falsly to suffer under that malitious Imputation whom the Dr. has no reason to reproach for the Selling of their Country and betraying their Trust when they truly serv'd both that and the King but sure it is but a bad Return he makes them when I am sure it was all the same Peers if not the same Parliament that Complemented Him for His Mighty Performances which perhaps they might have omitted had they known what Amends He would have made them or thought him so good at Commending of Himself but this is a Kindness He kept in Reserve and a Sublime acquir'd since his Travels and Accomplishments I can't call this a Controversy with the Dr. when he gives up the Cause when he seems to take pains to appear on my side He shews us how the Late King was continually inclin'd to a Liberty of Conscience he declares the Act of Vniformity a severe Thing the Terms of Conforming Rigidity and those that required it Angry Men Was the Dr. alway of this mind Why then it seems he only Conform'd fell in with the Church for the sake of her Benefices for officiating at the Rolls just as he fell out with the State because he lost it but this cannot credit much the Reputation and Integrity of such a Celebrated Writer and the Church of Englands Chief Men are just as much oblig'd to him for his Characters as the Loyal Members of the long Parliament he has sufficiently attainted their honesty and so most modestly taxes the Indiscretion of all his Clergy that so the State both Civil and Ecclesiastical may more handsomely make up that excellent Composition of Knave and Fool 'T is strange that no party can escape the Fury of his enraged Pen this doughty Wight may make a good Champion for the Truth but will a much better in the Rehearsal The Character of that Hero as high as it is may be more naturally applyed to Dr. B than it is by him to the Late Bishop of Oxford If you consider him elevated to such an Hogen or naturaliz'd for hectoring of KINGS invading of Kingdoms fighting of France combating England defying of Papists Presbyterians Dissenters Church-men and almost all Mankind but if the Loyal Parliament as he calls it in derision were such arrant Knaves for if he is in earnest then their Compliance with their KING is the best Test of their Loyalty and it would be well His Present Majesty had more proof of it and the Chief Men of the Church were such infatuated Fools as he makes them to be wrought upon by the Roman Catholicks for introducing their Religion why here then was a perfect Conspiracy for four and twenty Year of the whole Kingdome some poor supprest Dissenters excepted for bringing us back into Popery and what is more strange could never bring it to pass All our Power Civil and Ecclesiastical was concern'd all our Forces by Sea and Land King and Successor on their side and in his own dreadful Description A Parliament of chosen Creatures all depending upon Himself and this for near Twenty Years together and yet not one step toward Popery unless what appear'd in Andrew Marvels Growth of it but on the contrary in this very Interval of Time the Two severe Tests set up to prevent it and that by this Parliament of Creatures and this Treacherous designing King of his that he makes alwaies to the very last contriving to betray the Protestant Religion from his own meer Motion Marrying that he may see I can use the Word his two Neeces to two Renowned Princes of the Reformed Religion the greatest Security they could desire of his Sincerity to preserve and protect it and if I might add one thing more which I wish as well as the Dr. might be forgotten prevail'd upon from the tumultuous Proceedings of a Parliamentary Power to part with a Brother that had done nothing but to be more dear a palliated Exile that even the necessity of State could not so well excuse and if neither Councells Force Interest Time nor Religion it self could hitherto bring about all this Formidable Revolution I must confess notwithstanding the Discoveries of Dr. B to sober Men and honest this Late King cannot be suspected so false or any Catholicks so designing The Reformations in Henry 8 th Time King Edward Queen Mary Queen Elizabeth were certainly Four as great Changes and Revolutions as any we now fear and as I think somewhat like the same and yet we find they were not working for it under-ground for above Four and Twenty Year together to confine it only to his Reflections on the Late King and if we must credit all such Historians Plot we must add above an Hundred more marching their Invisible Army and Ammunition in the Air on the Sea under Earth PLOTS That Our Selves have blusht at and even judicially baffl'd their Belief But we still saw then that assoon as there was any new Succession to the Throne or any Prince of a different Sentiment that design'd to make any Alterations in the Church or State they were sooner compast with Ease and Expedition certainly these plotting Papists have been a long time very unlucky or very innocent when our happier Protestants had ever better Fortune and could Reform here more easily and openly in some few Years in the face and in the sight of the Sun and this I think is as clear too as some Peoples Designs which even at a season when they need not fly the Light the Dr. says we must still suppose in the dark His secret of the Dissenters having been encourag'd to stand out against Nonconformity even by the Court that pursu'd them with such Rigidity for not Conforming I am perswaded is another peculiar among the many Mysterious Intelligences of the Dr and not much inferiour to his wonderful Discoveries of the Conference at Dover his forreign Negotiations and His Majesty's being so nearly ally'd to the Society when he might so well prove him from the same Evidence A Priest in Orders for the Authority of his Liege Letter lies only at that Authors door who fram'd the other from Father Petre to Pere le Chaise both which will appear to those that have not abandon'd themselves to folly as entire Fictions he ought to discover him for once a Prophet too that having been essential of old to the Kingly Office and then he 'l have the better security for his Religion and may take his Word for an Oracle but the Dissenters will not thank him for thus making out their secret Correspondence with the Court and Iesuites but rather believe that he searcht no other Records for it than the Original Manuscripts of Dr. Oates his Evidence If this Advice to their standing out was only in order to introduce a Toleration how came it to pass that when they had one actually granted that those who
the Guises and get Navar and Conde to be Governors to the KING This Plot was carryed so far that they mutined in most Towns against the Magistrates and the Prince almost had made himself Master of Lyons but his Project being discovered he was made Prisoner at Orleance his process form'd himself condemn'd and had as certainly been executed too had not Francis the Second at the same time dy'd and so altered the Constitutions of the State and the Measures of the Court for the Queen Her self now began to be as much afraid of the growing Greatness of the Guises comes to an Agreement with the King of Navarr that She shou'd be Regent and himself Lieutenant of the Realm that all Prisoners for Religion shou'd be releas'd all Prosecution forborn but these Favours to these Reformers made them more rebellious insomuch that they set upon the CATHOLICKS at their Sacrifices pull'd them out of their Pulpits insomuch that at last the King of Navarr could not find in his heart any longer to defend them and so it was resolv'd in a general Assembly at Paris that their Ministers should be expell'd and none but the Catholick Religion allow'd after this they prevail'd at last at Poissy for a Dispute tho' the Council of Trent was then a foot for deciding any Differences which as fairly as it is represented and perhaps impartially by Father Paul and as fouly by some that were more zealous and concern'd yet certainly was a much better expedient for setling the Disputes in the Church then a private Assembly amongst themselves where the Objection of pact partiality contrivance the Clamours against that Council must needs with Aggravation recoyl upon themselves but the Result of this Divinity Disputation was what usually attends such Polemical Debates like a tryal of Skill both sides boasted they had the best but certain it is the King of Navarr upon seeing the Differences among the Reform'd some favouring the Augustan others the Helvetian Confession was the more confirm'd in the Catholick Faith but the other side by their Boastings growing so popular insomuch that it was thought dangerous almost to disturb them another Edict was granted or forc'd for a Pacification which juncture of Affairs made the cunning Queen fall to favouring of them too that even as the sense of a Protestant Author observes a dignify'd Member in the Church of England this Prosperiny of the Reformation was the Cause of all the Miseries and Misfortunes that befel the Kingdom of FRANCE to the Ruine almost of the Realm their encreasing in strength encreas'd so far the Power of the Prince of Conde that his former Partner the King of Navarr made no Figure at all which made him call in the Duke of Guise for his Assistance and the Duke coming up by the way a Fray was commenced by some of his Servants at a Protestant Sermon the Duke coming to interpose and part was wounded by them himself which so enrag'd some of his Souldiers and Followers that about Sixty People were kill'd the rest put to Flight their Ministers being much of Dr. Burnet's Make gave this out as a Design and in all their Representations made it a Massacre and for this occasional Fray the most furious Out-rages must be justifyed Monasteries pull'd down Altars and Images defac'd and the whole Land fill'd and polluted with blood and it may be also observ'd here that this too is made by Meteran a design'd Slaughter and that the Duke came purposely to disperse and destroy them but this Author confessing in his Preface his Prejudice against this most Catholick cause it had been more consistent with our Authors sincerity in these Matters not to have medled with him And now both Parties labour to keep or get the KING into their Power the Prince of Conde took Orleance and the Catholicks the KING and the Protestants in their New Conquest Spoil all the Churches in the Town but upon none more furious than that of St. Cross as if the Badge of their Profession were the Scandal of Christianity then this Religious Violence must be justifyed with a Manifesto criminating the Catholick Lords for detaining the King and Queen when both of them declared they did them no Violence but assisted them with their Service and Duty tho' the forementioned Author in the same place represents the Queen in the name of the young King writing Letters to Conde that they were under Restraint and Confinement and that he should come in and relieve them when it is known too that She exhorted them to come in and return to their Obedience and so far complying they were that the Duke of Guise offer'd himself to a voluntary Exile if they would but return as the Queen desired to their Obedience and for that they had their Pardon offer'd and Favour too but for all this the Reformers go on seise most of the chief Towns sack the Churches for Silver for their Mint and thus defac'd made them fit for their Stables and Magazines insisting upon insolent Demands they were declar'd Traytors if they did not desist by such a day The Queen that had no such abhorrence of them before now detested them and began to think how She might break and dissolve them for this She prevails with the Constable and Duke of Guise to go and retire from the Court they so did and Conde having promised the Queen to return to his Obedience if ever they did so was now as much confounded at their unexpected Retreat advis'd with his Casuists the Calvanist Doctors what to do in the case who honestly told him That he having made himself Head of their Vnion and League no Obligation could bind him to any Promise that Promises were not to kept that did hinder the Preaching of the Truth the Queen not bringing over the King to him as She promis'd he was bound to keep none of his Promises to Her and so could not be said to violate his Faith These I think are Promises too not very well kept or as ill expounded the Dr. might spare us for it some of his Animadversions on the Reserves of the Society and the keeping no Faith with Hereticks for they found out the best expedient of Aequivocation that the Duke might seem to keep his Promise they ordered him to meet the Queen and surrender himself but withal that the Admiral by Ambuscade should be ready and surprise him and so bring him back to the Camp. They resolv'd it too that for the Reformation sake no regard was to be had to their Country and so invited in our English Aid of Queen Elizabeth who had nearly made her self Master of Normandy About this time the Duke of Guise was treacherously murder'd by Poltrot one of the Reformers that had insinuated himself into his Service and Family and after another Edict granted in their Favour they tumult again to come up to the Pacification of Ianuary and so fall again to their seising of Towns and
Her Reign to justify the Legality of all that She did even to those things that She confesses She dispens'd withal contrary to Law were we to play like Children at Cross-purposes the greatest non-sence and most insipid Answers would serve pass for the more Ingenious Diversion I told the Dr. what She dispens'd with contrary to the very Parliaments Act. It is Answered of something She did that was rounded upon an Act of Parliament but now because we 'll keep to the purpose we 'll examin this Her power in Ecclesiasticals founded on the First of Her Reign and see how far it makes for our Authors Apology he says this was in a great measure Repeal'd in the Year 1641. the Dr's Excellencies lying more in Chronology than the Statute-book It is a known Act of 17 th Charles the First that does in some measure as he says and I am glad he keeps to any repeal it I will not insist on the occasion of such a Repeal and the juncture of Affairs that forc'd it though I must confess the Reasons of Laws can never be recollected but by Reflection on the State of those Times in which they were made and that makes a sound Historian somewhat of the necessary part of a good Lawyer and from History 't is most deplorably known that this Repeal was procur'd in the Year that this Rebellion commenc'd by a Parliament the defence of which has been made Proemunire and High-Treason by that which enforced the Triennial Parl. into a perpetual one and which was afterward with so much abhorrence and such an ignominious Character repeal'd But all that appears of this Repeal of the 1 st of Elizabeth from the Opinion of the Lawyers and the examining the Act is the power of the Commissioners fining and imprisoning which was look'd upon as oppressive and therefore my Lord Cook in his Argument upon that case who for a time was no great Prerogative Lawyer or would not be so says that this Act was only a restoring to the King His antient Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction which the Commissioners extended so far as injuriously to fine Offenders upon it beyond their Power this usurped Power some people are of opinion is only by that Act repeal'd though I do not doubt but that Parliament would have willingly comprehended in it all the Inherent Antient Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction that ever appertain'd to the King and Crown and even by special Act here under Catholick Princes has been declar'd so so that indeed as the Dr. says it is but in a measure repeal'd and by express Words in the Repeal of Abuses of the Power only prevented so that it could not take away or deprive the Royal Authority from that unquestionable Prerogative of Commissionating any number of Persons in Ecclesiastical Matters that do not exercise such an extensive Iurisdiction and therefore to reflect upon the present Court that is of another nature and a new Creation as put down and repeal'd with that of Queen Elizabeths is no more an Argument than that Queen Elizabeths Commission was reviv'd when but so lately King Charles the Second delegated His Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction and Disposal of Preserments to some Persons that are most now living though perhaps some of them the readiest to Dislike their present Proceedings It is plain that the King's Power in Ecclesiastical Matters was never meant should be infring'd from that Repeal by this Ratification of it in the Late King's Time whatever the First Factious Legislators in it might intend for as you see this Late King did in a sort make use of it so in this very Ratification as the Dr. calls it is Provided that as it shall not extend to the Iurisdiction of Archbishops Bishops so neither to Vicar-Generals or Persons exercising Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by the King's Commission If the Dr. will cavil only because the Word Court of Commission is not expres'd his Cause will hardly be the better for such a peevish Exception since the Constitution of a Vicar-general would be as little Kindness to the Church as it was in the Excesses of its first Establishment under Henry the Eighth which we see His Majesty as excessive as the Dr. would make Him has not hitherto reviv'd but should a Parliament restore the very Court of Queen Elizabeth it would be reckon'd among such men as illegal and only the King's Excesses in the Government I here shall help him to another Set of Excesses since such Prince's Proceedings must be call'd so when they do not quadrate with our Authors Subject and Design which at another time must pass for good Law when they make but the least for His purpose some People perhaps are of opinion That the Two Tests were past after a sort of Excess in the Government the World now knows one of them was made when the Parliament was exceedingly impos'd upon with Falsehoods and Perjuries and as exceedingly transported with a Zeal that look'd too so much like Fury so that if a man consider their origination and the Circumstances of Affairs when these Laws were made instead of keeping them upon the File after the rest are repeal'd there will appear more Reason even from the Doctor 's Excesses for repealing them the First The Conquest of the Kingdom gave a great Latitude to the 1 st William in point of Government which his Arms having acquir'd he found himself the less limited by the Laws though he profess'd to Rule by it and few of his Successors since that by their own Acts have oblig'd themselves but afford us Instances in greater Excesses of Government than any we can now complain of He is said to have invaded the Jurisdictions of the Prelates and seiz'd their Treasures not sparing his own dear Brother Odo William the Second tax'd his Subjects at pleasure by the Power of his Prerogative was as severe upon the Clergy and Westminster-Hall since the Seat of Iustice was look'd upon by the People as built on purpose to countenance his unjust Taxations The Ne exeat Regnum was repin'd at as a Grievance and in that Reign might be said to Commence The making Mutilation and Corporal Punishment Pecuniary in Hen. the First 's Reign the Confiscations and Bishop of Salisbury's Case in King Stephen's were made matter of Excesses in such Authors too Henry the Second resum'd by his own Act Lands that had been sold or given from the Crown by his Predecessors and against this Excess I think His present Majesty has given us good assurance in His last Declaration since the Dr. labours so much upon the absolute Power of the Former Of Richard the First it is Reported That he feign'd his Signet lost and so put out a Proclamation That those who would enjoy the Grants by the former old one must come and have it confirm'd by the New he pawn'd some of his Lands for the Ierusalem Journey and upon his Return would have resum'd them without Pay. The Exactions of King
the Prelate he would pull down the Pride of him and all the Bishops in England pull him out of the Church by the Hair of the Head I think fit to recite this for fear the Dr. should find fault with me as well as Varillas for not telling him the occasion the Bishops found to leave the Court and I think 't was time for them to be gone If the Doctor remembers this seems somewhat of those Sparks that afterward sate both Bohemia and Hungary in a Flame to one of which places if I mistake not this very person here cited did in his Banishment repair and to its missfortunes perhaps contribute and as I think upon occasions like this might be said to be begun that long War of Germany and I do most professedly avow that upon serious Reflection upon those miseries that attended the Reformation which the Doctor has given me too much and too sad occasion to consider and consult I look upon this Juncture of the latter end of this Reign very near that unfortunate Crisis of falling into all the Desolation and Calamities that afterward befel those miserable Countries Bohemia Hungary Germany France and Flanders but tho' fate for a while suspended our misfortunes or the Military King that Reign'd then supprest those more early divisions yet alas the Diversities of Religion did too soon lay us waste and not long since made us as sad a Spectacle to our Neighbours as they had been to us in the same Civil Wars A Body would have thought Dr. B. might have sooner found fault with the beginnings of this King's Reign than his latter end for I must confess it began in the deposition of his Father or at best but a necessitated resignation he being a Prince as ambitious of a Crown as well as one that truly deserv'd to wear it but this is a President that cannot but please him the transferring Allegiance is such a singular piece of Politicks in the Opinion of this Statesman and helps so mightily to the constituting of some States that he may be very desirous it should be much imitated But to come to another Instance of his Excesses in which he does so exceedingly delight himself and that is those of Richard the 2 d's Reign I confess 't is another President of Allegiance transferr'd but that with good Subjects does not presently prove Excesses neither warrant their Disloyalty if they were prov'd if the Proceedings of his Reign must not be mention'd because of its Tragical Conclusion we shall be at a great loss for any Argument that may be drawn from the more Lamented Misfortunes of King Charles the First I suppose the Doctor will say too it was Excesses produc'd that Tragedy and some People will say the Excesses of Conformity but yet I hope there might be good Laws made in his Reign and what was there call'd Excesses has been since found but so much Invasion of the Prerogative and perhaps an Impartial Account of this King Richard's Reign will make that appear so too I had obviated this Objection before upon the very place in observing that the tumultuous proceeding of the Rebellious Barons for I hope by his leave we may be so bold at home and the ambition of the designing Duke of Glocester could no more criminate that King's Reign than excuse them from being Rebels But since he will not be contented let us examine what some Authors as honest as himself say of these Excesses when the Parliament or rather the Party of the Duke of Lancaster was assembled at his deposition Excesses indeed were alledg'd and so will ever be by those that prevail but even among those there some that thought them far from being so the Loyal and Learned Bishop of Carlisle made such a bold Speech in his defence that his very deposers were silenc'd and nothing but each mans private prospect of some publick favour hinder'd their Conviction the new King himself was very cool in the prosecution of the grave old Prelate and could hardly be said to be warm in his acquir'd Government but for all this they thought fit to confine the Loyal Bishop for the Liberty that he took his Crime being only a bold Indiscretion for shewing them so soon the badness of their Cause This King as exceeding criminal as the Doctor would make him had so strong a Party tho' depos'd that they thought fit to deprive him of his Life too and to send him to his Eternal Crown for fear he should take up again his Temporal these are no good Arguments of his Excesses or ill administration Hollinshead that has somewhat of Renown for an Historian tho' he does not in his work exalt his own Reputation with our Authors he tells us this poor Prince was most unthankfully us'd by his Subjects in no King's days were the Commons in greater Wealth or the Nobility more cherisht and as these Tragical Conclusions were not imputed to Excesses by most of his Subjects at home so it was as ill resented by Princes abroad the King of France was so provokt with these Injurious Proceedings that he acquainted his Lords with his Resolution of Revenge and they shewed themselves as ready to take it too but were too soon prevented by their taking away his Life and then it was as much too lateto serve him after his death I am afraid the Doctor will be found to be exceedingly out here in his Excesses but as Excess must serve his turn in one Reign so it seems defect must do it in another Henry the 6 th's feeble Reign must support his Arguments against what he calls Excesses of Government in Richard the 2 d. I am glad to see he has no stronger ones and 't is but a tacit giving up the Cause to have recourse to such Subterfuges H. the 6 th I hope as weak as he was was to govern according to Law and for that the more concern'd so to govern so that the force of the Prerogative in such a feeble Reign is but an Argument a fortiori The Excesses in H. the 8. time indeed were such since he 's resolv'd to call them so and came somewhat near that absolute Power with which he so much affrightens and alarms us in his Libels but I hope he will allow and think the Protestant Religion very much oblig'd to his Excesses since they made the fairest Step to the Reformation and were as well followed in the Reign that came after some Writers will say that those Parliaments that confirm'd his Excesses were so far from free ones that they were hardly allow'd the Liberty of Debate much less to stand up for the antient Establishment of the Church It was Criminal then to deny the Court even in an House of Commons and tho' King CHARLES the First coming to the House only for Members accus'd of High-Treason was made such a Crime as the Breach of Priviledge It was look'd upon here as a Point of Prerogative to
plain than from this late Revolution in the Death of the President where if there had been but a submissive applicacation made to an offended Majesty and an humble Petition to be restor'd to favour if I may be forgiven the boldness of Imagination as well as the Dr. would be pardon'd the hardiness of Propositions I fancy many might have met with as much of the King's mercy as now they suffer under the effects of his Iustice and might have hinder'd a Society from returning to its Primitive Institution where some that possess it now may upon another score be too ready to observe that in the beginning it was not so The Dr. tells us we are to be govern'd by Law and not by the Excesses of Government but if he can tell me from any Reign since the Conquest of the Normans that there were not greater Excesses of Government complain'd of and greater us'd as in a particular Treatise I have prov'd I 'll grant him the Dispensing Power to be the greatest Grievance Discontents and Jealousies under any Revolution of State do only shift sides and are never wanting in a Government where the People can but make a Party had those Presidents of Excesses which I cited from our former Reigns but made for the Doctors purpose that had been Law which is now Excess and a Dispensation for the great Out-rages that were committed upon the Church in Edw. 6 th's Reign before any Parliament had authoriz'd it it seems was truly Law which as it was a power to save Men from being hang'd for Sacrilege so many will tell us too it was a sort of destroying the Government The R. Cath. I am confident will be glad to hear that the Severities by which they have so unreasonably suffer'd and that so long have been only the result of the Protestants fears and not so much their deserved Punishments for any perpetrated Crimes When the Elector Palatine had mov'd the King of France that he would tolerate all the Hugonots to Preach in Paris he return'd him the like motion that all the Catholicks might be allow'd to say Publick Mass in his Capital City if we must exclude them from all employment because of the dangerous Consequence under a Catholick King must not they think themselves as much beset with dangers when they shall have none but their Enemies in Office under a Protestant Successor and if they then should move to be the only persons employ'd would it not be as strange a Request as what is made now that none but Protestants must be so neither will this Establishment and Constitution of the State make any great disparity in the Parallel unless it be to the disadvantage of those that would make the difference for if Protestants will plead their Penal Laws their Tests their prescription of an hundred and fifty years possession and enjoyment in bar to their Pretensions it will put Papists upon the retrospect how they came to be thus excluded and discover that they had for above five hundred years before all the Laws of Church and State on their side and none others heard of or admitted into Office and Employment and therefore when the Doctor tells us that in Holland the Government is wholly in the hands of Protestants Papists will be apt to return they know how it comes to be so that both Holland and Zealand sided with those of Flanders at first in the Pacification of Gaunt to leave the governing part both of Church and State in the hands of the Catholicks but that when they came to Reform farther and grew more powerful nothing less would serve the turn than the Vnion of Utrecht by which they were to be left to govern themselves as they pleas'd and when their famous City of Amsterdam that now priviledges all Subjects as well as all Religions to its immortal honor made the stoutest resistance for the sake of their old Laws and Religion and its neighbour Harlem never resisted their King so stoutly as this fought for him for it was Besieg'd by Sea and Land and at last yielded only upon these honourable Terms That their former faith should continue establisht their Magistrates confirm'd yet were forc't to admit against their Capitulation a Garrison against their Articles of War new Articles of Faith and for their old Magistrates of the Peace to be govern'd by the standing Officers of the Army so it is not fit it should be known how the Government came to be wholly there in the hands of Protestants for fear it should reflect too much upon Promises too that were not well kept and that the same should become the seat and refuge for all sort of Sectaries that was once such a Celebrated City for being at Vnity with it self I need not take much pains to show why my Presidents from the reign of Edward 3 d. might be recommended to the practise of this since he gives no reason why they should not unless his Authority be such in History as some Dogmatists are said to have had in the Schools a Dixit and indisputable if I mistake not our British Annals cannot boast of a more Glorious and Auspicious Reign both for our Foreign Expeditions and victorious returns two Neighbouring Kings a sort of Prisoners to our own two Kingdoms but little better than our Tributarys the Misfortunes of Scotland the Fate of France will furnish us with too much matter to make those times for ever fam'd and his present Majesties most Heroick mind and military disposition may tell us too that they can be imitated I cant discover why the latter end of this King's Life may not be recommended as much for imitation the recovering of the Kingdom of Castile for its lawful Lord and another expedition into France were both such Actions of the renowned Prince his Son by which the Nation cannot suffer much in the Consummation of his reign but if any thing may make the latter end not to be imitated it may by some people be thought to be the Disturbances in the Discipline of the Church which was like to have made as great a Commotion in the affairs of the state for it was in this latter end that Wicklift divulg'd his new doctrines drew in a great many Proselites among the Common People and made a Party among some of the greatest Nobility too which terminated in this unhappy issue to shew us too soon the dangers and disturbances that always must attend any Innovation in Religion for the suppressing of this Gregory the XI wrote the Arch-Bishop and Bishop of London who cite Wickliff to appear at Pauls whither he comes well attended with the Duke of Lancaster and Piercy Lord Marshal where they were no sooner come but the Spiritual Lords fell out with the Temporal the Temporal with the Spiritual all about Wickliff's sitting down before his Ordinary which the Reforming Lords in contempt to the Bishops contended for and the Proselited Duke was so Zealous as to tell