to the noble Prince Henrie the seuenth Henrie Plantagenet Earle of Derby was likwise by his mother Blaâ—ch extracted from the bloud of Kngs being discended from Edmund the second sonne of King Henrie the third by which line the Dâ—chie of Lancaster did â—â—creâ—e vnto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agilitie of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch ioyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and aduised in all his actions Hee was quicke and present in conceite forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in euent There was no great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glorie then refuse either for peril or for paines and in seruice hee often prooued himselfe not onely a skilfull commaunder by giuing directions but also a good Souldier in vsing his weapon aduenturing further in person sometimes then policie would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receiptes he was verie courteous and familiar respectiuely towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regarde especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by vnprofitable curtesies then by 〈◊〉 benefits In all the changes of his estate he was almost one and the same man in aduersitie neuer daunted in prosperitie neuer secure reteining still his maiestie in the one and his mildnes in the other neither did the continuance of his Raigne bring him to a proude port and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares he remained so gentle faire in cariage that therby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard He could not lightly be drawne into any cause was stiffe constant in a good Yet more easie to be either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to be terrified by threats To some men he seemed too greedie of glorie making small difference of the meanes whereby he attained it and indeede this humour in noble minds is most hardly ouer-ruled and oftentimes it draweth euen the 〈…〉 But before I proceede any further in describing either the qualities or actes of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his cosin germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either caâ—fer or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the thirde Crowned King ouer this Realme of England in the eleuenth yeare of his age at which yeares the minde of man is like to the poâ—â—teis earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way so euer it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the gouernaunce of the King at the first was comitted to certaine Bishops Earles 〈◊〉 and Iustices But either vppon 〈…〉 the King or negligence to discharge their dutie 〈…〉 was more ready with pleasant 〈◊〉 to delight 〈◊〉 then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speaches neede small endeauour and alwaies findeth fauour whereas to aduise that which is meete is a point of some paines and many timesâ— thanklesse office Herrâ— vpon two daungerous euils did 〈…〉 In and priuate respects did passe vnder publike 〈◊〉 In the thirde yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should be committed to one man to auoide thereby the vnnecessarie wast of the treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend vnto many So by the whole consent of the nobilitie and commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwicke and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Eschequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did iâ—â—â—deratly bend himselfe to the fauouring and aduansing of certaine persons which were both reproueable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconueniences for many yong noble-men and braue Courtiers hauing a nimble eye to the 〈…〉 and dislikes of the King gave ouer themselues to a dissolute and dishonestlise which findeth some followers when it findeth deth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thriue the King also by fauouring these was himselfe little fauoured and loued of many for it is oftentimes a daungerous to a Prince to haue euil and odious adherents as to bee euill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Neâ—ill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veâ—â—â— Earle of Oxford Michael 〈◊〉 afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Triâ—iliane Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminencie either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwaies next vnto him both in companie and counsell by these he ordered his priuate actions by these he managed his affaires of state he spared neither the dignitie nor death of any man whose aucthoâ—â—ie and life withstoode their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his Raigne he remooued Sir Richard Seroopâ— from being Lord Chauncellor of England to which office he was by aucthoritie of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the graunt of certaine lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his denial the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties vpon whome the King might cast away and confirme but spend in good order he could not aduertising him also to haue respect that ryote did not deceiue him vnder the tearme and shewe of liberalitie and that gifts well ordered procure not so much loue as placed without descretion they stirre 〈◊〉 This Chancellor was a man of notable integritâ— and diligence in his office not scornfully turning away from the ragged coat of a poore suppliant or pale face of a fickely feeble 〈…〉 holding vp their simple soiled billes of complaint not yet smothering 〈…〉 with partiall 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 mighty but being alike to all he was 〈◊〉 disliked of 〈…〉 In the eight yeere of this 〈◊〉 the destruction of the duke of Lancaster was extended likewise vpon the like dislike the plot was layed by Iustice 〈◊〉 offences were deuised appelloâ—s appointed and peâ—res named â—e should haue bene put vnder 〈◊〉 and foorthwith â—â—â—â—igned condemned and executed But the duke vpon 〈◊〉 intelligence of these continuances fled to his castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the king So this matter began to grow to a head of diuision which the common people at that time very busily desired and sought but the kings mother trauelling 〈◊〉 betweene the king and the duke notwithstanding shee was both 〈…〉 〈◊〉 them both to are conâ—â—lement
the king with regard of the dangerous and discontend times the duke with respect of his duty and faith and so partly by her entreaty and aduise partly by their inclination bending to the 〈◊〉 course all apparancy of displeasure on the one part and a 〈◊〉 on the other was for that time layed aside The same yere Michael Dâ—lapoole was made Clancellour of England and created earle of Suffolke and Robert Veerâ— earle of Oxford was created Marquesse of Dubline being the first man within this realme that was eâ—obled with that 〈◊〉 But 〈◊〉 they grew in honour sordid they 〈◊〉 hate for many noble men did infinitely stomacke their vndeserued aduancements and with these the fauour of the people generally went but the kings intemperate affection was peremptory 〈…〉 not regarding 〈…〉 could not resist it The yeere next following Robert Veere the new Marques was created duke of Ireland This yere the Knights and burgesses of 〈◊〉 put vp many complaints against the Earle of suffolke vpon which they 〈…〉 his 〈…〉 triall namely 〈◊〉 he 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 in taking of him to farme all the profits 〈…〉 crowne thow wantonly he wasted the treasure of the land in 〈◊〉 liberalitie and vnnecessary charges how deepe he had diued into the kings debt how carelesse and 〈…〉 in his office how greatly he had 〈◊〉 deceived and 〈◊〉 the king in 〈◊〉 dealing and 〈◊〉 particularly 〈◊〉 with diuers other 〈…〉 dishonor and dishonesty both in priuate actions and in office This 〈◊〉 was a merchants sonne in London and growing mighty on the sudden he could not gouerne himselfe in the change but 〈◊〉 lay 〈…〉 of his minde which were suppressed and 〈…〉 rulleâ—â—ng 〈◊〉 with 〈…〉 he made 〈◊〉 of his 〈…〉 Yet the king was willing either secretly to dissemble or openly to 〈◊〉 these 〈◊〉 and so passed them ouer with a short audience as his maner was in matters of 〈◊〉 weight 〈…〉 with the complaint Afterwards a 〈…〉 but answere was made that this needed not since the kings wants might be furnished with the debts which were owing him from his Chancellour neither was it to any purpose so long as the 〈…〉 ordered by such 〈◊〉 as before it had beene 〈…〉 was like 〈…〉 the matter against the 〈…〉 and the king perswaded 〈…〉 honourable not safe to beare him out that to priuate men it was sufficient if themselues abstaine from wrong but a prince must prouide that none do wrong vnder him for by mainteining or wincking at the vices of his officers he maketh them his owne and shal surely be charged therewith when first occasion doth serue against him At the last vpon instant importunity of both houses the king did consent that a commission should goe forth to certaine noble men giuing them authority to heare and determine all matters which were obiected against the L. Chancellour and then was a Subsidie graunted with exceptiâ—n that the money should be expended by the Lords to the benefit and behalfe of the realme The king did further demaund that the heires of Charles Blâ—ys who made claime to the duchy of Britaine should be sold to the French men for thirty thousand marks and the money granted to the duke of Ireland for recouery of those possessions which the king had giuen him in Ireland this was likewise assented vnto vpon condition that before Easter then next ensuing the duke should depart into Ireland and there remaine at so high a price did they value the riddance of him out of the realme The charge of the Subsidie money was committed to Richard earle of Arundell Commissioners for the earle of Suffolke were appointed Thomas duke of Glocester the kings vncle and the sayd earle of Arundell but during the time of their proceeding the king kept all off in places farre distant either to manifest thereby the dissent of his minde or to auoid the griefe which his neerenesse would increase And now was the Chancellour left vnto himselfe to answere to those demeanures wherein he made the kings blinde fauour his priuiledge and protection supposing neuer to see the same either altered or ouer-ruled In the end being conuict of many crimes and abuses he was deposed from his office his goods were confiscated to the kings Exchequer himselfe was adiudged woorthy of death Yet was execution submitted to the kings pleasure and vnder sureties he was permitted to goe at large At the same time Iohn Fâ—â—rdâ— Bishop of Duresme another of the Kings dainties was remoued also from being Lord Treasorer of England he was a man of little depth either in learning or wisedome but one that had the Arte of seeming in making the best shewe of whatsoeuer he spake or did and rising from meane estate to so high a pitch of honour hee exercised the more excessiuely his ryote auarice and ambition not able to moderate the lustes and desires which former want had kindled When this businesse was blowne ouer the King â—â—turned againe to London and did presently receiue the Earle of Suffolke with the Duke of Ireland and the Archbishop of Yorke to greater grace and familiaritie then at any time before These Triumuirs did not cease to stirre vp the Kings stomake against those Noble men whose speciall excellencie had made matter of fame and regarde partly for the disgraces which they had receiued partly vpon malicious emulation to see the other so fauoured and themselues so odious and that their priuate choller and ambition might beare some shewe of publike respect they suggested vnto the King that he was but halfe yea not halfe a King in his owne Realme but rather the shadow and picture of a King for if we respect sayd they matters of state you beare the sword but they sway it you haue the shewe but they the authority of a Prince vsing your name as a colour and countenance to their proceedings and your person as a cypher to make them great and be your selfe nothing Looke to the dutie of your subiectes and it is at their deuotion so that you can neither commaunde nor demaunde any thing but with such exceptions and limitations as they please to impose come now to your priuate actions your liberalitie the greatest vertue in a prince is restrained your expences measured and your affections confined to frowne and fauour as they doe prescribe What Ward is so much vnder gouernment of his Gardian Wherein will they next or can they more abridge you Except they should take from you the place as they haue done the power of a Prince and in this we thinke they may iusty be feared hauing so great might ioyned with so great aspiring mindes For power is neuer safe when it doth exceede ambition is like the Crocodile which groweth so long as he liueth or like the Iuie which fastning on the foote of the tallest Tower by small yet continuall rising at length will climbe aboue the toppe it is already growne from a sparke to a flame from a twigge to a tree and high
King Richard entred the field with great pomp both in brauery and traine he had in his company the Earle of S. Paule who came purposely out of Fraunce to see this combat tried he was attended with all the noble Peeres of the Realme and guarded with tenne thousand men in armes for feare of any sudden or intended tumult When hee was placed on his stage which was verie curiously and richly set forth a King at armes made proclamation in the name of the King and of the high Constable and of the Marshall that no man except such as were appointed to order and Marshall the fielde shoulde touch any parte of the listes vpon paine of death This proclamation beeing eâ—ded another herrald cryed Behold her Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant who is entred into the listes royall to doe this deuoire against Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant vpon paine to be accompted false and recreant The Duke of Norfolke was houering on horsebacke at the entry of the listes his horse being barbed with crimson veluet embroadered â—itchly with lions of siluer and mulberie trees and when he had made his oath before the Constable and Marshall that his quarrell was iust and true he entred the fielde boldly crying aloud God aide him that hath the right then hee lighted from his horse and satte downe in a chaire of Crimson veluet curtained aboute with red and white damaske and placed at the other ende of the listes The Lord Marshall viewed both their speares to see that they were of equall length the one speare he caried himselfe to the Duke of Hereford and sent the other to the Duke of Norfolke by a Knight This done a Herrald proclaimed that the trauerses and chaires of the combatants should be remoued commaunding them in the Kings name to mount on horsebacke and adresse themselues to the encounter the Dukes were quickly horsed and closed their beauiers and cast their speares into the restes Then the trumpetes sounded and the Duke of Hereforde set forth towards his enimy about fixe or seauen paces but before the Duke of Norfolke began to put forewarde the King cast downe his warder and the Herralds cried ho then the King caused the Dukes speares to be taken from them and commaunded them to forsake their horses and returne againe to their chaires where they remained aboue two long houres whilst the King deliberated with his counsaile what was fittest to be done At last the Herralds cryed silence and Sir Iohn Borcy a secretary of state with a loude voice read the sentence and determination of the King and his counsaile out of a long roule wherein was contained that Henry of Lancaster Duke of Hereford appellant and Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke defendant had honourably appeared that day within the lists royall and declared themselues valiant and hardy champions being not onely ready but forward and desirous to darrein the battel but because this was a matter of great consequence import the King with the aduise of his Councell thought it meet to take the same into his owne hands and thereupon had decreed that Hâ—nrie Duke of Hereford because he had displeased the King and for diuers other considerations should within 15. dayes next following depart out of the Realme and not to returne during the terme often yeeres without the Kings especiall licence vpon paine of death When this iudgement was heard a confused noyse was raysed among the people some lamenting eyther the deserte or the iniurie of the Duke of Hereforde whom they exceedingly fauoured others laughing at the conceite of the King first in causing and afterwardes in frustrating so great an expectation wherein he seemed to doe not much vnlike Caligula who lying in Fraunce with a great armie nere the sea shoare gaue the signe of battell set his men in aray marched foorth as if it had bene to some great piece of seruice suddenly commanded them all together cockles Then the Herralds cryed againe ô yes and the secretarie did reade on how the King had likewise otdayned that Thomas Moubraie Duke of Northfolke because he had sowen sedition by words whereof he could make no proofe should auoide the realme of England and neuer returne againe vpon paine of death and that the King would take the profites and reuenues of his landes vntill he had receiued such summes of money as the Duke had taken vp for wages of the garison of Calice which was still vnpaide and that the King prohibited vpon paine of his grieuous displeasure that any man should make suite or entreatie to him on the behalfe of eyther of these two Dukes These sentences being in this sort pronounced the King called the two exiles before him and tooke of them an oth that they should not conuerse together in foraine regions nor one willingly come in place where the other was fearing as it was like least their common discontentment should draw them first to reconcilement and afterward to reuenge But this policie was ouer weake for this purpose for oathes are commonly spurned aside when they lye in the way either to honour or â—euenge and if their vnited forces was much to be regarded theâ— seperate are powers was not altogether to bee conâ—â—â—ed Therefore the later plinâ—â—â— of this Realme haue with more 〈◊〉 wholy abolished the vse of abiuration and 〈◊〉 and doe either by death extinguish the power or by pardon alter the will of great offenders from entring into desperite and daungerous attempts which men in 〈◊〉 and disgrace haue more vehemencie to begin and more 〈◊〉 to continue When the 〈◊〉 had once so enclosed the Romaine legions within certaine streigâ— that they left them neither space to fight nor way to flie but without force enforced them to yeelde they sent to Hreâ—â—â—us Pontius an aged ruler of their state for his aduise what were best for them to doe his answere was that the Romaines should be permitted to depart without any 〈◊〉 losse orscorne This pleased not such as 〈◊〉 â—â—â—her couetous for spoyâ—e 〈…〉 for blood â— and therefore they sent vnto him the second time who then returned answere that the Romanes should bee put to the sworde and not one man suffered to escape The contrarietie of these two counsailes brought the olde man into suspition of dotage but he comming in person to the campe maintained both to be good the first whereof which hee thought best would by vnexspected fauour prouoke the Romanes to a perpetuall friendship the second would deferre the warres for many yeares wherein the enemies should hardly recouer strength third counsaile there was none that safely might be followes Yes said the Samnites to graunt them their liues yet with such conditions of spoyle and shame as the lawes of victorie doe lay vpon them This is the way answered Herenâ—ius which neither winneth friends nor weakeneth enemies but will much encrease the fury against vs nothing diminish the force And euen so in matters of more particularity than
therefore sithe hee had graunted a safe conduct to the Earle of Marche and his companie it were an impeachment to his honour without iust cause to violate the same Vppon this answere the King of Scottes did presently proclaime open warre against the King of England with bloud fire and sworde King Henry thought it policie rather to begin the warre in his enemies countrie then to expect it in his owne because the land which is the 〈◊〉 of the warre dooth commonly furnish both sides with necessarie supply the friend by contribution and the enemie by spoyle Therefore sending certaine troopes of horsemen before him both to espie and to induce an vncertaine terrour vppon the enemie hee entred into Scotland with a puissant armie wherewith hee burnt many Villages and Townes cast downe diuerse Castles and ruined a great part of the Townes of Edenborough and Lith sparing nothing but Churches and religious houses so that in all places as he passed the spectacle was ouglie and grislie which hee left behind him bodyes torne in peeces mangled and putrified limmes the ayre infected with stincke the ground imbrued with corruption and bloud the countrie wasted the Grasse and Corne troden downe and spoyled insomuch as a man would haue sayde that warre is an exercise not of manhood but of inhumanitie They that fledde before the armie filled all places with feare and terrour extolling aboue truthe the English foreces to deminish thereby their shame in running from them In the end of September the King besieged the Castle of Maydens in Edenborough wherein were Dauid Duke of Rothsaye Prince of the realme and Archibaldâ— Earle Dowglasle the inconstancie of the one and ambition of the other were principall causes of all this warre During this siege Robert Duke of Albonye who was appointed gouernour of the Realme because the King was sicke and vnable to rule sent an Herauld vnto Henrie assuring him vppon his honour that if hee would abyde but sixe dayes at the most hee would giue him battaile and eyther remooue the siege or loose his life The King was well pleased with these tidings and rewarded the Herauld with a gowne of silke and a chaine of gould and promised him in the worde of a Prince to abide there and expect the gouernour during the tyme by him prefixed The sixe dayes passed almoste sixe tymes ouer and no more newes was heard of the Gouernour eyther by presence or by messenger Winter came on and victuaile fayled the Country was colde and fruitelesse and it rayned euery day in great aboundance so that partly by hunger partlye by distemperature of the weather the Soldiers began to dye of the Flixe it is verie like that these accidentes stayed the Gouernour from performing his promise for pollicy was against it to hazard his men in the fielde when winter and want two forceable foes had giuen the charge vpon his enemyes certaine it is that they mooued the King to remooue his fiege and to depart out of Scotland without any battaile or skirmish offred Both the Wardens of the Marches were all this time in Scotland with the King vpon which aduantage the Scots did breake into Northumberland and burnt certaine townes in Bamborough shire The English men were speedilie vp in armes but the Scottes more speedily made theyr returne or else no doubt they had been met with and encountered Agayne when King Henry had discharged his armie the Scottes beeing desirous not so much of lyfe as of reuenge made a sodayne roade into England vnder the conduct of Sir Thomas Halsbarton of Dirleton and Sir Patricke Hebburne of Hales but all the harme which they wrought dyd rather waken then weaken the Englishmen and they themselues were somewhat encouraged but nothing enryched by that whych they got Not long after Sir Patricke Hebburne beeing lifted vp in desire and hope resolued to vndertake a greater enterprise the people which are 〈…〉 by prosporous successe in great companies resorted to him but hee was loath to haue more fellowes in the spoyle then hee thought should neede in the daunger therefore with a competent armie of the men of Loughdeane he inuaded a Northumberland where hee made great spoile and loaded his Souldiours with prisoners and pray There was no question made what perill might bee in the returne Therefore they marched loosene and 〈…〉 as in a place of great securitie not keeping themselues to their ensignes and order but the Earle of Northumberlands Vice-warden and order Gentlemen of the borders in good arraye set vppon them at a towne in Northumberland called 〈◊〉 The scottes rallied as well as the soddainnesse did serue and valliantlie receiued the charge so that the battaile was sharpe and 〈◊〉 and continued a good time with great mortalitie In the ende the enemyes ranckes grew thinne as being rather confusedly shuffled together then orderly and firmlie compacted and when the Vice-warden 〈◊〉 them weake in the shock and yeelding vnder his hand with a companie which purposelâ—e reteyned about him for sodaine dispâ—teneâ— and chaunces of warre he flercely charged and disordered them Sir Patricke Hebburne being cleane destitute both of counsaile and courage ranne vp and downe from one place to another commaunding many things and presently forbidding them againe and the lesse of force his directions were the oftener did hee change them anone as it happeneth in lost and desperate cases euerye man became a commaunder and none a putter in execution so the ranket loosed and brake and could not bee reunited the victor hoatly pursuing the aduantage Then might you haue 〈◊〉 a grieuous spectacle pursuing killing wounding and taking and killing those that were taken when better were offered euery where weapons and dead bodyes and mangled limâ— laye scattered and sometimes in those that were slaine appeared at their death both anger and valure Sir Patricke Hebburne thought of nothing lesse then eyther fleeing or yeelding but thrusting among the thickest of his enemyes honourably ended his life Many other of his linage and the flower of all Loughdeane were likewise slaine There 〈…〉 side no great number was slaine and those of no great seruice and degree And with these troubles the first yeere of King Henrie the fourth ended ⸫ FINIS LONDON Printed by Iohn VVolfe and are to be sold at his shop in Popes head alley neere the Exchange 1599. Crastino purificationis 1388 1389 1390. 1392 1393 1397 1398 Tranquil in caligula Tacitus in proaemio Ierem. 25. 9. Ezech. 29. 18. Ierm 29. 7. Baruch 1. 11. So did Dâ—mitian put to death Epaphroditus Neroes libertine because he helped Neroe although in loue to kill himselfe So did Seuerus kill all the killers of Pertinax his prodecessour and likwise Vitellius did put to death all the murtherers of Galâ—a Theophilus Emperour of Grecia caused all those to be slaine who had made his Father Emperour by killing Leo Armenius And Alexander the great put to cruell execution those that had slaine Darius his mighty and mortall enemy Deut. 17. 12. Psal 105. Exod. 22. 28. Act. 23. 5. Rom. 13. 1. 13. Tit. 3. 1. 1 Pet 2. 13 14. 17. 1. Tim. 2 2. Rom. 1â— 2. Iohn 19. 〈◊〉 Cap. â—5 1. 2. Chro. 36. 22. 2. Chron. 19. 6. Psal. 28. Sap. 6. Quintil in declam Cic. offic lib. 1. Nehem. 9. 37. Alphons a cast in lib. de haeresi in verb. Tyrannus Dominie Soto lib. 5. de iust et iur q. 1. artic 3.
and fearing more the Kings daily exactions did not onely deny but euill intreated a certaine Lumbard who offered to lay out the money Another griefe was thus occasioned One of the Bishop of Salisburies seruants named Romane meeting in Fleetstreet with a Bakers man bearing horse-bread tooke a loafe out of his basket and by rude demaund of the one and rough denial of the other chollar so kindled betwixt theÌ„ that Romane brake the Bakers head Heereupon the neighbors came forth and would haue arrested this Bishops lusty yeoman but he escaped and fled to the Bishops house The Constable followed peaceably and demaunded a quiet deliuery of the offendour but the Bishops men shut the gates against him that no man could come neere Then much people flocked together threatening to breake open the gates and fire the house vnlesse Romane were brought forth vnto them What sayd they are the Bishops men priuiledged or is his house a sanctuary or will he protect those whom he ought to punish if we may be shuffled off in this sort not onely our streets but our shoppes and our houses shall neuer be free from violence and wrong This we will not endure we can not it standeth not vs in hand Heerewith they approched the gates and began to vse violence but the Maior and Shiriffes of the Citty vpon aduertiâ—ement of this tumult came amongst them crying out that it was not courage but out-rage which they shewed wherby they would procure both daunger to themselues and displeasure against the whole Citty that although wrong had beene receiued yet they were not the men nor this the meanes to redresse the same So partly by their perswasions partly by their presence and authoritie they repressed the riote and sent euery man away with streight charge to keep the peace Here was yet no great harme done and the quarrell might haue bene quieted without more adoe had not the Bishop stirred therein and kindled the coales of vnkindnesse a fresh For the Londoners at that time were not onely suspected secretly but openly noted to bee fauourers and followers of wickliffes opinions for which cause they were much maliced of the Bishoppes and many of their actions interpreted to proceed from another minde and tend to a worse ende then was outwardly borne in countenance and shew and some matters of chaunce were taken as done of purpose Therefore the Bishop of Salisburie called Iohn Waltham who was also treasurour of England made a grieuous complaint of this attempt to Thomas Arundle Archbishop of Yorke and Lord Chauncellour affirming that if vpon euery light pretence the citezens might be suffered in this sorte to insult vpon the bishoppes without punishment without reproofe and blame they woulde bring into hazzard not onely the dignity and state but the libertie also of the whole Church did they not lately take vppon them the punishment of adulteries and other crimes appertaining to ecleâ—iasticall iurisdiction maliciously alleaging that the bishops and their officers either beeing infamous for those vices themselues did wincke at the same in others or else by couetous commâ—tation did rather set them to sale then care fully represse them Did they not rudely and â—nâ—euerently breake open the doores vpon the Archbishop of Canterburie and interrupte his proceedings against Iohn Astone an open follower of wickliffe and doe we think that this is the last indignity that they will offer no surely nor yet the least and if this boldnesse be not beaten downe our authority will fall into open contempt and scorne and bee made a common foote-ball for euery base citizen to spurne at Herevpon they went together to the King and so incensed his displeasure against the Londoners beeing prepared thereto by former prouocations that hee was in the minde to make spoyle of the citty and vtterly to destroy it But beeing perswaded to some more moderation in reuenge first hee caused the 〈◊〉 and Shiriffes and many of the chiefe citizens to be apprehended and committed to diuers seuerall prisons then hee câ—zed all the liberties of the citty into his handes and ordained that no Mayor shoulde any more bee elected but that the King shoulde at his pleasure appointe a Warden and gouernonâ— ouer the citty This office was first committed to Sir Edward Darlington who for his gentlenesse towardes the citizens was shortly after remouoed and Sir Baldwine Radington placed in his roome Also the King was induced or rather seduced by the Archbishop of Yorke Lord Chauncellour to remooue the Tearmes and Courtes to witte the Chauncery the Exchequer the kings bench the hamper and the common pleas from London to bee kept at Yorke where the same continued from midsommer in the yeare 1393. vntill Christmasse next following to the great hinderance and decay of the citty of London At the last the King vpon earnest intreaty of the Duke of Lancaster and the Duke of Gloucester called the Londoners before him at Windsore where hauing first terrified them with the presence and shewe of a greate number of armed men hee caused all the priuiledges of the citty both olde and newe to be brought forth whereof he restored some and restrained the rest yet the Londoners were not fully receiued to fauour neither recouered they at that time either the person or dignity of their Mayor Shortly after the King went to London at whose comming the citizens changed all their griefe into gladnesse as the common forte is without measure in both entertayning him with such ioyfull triumphes and rich presentes as if it had beene the day of his coronation They supposed with these great curtesies and costs to haue satissied his displeasure but they sound themselues farre deceiued for they were not fully restoaâ—ed to their liberties againe vntill they had made fine to pay vnto the King ten thousand poundes Thus did the Londoners manifest in themselues a strange diuersity of disposition both licenciously to committe offeâ—ee and paciently to endure punnishment hauing rashnesse and rage so tempered with obedience that they were easily punnished who coulde not possibly bee ruled Yet fot this cause so soone as first occasion did serue against the King they shewed themselues either his earnest enimies or faint friends King Richard in the nineteene yeare of his reigne passed the seas to Calice the French king also came downe to Arde betweene which two Townes a place was appointed and tentes erected for both the kings to meete After large expenses on both fides and great honour done by the one king to the other a surcease of armes was concluded betweene them for thirtie yeares and king Richard tooke to wife Lady Isabell the French Kings daughter being not aboue seuen or eight yeeres olde The Duke of Gloucester was so offended both with this friendship and assinitie that he lost all manner of patience exclaiming that it was more meete to be in armes then in amitie with the French-men who beeing inferiour to the English in courage did alwayes ouer-reach them in craft and being
Lancashire and Cheshire men to the intent to make ware on the foresaid Lords and suffered them to robbe and spoile without correction or reproofe 6 Item that although the king flatteringly and with great dissimulation made proclamation throughout the realme that the Lords aforenamed were not attached for any crime of treason but onely for extortions and oppressions doone within the realme yet he laide to them in the Parlament rebellion and manifest treason 7 Item he hath compelled diuers of the said Lords seruants by menace to make great fines extreame paiments to their vtter vndooing and notwithstanding his pardon to to them graunted he made them fine a new 8 Item where diuers were appointed to common of the estate of the realme and the commonwealth of the same the king caused all the roules records to be kept froÌ„ them contrary to his promise made in parlament to his opeÌ„ dishonor 9 Item â—e vncharitably commaunded that no man vpon paine of losse of life and goods should once entreate him for the returne of Henrie now duke of Lancaster 10 Item where the realme is houlden of God and not of the Pope or any other Prince the said King Richard after he had obteyned diuers acts of Parlament for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure then he procured Bulles and extreame censures from Rome to compell all men streitly to keepe the same contrary to the honour and auncient priuiledges of this realme 11 Item although the Duke of Lancaster had done his deuoyre against Thomas Duke of Northfolke in proofe of his quarrell yet the said king without reason or ground banished him the realme for ten yeares contrarie to all equitie 12 Item before the Dukes departure he vnder his broad Scale licenced him to make atturneys to prosecute and defend his causes the said king after his departure would suffer none atturney to appeare for him but did with his at his pleasure 13 Item the said king put out diuers Shiriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes diuers others of his owne minions subuerting the lawe contrarie to his oath and honour 14 Item he borowed great summes of money and bound himselfe vnder his letters patents for the repayment of the same and yet not one peny paide 15 Item he taxed men at the will of him and his vnhappie counsaile and the same treasure spent in folly not paying poore men for their vittaile and viand 16 Item he said that the lawes of the realme were in his head and sometimes in his brest by reason of which phantasticall opinion he destroyed noble men and impouerished the poore commons 17 Item the parlament setting and enacting diuers notable statutes for the profit and aduancement of the commonwealth he by his priuie friends and solicitours caused to be enacted that no acte then enacted should be more preiudiciall to him then it was to his predecessours thorow which prouiso he did often as he list and not as the lawe ment 18 Item for to serue his purpose he would suffer the Shiriffes of the shires to remaine aboue one yeare or two in their office 19 Item at the summons of parlament when the Knights and Burgesses should be elect and the election had fully proceeded he put out diuers persons elected and put in others in their places to serue his will and appetite 20 Item he had priuie espials in euery shire to heare who had of him any communication and if he communed of his lafciuious liuing and outragious dooing he straightwayes was apprehended and made a grieuous fine 21 Item the spiritualtie alledged against him that he at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money beside Plate and Iewels without lawe ot custome contrary to his oath taken at his coronation 22 Item when diuers Lordes and Iustices were sworne to say the trueth of diuers things to them committed in charge both for the honor of the realme and profit of the king the said king so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right 23 Item that without the assent of the Nobilitie he caryed the Iewels and Place and treasure ouer the sea into Ireland to the great impouerishing of the realme and all the good recordes of the common wealth against his extortions he caused priuily to be embeaseled and caryed away 24 Item in all leagues and letters to be concluded and sent to the sea of Rome and other regions his writing was so subtill and darke that no other Prince durst once beleeue him nor yet his owne subiects 25 Item he most tyranouslie and vnprincely said that the liues and goods of all his subiects were in the Princes hands and at his disposition 26 Item that he contrarie to the great Charter of England caused diuers lustie men to appeale diuers olde men vpon matters determinable at the common law in the court Marciall because that in that court is no triall but onely by battaile whereby the sayd aged persons fearing the sequell of the matter submitted themselues to his mercie whom he fined and ransomed vnreasonably at his pleasure 27 Item he craftily deuised certaine priuie oathes contrarie to lawe and caused diuers of his subiects first to be sworne to obserue the same and after bound them in bands for surer keeping the same to the great vndooing of many honest men 28 Item where the Chancellour according to lawe would in no wise graunt a prohibition to a certaine person the king graunted it vnto the same person vnder his priuie â—eale with great threatnings if it should be disobeyed 29 Item he banished the Bishop of Canterburie without cause or iudgement and kept him in the Parlament Chamber with men of armes 30 Item the bishops goods he graunted to his successor vpon condition that he should maintaine all his statutes made at Shrewsburie Anno. 21. and the statutes made Anno 22. at Couentree 31 Item vppon the accusation of the Archbishop the king craftily perswaded the said Bishop to make no answer for he would be his warrant and aduised him not to come to the Parlament and so without answere he was condemned and exiled and his goods seazed Foure other Articles were laide which particularlie did concerne the said Archhishop by whose dooing chiefly the king was vtterlie vndone Then was demaunded of the Nobilitie and commons of the realme what they iudged both of the trueth and desert of these articles who all agreed that the crimes were notorious and that king Richard was worthie for the same to be deposed from his princely dignitie The noble men gaue their voyces part corrupted by fauour part awed by feare and the commons are commonly like a flocke of Cranes as one dooth flye all will follow Herevpon Commissioners were appointed by both the houses who pronounced sentence of deposition against king Richard in manner and forme as followeth In the name of God Amen VVe Iohn Bishop of S. Asses I. Abbote of Glastenburie Thom. Earle of Gloucester Thom. Lord
Berkley Thom. Erpinghame Thom. Graye Knights Will. Thirninge Iustice Commissioners for the matters hereafter specified by the Lords spirituall and temporall of the realme of England and the Commons of the said realme representing all the states of the saide Kingdome specially deputed sitting in seate of iudgement and considering the manifold periuries and cruelties and many other crimes and offerces by Richard late King of the saide realme committed and doone contrarie to good gouernement in the realmes and dominions aforesaide during the time of his reigne also considering the articles which were openly â—â—â—bibited and red before the said states which were so publicke notorious manifest and famous that they could nor can by no auoydance and shift be concealed also considering the confession of the saide King acknowledging and reputing and truly vpon his certaine knowledge iudging himselfe to haue been and to be altogether insufficient and vnskilfull for the rule and gouernment of the realmes and Dominions aforesaid and of any parts of them and not vnworthy to be deposed for the notorious demerites by the said Richard first acknowledged and afterward by his will and mandate before the said states published and to them opened and declared in the English tongue Vpon these and other matters which were done concerning the same busines before the said States and vs by the diligent place name and authority to vs in this part committed in aboundance and for a cautele we pronounce decree and declare the saide Richard to haue beene and to be vnprofitable and vnable and altogether insufficient and vnworthie for the rule and gouernement of the said realmes and of the dominions rights and parts of them and in regarde and respect of the premises worthily to be deposed from all kinglie dignitie and honour if any such dignitie and honour remaineth in him and for the like cautele wee doe depose him by our sentence definitiue in this writing inhibiting from hencefoorth expressely all and singular Lords Archbishops Bishops Prelates Dukes Marquesses and Earles Barons Knights Vassalles and all other persons whatsoeuer of the saide realmes and dominions and other places to the said realmes and dominions appertaining the subiects and liege people of the same and euery of them that from henceforth none obey or intend to obey the foresaid Richard as king or Lord of the realmes and dominions aforesaid Then the same Commissioners were by the consent and suffrages of both houses constituted procurators ioyntlye and seuerally for all the states of the realme to resigne and surrender vnto King Richard for them and all other homagers of the realme all the homages and fealties which were both due and doone vnto him as King and Soueraigne and also to declare vnto him al the premises concerning his deposition Now Henrie Duke of Lancaster that he might be reputed or reported at the least not to attaine the kingdom by intrusion and wrong was counsailed by his friends to pretend some lawfull challenge and claime therevnto and being in power it was no sooner aduised what was to bee doone but it was presently deuised how to doe it So a title was drawne from Edmund sonne to King Henrie the third whom they surnamed Crowch backe affirming that he was the eldest sonne of King Henrie and that for his deformitie he was put from his right of succession in the kingdome which was for that cause giuen to his yonger brother King Edward the third to this Edmund the Duke was next of bloud by his mother Blanche sole daughter and heyre to Henrie the first Duke of Lancaster and sonne to the saide Edmund This cunning conceit was perceiued of all men but seeming not to perceiue it was a point of friendship in some and of obedience in the rest therfore the kingdome of England being then thought vacant both by the resignation and also by the deposition of King Richard Duke Henrie arose from his seate and standing in the view of the Lords crossed himselfe on the forehead and on the brest and spake as followeth In the name of God Amen 〈◊〉 Henrie of Lancaster claime the realme of England â—â—â—â—owne with all the appurtenances 〈…〉 of the bloud royall comming from that good Lord K. Henrie the third and through the right that God of this grace hath sent mee with the helpe of my kindred and of my friendes to recouer the same Which kingdome was in point to be vndoone for default of good gouernment and due iustice After these wordes it was demaunded in both houses of the Nobility of the commons which were assembled whether they did consent that the Duke should raigne Who all with one voyce acknowledged and accepted him for their King then the Archbishop of Canterbury tooke him by the hand and placed him in the throane of estate the Archbishoppe of Yorke assisting him and all the assemblie testifying their owne ioy and wishing his Then the Archbishop made an oration and tooke for his theame this place of Scripture See this is the man whom I spake to thee of this same shall raigne ouer my people 1. Reg. 9. 17. After all this he was proclaimed King of England and of Fraunce and Lord of Ireland and the common people which is voide of cares not searching into sequels but without difference of right or wrong inclinable to follow those that are mighty with shoutes and clamours gaue their applause not all vpon iudgement or faithfull meaning but most onely vpon a receiued custome to flatter the Prince whatsoeuer he be Yet least the heate of this humour should allay by delay it was foorthwith proclaimed in the great Hall that vpon the 13. day of September next ensuing the Coronation of the King should be celebrated at Westminster These matters being thus dispatched the King proclaimed arose from his seate and went to White Hall where he spent the rest of the day in royall feasting and all other complementes of ioy notwithstanding there appeared in him no token of statelynesse or pride nor any change in so great a change Vpon Wednesday next following the procurators before mentioned went to the presence of King Richard being within the Tower and declared vnto him the admission of his resignation and also the order and forme of his deposition and in the name of all the states of the realme did surrender the homage and fealty which had been due vnto him so that no man from thence foorth would beare to him faith and obedience as to their King The King answered that he nothing reguarded these titulare circumstances but contented himselfe with hope that his cousen would be gracious Lord and good friend vnto him So vpon the 13. day of October which was the day of the translation of Edward the Confessour the Duke was with all accustomed solemnities by the Archbishoppe of Canterbury sacred annointed and Crowned King at Westminster by the name of king Henry the fourth vpon the very same day wherein the yeere before he had been banished the Realme