them and conferred them upon some others breaking the ice by the change of Chancellour The Archbishop of Yorke formerly Bishop of Ely for when Nevil was banished he removed to that See kneeling downe did readily deliver up unto him the great Seale Hee likewise changed the Lord Treasurer the Clarke of the Signet and the Judges hee removed the Earle of Arundel from being Admirall and conferred that place upon the Earle of Huntington brother by the mothers side to his Majesty He put the Duke of Gloster Earle of Warwicke and others from the Councell Table naming new Councellors in their places And not yet fully resolved whom to chuse for Chancellor hee carried the great Seale along with him to his Chamber where pitching upon a choice he returned backe and gave it to William Wickham Bishop of Winchester a favour which he unwillingly received All this passed quietly on no words proceeding from any one although the kingdome a body then ill affected passed but from one ague fit to another At the end of this yeare the Duke of Lancaster returned to England having spent three yeares abroad The mortality which fell amongst his people caused by the excessive heats in Spaine forced him to retire into Gascony where having begun a treaty with the Duke of Berry to give unto him for wife his daughter Catherine she upon whom the pretence to the Kingdome of Castile fell after her mothers death he thereby raised such jealousies in Iohn the first who then reigned as that the said Iohn demanded her for wife unto his eldest sonne Henry who was afterwards the third King of that name a youth of but ten yeares of age though Catherine were nineteen years old Upon these conditions that hee should pay unto him for the present 200000 Nobles and 10000 markes yearly during the life of the Duke and his wife Constance mother to Catherine That he should assigne over unto Constansâ—… Guadalajara Medina del Campo and Olmedo that shee might enjoy the fruits thereof during her life and that the espoused Princesse should be stiled by the name of Princesse of Austria the sonnes of those Kings though their eldest till then being only stiled Infanti The two on the other side renounced all their pretensions to those Kingdomes The Duke had before this married his daughter Phillep borne unto him by his former wife to Iohn the first King of Portugall having the good fortune to place them both in a like countrey and dignity His comming into England happened in an opportune time for the King having summoned the Nobility to Redding where he then was some strange alteration was doubted the ill will he bore to many being considered the Duke did so behave himselfe as sweetning the King they were all well received and contentedly dismissed But the Kings jealousies of him not ceasing being likewise displeased with his returne hee by the assistance of the first Parliament to the end that hee might againe bee gone gave him the Dutchy of Aquitany together with all the honours incomes and prerogatives which of old did belong unto that Dukedome and which for the present were enjoyed by that Crowne investing him with the accustomed badges of golden rod and Ducall Cap upon the meere tye of simple homage Richard was not strait handed of what he possessed but mainly addicted to his owne will with the which rather then to have parted he would well nigh have parted with his kingdome Insomuch as fearing lest if Lancaster should joyne with Gloster hee mought give him enough to doe To free himselfe from an imaginary obstacle hee weighed not the essentiall impoverishing of the Crowne of its richest Jewell And if the effects did not follow it was not for lacke of his good will but the good will of the people of that Dutchy who being obstinate would not contrary to their priviledges be dismembred from the Crowne of England neither did Glosters siding with him though extravagant any thing at all availe which did not proceed from brotherly affection as he would have it conceived but for that Lancaster being present his authority was the lesse who did pretend to be the onely director in the government of affaires Hee was not troubled at the eldership of his other brother the Duke of Yorke since that he chiefly intended his private pleasures But Richard was deceived in Lancasters intentions for it is not alwayes good to judge of things present by what is past For as in his departing from Spain he merited to be esteemed one of the most valiant and wisest Princes that did then live so at his returne to England he deserved to be held a peace-maker experience and the incommodities of warre having made him desirous of repose and changed or moderated his disposition the which was plainly seen in him the short time that he lived since that he did not onely tolerate the being denied by the Gascones but did patiently endure his sonnes distastes and exile not being moved at whatsoever accident save his brothers death the which hee notwithstanding suffered whilst if he had had like ambition as formerly hee mought not have been destitute of hopes the King being mightily hated he as much beloved And though the putting of his brother to death mought bee justifiable the manner thereof was such as could not be denied to be unjust cruell and tyrannicall The King was no sooner come to age but hee was informed that the Duke of Gloster had raised forces against him the which being found false he would not suffer him to justifie himselfe but injoyned him silence were it either that hee might keepe this plea on foote against him or to free his accusers from punishment the three next yeares past peaceably on the peace of France being on both sides earnestly endeavoured but the reciprocall pretentions and stoutnesse of both parties made it impossible to bee concluded Richard did desire it and the difficulties which the French met with for matter of warre made them likewise desire it as much if not more Charles his indisposition continued as likewise the Uncles discords each intent to their owne private designes and interest so as not able to conclude a peace they continued the league one yeare longer the which the state being in quiet afforded Richard leasure to live according to his owne inclination which was such as had he not erred in the extreme could not have beene better but the splendor of prodigality is like that of lightning which consumes and beares downe whatsoever it meets withall hee kept the greatest and noblest Court of any King in Europe His subjects led by his example dreamt not of frugality a verâ—…ue not much knowne in England but gave themselves over to luxuriousnesse great was his excesse of diet the pompe and bravery of his Court in apparell unimitated the number of his servants exceeding all beliefe 10000. men fed daily of his bread the Queene had 300. women which belonged to her service 300. was the
King Charles nor the Crowne of France with so ignominious an act The truce betweene these two Kingdomes ended the second of August whereupon such English as were in the garrison of Calleis and other frontiers of Picardy were the first who began the warre sallying forth the very next day sacking the frontiers of Bolonia and places next adjacent Five thousand souldiers under the command of Monsieur de Rambures generall of the crossebow-men were sent to defend the Country But King Henry did not weigh anchor till some daies after and came to Normandy the Eve of the Annunciation His fleet consisted of 1500. ships his army of 6000. men of armes and 24000. Bowmen furnished with all such artillery and provisions as humane diligence and the power of so great a King could assemble for such a designe He cast anchor at Cape Caux and landed without resistance having by publique proclamation commanded that neither Church Monastery women children nor any other person whosoever that had no armes should be molested upon paine of life The next day hee went to sit downe before Harfleur a Towne situated upon the mouth of the River Sens. The chiefe Lords of his army were the Dukes of Clarence Gloster Exceter and Yorke the Earle Marshall Arundell Oxford Suffolke Warwicke and others The Town was commanded by Monsieur de Etouteville afsisted by Messieurs de Blanville Bacheville Ermanville Gallart Bos Clere Bestu Adsanches Briote Gocurt Illeadam and many other Knights and Gentlemen to boote with which were 400. men of armes besides the inhabitants who all made what resistance possibly might be The King of France dispatcht away the Constable Albret the Marshall Boniquot Henaut Ligni and others to fortifie the sea Townes with men and artillery The garrison of Harfleur assoone as they understood of the enemy comming dug up the way which leades from Monteviller to the Town so to make the enemies march more difficult and sallying forth to skirmish with them they had much adoe to get backe into the City so many were their opposers and in such number the arrowes which shoured downe upon them But notwithstanding all impediments the English pitched their campe and planted their artillery upon the most advantagious places The place was well fortified with walls and turrets together with a broad and deep diâ—…ch the defendants resolve to maintaine it whilst there was any the least hope Those who were sent to secure the maritime places did what in them lay to hinder the booties which notwithstanding all their diligence the besiegers did every where take All the good they did was to preserve the neighbouring Townes from being taken The victualls in the English army being almost wholly corrupted by the sea they must have suffered much scarcity had they not made great booties of men and cattell The King of France was come to Vernone between Paris and Roen levying men from all parts to succour Harfleur The which being furiously assailed the gates walls and turrets almost all beaten down their mines ready to play and the powder which the King had sent unto the town surprised by the enemy they of the town brought to such a passe as they were not able to withstand a generall assault a great many of them being slaine or sicke they agreed to yeeld themselves their lives saved leaving all other things to the discretion of the besiegers if they were not succoured within five daies Bacheville brought these newes to Charles who finding himselfe weake permitted them to doe what they were by necessity inforced unto so as the five daies being past they threw open the gates after a siege of 37. daies wherein they suffered very much Harfleur was the chiefest Port Towne of all Normandy The Towne was sackt quarter was given to the souldiers and Citizens who demeaned themselves well The women children and religious persons were all put out of the Town the poorest sort of them having six pence a peece given them The great and rich spoile was sent into England as a witnesse of good successe Whereupon people of all conditions flockt from England thither who besides other priviledges had a house of inheritance allotted to every family so as the City was in an instant peopled by the English The King made his entry without any solemnity walking a foote to Saint Martins Church to thanke God for that victory He made the Duke of Exeter governour thereof who chose for his Lievtenant Iohn Falstofe and for his Councellors the Lord Carew and Sir Hughe Luterell and put therein a garrison of 1500. souldiers besides horsemen A great many sicke people were sent backe to England amongst which the Duke of Clarence the Earle Marshall and Earle Arundell the Earle of Stafford the Bishop of Norwich Lord Molins and Lord Brunell died of a fluxe in the siege That which imported more then all the rest remained yet to be resolved on The King undertooke this businesse about the end of summer who came not to Normandy till the 14. of August so as to continue the warre as was requisite was impossible and so much the more for that winter came early and more egerly in then it had done some yeares before To passe the sea againe if it were not a kinde of running away would at least be proclaimed such by the enemy To keepe in Normandy within the small precincts of Harfleur was impossible the incommodity of victualls being considered That which was resolved upon was to march to Calleis through the heart of the Country and through the enemies forces a resolution no waies necessary as for lacke of other meanes but most necessary for what concerned the honour and reputation of armes of 30000. fighting men who had past the seas from England there remained but 15000. 2000. men at armes and 13000. bowmen The rest were either dead of fevers or fluxe or sent backe into England or left in garrison at Harfleur so soone then as the ruines of the Towne were repaired that things necessary were provided for and that such prisoners as had not paid their ransomes had sworne to come unto the King to Calleis on Saint Martins day he commanded that those who were to follow him should carry along victualls for eight daies And crossing the Country of Caux and En he marched apace that he might get to the bridges of Soane which he necessarily was to passe before they should be broken A bold resolution and which not seconded by good fortune might have beene esteemed a rash one for the Dolphin tooke from the Country all manner of provisions and placed great troopes of armed men in all parts to annoy him and caused the bridges to be broken hoping that wanting wherwithall to live he would be forced either to yeeld himselfe or fight whereas according to the common maxime in case they had beene wanting hee should have built him bridges of silver to passe over King Henry finding the bridges broken turned towards Beauquene to the same Foord betweene
extraordinary violences of those former times doe cease ordinary ones not being to bee taken away no more then are mens affections for that nature cannot bee withstood and man is in the first ranck of fierce creatures composed of senses and inclinations little lesse then like to them and yet more harmefull did not reason the mother of vertue prevaile in some of them and feare the moderator of vices refraine the most of them The Kingdome of France was by the universall consent of all fallen into the yron age and England though shee had the active part yet the subject whereon shee had to worke being hard and apt to resist made her subject to repercussions so as by doing mischiefe shee mischieved her selfe whilest fortune uncertaine in her windeings did by apparent dangers render the event ambiguous to fight upon an others ground was the advantage of the one to fight favoured by the people the advantage of the other their disadvantages were equally divided the one and the other did reciprocall dammages so as the Christian looker on could not but pitty them and fervently desire peace betweene them Pope Eugenius the sixth was hee who did most of all desire this it behooved him to endeavour it the title of universall Father and the affaires of Christendome enforced him to it for Christendome could hardly evade the ruine threatned her by the Turks who having envaded Europe in the yeare 1363. after having taken Philippopolis and Andrenopolis in a few yeares had made themselves Masters of Servia Bulgaria Valacchia and little lesse then all Slavonia and in the yeare 1412. Mahomet first having transported the regall seate from Brusia in Britinnia to Andrenopolis in Thracia conquered Macedonia and extended his empire even to the Ionique Sea hee left it to Ammurath the first with the same designe of the conquest of Christendome a thing easily conceaved by a proude heart and not impossible to bee effected by a warlike Prince whose power and fortune corresponding it was not easily discerned whether were greater in him and to those who apprehended the danger they were a like terrifying whereupon the Pope not knowing how to withstand them but by uniting the Christian Princes hee sent the Cardinall Santa Croce to procure the agreement in the assembly which was appointed at Arra's the Councell assembled together at Bazill did the like by the Cardinall Cyprus accompanied by many Prelates England sent thither the Cardinall of Winchester the Archbishops of Yorke the Earles of Huntington and Suffolke the Bishops of Norwich St. David and Lisieux France the Duke of Burbone the Constable the Count Vandosme the Archbishop of Rheimes and many other of the Counsell The Emperour the Kings of Cyprus Portugall Castaile Scicily Navarre Polonia Denmarke and the Dukes of Brittany and Savoy sent thither their Embassadours though unrequested on Henries behalfe the soveraigntie of France was demanded on Charles that Henry should renounce the title of the King of France and that hee should possesse Normandy and whatsoever hee did possesse at the present in Guienne but this with homage and under the soveraignty of Charles and the Crowne of France the just opposite to which each of them did pretend so as the two Cardinalls perceiving no meanes how to agree them nor how to make them lay downe their Armes The English Embassadors departed but Philip made an agreement being come thither to that purpose and the French with resolution of giving him content the articles were what satisfaction Charles should give for the death of Iohn Duke of Burgundy They conceived words that he should say in his excuse punishments for as many as were thereof guilty and present banishment for the absent either sort of them to be named by Philip a Church to be built in Monberea and a Charter house with annuall meanes befitting the Church and vestry and livelihood for twelve Monkes and a superior 50000. Crownes for the jewels that were taken away from the dead Duke and a reservation for Philip to recover the rest which were not named more particularly the fleece esteemed of a great value then followed the articles of such places as were to be delivered up unto him the Counties of Maseon Xaintonge in inheritance to him and those who should descend from him whether male or female together with all the appurtenances thereunto belonging jurisdictions prerogatives patronages by Law nominating of offices taxes Magazines of salt and other things of like nature The City of Auxerres and the precincts thereof with all the above-said preheminences the jurisdiction of Barr upon the Seine together with the Citie Castell and all thereunto belonged the Law patronage of the Church and Abby of Luexeule pretended unto but never possessed by the Dukes of Burgondy Peronia Mondedier Rom and all Cities on either side the Soane Saint Quintine Corbie Amiens Abbeville the county of Pontian Dourlens San Requior Creuxcore Arleux Montague and all the other places belonging as properly to the Crowne of France as those pretended unto by the Emperour in Artois and Hamault Charles reserving nothing to himselfe but homage and soverainty with this condition that all that were named with Perone and after Perone should bee understood as ransomable for 400000. Crownes which was afterwards in the time of Lewis the eleventh one of the causes of his distast with Duke Charles who was sonne to Philip and did succeed him To these were added the counties of Guiennes Bolognia and Burgony for him and his heires male free from fealtie homage or service the like was to be understood of all the other townes of importance of the crowne which for the present or for the time to come were to fall to him by inheritance or succession during his life after which the soveraigntie should returne unto the King and their subjection unto his heire according to the severall nature of their entailers And in case the English should wage warre with him Charles was obliged to assist him by sea and land as in his owne particular cause nor was hee to make peace with them unlesse he therein comprehended him and that if Charles should breake this agreement his subjects should not bee bound to obey him but being freed from all oathes they should obey and serve him against Charles himselfe Lastly that Charles Count Caralois sonne to Philip should marry Katherine King Charles his third daughter and have with her in portion 120000. crownes a marriage which was not consummated till about foure yeares after by reason of both their tender yeares for when shee died eleven yeares after this leaving no children behind her shee was not above eighteene yeares old This was the rate which Charles bought Philips friendship a bargaine very advantagious to him notwithstanding all ' its disadvantages for his friendship was not to bee bought at too great a rate since being freed from the English and his kingdome restored his sonne Lewis recovered what hee with an opportune
He was so innocent as it never entered into his imagination and that when he heard of it he was so heartily grieved as it was impossible for him any more to looke upon the King abhorring his sight and being resolved never to returne to Court till he had wrought Publique Revenge but that finding it hard to get from him for Tyrants have no more faithfull nor vigilant guardians then their owne Suspitions he at last so farre prevailed as dissembling the True cause and finding excuses to make his journey seeme necessary hee had got leave Richard believing that hee went away very well satisfied whilst in truth he was much discontented That wherewith he entertained his thoughts in this voyage was to finde out a meanes how to depose Richard but a Successour being to be found out he could not light upon any one more lawfull then Himselfe for having made a mentall scrutiny and finding that his Grandfather Edmund Duke of Sommerset was Twice removed from Iohn Duke of Lancaster the Founder of that house and Henry the sixth Thrice it followed that His mother daughter to Edmund being removed as Henry the sixth He her heire should after Henry the sixth be the undoubted Successour the line of Sommerset descending from the said Iohn Duke of Lancaster in like sort the other having onely precedency by Birth-right in Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth so as feeding himselfe with this imagination assisted by Vanity and Ambition he though he might have grounded Richards ruin upon the foundation of his Owne pretence not finding any opposition therein But meeting with the Countesse of Richmond wife to the now Lord Stanley betweene Worcester and Bridgnorth his ill-grounded Fabrick was soon overthrowne For calling to mind that shee was the onely daughter and Heire to Iohn Duke of Sommerset elder brother to his Grandfather Edmund it followed that Her sonne the Earle of Richmond was the true heire and pretender which he had formerly thought Himselfe to be And that believing himselfe to be so he had proceeded even to the point of weighing the Dangers and amusing himselfe about what meanes he were best to make use of whether of his naturall Right or of Election and though the Lawes both of the Kingdome and of Nature appeared sufficient to him for what concerned his Naturall Right yet the Succession having been Interrupted and the house of Yorke in possession he had thought it requisite for him to have the Votes of the Lords and Commons for that the generall lawfull Election would corroborate his particular Right and exclude the Tyrant Touching Dangers he found they would be great in a litigious Kingdome in which let the title be never so apparent some will not be wanting who will oppose it particularly upon the present occasion the house of Yorke reigning Edwards daughters being well Beloved and by reason of their Unkles evill intreatment Pittied by all men so as though they might have a great desire to free themselves of a perverse King yet was it not such as to make them favour Another to their prejudice who were held the true Heires But the seeing of the Countesse having made him aware of the Injustice of his pretences and that if he should continue Obstinate therein dangers were likely to increase if Edwards daughters joyning with the Earle of Richmond He were by their partakers to be set upon on both sides hee had changed his mind Not that the Countesse had spoken to him of it who had no such Thought but that he had observed Here a Neerer Propinquity The discourse she held with him was To conjure him by the Neerenesse of his Blood and by the memory of Humphrey Duke of Buckingham his Grandfather and sworne brother to Iohn Duke of Sommerset her father that he would entreat the King to reassume her sonne the Earle of Richmond into his favour and suffer him to returne to England and that for her part shee would oblige her selfe to make him marry which of Edwards daughters the King would please without Portion or any other thing save onely his re-patriation The which hee promised to doe whereupon they parted she with New Hopes and he with New Thoughts For calling to mind the Earles claime with the same apprehensions which were by Him the Bishop propounded the night before he fell upon a resolution to assist him with all Might and Meanes as true Heire of the house of Lancaster in the defence whereof his Father and Grandfather had beene slaine upon this condition notwithstanding that hee should marry Elizabeth eldest daughter to King Edward for that this marriage joyning together the two houses of Lancaster and Yorke in the two persons who could onely pretend unto the Crowne the Kingdome would be established and all occasion of Warre or Civill Dissension would be taken away for the time to come The which marriage if the Mother and the Sonne of the House of Lancaster would accept of on the one side and the Mother and Daughter of the House of Yorke on the other none would be to be feared but the Boare that wounded all men with his Tuskes and who would doubtlesly be soone destroyed since all men were to joyne in a worke from whence were to issue both Publique and Private ease and quiet It cannot be conceived how overjoy'd the Bishop was to heare this his Conclusion being the same he desired so as praising the Dukes Goodnesse and Wisdome and now longing to see the businesse on foot he asked him with which of the two he intended to treat first who answered with the Countesse of Richmond for that it was necessary first to know the Earle her Sonnes mind Which the Bishop approving of he offered to bring unto him Reynold Bray a Houshold-servant to the Countesse a wise discreet man and who being verst in the negotiation of great businesses would be fittest to be imployed in this The which the Duke approving of hee wrote unto him and sent the Letter by an Expresse wherein he desired him to come to Brecknock for a businesse which concerned the Countesse his Mistresse He forthwith obeyed who 't was sent for him The instructions he received were that considering the Kingdome could not be brought to quiet but by advancing the Earle of Richmond to the Crown by meanes of uniting the two houses of Lancaster and York by marriage that the Countesse of Richmond should treat thereof with Queen Elizabeth and having obtained Her good will and Her eldest Daughters shee should send into Brittany to treat thereof with her Sonne who if He woud promise to marry Her after He should have obtained the Crowne they engaged themselves by joyning the Forces of the Factions to make him King Bray being dispatched away with this Embassie the Bishop took leave likewise of the Duke the Duke was loth to part with him needing his Advice but he resolved howsoever to be gone and whilst the Duke fed him with hopes under pretence of raising men who might secure
But since we are taught to know no more then is behoovefull and that with sobriety and according to the gift we are endowed with all I see not that we are necessitated to busie our selves therin unlesse there be a lawfull vocation whilst we ought to content our selves with the knowledge of God by the generall way of the worlds harmony and order and by the particular way of faith The true cause then Sir which hath moved me to this undertaking is the having considered that the end of civil life being to live well and happily and that there is no happinesse without knowledge nor knowledge without science since those of contemplation doe not it must be the morall sciences which doe produce it the which appeareth manifest unto me for that nature hath imprinted in us the principalls thereof to make it the more easie unto us to the end that without contemplation or learning the learned and unlearned may be equally capable therof agevolated by their object the which is either familiar in us as are affections or hath dependency upon us as have actions As soone as we are borne by the traditions of our parents and such as have the care of our bringing us up we learne to love vertue and hate vice being become men to governe our family growne more mature to rule the weale publique and if we meet not with so much of facility in the last as in the other two it happeneth for that morall and Oeconomicall vertues are but the Columnes whereas the practice of States the knowledge of Princes and how to manage people are the true structure of this edifice upon the modell though of past events For as wits though never so excellent expresse no other conceits then what have formerly been expressed sine they cannot exceed the bounds wherewith knowledge in generall is limited so adventures though casuall happen not but by way of Analogy to what hath already happened depending upon the constant causes of former orders the which though diverse in time are notwithstanding at all times like unto themselves if not equall So as since we are wanting in the practice of present affaires the knowledge of what is past is necessary the which not being to be had but by history it followeth that history be the safest way to this happinesse worthy to be with all diligence frequented not by me alone but by the very best This Sir is the occasion of my present labours which I consecrate unto your Majesty not so much for that they appertaine unto you containing the Acts of your most glorious predecessours as that your Majesty possessing all such discipline as does become a great King will together with the worke accept the devoted good will of the workeman who boasts himselfe of nothing more then of the honour he hath to be Your Majesties most hmble and faithfull servant Giovanni Francisco Biondi THE GENEALOGY OF EDWARD THE THIRD Who had Five Daughters and seven Sons 1. IZabella who married Ingheran Lord of Cousi by whom shee had two daughters 1. Mary married to Henry of Bar. 2. Philippa married to Robert Vere Duke of Ireland afterwards repudiated 2. Ioane married to Alfonso 11. King of Castile and Leon. 3. Blanch who dyed young 4. Mary married to Iohn Montford Duke of Britany 5. Margaret married to Iohn Hastings Earle of Pembroke who dyed without issue 1. Edward Prince of Wales who married Ioane daughter of Edmund Earle of Kent brother by the fathers side to Edward the second by whom he had Richard the second who succeeded his Grandfather in the Kingdome and dyed a violent death without issue 2. William of Staifield 3. Lionel Duke of Clarence 4. Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster 5. Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke 6. William of Windsor 7. Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Glocester The two Williams both dyed young without issue The Genealogies of the foure other are hereafter set downe The Genealogy of Lionel Duke of Clarence third Sonne of Edward the third Lionel duke of Clarence married Elizab daughter of Will. Burgh earle of Vister by whoÌ„ he had Philippa who married Edmund Mortimer Earle of March and had by him Roger Earle of March. declared by Richard the second successour to the Kingdome the yeare 1387 who married Elizabeth sister to Thomas Holland Duke of Surrey and had issues Edmund Earle of March who died in Ireland without issue the third yeare of Henry 6. Roger who died young Anne who married Richard Earle of Cambridge sonne to Edward Duke of Yorke she afterwards laid pretence unto the crown Eleanor who dyed without issue Edmund Iohn beheaded in the third yeare of Henry the sixt Elizabeth married to the Lord Pearcy surnamed Hotspurre Henry the second Earle of Northumberland who was staine in the first battell at St Albans who by Eleanor daughter of Ralph Nevil first Duke of Westmerland had Henry the third Earle of Northumberland who was slain siding with Henry the sixt against Edward the fourth Philippa who had three husbands but no issue The Genealogy of Iohn Duke of Lancaster fourth son of Edward the third from whom came 4. Kings viz. Henry the 4. 5. 6. 7. Of 3. wives he had 8. children what Sonnes what Daughters By Blanch daughter to Henry Duke of Lancaster grandchild to Henry Earle of Lancaster great grandchild to Edmund second sonne to Henry the 3. Henry the 4. married to Mary daughter to Humfrey of Bohun Earle of Hertfora Essex and Nottingham Constable of England by whom he had Henry the 5. marriea to Catherine of France by whom he had Henry the 6. who married Margerit daughter to Regnald Duke of Aâ—…ou King of Siâ—…ily from whom came Edward Prince of Wales slaine by Edward the 4. who all died without issue Thomas duke of Clarence Iohn â—uke of Bedford Humfrey duke of Gloster Blanch married to the Elector Palatine Philippa married to the King of Denmarke Philippa married to Iohn King of Portugal from whom came the successors of that Crowne Elizabeth married to Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter beheaded at Chester Richard Holland who dyed young Iohn Duke of Exeter who had two wives viz. Anne daughter of the Earle of Stafford by whom Henry Holland Duke of Exeter dis-inheâ—…ited by Act of Parliament the first yeare of Edward the fourth and found â—…ad the thirteenth yeare betweene Dover and Caleis Anne daughter to Ioh. Montacute earl of Salisbury by whom Anne married to Thomas Nevil brother to the second Earle of Westmerland Ralph Nevil 3. Earle of Westmerland Edward who died without issue By Constance daughter to Peter King of Castile Catherine married to Henry son and heyre to Iohn King of Castile and Leon from whom descended the heires of those Kingdomes By Catherine Roët daughter to a King of Armes by whom hee had before he married her and who were after made legitimate by the Popes authority and Act of Parliament Iohn Beaufort Marquis of Sommerset and Dorset who married Margerit daughter to
ransacking of the Countrey make amends for what of dammage Scotland was likely to receive This advice being approved of they came downe from the Hills and entred Comberland where finding no resistance they ransacked all the parts thereof they assayed Carlisle but unfortunately for it was defended by many brave Gentlemen This meane while Richard being entred Scotland came to Edinburgh he burnt almost the whole Towne but not the Castle saved by the fort and its situation From thence some of his troops passing further they burnt and destroyed Townes Houses and Monasteries till they came to Sterling méeting with none that opposed them the men of warre being gone as you have heard into Comberland and King Robert having retired himselfe to places of more safety so as the Cattell being driven into the woods they reaped no profit for all the harme they did which made them more insatiate in their ruinating the Countrey nay had not provision of victuall by shipping and cart beene brought from England they could not have found food for one onely day in that Countrey for being naturally barren and of set purpose destroyed there was noâ—… so much as grasse for their horses to bee found The King therefore being necessitated to returne Lancaster propounded that taking necessary provision along with them they might returne by the way of Comberland as the Scots had done and so barring their returne they must needs of themselves fall into their hands The proposition pleased the Councell and the King himselfe and was the onely one like to be effected but when night came the Earle of Oxford had accesse to the Kings â—…are and whispered unto him that the Dukes ends were to bring his Majesty to the last of dangers For it was impossible for them to passe over those hils winter being so farre advanced without great prejudice that the numerous army required greater store of provision then was to be carried on sumpter horses that the enemie having ruinated and harased the Country they were not likely to finde straw enough much lesse other necessaries If the speakers Genius much more predominant then was the Kings was able without such likely arguments to prevaile with him how much more did it now doe so strengthned by these reasons and former jealousies had of the Uncle so as the next day whilst according to the resolution formerly taken the army expected to have order for marching towards these parts the King having in sharpe tearmes upbraided the Duke with disloyalty for that hee durst advise him to the danger of either perishing by famine or becomming a prey unto the enemy said that he would returne into England the road way whilst the Duke if he pleased with such as would follow him might goe into Comberland for his part hee and such as loved him would goe the other way The Duke astonished at so unexpected an entertainment excused himselfe in all humility omitting nothing that might appease the King nor had this sufficed had hee not beene seconded by many Lords who were witnesses to his conscience This was the last sceane of these Tragicomicall distasts worthy to be so stiled to put a difference betweene them and those Tragicall ones of Gloster the former ending in words the latter in effects maligne and mortall He then returned the same way hee came having for his so great expence reaped no other fruit then the breaking of Charles his designes The Admirall according to his instructions was to have wintered in those parts that by renewing the warre in the Spring he might facilitate the invasion which Charles was to make on the other side but it was not in his power to effect it both man and horse being brought to that passe as they had not whereon to live Those who had most money could find nothing to buy and those who would have sold their horses or any thing else to have supplyed their wants could finde no chapmen to tarry all in one body in one place was impossible to divide themselves dangerous the peoples hatted being like lightning a fore-runner of tempests there was not any who either could or would carry there The Admirall understood this very well he intended to give the most necessitous leave to depart and to promise the rest speedy supplyes of money but those who had leave to bee gone were not suffered to imbarque themselves they would neither suffer them to tarry nor to be gone The Scots exclamed that 't was they that had made the warre that their countrey was ruin'd by reason of them that they had done more mischiefe then had the English that they had trodden downe the corne cut downe trees and as if they had beene in the enemies countrey lived onely upon rapine for which they required satisfaction excuses or were not found or not admitted of The Admirall was at last constrained by publique proclamation to ingage himselfe to give satisfaction to all such as pretended to have received injury by his men The debt being agreed upon he imbarqued his men tarrying himselfe in Scotland till such time as he received moneyes wherewith he satisfied the creditors and so departed unsatisfied himselfe This was Charles his first adventure wherein meeting with a rub it made him the second time stumble against a yet harder stone The Admirall being returned confirm'd in him the resolution of his imaginary conquest assuring him that the whole people of England exceeded not 60000. Archers and 7. or 8000. Launces a slender defence in comparison of what forces were for her ruine mustered in France But it is usuall in nature for the most excellent faculties to be more tender then are the rest strong and acute sights suffer more by looking on the Sunne then those which are obtuce and weake therefore if the Admirall a judicious Commander failed in his judgement being dazled by the splendor of so many ships engines and Princes as were gathered together at Sluce he ought to be pardoned Some are notwithstanding of opinion that France would never have dreamed upon any enterprise on England had it not beene by his perswasion and that the Duke of Burgundy by the death of his wives father now Count of Flanders desiring the suppression of the English who had fomented the rebellion in those provinces made him give this advice which was praised of all save the Duke of Berry though he durst not make publique opposition seeing Charles was inclined thereunto Others write that the Duke of Burgundies intentions were not to hazard the King in passing the Seas the landing being difficult and more difficult to keepe himselfe there when he should be landed the people considerable by reason of their number and valour the comparing of these with those who had formerly conquered them equivocall that at the present they were governed by one onely King whose hatred was not to be put in ballance with the hatred they bore to strangers that they were passionately lovers of liberty abhorring the French nation and a
they being accused of treason by some of his Councellors namely by Ireland and the rest for any diligent enquiry that could bee made there was found no treason in them nor reasons to beleeve it Hereupon returning to their owne homes the Kings mutability and the malice of their adversaries considered they resolved not to dis-band the forces which they had A deliberation in respect of what ensued ascribed to too much wisedome for hardly had they taken their leaves when the Duke of Ireland went into Wales where under the command of Thomas Mullinax a brave Souldier and one much followed in those parts hee assembled together five thousand fighting men hoping that when these should bee joyned to those who were at London he might bee strong enough to make his party good and thus he marched towards London On the other side Gloster Darby Arundell Warwicke and Nottingham divided themselves that they might hinder his passage 'T was Darbies fortune to meet with him The Duke came puffed up with confidence with Standards Royall the King being on his side and the chiefe Citie if not out of selfe-inclination by the incedencie of his partie he expected not to be encountred He perswaded himselfe that others were as full of feare as he of hope Being come to Burford a towne in Oxford-shire hee himselfe was the first that descried the enemy which stood in battel-aray to hinder his passage It fared with him as with those which growne fierce upon supposed advantage turne cowards if found equall in force they bee unequall in valour His former confidence ceased cowardise and feare springing up in the place thereof Mullinax could by no meanes infuse courage into him 't was bootlesse to make it appeare unto him that the enemies forces were inferior to his that the Earle of Darby was onely there a youth and till then of no reputation in warre Mountaines though covered with iron would not have secured him imagining himselfe to bee as indeed he was the onely marke whereat those bowes aimed the onely quintan those lances addressed themselves against and that the safety of his men consisted in his flight since 't was hee not they that was desired Mullinax for all this could not forbeare to give battell But hardly had the first blow been given when the Duke mounted upon a very fleet horse ran away the river withstood his flight hee found the first bridge cut in two the other well guarded despaire overcame feare hee took the water where both he and his horse being born down he quit his Saddle swimming not without danger to the other shore Before hee tooke the river he had throwne away his Cuirace Helmet Guantlets and Sword in such a case offensive and troublesome weapons he marched the lighter without them He came to Scotland from thence to Holland where not thinking himselfe safe for that Albertus Duke of Bavaria the Lord of that Country was a friend to the Kings Uncles he went to France and from thence to Lorain where he shortly after died This mean while many of his Souldiers had abandoned their Arms not out of cowardise but meere anger And Mullinax having done all that could be expected from a wise and valiant Captaine perceiving that the Duke was fled and that part of his men were escaped away part surrendred themselves began to thinke upon his owne safety hee betooke himselfe to swimming but Thomas Mortimer threatning to shoot him if he would not render himself he yeelded upon condition his life might bee safe which not obtained permit me yet said he to dye like a man in single combat with thy selfe or some of those that are about thee But as he endeavoured to lay hand upon the shore Mortimer slew him A man who deserved to have lived longer or else to have died for some other cause then the taking up of Armes by the Kings commission No severity was used to the rest The Gentlemen with their weapons passed under Dâ—…rbies colours the rest unarmed were suffered to returne no enquiry was made after the Duke his Armes and horse arguing his being drowned his carriages fell into the victors hands amongst other things there were found letters wherein he was by the King solicited to make what haste he could proffering to live and die with him But this dayes worke through his owne fault put a period to all his favours he chose rather to live hatefull to himselfe and abhorred by others then to embrace the honourable hazard of victory or death While matters fell out thus luckily in these parts fortune would compleatly favour the Barons desires by bringing to their hands a post from France he brought with him a safe conduct for Richard as many as would accompany him to Bullen where King Charles was to be to conclude the bargaine touching the buying of Callis and other strengths in those parts for a certaine summe of money Richard being moreover to doe him homage for Guascony the onely province which remained in his hands of all those in France which either by inheritance or conquest belonged to the Crowne of England Essentiall points to justifie their proceedings and condemne the Kings They notwithstanding concealed this businesse for the present and marched towards London with fourtie thousand men where the King intended to keepe his Christmas As soone as the Duke of Irelands defeat was divulged the first who fled were the Archbishop of Yorke and Trisillian Suffolke went his way disguised in beard and habit nor was any newes heard of him till hee came into France The King retired himselfe to the Tower as the place least exposed to sudden dangers Gloster and his companions came to London on Saint Stephens day he lodged all his men in the suburbs many were flocked thither not so much drawne by affection as out of the hopes of sacking so rich a Citie The chiefe Magistrate who feared this knew not to which side to betake himselfe if hee should receive the Barons the King would bee offended if not the Barons Small resistance was to be made the walles without defence and the meaner sort of people ready to throw themselves into the richest Merchants houses The present danger prevailed the Barons were invited into the Citie and to their people without was provision of bread wine cheese and beer sent an opportune remedy for wanting nothing and being received as friends they could not frame unto themselves an occasion of tumult The Archbishop of Canterbury Bishop of Ely and others who as being neuters endeavoured peace counselled the King to give them hearing to the which he was no wayes inclined his hopes perswading him that the multitude of people would of themselves grow weary and so shortly dissolve and that the Barons being abandoned by their followers would without further trouble fall into his hands the which being by him publickly said and understood by them they swore they would never depart till they had spoken with him armed as they were and this did they
Princes actions to the peoples humours workes wonderfull effects without the effusion of bloud This Ireland was commanded by many petty Kings almost every Province had its particular Prince he drew foure of them to his obedience and by the example of his honourable treating of them had drawne all the rest had he not been by his Prelates desired to returne to remedy the troubles which the Wiclifs opinions had raised up in England Whence it may be gathered that had hee not been naturally given to listen unto bad advice and flattery hee would have proved a good Prince The Duke of Lancaster was received in Guascony as the Sonne and Uncle of a King but not as Duke of Aquitany he with much modesty shewed them the donation which his Nephew had given him and did with as much patience endure the not receiving of it He moved that Embassadours mought be sent into England giving them his word that hee would approve of what should bee there agreed upon though to his prejudice the which was done The points which opposed the donative were two The one pertaining to Justice the other to reason of State That which belonged to Justice was the preservation of their priviledges The Kings of England were obliged to keep the Dukedome of Aquitany perpetually united unto the Crowne they had deprived themselves of any power of dismembring it giving it away or of giving it in fee-farme to any whosoever were he or Sonne Brother or Uncle to the Crowne They swore at their coronations to maintaine these priviledges and did authorise them by letters Patents and great Seales Richard had sworne the same and had given them letters Patents to the same purpose but hee had forgot it being very young when he did it The point of State was that the successive Dukes contracting affinity with other Princes which must of necessity ensue as namely with Burgondy France Normandy Brettany Fois Navar Castile and Portugal they should in processe of time divest themselves of all interest and shake off the friendship of England and the subjection thereunto The reason of their priviledge wrought much with Richard but this last consideration broke the necke of all the favours therein intended to the Duke for all that Gloster could do to the contrary who left nothing unattempted whereby he might keep him aloofe off Hee annulled the donation and recalled the Duke receiving him at his returne with more honour then good will This businesse being ended there remained nothing of importance but the providing of himself of a new wife not any daughter being then to be found amongst his neighbouring Princes Navar had daughters and sisters too but Richard did not incline that way The Duke of Gloster had a daughter marriageable nor could any thing more acceptable have befallen the Kingdome but the being his full Cosen-german served him for a justifiable excuse for if bare consanguinity had emboldned the Duke so much to molest him what might he expect from him when hee should bee likewise joyned unto him by so neere affinity as to be his Father-in-law But if this was the cause why he would not marry her he was deceived for this was the onely means to have made the Duke on his side and whereby to have avoided the evill which did befall him But the blinded eyes of humane judgement fore-sees not what 's to come but rather by eschewing meets with those evils which it thought to have left behinde The true cause as I conceive was that as his love was in extremity so was his hatred and that consequently the hatred he bore to Gloster was the reason why hee detested this match not the meannesse of bloud The King of France had a daughter between seven and eight yeares old here Richard pitched his resolution though hee therein met with three obstacles all of them of moment That shee was daughter to a King that was his enemy so yong as that hee was not in a long time to hope for issue by her and that she was formerly promised in marriage to the Duke of Brettanies eldest sonne Hee did not so much reflect upon the first save what made for his advantage for detesting warre with France he could not finde a better meanes to settle a peace between the two Crownes then this For her yeares hee did not much value them since hee himselfe was young enough and also her being promised to Brettany he slighted it since the King of France stood more in need of his friendship then the friendship of any other Hee sent a solemne Embassage to France and though answer was not presently made for time was taken to consider of it the Embassadours returned partly assured of successe the King People and Councell being all of them well inclined to the businesse At this same time the Duke of Lancaster tooke his third wife It so fell out as that he had three sonnes and a daughter by one Catherine Roet the daughter of a King of Armes she was servant to his first wife Bianca and he kept her as his Concubine during the life of his second The desire hee had to make his children legitimate and her good conditions though not nobly borne as he made him resolve to marry her and not unluckily for Iohn the Duke of Somerset who was he alone who of the three brethren had any issue was Great-grand-father by the mothers side to Henry the seventh who put a period to the civill warres of England He did legitimate them and his succeeding marriage by Act of Parliament and by ratification of Pope Boniface the ninth from whom he obtained a Bull to that effect I was not willing to leave out this particular in this place as necessary for what we shall hereafter meet withall The Kings marriage was likewise this meane while concluded and since a finall peace could not bee concluded on in respect of many places which the English pretended unto a suspension of Armes for thirty yeares was covenanted with caution that both sides should peacebly enjoy what at this time they were possessed of A businesse which did so highly incense the Duke of Gloster as the King did divers times feare lest hee might upon this occasion raise a rebellion since the people depended much upon him and were not very well pleased with this marriage nor truce he went in person to the confines of France to receive his wife as likewise did her father to deliver her up unto him Being with much content parted he caused her to be crowned at Westminster not being yet fully 8 years old Shortly after came the Count Saint Paul into England sent by Charles to receive the oath of truce a man of a working spirit and who was husband to Iane Holland sister to Richard by the mothers side The King discoursing with this man complained of the Duke of Glosters contumacie that hee was the onely man who opposed himselfe against the match with France as desirous
for mastery was the cause of all the mischiefe which was by either of them given or received rather then hatred or avarice Percy was famous for what hee had already done and now more then ever desirous of glory Douglasse was big with fame and that he might bring it to light was desirous to adde thereunto the fame of his enemy these two respects were the whetstone whereon the valour of both parties was sharpned Exhortations and warlike noises were needlesse every man was by himselfe encouraged and ready for what he had to doe each side equally thirsting for the others bloud The conflict endured a long time with like affect as is seene in a sheete of corne which when driven with violent windes bends now on the one side and then on the other alternately till at last Fortune taking stand under Saint George his Crosse thought it not sacriledge to beare to ground that of Saint Andrew Dowglasse who in the battell had lost an eye was taken prisoner with him Fife Murrey Angus Atholl and five hundred more the greatest part of the Gentry of Scotland dyed manfully fighting of which number were twenty seven Knights and of common souldiers as the English writers say for the others say nothing herein 10000. Percie as soone as he had made the prisoners safe in sundry forts passed forward in Loughdeane and the Marches of Scotland making use of the present occasion as having slaine and tane prisoners all that were to defend those parts which when hee had sacked and utterly ruinated hee besieged Coclaven a place neither to bee long kept nor soone lost it was agreed upon that it should be surrendred if not succoured within three months The Governour was advised not to succour it for that the losse of it would be of lesse moment then the hazarding of a second battell The defeat at Hamilton had so allayed the courage of the Gentry as that not being confident of any good intention in the Governour they could not bee perswaded to a new conflict but hee his mischievous designes not being now the thing in question but the honour of the Kingdome on the preservation whereof much of his hidden hopes depended swore hee would succour it though not seconded by any but the first two months being past and nothing done the castle was freed the third for which no thanks was due to him for Percy was forced to raise the siege that hee might follow the King in his warres in Wales Whilst England was thus beset on both sides new troubles arose unto her out of France which though at first sight of no consideration were yet the occasion of incensing mens mindes and of the more easie breach of truce The Duke of Orleans brother to King Charles a Prince of an unquiet spirit borne to be the ruine of himselfe and Kingdome tooke a fancie out of a meere capriciousnesse to send a letter to King Henry by a Herald the contents whereof were to this purpose That having considered how the rust of idlenesse in youth had been the losse of many Princes sprung from Royall bloud he was resolved to shake it off and to win renowne and honour by the way of Armes to effect the which he could think of no readier means then that they two should meet at a certain place to be by them agreed upon where each of them accompanied by a hundred Gentlemen of name valour and void of blemish they might make triall of themselves till the one of them should yeeld and that such prisoners as should be taken should be liable to ransome and their ransomes to be paid to such as tooke them That to this purpose he went with his hundred to Angolesme and that if hee would come with his hundred to Burdeaux they might chuse some neighbouring place for the combat The Duke had been the Kings great friend whilest he was in France insomuch as in signe of their more reall friendship they sealed a writing between them wherein they bound themselves to the defence of one another against all the world except some whom the Duke excepted but this chalenge being directly opposite thereunto and Henry having not been long in his kingdome and by reason of his affaires free from that idlenesse which the other desired to shun he answered that he would never have beleeved that the letter which was delivered him by his Herald had been directed to him had not the circumstances assured him that it was That the publick truce between the two Kingdomes and the private confederacie between them two ought to have disswaded him from making such a request but that since he was pleased so to resolve hee for for his part was likewise resolved to breake their former confederacie That Kings ought to bee chalenged by Kings not by inferiours That Kings ought not to use their weapons for vain-glory but for the glory of God and good of Christianity and when by their state necessitated thereunto That hee would come to Burdeaux with as many men as hee pleased when it might ought availe him And that in such a case occasions would not bee wanting to the Duke to finde him out nor should will be wanting in him to be found out by him To this answer the Duke by new letters replyed that he avouched the writing of the former letters to be to him to him onely and that if he did not therein give him the title which now he assumed 't was because he did not approve thereof that hee would have had due respect to their confederacy if it had not first been violated by him that he would never have made any confederacy with him if he had thought he would have so behaved himselfe towards King Richard God knowes how and by whom slaine for what concerned his present dignity that God never gave it him but did onely permit it in him and that God did oftentimes suffer Princes to reigne for their greater confusion so as the comparison he made between them two was to no purpose since his reputation was void of blemish as was not the Kings that for the duty and office of a King hee could not say better and doe worse that Queen Isabel his Neece might serve to prove this who was sent backe into France her husband being slaine her jonyture denied the goods shee brought with her into England deteined That hee would maintaine all this to bee true in single combat hand to hand to the end that as hee had said the deaths of so many might bee spared that hee thanked him for having more charity to the blood of France then hee had to his owne Lord and King This reply was too sharpe not to bee answered The King wrote backe That having communicated his designes to him when hee parted from France which he the Duke did then approve of and promised his assistance hee wondred why he should now blame them as if they were new unto him that if by his words of God knowes
dead were left for food to the fowles of the aire for no man offered to bury them they being by Pope Vrbans Bull excommunicated The Duke now thinking he had no more enemies to molest him and that consequently he stood in no more need of the English he discharged them to the much amazement of King Henry who beleeved him to be a man of greater judgement then this action shewed him to be for he ought to have detained them had it onely been to have obliged Henry unto him and to have diverted him from joining with his enemies as he afterwards did which he had not done had he not beene free of him The Orleanists had lost many strengths so as being reduced to extremities not able to subsist of themselves they threw themselves into the protection of the King of England who willingly embraced their offers which very advantagious to him the articles of what they offered and of his protection were these The Dukes of Berry Orleans and Burbon the Counts of Alanson and Arminiacke the Lord Albret and their adherents did offer for ever hereafter to expose their persons goods and forces to the service of their King of England of his heires and successors in all his just clames as oft as they should berequired by those words his just claimes they intended his claime unto the Dutchie of Guenne and the appertenances thereof and that the said Dutchy did by right of inheritance and naturall succession belong unto him declaring that they did not staine their loyalty by assisting of him in that affaire They offered their sonnes and daughters nephewes and neeces parents allies and subjects to bee married according to the good will and pleasure of the forenamed King They offered their Cities Castles and Treasures and all their goods in the aide of him his heires and successors in his pretentions and claimes their loyalty alwaies preserved as was afterwards declared in letters written and signed apart They offered to serve him with all their friends kindred and adherents in his pretentions unto and in the restitution of the said Dutchy of Guenne They did acknowledge that the said Dutchy did belong unto the King of England and that he ought to enjoy it with the same prerogatives as any of his predecessors had done They acknowledge that as many Cities Castles and Strengths as they were masters of in the said Dutchy they held them all of the King of England as being the true Duke of Guienne offering to doe him homage in most obsequious manner They promised to give and surrender up into the hands of the King of England as much as in them lay all the Cities and Castles which belonged to the Crowne to the number of twenty as in other letters drawn to this purpose was declared For the other Cities and Forts which were not in their hands they promised to buy them out at their owne proper cost and charges and to assist the King of England and his heires with a sufficient number of men It was declared to be the King of Englands pleasure as in other letters signed apart that the Duke of Berry his loyall Uncle subject and vassall the Duke of Orleans his subject and vassall and Count Arminiacke should hold of him in fee and homage the underwritten Townes and Lordships The Duke of Berry the County of Poictou during his life The Duke of Orleans the County of Angolesme during his life and Perigord for ever Count Arminiacke the foure Castles named in the aforesaid letters upon condition and security therein declared That moreover the King of England and Duke of Guienne should succour and defend them all against all as their true Soveraigne Lord and in particular that he should helpe them to get due justice done upon the Duke of Burgundy That he should not make any confederacy or accord with the Duke of Burgundy his sonnes brothers kindred and confederates without the consent of the said Lords That he should assist them as his vassalls in any just quarrells especially in receiving satisfaction for the losse and injuries received by the Duke of Burgundy and his confederates That for the present hee should send 8000. men to assist them against the said Duke who did all he could to incite the King of France and his forces against them These Articles were signed with a caution that they were to pay the souldiers which the King should send the which being taken into pay he gave the charge of them to Thomas his second sonne who was formerly created Duke together with his other two sonnes and his brother the Earle of Dorset Thomas was made Duke of Clarence Iohn of Bedford Humfrey of Gloster and Dorset of Exceter He gave likewise order to those who governed under him in Picardy to wage warre there the which they did Whereupon the King of France who was then at Sens ready to passe into the Dutchy of Berry with an army gave order to the Count Saint Paul to make thitherward with as many people as he could get the which he did not more out of obedience then out of the mortall hatred he bore to Henry but little good came hereof fortune being alwaies averse unto him in those expeditions At his first arrivall the English retired to Bullin The Count resolved to set upon Guines and to free himselfe from further troubles the Towne was onely strong by reason of the Castle It s greatest strength was the Palissadoe and the ditch he hoped to take it by keeping it from being relieved from Caleis He planted himselfe by night betweene the two Forts with 600. horse giving an assault upon breake of day the battell was very sharpe neither side failing in their duties but their forces not sufficing the assaliants thought to helpe themselves by fire in one instant 40. houses were seene to blaze The defendants set upon both by sword and fire got into the Castle from whence they powred downe darts and stones so as the winning of the Towne not sufficient to compleat the victory and the Castle not being to be wonne by assault they retired many of them being hurt but few slaine as saith Monstrelet The King in this interim was gone from Sens and having taken some Townes which lay in his way went to encampe himselfe under Burges where the confederates were In his campe of all sorts and for all services were 100000. horse The Duke of Berry the more to incommodate the assaliants had caused all houses and Churches which were neere the wall to be beaten down and if some few remained unpulled downe they were not priviledged for the insolences of souldiers servants and freebooters is not to be termed military but rather voide of humanity and religion a lamentable thing to any one who is not blinded with passion as was the Duke of Burgony The Dolphin duly considered all these discords it greeved him that a City of such consequence the Metropolitan of two Provinces Auvergne and Berry should bee ruinated
That though it were an easie matter to convince them since they could never prove what he never dreampt of yet he was not come for that purpose That he did present himselfe as guilty since he was declared to be such not by his owne conscience but by his Majesties deluded opinion that therefore since it was impossible for him to live without insufferable anguish of mind being subject to such suspitions hee beseeched his Majesty to free him from further vexation with this weapon Then presenting unto him a dagger by the point hee added That he would willingly suffer death if it might cause such quiet unto his Majesty as his Majesty did beleeve That hee should not hold his hand out of any consideration of his soule for he had begged mercy of God and taken his Christian viaticum much lesse out of fear that this might be imputed as a sinne unto his Majesty for being already satisfied of the humane justice in punishing a guilty person worthy of whatsoever chastisement for what concerned divine justice he did promise him in the presence of those Lords who were by to be his advocate before the Tribunall of the supreame Judge in that fearefull and terrible day when the secrets of all hearts being knowne his Majesty and himselfe in the chariot of his innocency should triumph over the calumnies of other men The speech being ended the King threw away the dagger and with teares of joy imbraced and kissed him and confessed he had done amisse in beleeving otherwise of him then he ought to have done Hee assured him that for the time to come hee would be deafe to all such as should dare to speake against him But the Prince not herewithall contented humbly beseeched his Majesty to bring his accusers to the test that either they or he might receive condigne punishment The King satisfied in the innocency of his sonne and unwilling that those who were zealously his should be punished appeased his sonne saying that since this businesse was to be judged by the Peers of the Land nothing could be done therein till the next Parliament and that then he should receive such satisfaction as he justly did demand Then sweetning him with intreaties and faire speeches he made him quit his request and kept him in his good opinion as long as hee lived These and the like actions generally held dissolute afforded reason of bad presages as hath beene formerly said But assoone as he put on the Crowne he turned another leafe and became excellent in all such vertues as make a Prince famous in peace and redoubted in warre A change by how much the more rare the more admired since thereby the worst of men doe prove the best and types of vertue He first of all like a good husband purged his house of all uncleannesse and not content to have swept from thence all his deboisht companions he did not onely forbid them his sight and further company but banished them from comming within tenne miles of the Court He put in their places persons of exemplary lives Hee placed in his seates of Justice and in his Councell men worthy of such trust and joyning piety to his policy he founded Monasteries and brought the body of Richard the second from an obscure sepulchre in Langley to Westminster where he caused him with regall pompe to bee put in a tombe built at his owne charge and Lady Anne of Bohemia his first wife by him He sent Embassadours and Bishops to Constantia to endeavour in that Councell an end of the Schisme which had then a long time lasted and where not long after in stead of three Popes who reigned altogether Martin the fifth was chosen Pope to the great joy of all Christendome He referred the Lord Cobham who was accused of herefie to the Ecclesiasticall Courts having given him friendly admonitions for he had formerly loved him by reason of his valour from whence being committed over to secular Jurisdiction he was to have received his last punishment had hee not by some of his friends beene secretly conveyed out of the Tower But that which for the present befell not him happened to divers others for many of his opinion having seditiously assembled themselves and accused of conspiracy so many of them were taken as the prisons were not able to containe them and nine and twenty of the chiefest of them where one was a Priest were put to death the like befalling himselfe foure yeares after who was taken about the borders of Wales and hang'd and burnt He restored Henry Percy sonne to Henry hot spurre to his Lands Honour having sent for him back from Scotland whither he was for safety sent in the downfall of his family hee thought it not fit that so noble bloud should suffer punishment in the person of a child who being of so innocent yeares ought not to partake of his fore-fathers faults It was easie for him to restore unto him his lands which the King his father had given to Iohn his third sonne whom hee recompenced with an equivalent revenue Thus he ended the first yeare of his reigne in the beginning whereof the Duke of Clarence who was then in Aquitany hearing of his fathers death returned home to England and brought along with him Iohn Count of Angolesme together with the other hostages assigned over for the Duke of Orleans debt and was by the King received with a brotherly affection The Clergy had been practised upon in King Henry the fourths time by reason of their great revenues as being superfluously larger then was requisite for them In the eleventh year of his reigne mention was made in Parliament that they would have been cause of much scandall if the civill warres had not been The warres being at this present at an end and mens mindes more eager of this then formerly it was thought good not to lose the opportunity of time For since the King was addicted to war it behoved him to raise unto himselfe a permanent revenue to the satisfaction of the whole Kingdome A calculation was made that leaving to the Clergy what was sufficient for them the over-plus of their revenues was sufficient to maintaine fifteene Earles fifteene hundred Knights six thousand two hundred Gentlemen and an hundred Hospitalls besides twenty thousand pound a yeare reserved for the Kings Exchequer which twenty thousand pound was more then then an hundred thousand pound would now be A calculation which whether true or false proved a true danger to the Clergy The remedy was easie the combination being generall the advantage common to all for the King Nobility and Commonalty were to share in what was to bee taken from them A Parliament was called at Leicester wherein they were threatned They thought to eschew the blow by making some great offer but if it should not be accepted of for bee it what they pleased it must bee much inferior to what was expected from them they ran a hazard of defamation as corrupters
having no sonnes adopted the sonne of his Lord Steward which he never would have done had there beene any Law Salique Dagobert the second left two sonnes behinde him and yet a Fryer was taken out of a Monastery and Crowned by the name of Chilpericus the second Charles Martellus deposed him put Dagoberts two sonnes into a Cloister and made Coltarius the fourth be Crowned who being afterwards deposed the two brothers reigned Kings one after another Pipin deposed Childericus and made himselfe King though no Prince of the bloud and come of a bastard Many other examples are passed over which happened amongst the Kings of this first race contrary to this Law in successions hereditance and last wills and Testaments In the second race Lewis the stammerer was succeeded by Lewis and Charlemaine both bastards and the latter by another Lewis whether brother or sonne to Charlemaine it is not knowne This man was succeeded by Charles the great King of Bavaria and Emperour but being deposed by the Dutch from being Emperour and by the French from being King Odone Duke of Angiers of the house of Saxony was substituted in his place Charles the simple being deposed and his sonne Lewis being together with his mother fled into England Rowland of Burgony obtained the Crowne Lastly Hughe Capet having taken the succession from Charles Duke of Lorraine second sonne to the last mentioned Lewis which fled into England having thence the name of beyond-sea Lewis brother to Lotarius and Uncle to Lewis the fifth the last King of that race leaveth it to our choice to thinke what we please of that Law No mention is made of any women in these two races because the case in their behalfe was not met withall but say the case had been found and that by reason of the rigorous practice of the Law women have not dared to pretend unto the Crowne by the same reason those who had beene excluded would not have dared to have made any such pretence if the institution of the Law had beene thus put in practice Neither would Iane daughter to Lewis Hutin have dared to pretend unto the Crowne had there been any such thing as the Law Salique But if there be any argument which proves the falshood of this Law t is the confusion of writers who neither agree in the name nor in the author nor in the place where it was made A moderne writer will not have it called the Salique but the Gallique Law The more ancient writers denominate it from the River Sala from the latin word Sal contrary to the putrifaction or from the French word Sale which is the Hall or Palace of a Prince Some make the ancient Dukes and Councellors in Germany the authors of it And some Faramond in France so as they leave us nothing of certainty whereas a fundamentall Law ought to be certaine and not imaginary in its foundation They produce some reasons to justifie this Law which no waies appertaine thereunto whereof three are the chiefest That the Crowne may be established in its owne Nation by the exclusion of strangers That Posthumes may be reverenced even in their mothers wombe and notwithstanding their infancy made Kings and that nature affects the masculine inheritance which was the cause why the Jewes permitted no succession to women The first reason would surely be good if together with its utility it were likewise just if the Law had beene made in the beginning of the Monarchy or in a time when it had not beene to any one injurious there could be nothing said against it but being sprung up in an instant never written nor spoken of before it becomes very bad not onely as false but as fained to the prejudice of naturall heires and the utility thereof proves the injustice since what is usefull and what is just if not alwaies are for the most part contraries Lawes were instituted to curbe unhonest utility which if suffered there would be no safe commerce nor living in the world The second reason is in part superfluous in part false superfluous because yonger brothers though Posthumes are preferred before their elder sisters even in those Kingdomes where women do inherit false because betweene Lewis the stammerer and Charles the simple who was his Posthume there reigned foure Kings Lewis and Charlemaine both bastards another Lewis and Charles the great which proves it not true that they are made Kings notwithstanding their infancy The third containes two points that the masculine inheritance is according to nature and that the Jewes did never at any time permit inheritance to women The one and the other false They confound nature and her institutions with fortune and the institutions of civill Laws taking nature otherwise then she ought to be taken for she ought to bee considered in her pure principall not in the accidents which doe accompany her then thus considered nature cannot were she thereunto willing exclude the female sex from inheriting since shee hath no other forme of government then what concernes the father of a family Moreover women being conceived borne and brought up as are men it was never his intent who made them equall in generation to make them inferiour in conservation which he should doe if the goods of fortune by meanes whereof we live after the introducing of civill Lawes and the municipall Lawes whereby they are differently regulated depended upon nature so as who doth exclude them doth it by vertue of these Lawes as are likewise in divers places excluded the second borne though men That the Jewes did not permit inheritance to women is likewise false read the 27. Chapter of Numbers where you will finde God said unto Moses The daughters of Zelophead spoke right and that he should give them a possession of inheritance among their fathers brethren and that he should speake unto the children of Israel saying If a man dye and have no son then ye shall cause his inheritance to passe unto his daughter and if hee have no daughter then ye shall give his inheritance unto his brethren and if he have no brethren then ye shall give his inheritance unto his fathers brethren and if his father have no brethren then ye shall give his possession unto his kinsman that is next unto him of his family Moreover Jesus Christ was the sonne of David according to the flesh by the womans side not the mans The Archbishop having with these and the like demonstrations made good the pretence to France and consequently the warre he added three examples which argue against the antiquity of this Law Pepin and Hughe Cappet to make their usurpation justifiable endeavoured to prove their descents the one from Betilda daughter to Clotarius the first the other from Lingarda daughter to Charlemaine and Saint Lewis had never peace of minde till such time as he was certified that Isabell his grandmother by the mothers side was the lawfull heire of Emendarda daughter
and heire of Charles Duke of Loreine for being conscious to himself that the Dukes exclusion from the Crowne was unjust he thought himselfe not rightly possessed of the Kingdome save in the right of his grandmother upon whom the rights of Charles fell and consequently upon him as heire to her At last hee made his intended offer in generall termes promising that if the King would resolve upon this enterprise the Clergy would give him such contributions as greater were never given by them to any of his predecessors This enterprise the reasons thereof and the offer made by the Archbishop did so farre prevaile with the King as that Ralphe Nevill Earle of Westmerland Lord Warden of the Marches confining upon Scotland fearing lest the King would be perswaded thereunto and that by taking along with him the flower of all the souldiers small forces would remaine with him to oppose the endeavours of that Kingdome did thus oppose himselfe to what the Archbishop had said He confessed the enterprise to be just and honourable but dangerous and full of hindrances He shewed that preposterous proceedings were the overthrow of all undertakings and that to fight with France before that Scotland was subdued was the most preposterous course that could bee taken That to make triall of fortune in a forreine Estate whilst the State at home was subject to alterations was a resolution no waies agreeing with wisedome That it was to bee beleeved that Scotland that had never let slip any advantagious occasion would much lesse passe by this so faire a one presented unto them by the Kings absence and the absence of the chiefe of the Chivalry of England That though it were granted that Scotland being without a King and in some sort divided within it selfe might in likelyhood be carelesse in other affaires yet would it not neglect this as not permitted so to doe by their ancient confederacy and when they were not by obligation tyed to this yet monies assistance and chiefly their owne safeties would force them unto it since it was not to be doubted that the diversion of Scotland being one of Frances chiefest defences the French would not abandon her for if she should be lost or weakend they themselves would suffer a great losse and diminution of strength Since then her safety obligation and so many other severall obligations were in question upon the which her good or bad did depend shee would not stand idle The which being granted it would necessarily follow that the one warre would produce the other with this difference that France could assist Scotland but in part whereas Scotland could totally assist her France could not so fully assist Scotland by reason of her distance and that her aides would be weakened by pawses and interruptions they might meet with by the way and that by reason of her infirmities shee was unfit to make a diversion by open warre that Scotland on the other side was not onely free from these inconveniences but sure to make an open diversion notwithstanding whatsoever opposition so as making warre with Scotland though she might be strengthened by auxiliary forces which are alwaies hatefull and full of jealousies yet one onely war was made and in France two for since his Majesty could not passe over the sea without weakning England it would so fall out as being infested he must be forced to quit the warre with France and undertake the other which at first ought to have beene undertaken the which could not bee done without the losse not onely of reputation but of much treasure which would there bee fruitlesly spent That the events of warre being doubtfull the least difficult was to be chosen so as rather then to thinke of conquering France whilst Scotland might divert them they should hope to conquer Scotland if England being free from forreine diversions should bring all her strength against those parts onely otherwise she were likely to finde to her cost that to buckle with an united body separated from the sea of insufferable expence with a thousand hazards of fortune sicknesse windes deaths want of victualls and munition would prove infinitely dangerous the rather for that she should leave behinde her an indefatigable warlike enemy which was not likely to meete with any incommodity supplies being to be had in every house not subject to winds nor tempests in a time when that Kingdome being without a King and ill satisfied with the government she was to be presumed not able to withstand so valorous an undertaking And if Edward the thirds past victories in France and those of the blacke Prince his sonne did render mens mindes confident let them remember that fortune was fickle and that those who dreampt that the world was eternall did not fancy to themselves that all things should returne to their former condition till after the slow revolution of 36000. yeares he concluded that if England would make a successive warre in France shee must first conquer Scotland These two opinions might have beene ballanced had it not been for the third Marquis Dorset the Kings Uncle which overthrew the latter of the two This Gentleman was a good Schollar for the Duke of Lancaster his father who thought to have destined him to the Church had caused him to be brought up to his booke the which being added to his travells in divers Countries especially in Italy had setled his understanding which guided by the two great Masters speculation and practice could not chuse but render him perfectly wise he repeating what had bin alleadged by the Earle and arguing against the reasons he had brought shewed that Scotland had the same relation to France as boughes to the tree the Nobility of Scotland being maintained by pensions from her and the yong men thereof bettered by her military discipline so as to take away the bud you must cut downe the tree that give the conquest of Scotland for granted more difficulties would bee met withall in the keeping of it then in the defending the borders of England whilst warre was made elswhere for Scotland being in some parts inaccessable in other parts savage and wholly an enemy would continually produce some new motions being incouraged by assistance and monies from beyond the seas That she had never endangered England in former times upon the like occasions but had bin sufficiently endamaged That Malkin was slaine whilst he would make use of William the seconds absence who went to wage warre in Normandy and David Bruce was taken prisoner whilst Edward the third was at the siege of Caleis that it is true the like doth not alwaies happen but that therefore worse successe should not be feared whilst the enemies forces are not augmented nor our own diminished the which was now so farre from being so as that they were without a King and in a molested government whilst France was in no better estate for to boote with the warre which would distract her shee was molested by the infirmity of her
to the doore discoursing with some of his domestiques the Duke was somewhat late in saluting him and did it in a more familiar manner then did become the quality of so great a Prince whereat he made no signe of distaste though he resented it his fathers occasions infusing dissimulation into him The Duke of Burgony was driven upon this by an accident from whence nothing but dangerous consequences was to be expected Those who governed France after the Emperours departure for England had laid a generall taxe upon all things vendible the which having distasted the people the Parisians more seditious then the rest plotted the most detestable conspiracy that till then had beene heard of in that Kingdome and having had recourse unto him as on whom they chiefly did rely he sent some of his friends unto them to confirme them in their resolution promising to assist them hoping by this meanes to compasse the so much coveted government and to suppresse his enemies his two ancient unalterable designes The appointment was to take the King the Queene the Duke of Berry the King and Queene of Sicily the Chancellour the Councell and those that sided with Orleans all prisoners on good Friday and to kill them all But many going that day out of the City to obtaine pardons by their devotions and fearing lest some of those might likewise have gone forth whom they would not have had to gone and so might save themselves they deferred executing their plot till Easter day which was the safety of those that were proscribed For the Chancellor hearing of the treason by meanes of a woman made the King and Princes suddenly retire themselves into the Louvre whilst the Provost arming such as upon so suddaine an occasion he could assemble together made himselfe master of the Market place and taking some of the conspirators prisoners infused feare into the rest freeing the lives of many from eminent danger by the death of a few Afterwards securing himselfe of the City by such men of armes as flockt unto him from all the neighbouring parts and taking away the chaines from the streets heads which made them insolent he disarmed the people whilst the Dukes officers had time to escape This businesse produced such jealousies and rancor as all parties drawing into the field they omitted nothing whereby they might injure one another And the Duke who masked presented the principall person in this tragedy the argument whereof was not changed though the Scene were thought that to compasse his ends it was requisite for him to secure Flanders from the danger of England that whilst he endeavoured to endamage others he might not bee indamaged at home To this purpose he came to Caleis where he did so worke upon these two great Princes as that the Emperour who at his passage into England was by the Duke of Bavariaes meanes brother to the Queene who was an utter enemy to the Duke become an Orleanist did upon this meeting become a Burgonian being wholly changed through cunning and the homage made unto him of the County of Burgony and Allost and King Henry prorogued the truce formerly made betweene Flanders and Artois for two yeares longer to the Dukes advantage and scandall of all well minded men for to preferre private respects before the publicke with the enemies of the State without the knowledge of the Soveraigne is as blameable and worthy of punishment as it is contrary to conscience and Law But he that propounds evill for his object loseth all shame which thereupon depends and his naturall confidence by reason whereof his Dutchmen called him Undaunted becomming the fatall chariot of his precipice made him to be undaunted at the encounter of his ruine His affaires being thus acommodated every man betooke himselfe to his owne home hee to Flanders the Ostages to Calleis the Emperour to Germany and the King to England Partly before and partly after this time were the funeralls of three great Princes celebrated in France That of the Duke of Berry of Iohn the Dolphin who succeeded to his brother Lewis and of the King of Sicily All of them unfortunate deaths for all the respects which concerned that Kingdome Berry and Sicily did serve to counterpose the ambition of Burgony and the Dolphin served for a removall of those evills if he had lived which in the succession of his brother Charles through the Dukes death did afterwards happen The Duke alive or dead was borne for the destruction of France so as that which authors write hereof if it be not true it is truth like That a Turkish Mathematician saved his life when he was prisoner to Bajazet the first by assuring Bajazet that more Christians would in short time bee destroied for his cause then the Othomans sword would cut off in a whole age Iohn the Dolphin during his brother Lewis his life had married Giacalina the only heire to William Count of Hannault and whilst he kept with him ready to goe for France he died not being yet fully twenty yeares old Not long before this a strait confederacy was made in Valentiniana betweene him and the Duke of Burgony the reputed cause of his death for it caused his being poysoned by those of the Orleans faction for he being dead the hopes of the Kingdome falling upon Charles Count de Poictou sonne in law to the King of Sicily and the last of King Charles his five sonnes they fell upon a Prince that was their friend bred up in the hatred and passions wherewith his father in law then living was indued But he dying likewise shortly after left it in doubt whether his death caused more of pleasure or displeasure unto the Duke for though he were freed of a mortall enemy yet his hopes of revenge being in his death lost did sowre the sweet thereof so as it may be said that the sweets of ill disposed men have no taste which is not seasoned with somewhat of sowre The articles of this confederacy and which caused the Orleanist to rid him out of the world if it be true that they did so were That the Duke of Burgony should serve the King and the Dolphin against whosoever particularly against the King of England That he should keep peace with all men in France except the King of Scicily The Dolphin on the contrary part obliging himselfe to assist the Duke not onely against his owne subjects if so it should fall out but against whosoever else should molest him But his enemies encouraged by this death became so insolent as they forced him to essay the strongest Cities to exclude the present government whereupon the civill warre grew hotter then ever it was And Count Armignacke upon whom through the death of these Princes the Kings incapacity and the Dolphins tender yeares all authority of government fell seconded by those of the Councell who together with him were afraid that the Queene weary of their presumptions might endeavour their ruine made her to bee carried to
would not doe it the meanes hee had made choice of being the fittest and safest for his souldiers and the best suiting with their deserts That he would keep on his course and that when they should be humbled with famine he would further humble them with such punishment as their obstinacy did deserve This being said hee retired himselfe with an angry countenance into his lodgings commanding his officers to keepe them at dinner with them These people were as much astonished at the Kings wisdome as they were at his power After dinner having advised of what was to be done they desired another audience the which was by the King graciously granted them They desired a truce for eight daies and having obtained it returned to the City The English set up in their campe three rich tents one for their Commissioners one for those of the City and the third for the one and the other to conferre together in The King named the Earles of Warwicke and Salisbury the Baron Fitzhugh Sir Walter Hungerford Sir Gilbert Humfreville and Sir Iohn Robsert together with Iohn Vasques of Almadas the City Iohn Buttler and six more The eight daies were spent in contentions accusations excuses demands and denialls nothing being concluded Whereupon when those of the City tooke their leaves they compassionately begged a prorogation of the truce till the suns next rising and obtained it When they were returned to the City they found the people in such an uproare as that they ran in danger of their lives so as they went early the next morning to Sir Iohn Robsert intreating him to interceede for a second prorogation of truce for foure dayes To the which the King againe giving way the surrender of the Towne was agreed upon the first day of the foure upon three and twenty Articles The chiefe of the which were That they should pay unto the King 365000 French Crownes that Robert Linet Vicar generall to the Archbishop Iohn Giordane Captaine of the Crosse-bowes and Allen Blancard should be delivered to the Kings disposall That they should sweare perpetuall fealty to him and all the Kings of England and that so doing they should enjoy all immunities and priviledges which they had enjoyed in the reigne of Saint Lewis That those who would might have leave to depart carrying nothing along with them but one ordinary suit of apparrell That the Souldiers marching out unarmed with a white staffe in their hands and one onely suite should sweare not to beare Armes against the King for one yeare next ensuing This Citie was surrendred the 19 day of January 1419. Guy Buttler accompanied by the best of the Towne brought the keyes and the Duke of Exceter tooke possession placing Corps de guarde and Sentinels where he thought necessary The next day the King made his entrance waited upon by foure Dukes ten Earles eight Bishops sixteen Barons and a great many Knights being met by the Clergy and Citizens who led him to the chiefe Church where he was received by the Archbishop and Cannons As soone as hee had given thankes he gave order for repaire of the ruines and causing proclamation to be made that all such Cities and Townes as would willingly submit themselves to his obedience should enjoy their former priviledges Caudebe Monstravillier Diepe Fescampe Arques Chasteau Neuf Dencourt Vernon Mante Gourne Honfleur Pont de Mer Triet Tancarville Abrichier Moleurier Vallemont Nucaville Ballacombre Fontenes Nugondeville Logembre Saint Germaine upon Calli Bodemont Bray Villaterra Ciarles Menill Ferefonte Beccrispin Baqueville and many other Townes sent him their keyes and received in English Garrisons The Countrey people and such as lived in the fields did the like so as the white Crosse of France was changed into the red of England Normandy fell into the hands of the English 229 yeares After the time that Philip the second tooke it from Iohn King of England which was the yeare of our Lord 1190. Allen Blancard was beheaded and the other two reserved to bee disposed of as the King should please were sometime after restored to their liberty having payed therefore great summes of money and the government of the Citie was conferred upon the Duke of Glocester The Duke of Burgony was hee who suffered more then any other in this losse whose authority being grounded upon the peoples good opinion was in danger to have fallen upon his opposite The evils which happened thereupon were to be imputed to him alone hee was the directer if not rather the corrupter of the State hee who by his evill practises had got possession of the Kings person had through his ill government obscured his lustre lost his reputation and lessened his command not void of suspition that he had intelligence with the King of England to suppresse the Dolphin a fault not to bee averred because it was not true the opinion thereof though likely to cause his ruine He could not contest against two enemies it behoved him to reconcile himselfe with one of them His naturall hatred his faction his ancient and new injuries his opinion of him to be of an humour not to be trusted his behoving to yeeld the government to him and the often denyed agreement between them made him despaire of reconciliation with the Dolphin With King Henry set the warre aside which may notwithstanding be maintained between generous Princes without malignity or hatred he had nothing of injury or offence His affaires being reconciled to him were not onely to be continued in thir present condition but bettered for his forces would be preserved entire to contend more vigorously against another The which being well weighed by him hee chose the later and sent expresse messengers unto Henry to perswade him to send Embassadours with whom at Troyes in Champania a truce was concluded by meanes whereof the two Kings meeting in a Parke neer Melune might treat of a peace And though King Charles came not thither hindered by a new accesse of his accustomed indisposition the Queene her daughter and the Duke failed not to come This fair Princesse was by them of purpose brought out of hopes that the beames of her beauty dazling King Henries eyes might make him desist from his rigorous pretences so as peace might be the easilier made and upon more advantagious conditions but where honour and love doe intershock Honour though a friend cannot but treat Love like an enemy Honour is not Honour if encountring with passions it overcome them not So as the King though he were much taken with her did not forgoe any thing he had formerly pretended unto hoping if hee could not get her by peace to win her by warre They came not at first to the Rendevous but having made choyce of two neighbouring places the Queen tarried at Pontouse the King at Mantes where he kept his Whitsuntide and made there three Earles Gaston de fois a great man in Gascony hee made Earle of Longaville Iohn Grey Earle of Tancherville and the Lord Bourchiere Earle
towne By battery mines and trenches the assailants got shortly underneath the ditch The Duke of Burgony who had made himselfe master of a Bulwarke did fortifie it much to the prejudice of the besieged The King built a bridge over the Seene to serve for commerce between the two Campes securing the Bankes on both sides with good corps de guard and to free his quarters from danger of surprise he cut some trenches on the outside of them and raised some workes upon each end thereof that so they might not bee assailed without great danger to the assaylors The breaches made by battery were made good by earth and bavens the besieged omitted nothing wherein either diligence or foresight might stand them in stead one ruine was answered by another wherein they fought at push of pike and wherein the King and Duke of Burgony managed theirs King Charles was come unto the Campe and together with him the Queene accompanied by the Dutches of Clarence newly arrived from England with a great traine of Ladies who were lodged by King Henry in a house erected of purpose neare to his owne tents without the reach of Canon so as making use of this occasion he would trie whether the besieged would yeeld to their King or no but being questioned thereupon they answered that if Charles King of France would vouchsafe to enter there he should be received with all due respects unto his Majesty but not Henry King of England nor Philip Duke of Burgony their professed enemies he sent this meane while the Duke of Clarence to Paris giving him the chiefe command of the City to the end that taking possession thereof he might by English forces secure the most considerable places therein as the Basteille the Louvre the house of Neele and forth there of the Boys de St. Vicenne the Count of St. Paule who was chiefe commander there was sent to Picardy to receive the oathes of the Cities of that Province touching the peace with England and to except of King Henry as Regent and heire the which was done without any opposition the besieged and besiegers were both but in bad condition the one being reduced for lacke of better nourishment to eate all manner of uncleanesse the other by reason of the Prince of Orenges departure who was gone with his people into Provence to defend his own affairs by the rage of a violent pestilence which had much lessened their numbers insomuch as the Duke of Burgony was forced to send the Signior de Luxenburg to Picardy to raise more men who returning shortly after with them appeared in so handsome aray before Melune as that the inhabitants beleeving they had beene the succour they had so long expected did not onely shew signes of joy by the ringing of bells but growne insolent did mocke the besiegers an error of small continuance yet not sufficient to have made them yeeld if the Dolphin had not at the same time advertised them that he could not succour them This Prince was governed by the wisdome and upheld by the purse of the Count de Vertu brother to Orleans and Angolesme prisoners in England but he being at this instant dead he was like a ship without sailes he could not move towards the preservation of a place of so great importance The Town was surrendred the eighth of September upon disadvantageous tearms those who were guilty of the Dukes death were condemned a prime article not to be forgotten the souldiers were to be forthcomming till they could put in good security not to beare armes under the enemies of either of the two Kings that inhabitants submitted to pleasure their weapons and moveables were put into the Castle Monsieur de Barbasan who was accused of being guilty of the Dukes death was saved for that there appeared no proofes thereof against him save onely insomuch as he was the Dolphins servant This notwithstanding he was sent prisoner to Paris and from thence to Chasteau Galliarde where after nine yeares space he had the good lucke to recover his liberty the place being then taken by the Dolphins forces who his father being dead called himselfe King Monsieur de Preaux together with five or six hundred Gentlemen and Gentlewomen and Citizens were likewise sent to Paris put into severall prisons the chiefest of them into the Basteile those who were put to death were few amongst which was one Bertrand of Chaumont a Gascoine a naturall subject of England for that he was bribed to save Amicron de Lau an accessory in the Duke of Burgonies death though the Kings brother did intercede for him for he had alwaies beene valiant yet could they not obtaine his pardon for reason of State would not permit Henry to give way unto passion and to be partiall in the Duke the sonnes just revenge moreover in right he was to lose his life who saved the life of a delinquent not through pity but avarice Winter growing on the souldiers requiring rest after having been so long in field the two Kings retired themselves to Paris being met by the people and Clergy with great magnificency they rid together the King of France on the right hand they lighted at the Church of nostre Dame and from thence Charles went to l'Hostell de Saint Paul Henry to the Louvre and the Duke of Burgony to his owne house l'Hostelle de Artois the next day the two Queenes made their entry in the like manner and were received by the City with great expressions of joy and met by the brothers of the Kings and Duke of Burgony followed by all the Nobility richly presented by the Citizens particularly the Queene of England and the King her husband The Dolphin had beene set upon all this while onely by the way of war now they endeavour to opugne him by the Law a businesse which did nothing at all import Henries pretences his foundations were of another sort not supported by these formalities for without them without his marriage with Catherine or his being adopted by Charles all of them workes of supererrogation in this case he was lawfull King but it redounded to his advantage to second the Duke of Burgonies desires that thereby or by what ever other meanes the Dolphin might be by the people abandoned Princes are subject to no seate of justice save that of conscience all others are but phansies and tricks fansies and therefore not to be despised for such are oft times more embraced by the people then is reason whence it happens that their authority being darkened and deprived of its lustre by contrary opinions they are subject to the eclipses of their subjects disobedience Burgony endeavoured the Dolphins ruine his fathers murtherer he was to open the way thereunto by the peoples fury perswade them hee could not for though the fault were very hainous the guilty party was by the common Law and Law of nature of too great authority with them being borne their Prince yet men alwaies
reserving some seeds of equity in them hee hoped that by objecting this case cloathed with the habit of justice dyed in the colours of so many perjuries treasons and breach of faith hee might cancell the respect the people bore him and by degrees draw them from pitty and commiseration to hatred and from hatred to armes Charles the Dolphin according to the pretended Law Salique set aside that Henries pretences were by the people repulsed that so they might repulse his person not onely as a stranger but as an English man was presumed heire to the Crowne Moreover the murther of the Duke of Orleans set aside the circumstances was in its originall more wicked then this if the Duke of Burgony had then beene punished as of right he ought to have beene in his estate the Dolphin had had no occasion to bereave him of his life so as the parity of fault requiring parity of punishment it was against reason the second should be punished by justice when by injustice the former scaped unpunished whilst having no respect to the diversity of the delinquents qualities the Dolphin being a priviledged person as Soveraigne should be punished for being so rather then the Duke for being a subject let us learne by this that mens particular interest is that which ever hath ever doth pretend and that severity is quick sighted when the question concerneth others but blind when we are our selves concerned This cause was pleaded in the presence of both the Kings the Princes and Judges in the low Hall of l'Hosteile de Saint Paul by the dowager Dutches of Burgonies advocate and the Duke her sonnes who accused Charles who tearmed himselfe Dolphin the Vicount of Narbone Monsieur de Barbasan Tannigues de Chasteau William Butler Iohn Lovet President of Provence Robert de Loyre Olâ—…ver Laiet and others of this murther he demanded justice and particularised in what punishment this plea was seconded by a Doctor of Sorbonne sent thither for this purpose by that Colledge who by many allegations drawne from the Scripture laboured to perswade the two Kings to punish those who had had their hands in so grievous a fault but no declaration being forthwith to be made without the due proceedings in Law the Chancellor answered in the Kings name that by the advice of the King of England Regent of France and his declared heire all should bee done that was requisite in so important a businesse so as the Dolphin being cited to the marble table with the accustomed solemnities and not appearing he was for his contumacy declared guilty of the aforesaid murther falne from the Crowne incapable of what ever present or future succession and banished the Kingdome the Dolphin hearing this appealed to his sword the which was that alone which afterwards by the helpe of the Duke of Burgony his chiefest enemy did annull the proces decide the question and cut in two the sentence King Henry was to go for England after Christmas to make new provision or warre and to cause the Queene his wife to be crowned so as having licenced the three estates who all had sworne obedience to him he went his way having the Duke of Exeter with five hundred fighting men in Paris and in other places good and faithfull governours he stayed a while in Roan to give order for things belonging to the Dutchy and left therein the Duke of Clarence his generall from thence he together with his other brethren tooke his way towards Callice and were received in England with such joy as Kings use to receive who returne crowned with victory and accompanied by wives rich in dowry grace and beauty as was his she was crowned at Westminster on Saint Matthews day where whilst the pompe and solemnity exceeded whatsoever of former times fortune prepared funerall solemnities for the Duke of Clarence in France a businesse which being very diversly reported by authors forces me first to recount what the English say thereof then how others relate it for passion within circumstances of winning or losing is very great amongst them makes them to contradict one another who doth not joyne them together will hardly be able to extract the truth This Prince had made a select choyce of Soldiers out of all the garrisons of Normandy hee entred Umena and passed over Loire placing himselfe underneath Angiers hoping that those of the Towne would have fought with him but they not issuing forth hee spread himselfe over the countrey where after having enriched his people with prey and prisoners he returned for Normandy Being come to Bewford he understood that a great number of enemies were at Beuges conducted by the Duke of Allanson the Dolphins Lieutenant who had in company with him 26 French Lords one Spanish Captaine Iohn Earle of Bow han Robert his brother sonnes to the Governour of Scotland Archibald Dowglas Earle of Vigtonia Alexander Linsay brother to the Earle of Crayford and eighteene Scottish Gentlemen lately come from Scotland with 700 Souldiers Buchanan saith seven thousand hee was about to set suddenly upon them but did not for to assaile an enemy not knowing his forces is like walking in a darke night in unknowne wayes He had at that time one Ardrea Fregosa an Italian who had been with the French and who assured him that the enemy was so few in number that halfe his company was sufficient to rout them so as beleeving this mans relation who did abuse him being desirous of glory hee took only the horse along with him commanding the Bowmen not to stirre and leaving them under the command of his sonne Iohn called the Bastard of Clarence betweene him and the enemy there was an uneasie and a narrow passage through which when without any opposition hee had passed he discovered the enemy not farre off and contrary to the relation made unto him in full and well ordered troops whilst hee not able to retire the passage being taken which if it had not been he could not passe over it againe in File as he did before without danger it did more availe him to hazard himselfe by making a stand then by giving backe to venture the being shamefully cut in pieces The one side fought desperately the other bravely but the English not being above one for foure were discomfited the Duke himselfe being slaine the Earle of Tancherville Gilbert Vmfreville Earle of Kent the Lord Ros Sir Iohn Lumblâ—…y and Sir Robert Verend and neare upon two thousand others the Earles of Somerset and Suffolke the Lord Fitzwalter Sir Iohn Barckley Sir Ralph Nevil Sir Henry Iuglos Sir William Bowes Sir William Longiton Sir Thomas Burrowes and many others were taken prisoners Of the French were slaine about twelve hundred of the best of the Army The Bastard of Clarence who after the Dukes departure was informed of the number of the enemies marched with all possible diligence to succour him but came too late and the French having notice thereof retired themselves with their
for their security On the contrary side the Marishall Tolongonus at his returne found not foretime with so smiling an aspect for beleeving that by Monyes he had corrupted the Captaine of a Fort called la Busiere he was abused through too much beleefe for whilst he went to actuate the bargaine the Captaine having fitly placed two Ambushes brought him together with 11. others into the Castle where taking him Prisoner he at the same time caused almost all those that were without to be slaine and had it not beene for the Imprisonment of the Count de Ventadoure for whom he was changed he had not beene soone set at liberty This Yeare in the Moneth of Iuly was the first Sonne of Charles borne who in his due time succeeded him in his Kingdome by the name of Lovis the 11. a phantasticall Prince and almost ever rebellious towards his Father so as whilst he thought to have beene at quiet being free from the English Warres he gave against his Sons turbulencies which brought him to his end before his time marcerated by jealousy and slaine by suspition His birth notwithstanding so uncertaine are wee of future events brought unto him great cause of joy for the pledge of a Successor increaseth the Subjects love he was howsoever a great Prince who proved successefull in the rules of dissimulation rather borne together with them then learnt of any other Ghirard de Hallian describes him to be malicious wary cruell and full of Cousenage In England this meane while it was resolv'd to give libertie to Iames the first King of Scotland after 18. yeares Imprisonment which caused to the first mover therof since home hatred not love nor Charity had moved him to indevour it instead of gratitude unhappy successe and an ignominous end Robert Duke of Albany Governor of Scotland being dead the yeare 1420. just 15. Yeares after the Death of his Brother Robert the third his Sonne Mordecay succeeded him in the Government one who resembled his Father in the profuse spending of the goods of the Crowne amongst the Nobility to the end that forgetting the Prisoner King they might be content with the present condition and was like the King his Unckle in his Children for having neither ability nor wit to cause himselfe to be obeyed by them he was through desparation and despite reduc'd to ruine at the same time both them and himselfe Of the 3. for 3. they were Walter was the most insolent although they shar'd all alike in haughtines and disrespecting others Pride and the neglect of Inferiors was by them esteemed gravity and what became them and such insolent actions as arise from them proper and naturall to Men of royall Lynage and to generous and magnanimous Hearts Mordecay had often times admonished them but because in stead of reaping fruite therby he was laugh'd at by them he tooke no further care therof placing all his dislikes upon the backe of Patience till such time as the burthen grew too heavy for him to beare He very much lov'd field sports especially Hawking and having one Day an ex'lent Faulkon on his Fist Walter did with such incivility require it on him as he denying it the other snatcht it from his hand wrung off the necke and threw the Carkasse at his feete at which the Father being incensed sayd unto him that since he had in vaine used all meanes possible to bring him to obedience he was resolv'd to find out one whom both his Sonne and he should be forced to obey and he effected his words for a Parliament being immediatly called the Kings freedome was resolv'd upon Embassadors were chosen and sent into England where their request was maturely consulted on those who were against it alleadged that having beene detained so many yeares his Captivity was by him to bee esteemed an injury never to be forgotten and for the which he would take present revenge since England was now busied abroad that being at liberty he would regulate the disorders of Scotland the Governors authority not being sufficient to quench the contentions which Day by Day grew greater among the great ones nor to remedy the Thefts Murders and Rapines which as it were by reprisall was committed by the common People so as since nothing could prove more advantageous for the affaires of England all alteration was pernitious Others being of a contrary opinion affirmed his Captivity was so unlikely to raise in him any such conceits that it was rather by him to be accounted the originall of all his good fortune since that living there safe from his Unckles snares he was falne into the hands of two Kings who proving Fathers to him in education were not therfore much commended by such who preferre what is usefull to what is honest who argue that a worser resolution could not have beene taken then to have perfected wisdome by study and strength by the exercise of Armes in a Prince of so sublime inclinations whilst to do well they should have brought him up in all common vices and have made him effeminate amongst the worst of conversations that to have done otherwise was as much as to expect what befell him who nurs'd up a Snake in his bosome which when it had recover'd his heate slew him that had preserv'd it fitting considerations for Tyrant Princes but not for such as were so given as were these two Kings for if the one by making him Prisoner the other by detaining him had had respect to their owne proper intrests they would have treated him as an Enemy but their having inrich'd him with so vertuous education not to be lost neither by liberty nor Imprisonment was so rare and unparalell'd an example as he beyond all others was ever to acknowledge such The Duke of Glocester who thought there could bee no better meanes then this to joyne Scotland and England and sever it from France concluded his freedome setting a fine upon him of 100000. Marks and giving him for Wife Ioane Daughter to the Earle of Somerset Cousin-german to Henry the fift and Neece to the Bishop of Winchester whom he loved so as having payed part of his Ransome with his Wifes Portion and given in Hostages for the rest the which was afterwards payed by the Subjects in so good a manner as that they seemed not to be therewithall any whit aggreived he went his wayes nobly waited upon to his confines by his ancient friends by his new allyes and richly presented by his Father in Law Being come into his Kingdome he found it like a Ship tossed by the Seas Nothing remaining for maintenance of the Crowne save only the Customes the rest was all squandred away and bestowed upon particular Men by the two succeeding Governours Robert the Father and Mordecay the Sonne to the end that not minding his returne they might adhere unto them to publique grievances private ones succeeded the first complaints were against Walter who was Imprison'd and after him Mordecay and Alexander Iames who was
of Orleans who went along with him and afterwards forsaking him return'd to Court and though hee had formerly bin hated by the Constable was afterwards favoured by him by reason of his Valour who shall consider what wee have related in this present affaire will thinke it farre from likelyhood of truth for Charles intending to advantage his party against Philip by making Richmond Constable who would not accept of it without Philips consent Philip did ill in consenting thereunto and worse in agreeing that Savoy and Britany should furnish him with souldiers receiving no other satisfaction for it but Tannignes banishment from Court but one of 3. things in my opinion caused him to doe it either that being distasted by the English hee was not well pleased with their advancements or that having his thoughts bent upon Iacholina's territories where it behoved him to attend and Charles being in bad case by reason of his losse at Vernuille Hee resolved to give him a breathing time to the end hee might not be made a pray by the English and hee have no share therein or else that he did it to leade the way to that reconciliation which ensued shortly after and that the Constable had already begunne to treat with him which is the most likely but if it were none of these wee must say that the actions of Princes are like the workes of nature which are seene but not knowne The first advantage Charles reaped hereby was the alienating the Duke of Britany from England To this end he sent unto him Mussieurs de Treves and de Lusa intreating him that since hee had banished those whom he had reputed his enemies Hee would as a Parent and kinsman assist him with men against the English who advanced every day more and more to the ruine of the Kingdome This Embassie being consulted upon and oppugned he resolv'd against the opinion of the major party to succour him beleeving that the mischiefe hee had suffered was occasion'd rather by those Councellors which govern'd him then by Charles so as desirous to speake with him mouth to mouth before any resolution should be taken they met at Lanmeurs where they tarried some dayes and departed the one and the other infinitely satisfied The Duke at his returne raysed a good body of Souldiers and gave them to his brother who joyned with the French Troopes whilst the Earle of Warwicke besieged Pontersoune and inforced it if not succour'd by such a day which it was not to surrender He placed there a Garrison which not ceasing to make inrodes into Britanny caused the Constable to march thither He besieged it forced it slew all the English and demolish'd it from thence he came to S. Iaques de Beveron a place of no great circuite a little before fortified by the English but fortune did not smile upon him here as it did in the former exploit for the besieged not onely defending themselves against the besiegers violence but offending them by perpetuall sallies and skirmishes did abate their first furies to which may be added the Souldiers want of pay which should have beene administred by Mounsieur de Iae who injoyed what of favour and authority the President of Provence held under Charles so as the Constables protestations of not being able without pay to hold the Souldiers together either being not listned unto or not regarded he resolved to try his fortune by a generall assault before the Army should disbaind which according to the French calculation consisted of 20000. according to the English of 40000. and because he knew that the Earle of Suffolke and Lord Scales were in a neighbouring towne he sent 2000. men to the end that they might be impeached if they came to succour the towne but these men having gone a good way not discrying any enemy as indeed there was none for Suffolke had had no notice of this the Constables last resolution they returned backe with flying colours and in Battle array when these who were scaling the Walls beleeving them to be enemies tumbled downe from the Ladders following those who at the foote of the Wall out of the same beleefe threw away their Armes and fled to save themselves The defendants who were of the same beleefe sallyed forth at two severall places towards the River side and charging them home forced them to throw themselves into the water where according to the French Authors betweene 6. and 700. men were slaine but according to the English what by water what by sword above 4000. forsaking their Tents Artillery and all manner of provisions and the Constable being abandoned by the French who in great disorder and without leave taking returned to their owne homes retired to Britanny more worthy to be comiserated then blamed The English Court the towne of London and the whole kingdome was at this time full of troubles by reason of the contention sprung betweene the Duke of Glocester and his Unckle the Bishop of Winchester Alterations not to be wondred at for as thunder proceeds raine and the conjunction of two dismall Planets the malignity of their influence so were not Henries misfortunes to fall out without the precedency of many disorders which though severally consider'd were of no great moment yet being joyned were such as caused his ruine the distemperatures of a state being like to those of humaine bodies which if languishing are almost alwayes mortall the natures of these two contenders were hard to be reconcil'd the one would be obeyed the other could not brooke command the Bishop pretended that since the Gouernment of the King appertained to him the Duke had no reason to insinuate himselfe thereunto though he were nearer of blood and of greater authority but whether this or ought else were the cause of their hatred 't is most certaine the Bishops pride and ambition was most hatefull His mighty masse of riches procured him not onely hatred but envy likewise an evill which as it caused one part of the Nobility to wish him well so wrought it a contrary effect in the rest which drawne either by the condition of his birth as of blood royall by the reverence of his calling as of Bishop by the spendor of his attendants as being served by none but selected men and by the fulnesse of his tables which exceeded all others did adhere unto him so as the Citie being thus divided the chiefe Magistrate who had the care thereof was constrained to keepe a great guard therein day and night the shops were all shut up hourely fearing least some contention arising amongst the partakers they should fall to pillage which was the onely end of the poorest sort of people which were the aptest to doe mischiefe The Bishop failed not to justifie his cause to the Duke of Bedford writing vnto him that if hee did not immediatly come to England his brother would bee the cause of much mischiefe which he prayed God to withstand he intreated him to make haste for that the
condition that herein hee humbly intreated the Duke of Bedford and all the lords spirituall and temporall of that Parliament since they were the lawfull Judges for the administration of justice especially in this case and because the aforesaid letter written to the Duke of Bedford suffered a sinister interpretation hee interpreted it according to its naturall sence the end for which it was written not admitting of any other If this busines had hapened betweene private men or that it had beene judgeable where Lextalionis is practised it would not have beene so easily ended but being betweene two great Lords almost equall in authority bloud and followers and where hee who layes treason to anothers charge though calumniously undergoes no punishment but the hazard of single Duell the remedy was easy the condition of the times the necessity of peace at home and the evils which by doing otherwise were likely to ensue being considered for the cure of a Fistula differs from the cure of a wound the one as soone as cut must bee suddenly closed the other being newly made must bee kept open to the end it may purge But there was no probability in this accusation the 3. first articles though they had some shew yet was there no proofe of them and that appearance wiped away by a more solid recremination the fourth and fifth not to bee spoken of since the dead are not call'd to witnesse nor cited before Earthly Tribunals they were alleadged onely to make the party accused ill thought of not that there was any reason to condemne him for them Moreover it is not likely that in England where the accusation witnesses defence and judgement are all made in publique and in face of the Court an accessary should bee privately drowned by night the King not being advertis'd thereof the party not delivered up into the hands of justice nor confronted with his accuser whilest the Prince who could not love the Bishop seing the ill will hee bore him had so large a field to revenge himselfe in by Iustice not being withstood either by any interest of feare or want of proofe the case being cleare the guilty convinc't the fault inexcusable treason in the highest degree The order which was taken in this busines was to sweare all the Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall to proceed therein without passion and with secresy it was by them put over to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Dukes of Exceter and Norfolke the Bishops of Durham Worcester and Bath the Earle of Stafford the Lo. Privy Seale and the Lo. Cromwell who after having made them promise to stand to their judgements as well themselves as their adherents Glocester in the word of a Prince and sonne of a King and the Bishop in the bare word of a Priest they framed certaine words which they were to speake one to another causing them the King being present to come to the Parliament The Bishop seeming much grieved at the scandalous speeches layd to his charge pressed much either to bee declared innocent of what hee stood accused concerning the two last Kings since hee was not nor could not bee convinst thereof or else that he might be permitted to justifie himself and being gone out of the house to allow them time to consider hee was shortly after cald in againe and Bedford in name of the whole house sayd unto him that upon the examination of his request the King and all the Lords declared him to be an honest man and faithfull to both the Kings which declaration was ordered to bee regestred amongst the Acts of Parliament then saying the conceived words one to another and having shaken hands the businesse was ended and they pacified The King was willing to witnesse his gladnesse of this accord by solemne mirths and Court solemnities he created Richard Plantagenet sonne to the Earle of Cambridge beheaded at Antona Duke of Yorke This title ceased in this family through the death of Edward Plantaginet slaine in the battle of Aiencourt elder brother to the forenamed Earle of Cambride and not to bee ransomed by this Richard his nephew and next heire without his being restored in blood as now hee was this was hee who afterwards deposed the King and who was the first cause of exturpating the house of Lancaster having boldnesse enough to contest for the kingdome with him and to lay claime thereunto in full Parliament as wee shall hereafter see in its due place neither was hee likely to have arrived at so immense a bouldnesse had he not beene promoted to this honour and honord by those high places of trust which by the King he afterwards was But God governes things here below by meanes contrary to wordly reason for whilst men foolishly beleeve that good turnes make past offences be forgotten examples shew us that the correspondencies due to vertue and reason ought not to be expected from men but such as the interest of profit dayly produceth profit is that alone which surpassing vertue or reason spurnes at any other gratitude the which though it ought not alwayes to be supposed 't is notwithstanding a want in judgement to thinke otherwise in great offences especially such as were these of this Richard on whom no benefit being to be conferred which was not inferior to the kingdome usurped from him it was the chiefest of all others to chalke out vnto him the wayes to the conquest thereof and by conferring upon him honors riches and power to indow him with an ability of doing what he did An errour whereunto the best of men are onely subject who expect not that from others which they themselves would not doe this creation was accompanied with another of Iohn Moubray who being Earle Marshall was made Duke of Norfolke which title was unluckily enjoyed not above three yeares by his Father who died in Venice being banished for England the first yeare of Henry the fourth this solemnitie was concluded by the order of knighthood which the Duke of Bedford gave into the King accompanied by 35 great Lords or some of great Families and the liberall contribution which by way of subsidie was given in Parliament in consideration of the warre with France no one City being exempt from the payments of monies or raysing of souldiers At this time the Duke of Exceter died a man of great wisedome who having no sonnes made the King his heire though besides the Bishop his brother and the Countesse of Westmerland his Sister hee had by her a great many Nephewes Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke whom the Duke of Bedford had left his Lievtenant in France was not this meane while faultie in what belonged unto his charge for entring the County of Maine hee tooke there many townes and being returned to Paris met with this newes of his being chosen to the government of the King in place of the deceased Duke of Exceter though he went not into England till a good while after advancing in the meane while by
his service in France his Kings his kingdomes and his owne reputation Alansonnes liberty who was taken prisoner at the battell of Vernuille was by the Duke of Burgundies meanes Bedford being at London procured his ransome came to 200000. Crownes Faire offers were made unto him if hee he would forsake France and cleave unto England in particular much of what hee was to pay was proffer'd to bee remitted him but no offer promis'd nor benefit could sever him from his affections unto this King and Country Hee sould unto the Duke of Britanny not being otherwise able to pay so great a summe the Barony of Fugures for 80000. peeces of gould called saluti and 38000. which he was moreover to give him for the which hee pawned unto him the two Rubies of la quaglia and Estampes and the two brothers famous Iewels in the house of Britanny the which being repawn'd by him and the rest made good out of his owne monies hee return'd into France The Duke of Bedford went thither likewise with a great many Souldiers having taken requisite order for the affaires in England Hee was waited upon to Calis by the Bishop of Winchester I know not whether in respect or to receive the Cardinalls Cap which was sent to him from Rome the new discensions councelling him perhaps to doe so This Prelate had coveted the being a Cardinall ever since Henry the fifths time but that King much misliking his ambition forbid him to endeavour it that rub being now out of the way the present King a Child and though Glocester his enemy yet Bedford his friend there was none that withstood him therein Hee receiv'd therewithall the faculty and title of Legat which added to his incombes so as loosing his former name he was through all the kingdome stiled the Ritch Cardinall The Count de Richmond this meane while endeavoured by his valour to repaire the ill fortune hee met withall at his entrance into the Constableship In Anior he tooke La Methe upon conditions and the Castle of Gollerande by assault In Maine Ramfort by composition and Malicort by force where hee slew the English and hung up the French that defended it On the other side Sir Iohn Hothall an English knight passing betweene Mans and Alansonne with 20. Horse was set upon by a Captaine call'd Monceau who had with him a troope of 120. fighting men the English lighted from off their Horses in the midst of the highway where they were set upon and where there was no helpe but a resolution either to overcome or die they so behaving themselves as that killing many of them and putting the rest to flight they tooke Iohn Sorret prisoner a Brittish Gentleman and returned safe to their Garrison but the daily inrodes that the Norman Garrison made into Brittanny made the Duke thereof resolve to shut them up within their owne limits by fortifying Pontersonne To this worke together with the Constable came Messieurs de Castelbriand Beaumaneir Lohac Castelghironne Montalbon Belforte Charte Rostrenan Balliere and others of Brittanny the Constable of Scotland Iohn Onscart Walter Brusacke and other French Commanders these comming by night to descry the English fortifications they were pursued by such as were within with danger of being but ill treated but as soone as the Constable had fortefied Pontersonne hee went from thence leaving Mounsieur de Rostrenan Captaine thereof and under him Mounsieur de Belfort Iohn Veyer and Ouscourt who doing as they had beene done by did by incursions passe on to Auranches doing all the mischiefe they could but those of the Garrison not induring to bee braved underneath their walls sallied forth and had likely to have retired with losse had not 400. English led by Mounsieur de Novestres come unexpectedly to their ayd who charging Rostrenon tooke him prisoner and together with him 140. others not above two being left dead upon the field This chance made the Duke of Britanny send Mussieurs de Castelbriand and Beaumaneir to command Pontersonne in Rostrenans place I have described this action according to Argentres Hall and the other English Historians ascribe the glory onely to the Garrison of Auranches not mentioning Novestres nor any others that came into their succour So as being almost alwayes likely to meete with the like discordance likelihood ought to open unto us the way to truth which by writers is with passion shut up for no Iudge can injoyne us to beleeve one rather then another unlesse the one relation be held Canonicall the other Apocriphall Pontersonne was a thorne in the Duke of Bedfords side for it was a place whereby the enemy was much commodiated for the annoyance of Nor mandy and his men hindred for doing the like to Britanny so as resolving to quit himselfe thereof hee sent thither the Earle of Warwicke accompanied by the Lord Scales and many others who layd siege unto it with 7000. men the first day of Lent Belleforest and Argentres writes that the Duke of Britanny knowing it was not able to hold out would have it abandoned that so together with the towne he might not loose the people that were in it that the French and Scots withdrew themselves from thence leaving onely the Britans there who contrary to their Princes command would defend it but it is hard to be beleeved that the Duke having purposely sent his brother to fortefie it assisted by so many Lords and the worke of three nations France Scotland and Britanny should afterwards repent it as if no places were to bee defended save such as are inexpugnable and that to busie the enemie in a long siege as was this subject to so many contingences especially of being succour'd either from Britanny which was Contiguus with it or from France were a matter of no advantage besides it is not probable but that he should have foreseene the enemy would assay it it being a place so contrary to his designes and much lesse that the Brittish Garris on abandoned by the Scotch and French should dare to defend it contrary to their Princes command but howsoever it was the Earle of Warwicke besieging it and those within valiantly behaving themselves as well by defending it as making often sallies the siege was brought to that passe as that the assailant wanting both meat and munition and not having wonne one foote of ground the Lord Scales was inforced to goe his wayes with 3000. men Monstrelet sayes but 500. to provide for necessities for the Campe accompanied by Sir Iohn Harplay Bayliffe of Constantine Sir William Breerton Bayliffe of Caen Sir Ralfe Tassonne and Sir Iohn Carbonall The Duke of Britanny who had made a generall Muster of all his Horse and Foote and chosen out a part thereof under the command of Mounsieur de Castelgironne Hanandaye and the Viscount of Belliers leaving the rest entertained a proposition made by the Baron of Coulonnis a Norman to surprise the Lord Scales at his returne in a place which he
upon 78. articles some of which were Her change of Womans apparell for mans Ruines and Manslaughters partly committed by her partly by her directions that shee had seduced the people by making them beleeve shee was sent from God The falshood of her revelations that shee was a Sorceresse a Witch a foreteller of things to come that shee had disswaded Charles from peace with England that shee had boasted herselfe to know things to come that shee had said the Saints that convers'd with her had beene seene by the King the Duke of Bourbon and two or three Lords more That shee had so seduced the people as that many abused by her hypocrisie and fained devotion worshipped her as a Saint To these and the rest in some shee gave becomming answers in others very foolish ones Giles one of her chiefest advocates sayes these underwritten words For my owne part I intend not totally to take from any one the judgement of visions wherein this Maid hath shew'd her selfe too superstitious I am clearly of opinion that shee never was a whore nor vagabond as some have deciphered her to bee I likewise thinke that hee having rais'd the siege of Orleans and brought the King to bee crowned was not done by the Divels meanes but if there were any folly or lightnesse in her answers to her interrogations it should bee ascribed to the weakenesse of her sexe and the confusion of her mind caused by her miseries and imprisonment the like I say of her boldnesse which was somewhat more then became Christian humility The words of a man of integrity though said that hee might not faile in his judgement and for that they could not bee denied for amongst the rest of her vanities being asked by what name those who spoke unto her in vision did call her shee answered that after the siedge of Orleans they called her the Maid Iane daughter of God as if the freeing of Orleans her pretended worke had made her worthy of that name But Giles leaving the judgement of visions at liberty seemes not to approve that which hee defends for visions not honesty makes her what shee affirmes her selfe to bee and as touching her honesty though it bee a bad signe that her owne writers have doubted it yet will not I dispute it onely in as much as unchastity admits not the favour of divine mission which is the ground worke of the controversie Antient Idolaters give us Pithia and the Sybils Virgins nature shewing us that divinity is an enemy to pollution as for the freeing of Orleans and crowning of the King I doe not onely thinke them but all her other actions to bee done without the Divels meanes for it appeares not to me that she knew what the Divell was I with Polidorus praise her as parallell to Cloelia since it so pleaseth him but not as parallell to her in her actions Cloelia fought not fained not did no harme to any the Maid did hurt and as much unto her selfe as others I doe not praise her with Tillet who doth paragonise her to Deborah Iael and Iudith I doe not liken herto them nor yet the English and the French to the Canaanites and Israelites Israel was a chosen faithfull people the Canaanites Idolaters and reprobates The English and French both Christians Of the latter two let me bee permitted to say that Iael violated the lawes of Hospitality and friendship neither did shee doe it by the commandement of God so as her act may bee authorised Iudith deserveth praise for an act more generous then just Justice admits not of flattery deceit lies first to cousen and then to assasinate the enemy shee is praised for the good that ensued thereupon Her action being the more Heroique as done against an infidell by the hand of a Woman and in the service of her Country for the which all actions seeme lawfull though they bee not so deceit is vulgarly accounted lawfull against the enemy the which whether it bee to bee approved of or no in Christian religion I leave to bee decided by divines whilest in the meere respect of vertue the Gentles teach us the contrary The Athenians rejected the advantagious record of Themistocles because it was according to Aristides as much unjust as usefull But let us grant what paralell you please unto the Maid If shee had proceeded in this busines like Cloelia without any fiction out of much zeale to her Country no praise had beene too great for her but Hypocrisie without the which shee could not compasse her end cancell'd all worth leaving onely so much shadow thereof as may become a bold resolution and moreover that Cloelian worth vanished in her when swearing that shee never dream't of shee confest her selfe guilty when shee was not that shee might not die and being sentenc'd to bee burnt shee said then shee was with childe to prolong her end signes of a Spirit inconstant in sanctimony and vertue the which if at any time they entred into her it was not as into their owne house but as into a lodging or inne by way of passage Her first sentence was perpetuall imprisonment with bread and water abjuring the evils committed and the opinions contrary to the holy sense of Religion the evils committed not submitted to abjuration but to repentance and her opinions contrary to the holy sense of Scripture as voyd asignorant unlesse by opinions they understand her impostures and lyes in affirming herselfe to bee sent from Heaven and to have talked with the Saints Vanity which causing her to repent her repentance made her to bee thought relapsed and to bee reassigned over to the secular power which condemn'd her to bee burnt whereupon affirming her selfe to bee with child and her punishment deferr'd for nine monthes shee not being brought to bed nor proving with childe shee was the next yeare 1431. in the month of May burnt in the market-place of Roan where at this day stands Saint Michels Church and where her ashes were by the wind dispers't Belleforest relates one of the two miracles which you may read in the underwritten verses of Valeran Varan POstremo enituit pietas in morte Puellae In cinerem cunctos dum flamma resolveret artus Illaesus cor habet veâ—…as mirabile dictu Nec sinceri animi temerant incendia sedem Albaque tunc vita est igni prodire columba Et petere Aethereos multis spectantibus orbes But saying nothing of the dove and publishing the other of her incombustible heart hee leaves us in doubt whether Varan writ these by way of Poeticall Hyperboly or of true Miracle if by Hyperboly Belleforest should have made no mention at all thereof if by Miracle where hee alludes the one hee ought not to have conceald the other but say that the incombustibility were a truth and the dove a poeticall fiction how is it possible that this truth should bee onely written by a Poet and that the English should bee so obdurate as not to bee
months and halfe a siege Reolle a City seated upon the River of Garrone seaven leagues distant from Burdeaux was taken by force but when Charles returned into France the English repossessed themselves of Ayes and Saint Leverine and kept Ayes but lost Saint Leverine which was retaken by the Count de Fois their great enemy in an other part the Towne of Galerdonne did much molest Shartres as being neare unto it in so much as the Bastard of Orleans did besiege it but raised the siege when Talbot having taken Conches came to confront him and Talbot being assured that it would againe bee set upon as soone as the Bastard was gone did demolish it to the very ground whilest businesses went thus in France the ground works of Glocesters ruine were laid in England who relying upon his quality was not aware that his brothers death had lessened that authority which was due to him as Uncle to the King and Protector of the Kingdome whereupon provoked by his antient hatred of the Cardinall of Winchesters pride hee laid many faults unto his charge wherein though there might bee some likelyhood yet were not his proofes sufficient to convince him hee objected unto him 24. Articles some of which touched likewise upon the Archbishop of Yorke that hee had dared to doe many things without the authority of the King or him the Protector to the offence of Majesty and of the lawes to the end that in honour and dignity hee might proceed wheresoever els of greater degree that to enrich himselfe hee had defrauded the Exchequer and practised things prejudiciall to the affaires of France and that hee had beene the cause of the King of Scots liberty contrary to the interests of England there were the contents of his most waighty objections which were by the King referred to the Councell and the Councell consisting much of Ecclesiasticall persons the Duke was deluded not with oppositions or difficulties but with hopes promises till such time as the controversie falling into oblivion there was no more speech thereof hee had plunged himselfe into this busines upon extraordinary disadvantage his nature and the Cardinalls were too much differing for being more violent then revengefull and satisfied in that hee had vented his choller hee did not sollicite expedition whilest so harmefull carelesnes made him subject to bee despised and encouraged the Cardinall to revenge This great Prelates ambition was growne so high as that hee did pretend that King and Kingdome depended upon his directions wherein hee did so artificially behave himselfe that though his actions were blameable and unjust yet did they to all men seeme praise worthy and just dissimulation and cunning are the characters of a wary Courtier but not of a good Christian as simplicity and candour are of no use but of more danger to Princes then private men Henry and Gloster lost themselves for not having taken the other Councell the Cardinall did with the Duke as doth a well experienced Captaine with a Fort who not battering the Wall undermines the foundations being sure that the Battlements and Walles withall fall at once without any hazard to himselfe the foundations were the Dukes reputation which falling it behooved him to fall hee caused Elianor Cobham Dutchesse of Glocester to bee accused of treason witchcraft and enchantment for having made the Kings image in wax purposing that the King should consume away and perish as that image should doe to the end that the Duke her Husband might come unto the Crowne her complices were Thomas Southwell one of Saint Stephens Canons in Westminster Iohn Hum a Priest likewise Roger Bullenbrook reputed a great Negromancer Margery Iordan surnamed the Witch of Eie they were examined and convinced in Saint Stephens Chappell before the Archbishop of Canterbury the Dutchesse was sentenced to do publike pennance in three severall parts of the citie and to perpetuall imprisonment in the Isle of Man Iohn Humme was pardoned the other Priest they say did die the night which did immediatly preceede his punishment according to what he had prognosticated of himself that he should die in his bed The Witch was burnt in Smithfield and Bullingbrooke being drawne at a Horses tayle to Tyburne was hanged and quartered whether this imputation were true or no may be disputed by reason of Iohn Hummes being pardoned and Bullingbrookes constant affirmation at his death that no such wickednesse was ever imagined by them how ever it was this businesse was in it selfe so shamefull and scandalous as the Duke did not any wise meddle therein but patiently endured the affront and the being parted from his wife The losses which this meane while were suffered in Guienne made Henry resolve to send thither some little succour till such time as hee could provide greater Sir William Woodvile was dispatcht away with 800. men and Proclamation made that whosoever would transport any victuals thither should be exempted from all taxations which caused so much provision be sent thither as did supply the necessitie of that Province which being environed enemies could not make any use of the adjacent countries Talbot was likewise dispatcht away with 3000. Souldiers into Normandy and that he might goe with honour answerable to his deserts he was by the King created Earle of Shrewsbury a title which had not beene made use of for 340. yeares from such time as William the Conquerour having bestowed it on Robert Montgomery who came together with him from Normandy and who had but two that did succeed him It fell upon the person and family of Talbot who have injoyed it the space of a 190. yeares with a successive descent of ten Earles Whilest these provisions were made in England Count Armignac proffered his daughter for wife to Henry together with all the places which hee or his predecessors either by their owne acquirement or by gift and investment from the Kings of France had possessed in Gascony together with monies and assistance in the recovery of such places as were detained from him by Charles by Monsieur d'Albret and others of that Province till such time as hee should be intirely Duke thereof as anciently he was of Aquitane the councell did well approve of these offers and Embassadours were sent unto him but this businesse was not nor indeede could not be handled with so much see resieas to be kept from Charles his eare who caused notice to be given unto him for his personall appearing at the Parliament to be holden within 15. dayes at Tholouse and from thence at Paris That which mooved the Count to this offer to boote with his ambition of having his daughter a Queene and his dislike for not having a share in Court answerable to his greatnesse and his fathers great deserving was his desire to appropriate to himselfe the county of Comminges whereunto he layd pretence Iane Countesse of Comminges daughter to the Count of Bullen and Comminges and widdow to Iohn Duke of Berny who married her when
honour made him his deputy to celebrate the formality of espousall and to bring his bride over into England He went then and had with him his wife and a great many of Ladies and Gentlemen carriages and letters for her father who was rich in titles of imaginary kingdomes as of Scicily and Ierusalem had not meanes to send her to her husband so as all the charge which was very vast fell to Henries share being come to Tours hee married her in the name of his master in the presence of the King of France The Queene and a great number of Princes and Lords amongst which were the Dukes of Orleans Calabria Alanson and Brittany the marriage was solemnized with feasts and tilting after which with the like or better shee was married by Henry in England and crowned Queene Normandy lay openly exposed by the surrendring of the two Provinces Count Armignac was scandalized and shortly likely to revenge himselfe the kingdome was fallen into an Abisse from whence it was not to be raised but by the death of the King the ruine of the Queene the desolation of the house of Lancaster the destruction of the Nobility the rebellion of the people and the alteration of the State This seperation of Armes caused the Duke of Yorke and many other Commanders returne to England that they might consult of what provisions were to be made before the expiration of the truce to the end that Normandy being well fortified Charles might be brought to a well conditioned peace and if not that they might be able to make a powerfull warre But England did in this an evill mannager who having a house covered with Lead sells the Lead and then covers it againe with straw to the end that a sparke of Fire by reason of this new covering may be sufficient to set it on fire the given Provinces were the Lead sould and prodigally squandred the provisions for Normandy the thatching over with straw the two Provinces might have entertained the warre and being lost have advanced time which is the father of the changes of fortune for losse in warre doth seldom happen in one action and at one instant To this purpose a Parliament was called subsidies paid Souldiers raised and the Duke of Sommerset made a Regent of France in stead of the Duke of Yorke the Marquesse of Suffolke were it either to boast of his favours or that hee foresaw the future danger made a long speech in the upper house relating his ownemerits in the making of this truce and this match and advertising the Lords that since the truce expired the next Aprill and peace did not ensue they should doe well to take such order as that Normandy might not be endamaged for it was to be beleeved that the French finding it ill provided would make use of their advantage that having advertised the King thereof he did now the like to them to the end that if any evill did happen it should not be said to have beene for want of any good admonition he desired them in discharge of his innocency to thinke on this the same thing was done the next day in the lower house the Messengers whereof entreated the Lords of the upper house that by joynt consent of both houses this present action might be registred amongst the acts of Parliament hee obtained what he desired the favours of favorites being like to little Rivolets which easily glide into the current waters even of the greatest rivers they sent their Speaker to the upper house where the Lords who did likewise waver with the wind did on their knees beseech the King that in respect of great services done by the Marquesse he would vouchsafe him this and whatsoever other favour for that he could not bestow his graces upon a more worthy subject and the King who of himselfe was wonderfull prodigall of his favours to him and loved to be entreated thereunto as not willing to seeme to doe it of his owne inclination answered them in such a manner as every one might see he made him the haven of his favours and the object of other mens respects the action was registred but not with that successe as was hoped for to witnesse that the peoples and Princes favours are of short duration and oftentimes unfortunate hee shortly after created him Duke he gave him two rich wardships that of the countesse of Warwick and of Margaret the daughter of Iohn Duke of Summerset who was afterwards the mother of Henry the seventh hee likewise at his request created Iohn de Fois Count de Longaville and Captaine de Bus Count de Candale both of them Guascons all these favours served onely to make his downe-fall the more sudden which usually doth not faile being caused either by the hatred of private men or of the Prince for such mens insolencies encreasing with their authorities and their authorities growing greater by their favour they become insupportable and having once offended cannot support themselves but by new offences whereby begetting hatred and envie amongst private men and societie in Princes they must needs fall and be overthrowne either by the one or the other According to Articles of marriage all places belonging to Aniou and Mayne were already surrendred except Manns the which being of more importance then the rest Charles did beleeve they had no intention to deliver it up so as having raised a convenient Army he prepared to have it by force which when Henry understood he gave order that it should be forthwith surrendered unto him not so much for that he should not have just cause to breake the truce as that by justice he was to doe it But Chartier and Monstrellet say that the English held it till the yeare 1449. at which time Charles besieged it and that the Lord Privy Seale being chosen Bishop of Winchester caused it to be yeelded up unto him but how ever it were this cessation from Armes wrought the like effects in England as in a healthfull body the forbearing of moderate exercises doth which by filling it with bad humours bringeth infirmities upon it The natures of the late married couple were if not opposite sufficiently differing the husband was of a womanish inclination the wife of a manlike spirit the King was humbled evout spiritually given caring onely for his soules health the Queene was proud ambitious worldly given and not to be quieted till having brought the kingdome to be governed as shee pleased shee might see her selfe free from Rivals in the government The Duke of Glocester was no wayes pleasing to her as well for that he had opposed her marriage an injury not to be forgotten as likewise that her husband being long since out of his minority was still governed by him as formerly when he was under age the which being observed by such as did not love the Duke they let slip no occasion whereby they might worke his ruine The Marquesse of Suffolke for that he could not rise to
of the other his bad that suffering himselfe to be gulded by a prodigious ambition a usuall disease amongst great wits hee of himselfe did negotiate in an unexpedient and harmefull match and which was likely not to bee denied since that thereby those territories were surrendered which ought not have beene quitted for any whatsoever cause that he did too indiscreetly make use of the Kings favour occasioned by the Queenes more then ordinary inclinations The Parliament was summoned at the Blacke Friers in London wherein treaties being had against the Duke and the Queene fearing least he might therein suffer she thought she might reape some advantage by remooving the Parliament to Lecester but very few of the Nobilitie comming thither she was forced to remove it againe to Westminster where both houses being full the lower house presented many complaints against the Duke whereof some were true and some false The Articles were many the chiefest that hee had treated with the Bastard of Orleans when he was sent Embassadour to Henry to move Charles to make warre with England to the end that hee might make Iohn sonne to the said Duke King by marrying him to Margaret daughter to the late Duke of Sommerset the presumed heire to the Crowne in case the King should have no children Secondly that suborned by the sayd Bastard he was cause of the Duke of Orleans freedome Thirdly that the losse of France and Normandy was happened through his advise which was represented to the King of France by the said Duke of Orleans Fourthly that being sent Embassadour to make peace or truce he had condescended to the surrendring of Aniou and Mayne without the knowledge of the other Embassadours his fellow Colleagues and that being returned to England he perswaded the King thereunto so losing him the inheritance of those countries Fiftly that having at the same time discovered the Kings counsell unto the enemy together with the defects of the Forts and number of Souldiers the English by reason of these informations were driven out of France Sixtly that he had given the like informations to the Dunnesse when he was Embassadour in England seventhly that the King having sent Embassadours into France to treate of peace he was the cause why peace was not made having by way of Anticipation advertised Charles of his advantages Eightly that in the Starre Chamber hee had made his boasts that hee had as much power in the Councell of France as in that of England and that by his power hee could remove whatsoever Counsellors there Ninthly that corrupted by Charles hee had retarded the melitia that was to goe to France Tenthly that in the conclusion of the peace hee had not comprehended the King of Arragon nor the Duke of Britanny both friends to the King so as being comprehended by Charles hee alienated the former and made the other so great an enemy as Giles brother to the said Duke remaining firme in his friendship to England lost first his liberty and then his life His answers to the first three Articles were that hee never had committed nor so much as thought any such thing To the fourth that the businesse of the truce being left to his discretion it could not bee concluded without the surrendring of those states which was but a weake answer since the marriage of the Queene in consideration whereof this surrender was made was not so much as dreamt of by any save himselfe But on the other side it being approved of in Parliament wherein both the houses did joyne in Petition to his Majestie to reward him for this his great good service it followes that either the one Parliament or the other did amisse since the one desired reward the other punishment for the selfe same action the fift sixt seventh and ninth have no proofe at all but the accusers bare narration In the eight he may be convinc't but more of vanitie then of any other errour in the tenth his fault was omission but as it was not excusable in a personage of his condition so it was not to be punished in the highest degree his other accusations contained the topicall faults of favorites which in like persecution are usually alleaged that he had enricht himselfe out of the Kings treasure monopolized things belonging to the Crowne diminished the revenues thereof removed worthy men from the Councell placing such in their roomes as had dependancy upon him that he was the chiefe instrument in the death of the Duke of Glocester which though it were likely enough yet were not their proofes sufficient to condemne him Vpon these complaints he was sent unto the Tower as to be there forth comming till hee should give an account of what he was charged of but being set at liberty about a moneth after the people were thereat so highly incensed that to avoyd sedition it was requisite to take from the Lord Say his place of Treasurer all their places from all his other friends and so banish him for five yeares out of England But being imbarked in Suffolke to goe for France he was set upon by a man of warre belonging to the Earle of Excester was fought withall taken beheaded neare unto Dover in the same ship and his body throwne upon the shore from whence it was taken by one of his Chaplaines and buried in the Colledge of Winkefield in Suffolke This was the end of this man in whom so many causes both of blame and of praise concurring I know not whether hee ought to bee blamed or praised Vices are like Clouds which though they doe not totally obscure the day yet the thicker and blacker they are the more horrid and fearefull doe they make it Vices are not to bee ballanced with vertues no more then is ayre and water with earth and fire yet if amongst punishments the law givers could have taken away the memory of what was good in the guiltie I beleeve they would not have done it If there had beene no other evill in the Duke of Suffolke then the death of the Duke of Glocester whereof the signes are too manifest for him to cleare himselfe 't were sufficient to ecclipse all his other vertues in the estimation of all honest men but bee it as you will his misfortune was very prejudiciall to the King since thereby he was deprived of a servant as necessary for his preservation as by his Councell and valour he was ready to preserve him This chance did much inanimate those who syded with the Duke of Yorke who spared not in what they could to render the King dispised and hatefull they forgot not to inculcate the ignominious losse of France enough to bereave of reputation the most valiant Prince that is much more him who was given to idlenesse and wretchlesnesse that the state was governed by a proud woman the chiefe cause of all their evills Thus said the people should doe well to take example by the government of Ireland where the wisedome and valour of the Duke
his mouth but all stoode like dumbe immoveable statues whereat not much contented hee wished them to think upon what he had said and being againe desired to goe visite the King he said God excepted he knew no superiour two prodigies are said to have hapned at the same time that the Duke of Yorke alleadged his reasons of laying claime unto the Crowne in the upper house from the top of the lower house there hung a Crowne with certaine branches serving for Candlesticks affixed to it and on the top of Dover Castle was an other antiently placed for the adornement of that place At this instant time they both of themselves fell downe no cause at all being to be given for it whereupon judgement was made that in like manner the Crowne of the Kingdome was to fall The Duke of Yorke at his very first commotions against King Henry had sent unto Iames the second King of Scotland to desire his aide and to acquaint him with his pretensions but Iames not willing to meddle in other mens affaires answered that the English had taken many of his Townes whilest having enough to doe with rebells at home he had not meanes to defend them that if he would promise to restore them he would assist him the Duke promised him so to doe upon these hopes Iames assembled a great army and at the same time the Earle of Marsh tooke the King prisoner besieged Roxborough Yorke who had now no more need of him seeing in what danger the Towne was sent unto him to let him know that now he had ended the Warre that he thanked him for the promise of his assistance but that the siege of Roxborough being a thing which did dislike the people and himselfe thought the occasion thereof he desired him to rise from before it without endamaging England and that he had much a doe to detaine the English from taking up armes to succour it the King rejoycing at the Dukes prosperous successe enquired of the Messengers whether they had any commission or no to restore unto him such places as were taken from him and as was promised by the Duke to which they answering no neither will I said he quit a siege which I hope suddenly to put an end unto uninterrupted by these threats be they his or the peoples then playing with his cannon upon the Towne with more fury then formerly such was his misfortune as a peece of Ordnance bursting in two a spilter thereof slew him and hurt the Earle of Angus not hurtihg any other body this accident did notwithstanding breake off the siege for the besieged wanting all things requisite and they themselves reduced to a small number by reason of the often assaults they yeelded themselves to the new King Iames the third their lives and goods saved The death of this King was accompanied by the death of Charles King of France which though it were not violent yet was the strangest that ever was heard of being sicke some of his flatterers to make their zeale appeare the more put a conceipt into his head that surely somebody meant to poison him He forbare from taking any manner of food seaven dayes and when his Phisitians tould him that his weakenes proceeded from his forbearing meat and not from any sicknes he would have eaten but could not for the channells through which his meat should passe were closed up whereupon he dyed and left the Kingdome to his sonne Lewes the eleaventh The difference betweene the King and the Duke of Yorke was by the Parliament after many disputations thus ended that though the Crowne had beene usurped by Henry the fourth from Edmond Mortimer Earle of Marsh then living and did lawfully descend upon him the Duke of Yorke as borne of Anna the heire of Philips rights the onely Daughter to Lionell the Duke of Clarrence yet to withstand the evills which might arise from Henries deposing who had beene King above the space of 38. yeares the Duke of Yorke should bee contented that Henry should raigne as long as he should live and that after his death he the Duke of Yorke or his next heire should succeed him in his Kingdome The next day being all Saints-day the King with his roabes on and Crowne upon his head went in Procession to Saint Pauls waited upon by the Duke who after being proclaimed next heire and protectour of the Kingdome desired that to annull all jealousies the King would send for the Queene and her sonne Prince Edward the which he did but shee denying to come and having taken up armes to set her Husband at liberty and to nullifie whatsoever had beene done in prejudice of her sonne the Duke resolved to prevent her hee recommended the Custody of the King to the Duke of Norfolke and Earle of Warwick Hee commanded the Earle of Marsh to follow him with the greatest forces he could get as speedily as he could and he himselfe accompanied by the Earle of Salisbury went to Sandalls a Castle of his owne neere Wakefield where of friends and dependants he assembled 5000. men the which when the Queene heard of shee hasted to meete with him before he about should joyne with his sonne Shee had with her above 18000. fighting men and was followed almost be all the Lords of the Northern parts of England Together with Prince Edward her sonne the Dukes of Excester and Somerset the Earles of Devonshire and Wiltshire and the Lord Clifford with these shee presented herselfe before the Walles of Sandall's the Earle of Salisbury and Sir David Hall who councelled the Duke were of opinion that hee should keepe within the Walles till the comming of the Earle of Marsh since shee had no artillery to batter the Castle But hee more apt to generous then discreet resolutions thinking it a shame that a Woman should keepe him shut up within a Walle when so many valiant French Commanders in his so many yeares warfare in that Kingdome could not boast of so much sallied forth the last of December and descended into the fields beneath to confront her this Castle is seated upon a pleasant Hill and the Queene having divided her people into 3. parts shee laid two of them in Ambush under the Earle of Wiltshire and the Lord Clifford on two sides of the Hill and with the third wherein were the Dukes of Somerset and Excester shee met him in the plaine as soone as the Battell was begun hee was environed on all sides defeated in lesse then halfe an houre and himselfe valiantly fighting slaine together with 2800. of his men the Earle of Salisbury was wounded and taken prisoner Robert Aspell Chaplain to the Duke and Tutor to the Earle of Rutland a child of 12. yeares old seeing the ill successe of businesses led his charge forth to save him but by the Lord Cliffords troopes and by Clifford himselfe observed who saw him nobly attired hee was by him with his dagger in hand demanded who hee was the unfortunate Youth struck dumbe
the Duke of Yorke was to bee acknowledged King The people joyfully received this declaration and the next day which was the fourth of March hee went to Saint Pauls where Te Deum being sung hee made the offering which Kings use to doe and was in Westminster proclaimed King by the name of Edward the fourth FINIS THE SECOND PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND Between the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke WHEREIN IS CONTAINED The Prosecution thereof in the lives of EDWARD the fourth EDWARD the fifth RICHARD the third and HENRY the seventh Written originally in Italian By Sir Francis Biondi Knight late Gentleman of the Privy-Chamber to His Majesty of Great Brittaine Englished by the Right Honourable HENRY Earle of Monmouth The second Volume LONDON Printed by E. G. for Richard Whitaker and are to be sold at his shop at the Kings Armes in Pauls Church-yard 1646. To the Readers his beloved COUNTREY-MEN I Know it is not usuall to say any thing before Second parts of the Same continued Story nor truely am I so inamour'd of my own Pen as to write more then according to some acception may be thought Needfull The reasons then that drew me to this otherwise Unnecessary Epistle are First to let my Readers know lest I may seem to derogate from my Authour by tacitely arrogating to My Selfe that the three Last lives of this Volume are not yet as I can heare of printed in Italian and the Authour being dead out of whose written Papers whilst he was here in England I translated them I know not whether they may ever undergoe the Presse in the Language wherein they were by him penn'd or no. My next inducing reason is That the subject of both parts of this Treatise being Civill Warres and this Second comming forth in a Time of Civill Warres in the Same Countrey I hope I may be excused for doing what in me lies to perswade to a Happy Peace whereunto I know no more powerfull Argument then by shewing the Miseries of Warre which is a Tragedie that alwaies destroyes the Stage whereon it is acted and which when it once seizeth upon a Land rich in the plenty of a Long Peace and full with the Surfeit of Continued Ease seldome leaves Purging those Superfluities till All not onely Superfluous but meere Necessaries be wasted and consumed as is sufficiently made to appeare throughent this whole History I know no Nation in Christendome that could till of some late yeeres more truely have boasted of the blessings of Peace Plenty and Ease then this nâ—…w Miserable Kingdome of Ours insomuch as it may be truely said of Us Quae alia res civiles furores peperit quà m nimia faelicitas Ariosto sayes Non cognosce la pace è non la stima Chi provata non ha la guerra prima We have now sufficiently try'd both Peace and Warre let us wisely betake our selves to the Best choice and say with Livy Melior tutiorque certa pax quà m sperata victoria illa in tuâ haec deorum in manu est And what though the ballance of Victory may leane some times much more to the one side then to the other many Checks may be taken but the Game is never wonne till the Mate be given and if you will believe Guicchiardine who was a Solid and Experienced Statesman be will tell you that Nelle guerre fatte communemente da molti Potentati contra un solo suole essere major le spavento che gli effetti perche prestamente si rafreddano gli impeti primi cemminciando a nascere varietà de pareri onde s'indebolisce tra loro la fede e le forze e cosi spesso auviene che le imprese comminciate con grandissima riputatione caggieno in melte difficultà e finalmente diventano vane If all be true that is of late reported ouâ—… two great neighbouring Kings are concluding a Peace if so we may invert the Proverbe of Tunc tua res agitur c. I believe we are most concerned when Their walls are Least on fire and unlesse it please Almighty God so to inspire the hearts both of our King and Parliament to the speedy piecing up of these unfortunate Rents and mischieveous Misunderstandings as that we may have a happy and speedy Peace cordially agreed on by all sides I am afraid we may finde my beliefe to be too true for Civill Warres give faire Advantage to Forraigne Powers Remember then that an honourable Peace is the Center of Warre wherein it should rest and that when Warre hath any other end then Peace it turnes into Publique Murther and consider that if injustissima pâ—…x justissimo bello sit anteferenda as it is held by some how Blessed will the Peace-makers be in setting an end to that warre which is by all sides acknowledged to be Unnaturall having our Saviours word for their attestate that they shall be Own'd for the Children of God Ita bellum suscipiatur saith Cicero ut nihil aliud quà m pax quesita videatur That this may be the endeavour of all parties interressed is the Sincere Counsell and Humble Advise of him who is a Faithfull and Loyall Subject unto his King an earnest Interceder to God Almighty for a Blessing upon the Parliament a Hearty Well-wisher to his Countrey and who wilâ—… conclude all with the words of the man according to Gods owne heartâ—… Seeke Peace and pursue it Imprimatur May 18. 1645 Na. Breut THE SIXTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fourth WIth what ease Edward came unto the Kingdome is worthy of observation but hard it is to give a just reason thereof whether power Justice or the peoples inclination It was not power since he was admitted of by election not Justice for to decide the right of the Crowne without an Assembly of Parliament is not a duty belonging to the people especially the tumultuous people of a City though Metropolitan without the joynt approbation of all the Shires and say it did by right belong unto him a businesse of such importance against a King that was no usurper who succeeded to two who for the space of more then threescore yeares his owne reigne comprehended were acknowledged and received for Kings was not to be decided in so short a time he being Sonne to the last one of the best deserving and most glorious Princes that England ever had and being King himselfe ever from his cradle for the space of eight and thirty-yeares so as he had his goodnesse been as usefull as it was innocent the Duke of Yorke durst not have contested with him for the Kingdome nor Edward bereft him of it The peoples inclination was then the onely thing which tooke the Kingdome from the one and gave it to the other whereby Princes may learne that long possession without the practice of Princely actions and the foregoing such affeâ—…tions as are hurtfull and hatefull to the people is
to comfort the mother Vauclere sent unto him willing him to retire else he should be enforced to treat him rudely But by what ensued I believe Philip Comines report to be true that by secret message he had desired him not to wonder at what had hapned that all was done for his service that if hee should have suffered him to come in hee had been utterly lost since England Burgundy the Towne and a great part of the garrison were his enemies That his best course was to retire into France not taking any further thought concerning that Fort assuring him that in due time he would give a good account thereof But by naming England to be his enemy hee onely meant Edward not the generality for never was any man better beloved by the people than was he which was the onely cause of Edwards aversion and feares for the peoples love doth usually raise jealousies in the Prince Edward seeing him gone thought himselfe rid of a troublesome burden which turned little to his advantage for the continuance of his jealousies would have made him more cautelous than hee was The reasons why Burgundy hated him were because Warwicke had ruined the house of Lancaster to which hee was most affectionate his mothers mother being a branch thereof That hee was a friend to the King of France a Prince by him infinitely hated and the opposing of his marriage for no other end but that he thought hee should thereby become too powerfull for France The inhabitants of Calleis opposed him not for that they hated his person but because the warre would have broken their commerce with London for the Company of Wollen-drapers kept a Store-house in Calleis from whence the Low-countries and all Germany were furnished to the great benefit of particular men and the King did thereby receive a yeerely toll of 50000 Crowns Comines saith but 15000 and that it came all into the Earls coffers As for the Garrison it cannot be denied but that the greatest part of them had dependence upon him But Monsieur de Duras a Gascon and the Kings Marshall being then there with a great many souldiers under his command hee would have runne danger of being taken prisoner if he should have entered the Town Vauclere by his dissembling compassed his ends for the newes of this his unexpected behaviour comming to the Court of England the King tooke the command of that Towne from Warwicke and bestowed it on Vauclere And the Duke of Burgondy to confirme him in this his charge sent thankes unto him by Philip de Comines and gave him a pension of 1000 Crownes a yeere Notwithstanding all this Vauclere served and deceived them all as the effects shewed Hee demeaned himselfe in this manner not out of any loyalty to the King or love hee bore unto the Earle but that hee might have two strings to his Bow and doubly secure his owne interest For had hee been loyall to the King hee could not have given the Earle any hopes nor have effected them when hee might doe it without danger and if hee had loved the Earle hee would not have denied him entrance into the Towne it being the onely place hee could receive succour from But hee not knowing which of them would prevaile chose not to endanger himselfe whilst being in good condition hee might betake himselfe to that side which should be most availeable for him Mens ends are commonly their owne interests for the which they thinke it lawfull to abandon vertue which alwaies goes accompanied by some crosse which they abhorre The Earle of Warwicke finding that now hee had no hopes in Calleis but what were future sayled towards Diepe as hee was advised by Vauclere and according to his first intention By the way hee tooke as many ships as hee met withall belonging to Charles his subjects gaining thereby great riches which did furnish him at his present need and forced Charles to send a great Fleet into those Seas to revenge himselfe either by taking him prisoner or inhibiting his returne for England Being come to Diepe and by command from Lewis received with all manner of respect hee was by the said Lewas met at Amboise where causing him to be provided with all things necessary hee promised him his best assistance and caused a great many ships be rigg'd out for him well provided with Souldiers and Mariners And this hee did the sooner for that Charles had threatned him if hee should assist Warwicke Queen Margaret came to meet him as soone as she heard he was arrived and with her the Earles of Pembrooke and of Oxford the last of which had lately escaped out of prison and was fled from England Lewis to have the surer tie upon him caused Prince Edward the Queens sonne to marry with Anne the Earle of Warwicks second daughter Warwicke taking thereby to sonne in law the sonne of him whom he had formerly deposed that he might now depose him that he had placed in his place As soone as the marriage was concluded Warwicke and the Duke of Clarence tooke an oath never to put a period to the warre till such time as Henry or in default of him his sonne Edward should recover the Kingdome And Queen Margaret promised to make them two Governours of the Kingdome till such time as her sonne should be of yeeres King Edward was daily advertised by Duke Charles what treaties were in hand to his prejudice the Duke complaining that Edward should more minde his pleasures than his affaires But it was in vaine to object the feare of danger to a courageous Prince a lover of pastimes vaine it was to perswade him to quit his sports and plunge himselfe in troubles since it was so unlikely that should befall him which did He advised him to oppose the Earle at Sea for that if hee should set foot on Land and have his partakers joyne with him the danger and difficulty would be the greater Hee on the other side desired hee might land believing that at his pleasure hee might take him prisoner or kill him before hee could be succoured He made diligent inquiry after such as hee might suspect to be Warwickes friends so as those that were knowne to wish him well were in an ill condition Many of them tooke Sanctuary Marquesse Montaigne brother to Warwicke obtained his pardon and came over to the Kings side But the wisest resolution hee could take was to send over a Gentlewoman into France who under pretence of visiting the Dutchesse of Clarence might worke upon her husband This woman being arrived at Calleis made Vauclere believe that businesses were likely to be accommodated and that the King had sent her over to this purpose When shee was come to Amboise she so well performed the trust imposed in her that having shewed the Duke what danger hee was in by taking part against his brother she made it appeare that the house of Lancaster could never raigne voyd of jealousies whilst any one of the house
increased and finding no place safe for him since hee wanted forces hee went not without great danger to Linne where he found two Holland ships and one English hee imbarkt himselfe and was waited upon by the three said ships and seven hundred men without any manner of baggage or one penny of money A great and unexpected misfortune but that which immediately after presented it selfe was farre worse had hee not luckily eschewed it For had hee been taken hee had none to ransome him so would have lost both liberty and Kingdome Eight of the Easterlings ships the Easterlings were then great enemies to the English and did them all the mischiefe they could discovering these three Ships and believing them to be English gave them chase but could not come up unto them till they had cast Anchor before Alchemar in Holland the ebbe being so low as they could not winne the Haven The Easterlings cast Anchor likewise but a good way from them the burden of their Ships not permitting them to doe otherwise so as they were inforced to expect the returne of the tide to board them But Monsieur de Gretures Governour under the Duke of Burgundy in Holland being luckily at that time in Alchemar and understanding of Edwards being there by some whom hee had sent of purpose unto him in flat bottom'd Boats forbade the Easterlings to use any manner of hostility and went himselfe to bring him and all his men into the City Edward was at this time so bare of money as not having wherewithall to pay for his wastage hee gave the Captaine a rich vestment lined with Sables promising not to forget the curtesy and to satisfie him better afterwards A strange change of Fortune happened in a few houres to such a Prince meerly out of negligence and carelesnesse Hee lost a Kingdome without one blow striking and was forced to have recourse unto a Prince whose onely presence did upbraid unto him his carelesnesse lust and bad government Charles hearing of this was very much displeased finding himselfe charged with so needfull a King and so great a retinue whom hee could not bee wanting unto in assistance not out of any humanity or alliance but for that Warwicke enjoying the Kingdome it behooved him to maintaine the contrary party and drive him out or else to suffer the incommodities of a long War Queene Elizabeth the originall of these alterations seeing her selfe abandoned without succour and the enemy upon her back tooke Sanctuary at Westminster where with small attendance she was brought to bed of a Sonne named Edward hee who for some few weekes after his Fathers death was the V. King of that name and who symbolized in birth name and death with his cousin the Sonne of the Dutchesse of Clarence borne a Shipboard before Calleis The pompe of Baptisme had nothing in it of royall save the Mothers teares accompanyed by many mens commiseration which is then greatest when most concealed Many of her best friends betooke themselves likewise to sundry other Sanctuaries who proved afterwards serviceable to her at Edwards returne The Kentish-men prone to insurrections seeing there was now no King of two the one being fled the other a prisoner came to London and sack't the Suburbs and it may be would have sack't the City it selfe had not the Earle of Warwicke diverted them whose comming thither was noysed and who punished the Complices of the insurrection This piece of Justice added to his reputation and the peoples love Upon the 6 of Octob. he entered the Tower accompanied by many Lords in particular his brother the Archbishop of Yorke the Prior of St. Iohns the Duke of Clarence and the Earle of Shrewsbury some of them drawne by affection some by feareâ—… he set King Henry at liberty after nine yeares captivity he brought him to the Bishop of Londons house where hee tarried till the thirteenth day and then brought him in person and in royall attire to Pauls carrying his traine himselfe and the Earle of Oxford the sword accompanied with the peoples acclamations who cried out God save the King forgetting that a little before they had prayed for Edward against him A Parliament was summoned wherein Edward was declared a Taytour to his Countrey and an usurper of the Crown his goods confiscate all Statutes made in his name and by his authority annull'd the Crownes of England and France confirmed upon Henry and the heires male of his body and for want of such upon the Duke of Clarence and his posterity who hereafter was to be acknowledged the next heire to his Father Richard Duke of Yorke and Edward for his faults committed deprived of his birth-right and the prerogatives thereof The Earles of Pembrooke and Oxford were restored in bloud and to their dignities and goods The Earle of Warwick and the Duke of Clarence declared Governours of the Kingdome Marquesse Mountague was received into grace and his fault pardoned since revolting against Edward hee was the chiefe cause of his quitting the Kingdome those who sided with him were deprived of their Honours Titles and Faculties and such punished as in this quarrell had taken up Armes against Henry Whereupon Iohn Tiptoft Earle of Worcester Lord Deputy of Ireland for Edward was found in a hollow Tree brought to London and beheaded in the Tower The Parliament being ended the Earle of Pembrooke went into Wales to take Order for such Lands as hee possest before his confiscation and finding there Henry the Sonne of Edmond Earle of Richmond with the Widow of William Earle of Pembrooke his brother that was beheaded at Banbury who though held as a prisoner by this Lady was alwayes nobly entreated hee tooke him from her when hee was not yet full ten yeares old and brought him to London where hee presented him to King Henry who after hee had ey'd him a while said to the standers by that this child should succeed him and put a period to all the quarrells which afterwards happening confirmed the opinion that was held of his sanctity since by the spirit of prophecy hee foresaw the succession of Henry the seventh Queene Margaret who was then in France being advertised by Letters from Henry of the regainment of the Kingdome did together with her Sonne forthwith put to Sea but the windes being contrary drove her on Land and kept her there a long time and had they forever kept her there they had beene the more favourable for then shee had not met with the mischiefe shee did in the losse of her Sonne When Warwicks returne to England and King Henries re-establishment was knowne at Callis every one tooke unto him the Earles Impressa Vauclere was the first that did so His Impressa was a ragged staffe made of Gold Silver Silk or Cloath according to his condition that wore it As this unexpected inclination made the Duke of Burgondy more sollicitous so did it inwardly displease the Duke of Clarence who had already alter'd his opinion Neither did nature and
dignity and greatnesse of both the Crowns so as he who earnestly desires a thing is by nothing more easily deceived then by the confirmation of new promises Edward did easily believe and Lewis made advantage of his falshood and brought about his ends without contradiction which had he carried the businesse otherwise he could not have done But he who says the English have won more honour by Fighting then by their Treaties says not amisse for they are more aptly disposed to the former At this time did Iames the third reign in Scotland who coming to the Crown at seven yeers of age met with lewd education and most villanous corrupters so as not being wicked of himself but made so by them as he grew in yeers he encreased in his lusts cruelties and rapine and rewarding the authors of his Disorders by the sale of Goods belonging to the Church he purchased the hatred of his Nobility and of his whole Kingdom From these his excesses he did not exempt his own Family he dealt badly with his brother and incestuously violated his youngest sister he let slip the opportunity he had to trouble England it being divided within it self and was himself vexed by his subjects the worm of conscience not working upon him in the cessation of his Rebellions not yet the fear of such pains as Heaven inflicts for punishment upon incorrigible sinners Tthese things for what concern'd him And for what concerned Edward his jealousies of the Lancastrian Faction caused their peaceful living together even from the very beginning of their Reigns thorow a Truce of Fifteen yeers but the Truce being now well-nigh expired and Iames having put one of his brothers to death and imprisoned the other which was the Duke of Aubeny thinking he could not defend himself against his domestick enemies without fastning himself to strangers he was desirous to interest Edward in the conservation of his Dignity and Person To this purpose he demanded Cicely Edwards second daughter for wife to his son Iames Prince of Scotland and he obtained it with this Condition That though the Marriage could not yet be consummated both of them being children Edward should pay down part of the portion for the repayment of which in case the Marriage should not go on he had the chiefest Merchants of Edenborough bound The King of Scotland thought himself now to be safe by this shadowie Alliance but the Duke of Aubeny having escaped out of prison by means of a Cord made of linen and made his Addresses to Lewis who would not receive him for he held some secret Intelligence with Iames against Edward he passed over into England where having represented the King his brothers general injustice to make him appear wicked and his particular injustice to his brothers to make his wickednesse appear unnatural and cruel he prayed aid of Edward and his intreaties were made the more efficacious being accompanied by those of Iames Douglas who was likewise a banisht man which moved the King to wage War with him whereunto he could not have been perswaded had not King Iames himself given him the occasion Lewis who having covenanted another Match for the Dolphin thought Edward could not chuse but be revenged endeavoured to divert him by making the King of Scotland engage him in a War and the King of Scotland perswaded thereunto either by hopes or Moneys or both violated his late-made Affinity and Peace not regarding the injustice and dishonour of the action nor yet the danger he put himself into he being so detested both by God and man and not able to raise Forces without the assistance of his Countrey yet affying more in France then he had reason to do he did what of himself he was able to please Lewis He sent some Troops to make Inrodes upon the Confines of England which did rather provoke then harm the enemy so as Edward finding himself enforced and offended on the one side and humbly intreated on the other side he raised a powerful Army and sent it into Scotland under the command of his brother the Duke of Gloucester King Iames had not the like ability to resist as he had to irritate for being abused by the flatteries of three wicked personages who had drawn upon him the general hatred of all men he durst not gather the whole Nobility into a Body lest being united they might take some strange resolution against him Necessity notwithstanding constrained him to summon them and raise an Army not altering though the form of his Government for mistrusting all the rest he made use onely of the Counsels of his forenamed flatterers not calling his Nobility to any Counsel or Deliberation an indignity which they not able to endure they met together a little after midnight in a Church where being perswaded by Archibald Douglas Earl of Angus they would have the first War made against these men as those that were their Countreys most dangerous enemies and had not the wiser sort moderated the more hastie the King might have run hazard in his own person The chiefest of them went towards the Court not making any noise followed onely by as many as might serve to do the businesse The King was advertised of this Meeting at the same time 't was made so as rising up hastily to see what was to be done he sent Robert Cockeran one of the Triumviri to make discovery but being met by them they detained him set a Guard upon him and passed on to the Court and to the Kings Chamber seizing without any manner of resistance upon all such as were about the King except Iohn Ramsey for whom the King interceded and who being very young was not polluted with their enormities The rest were led into the Camp where the Army crying out that they might be put to death they were all hanged without any legal proceeding and not having any Ropes in readinesse for so sudden an execution each man strove to make offer of his horses halter or reins and those whose offers were entertained thought themselves much honoured thereby This businesse bred such a difference between the King and his subjects as each of them retired themselves to their own homes not thinking any longer to defend the Kingdom and the King with some few others did to little purpose shut themselves up in the Castle of Edenborough for had they been evilly minded towards him they would have taken him in the Lander the place where this businesse happened The Summer was well advanced before the Duke of Gloucester entred Scotland he laid siege to the Castle of Berwick defended by the Earl Bodwel the Town having yeelded to him without resistance he would not lose the season by staying there himself but environing it with Four thousand fighting men he passed forwards to Edenborough not permitting through the Duke of Aubeney's desires any harm to be done there a contrary course to what had been formerly taken and because it was impossible to treat
with King Iames who did not suffer any one to come into the Castle he made a publike Proclamation to be made in the chief Market place by Garter King at Arms that if he would not make good to Edward what under his hand he was by agreement obliged unto if he did not before September next make satisfaction for the damages and injuries done to England and did not put the Duke of Aubeny in his former condition without the diminishing of his Possessions Authority or Offices he would put his whole Kingdom to fire and sword But the King returning no Answer neither by message nor writing being equally unfit either to give satisfaction or make resistance the Nobles who had encamped themselves at Haddington with a great number of men being abandoned by the King and not willing to abandon themselves and Countrey sent Ambassadours to the Duke of Gloucester offering for what belonged to them to effect the Marriage and requiring the like of him promising that it should not fail on their sides if all the Articles agreed upon were not put in execution and an inviolable Peace for the time to come were not made between the two Kingdoms To the which Gloucester answered that the Match was broken by means contrary to the end for which it was made That he did not know the King his brothers intentions and whether he was not resolved as he had good cause not to think any more of it That his Instructions were To demand restitution of the Moneys the which he did requiring speedy payment for what concerned the Peace That it was not to be had unlesse they would promise to deliver up unto him the Castle of Berwick or unlesse in case they could not do it they would oblige themselves not to assist the besieged nor molest the besiegers till such time as it were either taken or surrendred These Demands seemed very hard to the Scots They answered The cause why the Marriage was not effected was by reason of the young couples yeers not through any default of theirs That the Moneys could not justly be demanded the time of repayment being not yet come That if the security given in for the repayment of them did not suffice they would give in other That Berwick was situated upon the very Bound of Scotland built by the Scots and by just Title always possessed by them nor was their claim thereunto the weaker because the English had made themselves Masters of it since violence doth not prejudice the right of a just ancient natural and primary possession But the Duke of Aubeny put an end to all these differences for Gloucester permitting him to go into the Scotish Camp and the Lords there promising him that if he would submit himself to the King they would procure his pardon and the restitution of all his goods he was declared under the King Lord Lieutenant of the Kingdom and it was resolved though not without much opposition that the Castle of Berwick should be surrendred and a Truce for certain moneths was agreed upon to the end that the Peace might be treated on without disturbance oâ—… hostility so as the Duke of Gloucester having recovered Berwick One and twenty yeers after Henry the sixth had given it to the Scots he retired himself to Newcastle where he expected directions from his brother who having weighed the concernment of this Match the Kings decaying condition the danger he was in of being deposed he being hated and the Duke of Aubeny beloved he demanded his Moneys which were forthwith payed him leaving Scotland to its turmoils the which though the Duke of Aubeny did sincerely endeavour to quiet by remitting the King his brother to the plenary possession of his Kingdom yet could he not reconcile the King unto him For if the remembrance of injuries be never to be forgotten by men of perverse natures good turns are the more easily forgotten ingratitude being an enemy to all Christian and Moral vertues King Iames his minde was so contaminated and depraved as it would not suffer him to think well of his brother though the effects demonstrated the contrary nay he was likely to have made him follow his other brother had he not by his friends been advertised thereof which made him flee into England from whence having delivered up to Edward the Castle of Dunbarre he went to France where running at Tilt with the Duke of Orleans who was afterwards Lewis the twelfth he was unfortunately slain by the splinter of a Lance which wounded him thorow the sight-hole of his Helmet Edward had long suffered Lewis to take his advantage not onely in such parts of the Heir of Burgundy's Countrey as were far distant from him but even in those which were neare to Callice permitting him contrary to all reason of State to make himself master of Bullein and other Forts upon the Sea onely out of the hopes of his Daughters marriage but growing too late suspicious of it he sent the Lord Howard to France to sift out the truth who though he saw the solemne receiving of Margaret Daughter to the late heire of Burgondy and Maximilian of Austria and saw her married to the Dolphin in Amboyse yet when he tooke his leave Lewis according to his wonted dissimulation confirmed unto him his former promises as if a new match contracted with all the Church-Ceremonies and the Bride in the house did not prejudice the former so as being returned to England hee truly related the difference of what his Eyes saw and Lewis told him Lewis had handled this match according to his wonted craft not seeming to be therein obliged to those of Gaunt who had concluded it maugre their Prince the Brides Father and they did it willingly for taking from him the Counties of Artois Burgondy and Carolois the Counties of Macon and Auxorres which they gave in portion to the Dolphin they made him the lesse able to offend them they would likewise if they could have given him Hainault and Namours not considering that these Provinces in the hands of so great a King were like to forme the chaine of their servitude But Fortune favoured them beyond all expectation for this marriage so advantageous for that Kingdome was together with the Bride yet a Virgin not many Yeares after renounced by Charles the eight that he might take to Wife Anne the Daughter and Heire of Francis Duke of Britaigne and thereby to possesse himselfe of that Dukedome and the aforenamed Margaret borne under an unhappy constellation for matter of Husbands was in a very short time Widow to three To Charles who did yet live and to two others who died Iohn Prince of Aragon who lived not many moneths and Philibert the 8th Duke of Savoy who within a few Yeares dyed so as she had no issue by any of them Edward was so sensible of this his great abuse as that he resolved on revenge every one with cheerfulnesse provided for War the Clergy supply'd in monies
Destroy them The Duke of Britanny who knew his Forces too weak to withstand the King's had recourse to Henry to whom Charles had already sent Ambassadours to shew him That the chief Princes of the Blood and greatest Lords of his Kingdom being retired into Britanny under pretence of Refuge but in effect that being joyned to that Duke they might mischief Him the more he was forced to take up Arms and necessitated to war for his Own Defence and to Prevent him that sought His ruine that the war was Defensive on His side that he pursued Rebels in a Prince's Countrey who owing Homage to Him ought not to have received them and much lesse to have Conspired against him with them wishing him to remember that if the Duke of Britanny had done him any favour he had marr'd the merit of it since it failed on his part that he might have been utterly ruined by being deliver'd up to Richard that he did not pretend to remember him of the Assistance and Favours he had received from Him which were done out of meer Affection and contrary to what Reason should have perswaded him to for his Own good since it had been better for him that a Tyrant like Richard should have reigned in England then so vertuous a King as was he That if he would rightly weigh both their good turns he should finde His proceeded from true Friendship the Duke's from Self-interest That he did not desire a Requital of Assistance knowing that he was but Newly possest of the Kingdom which he had purchas'd with great Expence and Trouble but onely that he would stand Neuter That he would not by aiding the Duke hinder the just progresse of hiâ—… Arms justly to punish Rebels and to give due correction to him that had contrary to all Law received them He herewithaâ—… acquainted him with his having taken some certain Towns from the Archduke Philip in Flanders affirming he had not done it out of any Ill-will but for that it behoved him a little to Quell him the difference between them for any thing else being Little or Nothing they being Neighbours and he to marry his sister He said this to disswade Henry from believing that he made war in Britanny to Possesse himself thereof and to honest the Usurpation by Marrying the Heir as he intended and as he did and to make him believe this the rather he discover'd unto him as a businesse of great Trust his designes upon the Kingdom of Naples as if the attempt upon Naples which was but an imagination in Future were not compatible with his Present Real attempt upon Britanny Henry was displeased at this Embassie Two Princes being therein concern'd of which he knew not whether to prefer being obliged to them Both and equally favoured by them Both. He knew Charles did but Dissemble that the injury he did the Duke was unjust and hurtful for England that France might peradventure have reason enough to be Offended with Britanny but none to Subdue it The danger was great The Duke was Old Sickly and for the most part out of his Wits He had no issue Male Females the weaker they are and Marriageable the fitter are they to serve for an occasion of Oppressing the Countrey The Nobility was Mistrustful the People wavering He objected to himself that the Duke having preserved Him so many yeers against the Treacheries of so many Enemies he was in Honour obliged to do the like for him wherewithal it likewise became him to preserve the freedom of Commerce unto his Kingdom which would be Lost or much Lessen'd should it fall into the hands of such a King who if by reason of what he already possessed he were of so great might as he became formid able to his neighbours and those that lived further from him what would his greatnesse become when it should be Augmented by the Addition of a Dukedom equal to a Kingdom rich in Nobility People Seas and Ports But having been likewise Obliged to Charles he could not without the Badge of Ingratitude treat him like an Enemy To do then what he ought to do which was not to Declare himself Against the One nor Suffer the Other to be Undone it behoved him to have Evident Reasons should he do Otherwise whereby it might Appear that he was Perforce induced thereunto His Obligation being Equal his duty of gratitude could not be Dispensed withal to Either of them so as desirous to carry himself Indifferent where Circumstances were Equal as in his Obligations it behoved him to do Otherwise where Circumstances Differ'd as in Interest of State and Justice Two ponderous weights Both of which were put into the Duke's Scale Having then answer'd the Ambassadours in matters of Lesser importance as in the businesse of Flanders he told them He found himself bound in a Like bond of obligation to the King and to the Duke That the cause of his flight from Britanny into France was not from the Duke but through the wickednesse and malice of his Officer Landois He must confesse he Oft hath owed his Life unto him having had divers treacherous plots contrived against him by the corruption of his Servants that He never failed him neither in Will nor Deed So as finding himself in this condition with them Both he hoped that his Interposing himself as a Friend between them might produce that Peace which was to be desired and to which end he would forthwith dispatch away an Ambassadour to him They being dismiss'd with this answer he bent all his endeavours to work a Reconciliation between them that he might not be Enforced to take up Arms the which if against his will he Must do he was resolved to employ them to Preserve Britanny neither did he believe fortune would prove so favourable to Charles but that He might have time to Negotiate this businesse grounding his Confidence upon the great Oppositions he had on the one side Maximilian on the other the Forces of Britanny and the Orleanists in the Bowels of his Kingdom ready to raise a Civil war which he was not likely Quickly to quit his hands of together with the Inconstancy of his Young yeers able to make him Change his minde especially he being environ'd with men of Mean condition who rather make their fortunes in Court-changes then in Chances of War Upon these supposals which proved all false he sent his Chaplain Christopher Ursewick into France he gave him order that if he found Charles disposed to Peace he should instantly go to Britanny and conclude it in the best manner he could Ursewick came to France where Charles made him believe he did passionately desire Peace whilst he was far from it he therefore past on into Britanny thinking he had done Half of his work but he found he was deceived for the young King handled the businesse with so much Subtlety as he that had been longest Experienced and Verst in businesse could not have done it better He seemed to be very
and not barely of her Person that Promises of Marriage yea Marriage it Self were to be dispens'd withal in cases of Necessity that the Pope would not be found difficult herein since Blood War and Desolation would otherwise ensue which by Peace might be prevented and Peace was to be had onely by this Marriage that Maximilian's daughter was no impediment since she was not of Yeers either to Consent or Dissent For her Marriage with Maximilian's Self though Promised yet was it not Consummated the Solemnities used therein were meer Ceremonies invented to dazzle the World they not being valid by whatsoever Law either Canon or Civil And if nothing else would prevail with her the Preservation of her State her 's and Charles his Proportionable Youth and Yeers and her being to be the Chief Queen of the World ought perswade her Weary at last with so many Onsets she gave way though not yet freed of the Scruple of her Promise-breach to Maximilian but he being accused of having failed in his Duty and of not having kept any one whosoever neer her which he would not have done to the meanest Princesse alive she was likewise quitted of That The Ambassadours which were sent to Charles being come to Callis met with the Bishop of Concordia sent from the Pope to reconcile the Two Kings for through the molestation of their Wars Christendom was in great danger of the Turks who made daily further progresse thereinto The Bishop having dispatcht his affairs with Charles who feigned a willingnesse to Peace came to England where he did nothing for the Marriage with Britanny being published the Treaty was broken off and each King sent for his Ambassadours home Henry not in honour able to suffer any longer dissimulation and being by Maximilian promised strong succours from the King of Spain called a Parliament and there propounded war with France not to be made any more by Deputies as was the war of Britanny but by Himself in Person to recover those Provinces lost under Henry the Sixth against a Prince who for his Pride and for his pretending over every one was unworthy of All men's Friendship since having possest himself of Britanny by Force and Fraud and maintained the Rebels in Flanders against their Prince he pretended now to bring Italy to his Subjection that he might aftewards trouble all the Princes of Christendom honesting his thirst after Rule and his conceived Usurpation of the Kingdom of Naples by saying he did it with an intent to carry his Arms against the Infidels on the other side of the Adriatick Sea he told them it would be dangerous to let him advance so much for that England being already girt about with Piccardy Normandy and this new purchase of Britanny it would be easie for him to molest her if suffering her self to be Flatter'd as hitherto she had done she should be abused as she had been that the French forces were not unknown to the English as had been witnessed by their Battels Victories and the Imprisonment of one of the French Kings and if the English had at last had unhappie successe 't was not be attributed to Their Valour but to Civil Dissention which like tempestous Hail had beaten down the Fruit upon the very point of Ripening that his claim to that Kingdom was manifest that Fortune did second Justice and Valour accompany her that Their generous resolution would serve for an Invitation and an Example unto Others to Flanders and Spain for their Own Interests and to Britanny for that being won more by Corruption then by Arms there wanted not such as were evilly affected the People were discontented and the greatest part of the Nobility not willing to subject themselves to a Prince whom they abhorr'd the Pope would joyn with them for detesting to have Italy molested Diversion was that which would free him from Danger All which were thus presented not as the Ground-work but as the Adherences of an Enterprise which was not to be resolv'd on upon hopes of Assistance from Others that England was of it Self sufficient neither did it stand in need of any other Forces then her Own it being to be supposed that by the Death of those Ancient warriers the natural courage of those which Descended from them was not extinct but that they would make it appear to the world they did not degenerate from their Predecessours and though Honour have no reward worthy of her self but Her Self yet it was to be consider'd that this was a War to be made in a Countrey full of whatsoever Nature did afford sufficient to maintain the Publike expence to adorn the Nobility with Lordships Vertue with Employments and to satisfie the Souldier with Booty and Riches Riches which were to be shared out by sundry ways as is the Blood from Vein to Vein to England in general and that those who for the present should contribute towards it were to enjoy in the future aboundant Increase for what they should Now part withal that the war was to be made not as at the First at the expence of the Kingdom but at the cost of such Cities and Provinces as they should Conquer it had been done so Formerly and should be so Now so as they that would contribute towards it he wisht they might do it Readily for he was resolved not to have any thing from the Poorer sort but from such as without any incommodity might expect the Re-imbursing of their Moneys The War with France was with much cheerfulnesse approved of in Parliament They thought the Honour of the King and Kingdom had suffer'd somewhat in the Losse of Britanny But the King's intentions were not such as he made shew of he knew Maximilian's Forces were not to be built upon nor yet those of Ferdinand for the Wars of Granada had exhausted his Coffers and the recouery of Rossillion without Cost which he aspired unto was not to be effected by fighting with Charles but with Seconding him He knew moreover the constitution of France was not Now as it had been Formerly when divided into Two Factions it made way for the advancing of the English Forces it was now United the Burgundian Faction was faln to the ground and the Orleanists depended upon the Regal authority that she hath now brought her self to a custom of encamping Leasurely and to fight no more with Violence but upon Advice so as he should Weary his people Weaken his Forces and Impoverish his Kingdom Feigning notwithstanding the contrary he seemed to Desire what he Detested he so wisely fitted himself for what might happen as satisfying his Honour with the Appearances and Beginning of War he was sure to make Peace when he listed for Charles would be Desirous of it that he might bring to passe his intended Designes and he Himself would Accept of it as not being deceived in his opinion of Maximilian's Impotency and the vain hopes from Spain Yet he was sure to make Charles buy peace Dear who had his minde
France assoon as the War was proclamed this man gave Charles the first advertisement of Perkin Charles sent Him together with another as Ambassadours to Perkin inviting him to come into France and offering to assist him in the regaining of England An Invitation which augmented the hair-brain'd vanity of this Impostor for being chosen by the Dutchesse of Burgundy a wise Princesse to a businesse of this weight received by the Irish undoubted enemies to the House of Lancaster and sent for by a King whose interests were concern'd in His he believed That Fortune never undertook any great businesse without finishing it not minding that Beginnings and Endings conform but Seldom and that Princes preserving themselves by their Own strengths 't is usual with Fortune to ruine such with the more certain praecipice whom she hath by unusual steps raised to the Highest point of her Wheel When he had acquainted those whom he most trusted in Ireland with this Invitation and thereby won more credit with them he went to France where he was by the King received with all honour due to the Duke of York he called him by that Title and according to that degree fitted him with House Servants and Expences and with a Guard of Souldiers under the Command of the Lord Congreshal to make him the more respected Sir George Nevil and Sir Iohn Taylor with above a Hundred other English-men waited continually upon him and the Court it self which follows the Prince's example shew'd him the like respect not but that the greatest part of the Courtiers and especially the King knew who he was but because it was expedient for them not to know him The Imposture was apparent not by his ill governing himself or through any default of his Person for he abounded in Decency and Majestie but by the true story of the true Duke of York by the Unlikelyhood and Impossibility that he should escape the hands of a Crafty Malicious Dreaded Uncle Yet did he not Long enjoy this glory for the differences being ended between the Two Kings it behoved him to be gone Henry would have had him delivered into His hands but Charles esteeming it an unworthy action would not do it He commanded him to depart his Kingdom which he forthwith did for he very much apprehended the being made the Offering in the Sacrifice of this Peace He withdrew himself into Flanders where the Dutchesse and he counterfeited their parts Strangely well he seemed as if he had never been in those parts before and she as if she had never before seen him He feigned to be fled thither as to a Sanctuary under the protection of an Aunt who for the Neernesse of Blood that was between them ought to professe her self his Mother She counterfeited Fears of being Deceived being made cautelous by the example of Lambert Symnel and this might be a counterfeit as well as He She sent oftentimes for him feigning to make an Exact scrutiny at first she seemed to be Doubtful afterwards not Clearly satisfied then more Inclining to Believe well at Last she broke forth into an Admiration and Thanksgiving praising the Divine Providence which had had commiseration on that innocent Blood and had vouchsafed to preserve him so miraculously shewing the wonderfulnesse of his blessings to him She then with much seeming Passion called him Nephew the Bud of the White-rose the Hope of the House of York and the Restorer of the Honour and Justice of England She assigned unto him a Guard of Thirty Halberdiers for his safety Now every one began to think him Really to be what he personated not imagining that a Woman could be capable of so much Cunning insomuch as if he were respected in France as a forreign Prince he was little lesse then Worshipped in Flanders as Nephew to the Dutchesse and almost as much as if he had been her Son This news being brought into England it was there greedily listened after for men do naturally love to believe things unlooked for and incredible Passions augmented this belief in such as were of that Faction in those who desired Novelties in the Discontented as also in those who loved Equity for the Crown had neither belonged to Henry nor yet to his Wife if her Brother had been alive Hereupon arose Whisperings liberty of Discourse and Complaints the present ill Government was in every man's mouth the endlesse Impositions the King 's insatiable Avarice which was the cause of a Shameful Peace after Britanny had More shamefully been suffered to be lost The Nobility were no lesse distasted they were grieved at the small account the King made of them so that All mens conceipts fell upon the same point That God being a just Judge had preserved the True Heir to seat him again in his Throne which had been Twice usurped from him for Henry had no right thereunto of Himself and had Waved his Wives right that he might reign Alone that therefore it was not to be wondred at if after so much injustice God had raised up his Brother-in-law to punish him Nor did this businesse end onely in Discourse for there were some personages of Great quality who would sound the Bottom of it amongst which were the Lord Chamberlain William Stanley brother to Henry's father-in-law he who had assisted him in the battel against Richards and may be said to have made him King the Lord Fitz-water Sir Simon Montefort and Sir Thomas Thwaites these made choice of some people of quality to send into Flanders that upon their relation they might ground their resolutions but of many there were onely Two that would hazard themselves to undertake the businesse which was shunn'd by all the rest for if the businesse should prove fictitious they were likely to lose their Goods and Countrey Robert Clifford and William Barley were the Two both of them of good Families especially the first When they came to Flanders the Dutchesse Margaret received them with much honour and having discoursed long with Clifford that she might the better inform her self of their intentions that sent them she brought him to the sight of Perkin with whom after he had discoursed many days he wrote back into England that he was the Duke of York and that he knew him as well as he knew Himself The King was troubled at these mens going since it could not but produce dangerous consequences but the greatnesse of his spirit being averse to fear he forbare to make any extraordinaty provision against it so not to augment the credit thereof which his seeming neglect might lessen Yet he forbare not to shut up the Ports and to place such guards there as he might know who came in and out endeavouring to discover what correspondency the fugitives had He feared not the Imposture being certainly informed how the Duke of York was together with his brother put to death but it behoved him that Others should likewise be certain thereof wherefore he put as prisoners into the Tower Sir Iames
Tirrel and his servant Iohn Dighton who were the onely Two that remained alive of the Four which were conscious of this cruelty for Miles Forrest the Second rogue that slew them and the Priest that buried them were dead they deposed That Tirrel saw them Dead after they were Smother'd that he made them be buried underneath a stair and cover'd them with a Stone from whence by order from Richard they were afterwards tane and reburied by the Minister of the Tower but in what place they knew not the Minister being Dead But the King not satisfied with these testimonies that he might divert the danger and satisfie the World he bethought himself of some other means whereby he might discover the Impostors condition and descent He made choice of some and scatter'd them thorowout all Flanders directing them what they were to do Those who were not to stay in any setled place were ordered diligently to enquire after his Birth and to give Him daily advertisement of what they should learn which makes men believe he had some glimpse of it before the other who were to make their abode where He was were by his direction to seem as if they were fled away so to shun the danger they should incur if they were discover'd to be well-wishers to his party and to professe they were come to run the like fortune with Him they were as the Other to make Discovery but more particularly to finde out the Designes and Correspondencies they were to grow familiar with those whom Perkin most confided in and to shew them the Vanity of the Undertaking they having to do with a wise King not easily to be beaten without extraordinary Forces that the Dutchesse's favours were not answerable to their need that they wanted assistance and were not certain of what they presumed to be Secure which was the assistance of the party and the peoples inclination both which were unuseful for that such accurate and diligent provision was made that all men would forbear to declare themselves unlesse they might be encouraged by the sight of a Great army which the Duke of York was not likely to shew them no not if all Flanders were to declare it Self for him But their chief care was to sound Clifford by tasting him with fair promises for if they could win Him over the deed was done he being the Cabinet of secret Correspondencies between Flanders and England neither were they much troubled to effect it for being come to the knowledge of this imposture he was wrought upon by them with promise of Forgivenesse and of Rewards proper baits for such a fish Henry this mean while had made all those whom he had sent to be excommunicated in Pauls and their Names to be registred in the Book of the King's enemies according to the custom of those times to the end that no man might suspect them neither did he forbear to sollicite the Confessors of the greatest men that he might learn how they were enclined not weighing the Profanation of Religion and holy things since his particular interest was concern'd though in all Other things he was reputed a Pious Prince At last they came to the perfect knowledge of Perkin's Birth Name Surname Countrey Employments and Voyages till coming to the Dutchesse he was metamorphis'd into the Duke of York they likewise won over Clifford who gave them such proofs of his repentance as the King was therewithal satisfied Perkin's Genealogie was published in the Court and thorowout the Kingdom and Henry not esteeming it fitting that a Mechanick should with such ostentation be protected in Flanders under a false name and which redounded to His injury he sent Ambassadours to the Archduke Philip Maximilian being gone into Germany who were Sir Edward Poynings and Sir William Warham Doctor of the Civil Law The Council gave them audience the Archduke being yet a Childe their Embassie was That Flanders being confederate and in friendship with England the King could not but resent that she should nourish an Impostour who durst call himself Duke of York and pretended unto his Kingdom that such a Belief must needs admit of some Malignity since the Duke of York's death was too manifest to the world which were it not so very Conjecture were sufficient to put it out of doubt the Nature and Craft of Richard the Third was not such as would encourage the Executors of his cruelty to save One brother and murder the Other Mercy was not to be suppos'd in such Rascals and if it were not without Reward and freedom from Punishment Reward was not to be expected from a Childe destitute of Hopes and who getting out of prison had not wherewithal to feed himself but say that meer Compassion had moved them to save him such compassion must be either in One or in All of them it was impossible it should be in One of them and the Rest not know of it and it was incredible it should be in All of them for that three such wicked ones could not so far trust one another as not to live in perpetual Jealousie And give this likewise granted how could a childe ignorant of the ways wanting direction and counsel passe undiscover'd that the Night-guards which are usual in all the streets of London should not stop him should not take him or that some other difficulty should not hinder him 't was impossible a tender childe of Nine yeers old alone in Lord-like looks and apparel could passe on unknown by any Certainly this could not have befallen the True Duke of York much lesse could it have happened unto the Counterfeit whose true name was Perkin that the King knew him well knew his Countrey and his Extraction that the Nurse or rather Mother of this the Dutchesse of Burgundy knew it well enough who emulating the ancient Fables had brought him forth as Iove did Mercury out of her Brain feigned him to be her Nephew given him instructions and taught him how to lye that she could not tolerate that her Neece should reign being joyned to the House of Lancaster her hatred being thereunto such as rather then to suffer her to be a Queen with such a Husband she would bereave Her and her Children of a Kingdom and give it to Perkin begotten by a Jew turned Christian They desired that after the example of the King of France they would chase him out of their Countrey and that if the useful friendship which was between the two Nations should perswade them as well it might to do More they should do like true friends indeed if they would deliver him up into Their Hands The Answer was That they desired to preserve friendship with the King that they would not assist the pretended Duke of York but that they could not hinder the Dutchesse who was absolute in her Countrey from doing what she listed Henry was not pleased with this answer knowing that Princesses Dowagers have not the like Prerogative over the Countreys where they govern
what was most Essentiall as that his Father was a Jew that he himself was born in London held at the Font by King Edward and the Dutchesse of Burgundy her practises He confessed his going to Portugall but not that he was sent by Her In like manner he confest his journey to Ireland Whereupon the Confession being first written with his own hand and afterwards Printed did not satisfie the Peoples curiosity since they saw the name of the afore-said Dutchesse the chief Actor in this Comedy purposely concealed But the King would not irritate her any farther thinking it sufficient punishment for her to be so diversly spoken of as shee was together with her own vexation that her inventions not succeeding should be made evident to the world The Civill wars whereof I write ought to end with the death of Richard the 3. without any further progress but the fire therof though quenched having left hot ashes and caused the alterations of those two Impostours Symnell and Warbeck it was requisite for me to write This life likewise though with intention to end it according to the Object and Title propounded to my self with the Imprisonment of the Later of the two the last exhalation of all these Heats But it would have mis-become me to have left it abruptly off there remaining so Little of it without discovering the fountains head from whence the Kings of Scotland derive their lawfull succession to the Crown of England and without setting down the punishment of Warbeck and of the Earl of Warwick the last Male of Plantagenets race whose death freed the Kingdom from Pretenders I wil then proceed with the greatest Brevitie that may be The truce between England and Scotland was no sooner made but that an unexpected accident hapned which had wel nigh broke it and turn'd all things to their former troublesom condition The Castle of Norham is parted from the confines of Scotland by the river Tweed so as neighbour-hood having caused conversation and friendship between some young men of Scotland and of England the young men of Scotland had wont to passe over the River and come to drinke and sport with those of Norham the Souldiers of the Garrison growing mistrustful of this custom their grudges not being totally extinguished by the Truce did not thinke their coming proceeded from Friendship but out of a desire to pry into the Fortifications whereupon falling first to Words and then to Blows the Scotch-men by the disadvantage of place and ods in number were hardly treated and some of them were slain King Iames taking this as done purposely to injure Him dispatcht away an expresse Herauld to complain thereof and in case the King should not give good satisfaction to denounce War Henry who minded nothing but his quiet answer'd That he was sorry for the Accident which hee neither knew of nor did allow of that hee would inquire into the Actors of it and give them such punishment as there should be no occasion to breake the Truce But time passing on and nothing done Iames thinking this was but his Dissembling with intention that Delay working Forgetfulnesse might exempt the faulty from Punishment was more offended then formerly and certainly somewhat of mischiefe would have hapned had not the Bishop of Durham who was Lord of Norham wisely taken order in it For knowing that the injury was done by His men he wrote in so civill a manner to Iames about it as that he rested satisfied and desired the Bishop to come unto him that they might treate upon the present occasion and upon certaine other things that concern'd both the Kingdoms The Bishop acquainted Henry with this who gave him leave to goe hee therefore went to the Abbey of Melrosse where the King then was who at their first meeting complained of the injury done The Bishop answer'd that could not be call'd an injury where there was no intention of Offending He confest the too much Rashnesse of his men occasioned by misfortune not out of any intention to offend Him the offence if any there were must needs proceed either from the King or the Garrison not from the King for he was not of such a nature which if he were it was not likely he would make a Truce to Breake it immediatly without any Advantage or Occasion nor did it proceed from the Souldiers who were sure to be Punished for it a chance unthought of caused by suspition could not be termed an Injury not that hee did not confesse the Authors Guilty of it but with the Distinction allow'd of by the Lawes between Accidentall and Premeditated faults that as the Later were worthy of severe Punishment so were the Other of Clemency and Pardon obtainable upon request from so generous a Prince as was His Majestie The King being pacified said He pardon'd the offence in respect of the Friendship contracted the Continuance whereof he desired And then drawing him aside pursued to say His desire was to have a Long and Good peace the which if Henry likewise desired the true way to effect it would be by Henrie's giving him for wife his Eldest daughter Margaret for that thereby the friendship between the two nations would be perpetuall that this was the reason why he had desired him to come into Scotland hoping that by his wisdom he might bring the busines to a good end The Bishop after having modestly answer'd for what concern'd Himselfe promised him all the Furtherance his service could doe him in effecting his desire Being returned to England he acquainted Henry with the King of Scotlands desire wherewith King Henry was much pleased The busines being long debated in Counsell the match was agreed upon so as Peace might precede it which was done Peace being concluded during the lives of the two Kings and for one Year after and the Marriage was to be celebrated but not Yet the Bride who was born the 29. of November 1689. being too young Charles the eighth King of France died this yeare on the 7. of Aprill whose Funerals were with great pomp celebrated in London the King being very sorrowfull for his death as calling to mind the Favours he had received from him Perkin was this mean while in Prison but so carelesly looked unto as cosening his Keepers he made an Escape Not knowing whether to fly for safety being followed and diligently sought for he returned to London presented himself before the Prior of the Monastery of Bedlam a man of great esteem desiring hee might be received into that Sanctuary the Prior acquainted the King with it desiring him to pardon his life the Counsell were for the most part of a contrary opinion desirous that he should be taken from the Sanctuary and executed so to end their fears but the King at the Priors intercession pardoned him his life being contented that he should stand in the Pillory from whence hee was brought with Irons upon his feet to Westminster yard where hee again read his
Thomas Holland Earle of Kent Henry who dyed young Iohn first Duke of Sommerset who maried Margerite daughter to Sr. Iohn Beauchamp Margerite married to Edward Adham earl of Richmond Henry the 7. who married Elizabeth daughter to Henry the 4. Edmund Duke of Sommerset slaine in the â—…attell at S. Albans who married Elenor daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Henry Duke of Sommerset beheaded an 1462. Charls Sommerset Earle of Worcester bastard Edmund Duke of Sommerset beheaded Anno 1471. dying without heyrs Iohn slaine at the battell of Teuksbury Thomas Ioane married to Iames the first King of Scotland Margerite married to Thomas Courtney Earle of Devonshire Thomas E. of Devonsh beheaded Henry beheaded Iohn slaine at Teuksbury Henry Beaufort Bishop of Winchester Cardinall of St. Eusebius and Chancellor of England Thomas Beaufort Earle of Dorset Duke of Exeter and Chancellor of England Ioane Beaufort for whose issue looke the next lease Iane Beaufort married to Ralph Nevill Earle of Westmerland Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury beheaded who married Elenor daughter to Thomas Montigue Earle of Salisbury William Lord of Faulkenbridge Edward Earle of Abergaveny George Lord Latimer Robert Bishop of Durham Cuthbert Henry Thomas Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke surnamed The great he married Anne daughter of Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke Isabel wife of George Plantagenet Duke of Clarence brother to Edward the fourth drowned in a But of Malmâ—…y Edward Earl of Warwicke last heyre male of the Plantagenet he was beheaded Margerite Countesse of Salisbury wife to Richard Poole beheaded the 13. yeare of Henry the 8. she was mother to Cardinall Poole Anne wife to Edward Prince of Wales son to Henry 6. he was slaine by the Duke of Glocester who after married the said Anne Edward Prince of Wales who died before his Father Iohn Marquis Montigue who maried the daughter of Sr Edward Engelthorpe George Archbishop of York and Chancellour of England George Nevil Duke of Bedford degraded together with his father for not having left sufficient meanes to maintaine their honour Luce first married to Sir Thomas Fitz-Williams then to Sir Anthony Browne by whom William Earle of Southampton St Anthony Browne Iane married to Will. Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Thomas Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel William Earle of Arundel Elenor wife to Thomas Stanley Earle of Darby George Baron Strange Thomas Earle of Darby Edward Lord Mounteagle Iames Bishop of Ely Catherine wife to Iohn Moubray second duke of Norfolke Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elenor daughter of the Lord Bourchier Iohn duke of Norfolk married to Elizabeth daughter to Geo. Talbot 1. earle of Shrewsb Anne wife to Richard Duke of York second son of Edward the fourth Elenor wife to Henry Pearcy second Earle of Northumberland slaine in the service of Henry 6. in the first battell at Saint Albans Henry the third earle of Northumberland slaine in the like service who married Elenor daughter to Richard Lord Poinings Henry the fourth Earle of Northumberland slaine by the people for leavying a taxe imposed by Henry the seventh and the Parliament he married Maudlin daughter to the earle of Pembrocke Henry the fifth earle of Northumberland William Allen a Bishop Iocelin Elenor married to Edward Stafford duke of Buckingham Anne wife to William Fitz-Allen Earle of Arundel Anne wife to Humfrey Staffoâ—…d first Duke of Buckingham slaine in the first battel at Northhampton Humfrey Earle of Stafford slaine in the first battell of St Albans he married Margerite sister to Edward Beaufort Duke of Sommerset Henry second Duke of Sommerset beheaded by Richard 3. he married Catherine sister to Richard Woodville Earle Rivers Edward Duke of Buckingham Henry of Wiltshire both beheaded by Henry the 8. Iohn Stafford Earle of Wiltshire married to Constance daughter to Sir Henry Greene. Edward Stafford Earle of Wiltshire Catherine wife to George Talbot Earle of Shrewsbury George E. of Shrewsbury married to Anne daughter to the Lord Hastings Francis Earle of Shrewsbury Margerite married to Henry Clifford Earle of Cumberland Sicely of whose issue see the next leafe Sicely married to Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who waged warre with Henry the 6. as lawfull pretender to the Crowne hee was slaine in the battell of Wakefield King Edward the 4. who married Elizabeth daughter of Richard Woodville Earle Rivers King Edward the 5. Richard duke of York Both slaine in the Toweâ—… by their uncle Richard 3 Elizabeth married to Henry the 7. Arthur prince of Wales Henry the 8. Catherine married to William Courtney earle of Devonshire Henry Earle of Devonshire and Marquis of Exeter beheaded by Henry the 8. Edmund who died in the battell with his Father George Duke of Clarence drowned in a But of Malmsey in the Tower he married Isabel daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Warwicke Edward Earle of Warwicke beheaded under Henry the 7. Margerite Countesse of Salisbury married to Sr Richard Poole beheaded under Henry the 8. Henry Lord Montigue beheaded under Henry the 8. Reginald Poole Cardinall Vrsula married to Henry Lord Stafford sonne and heyre to Edward last Duke of Buckingham Richard Duke of Glocester by tyrannicall usurpation called afterward Richard the 3. who married Anne daughter to Richard Nevil Earle of Salisbury and Warwicke Edward Prince of Wales who died during his fathers life THE INTRODVCTION MY intention is to write the story of England for as much as concernes the Câ—…vill Wars of that Kingdome from their first rise to their happy period Events which the lesse they be known forth of those Climats the more worthy are they of others knowledge Civill knowledge accounts not him wise who applies himselfe only to what concernes his owne Country but who enlargeth his understanding to the universall knowledge of all Nations Such as are unexperienced and too passionatly gâ—…ven to the love of their owne Country doe vsually misprise forraine occurrences whilst alteration in governments doth vary those vertues in them by which they acquired a name above others The Assyrians Medes and Persians the Macedonians Greeks and Romans doe witnesse this unto us people ought not to boast of what they were but if there be any occasion of ostentation of what they for the present are Barbarisme is not so generall in the now present times as in times past of as many Nations as are there is not any one who at this day can vaunt her selfe to be the law-giver unto others What is wanting in some one is peeced up by the advantages which some others have not This discipline of warre learning the liberall sciences arts mechanicall and civill comportment are so diffused as those who last embraced them are like to cisternes which doe more abound with water then doe the house tops and gutters from which they did at first fall There was a time when the Grecians had presumption enough to repute the Romans barbarous their condition shewes us how much they were deceived The Vandalls Lombards and Gothes were civilized at the cost of the
necessary for those who may happen not to be such as are the soule and sense to a living body nor ought they for this to thinke themselves ere a whit the lesse firmly rooted for as God is the more potent for the impotency he hath to sinne so their potency is more solide whilst incorporated into the Lawes it becomes impeccable otherwise if they stood onely upon their owne legges hatred and feare their naturall enemies were borne coetaneans with them to insnare them These my prayses of this Nation may perchance appeare not to be true to him who shall consider the beginning of our story since that passing over the relation of so many glorious Kings I take myrise from the unfortunate reigne of Richard the second who comming to the Crowne at eleven yeares of age doth prove the miserable condition of such States as are governed by an intant King But vertue and vice change together with the times a necessary vicissitude in governments not in a proper respect but in respect of the generall for if it were otherwise people endowed with equall generosity would either reciprocally destroy themselves or else they would all fall under the command of some one who were more eminent in vertue then all the rest Man hath his age prefixt so have Kingdomes to die of decrepite age is not usuall of disorders usuall Kingdomes perish more by disorders then by decrepit age so as the people members of the King their â—…ead cannot but languish when he languisheth I conclude that the end of these my slight endeavours are to represent as in a looking glasse to Princes moderation to subjects obedience for that violent changes draw after them slaughter misery and destruction Errata In the life of R. 2. of H. 4 and H. 5. Page 1. Line 10. Reade Cressy ibid. 25. This. 3. 4. Leon. ibid. 36. attestate 10. 38. Dukes ibid. Flanckers 18. 2. keyes Ibid. 28. seize 20. 2. to much wisedome 31 6. not the nearnesse 38. 9. Berkely 41. 14. incapable 44. 1. the. 50. 21. who 52. 26. Corâ—…eri 53. 27. unprovided 45. 22. lands 55. 32. fell'd 58. 2. King Richard had concluded for 30. yeares ibid. if it had beene ibid. 46. illegall 59. 6. a tree water'd ibid. 32. but under ibid. 48. heire to Richard Glendour using 69. 22. the oare 70. 43. who 74. 47. covering 76. 45. Corbeil 77. 6. might have been if of ibid. 18. Bourges 79. 29. Mowbâ—…ay ibid. 26. bolder resolves revenge being 82. 1. intending ibid. 39. and in another 89. 10. contumacy ibid. 35. Angoulesme 90. 24. Suburbs St. Maâ—…ceau 91. 12. was onely 101. 9 that the injury 105. 7. a Carthusian ibid. 13. Du Main ibid. 20. examine whether the late 106. 19 Meroveus were the son of Clodian 107. 1. Clotharius 110. 42. Malcolme 111. 12. more peace nor lesse trouble 113. 14. undertaken ibid. 41. rewarder 114. 3. Richard the third 115. 19 Seine ibid. 37. resolved 116. 44. Eu. 118. 22. puft up 119. 48 the arrowes 120. 31. Bornonville ibid. ead Hembert d'Agincourt ibid. 39. little lesse 126. 37. Valentiana 127. 48. Touque 130. 34. to 131 3 streets were to ibid. 5. Burgondy ibid. 13. others sex for 132. 9. Archery ibid. 35. many 143. 25. by the Duke 145. 44. Montague 146. 21. bloudy hands and Crocodiles teares 148. 11. Bride ibid. 15. Charenten 149. 19. Villa nova ibid. 27. rather to hinder the enemies ibid. 47. mine 152. 35. leaving ibid. 37. that ibid. 47. passion which in 154. 24. beset with jewels 155. 37. Swâ—…ton 157. 4. iâ—… is he that ibid. 8. any ibid. 14. price ibid. 17. Earle of Mortaigne ibid. 24. Thiam 158. 16 Marne invironing ibid. 41. besiegers 159. 35. Montague ibid. 42. went to her 160. 23. Senlis 162. 18. armes his Errata in the life of Henry 6. Page 7. Line 24. Reade Iohn the fift 10. 31. being arm'd and in march 11. 24. fortune 15. 4. Iaqueline 18. 8. Gough 24. 6. Touraine 29. 47. Amadeus 30. 21. not to loose ibid. 42. Ioyeuse 38. 23. Argentres Hall 39. 42. a Dukedome 42. 33. overburdened 43. 35. This is worthy 48. 21 yet are ibid. 32. once 56. 21. Hubbub 57. 33. to the second 67. 33. maugre those 68. 18. Huts 69. 29. Ioane 72. 11. mission 79. 13. river Soame confining 92. 29. Eugenius the 4. 104. 30. together all 105. 41. Bruges 106. 20. might serve 107. 29. not but. ibid. 36. Roxborough 112. 13. Iaquelina 113. 18. haven 114. 24. cultivated ibid. 39. Henry At the same time Longueville ibid. 42. Charles his obedience playing 115. 17. Tholouse ibid. 46. when 117. 34. unto him his 119. 18. Duchies ibid. 31. enmity 120. 21. Lewis 121. 11. not able 122. 1. Towne ibid. 26 whomsoever ibid 30. England These were 123. 33. environed with enemies ib. in marg 1443. 124. 26. a separation 125. 43. not acknowledge God 128. 12. humble devout ibid. 43. men and together with them the Queen perceiving 129. 20. a lover of his 130. 48. Fougeres 131. 9. did not approve ibid. 29. would not faile ibid. 35. Louviers 132. 14. emborsed by them ibid. 42. The Count of Dunois 133. 22. by Charles to the. â—…bid 36. of the same Castle ibid. 43. Argenion 134. 26. Fresnoy ibid. 42. towres ibid. 46. slaughter was greater of 136. 48. the 8 of December 137. 22. whence ibid. 25. Bresse Lord high Marshall of Normandy and. 138. 10. Guenne went handsomely forwards though ibid. 11. fast as ibid. 12. Guisâ—…in ibid. 17. 〈◊〉 138. 23. 60. ibid. 44. Fresnoy 139. 7. Sir Matthew Gough c. up ibid. 10. Formigni ibid. 16. among which were Tâ—…el Mowbray and Sir Thomas Drâ—…w Vere and Gough with the. ibid. 23. that they ibid. 41. Castres 140. 48. Cheriburg Bricquebec Valonges 141. 11. was very strong ibid. 13. conceale ibid. 42. that the. 142. 6. Falaise 145. 28. They. ibid. 42. the. 148. 2. kinsman ibid. 24. retire 149. 31. with ibid. 35. of some who shund 150. 14. Eeden 151. 35. 10000. 152. 15. found 153. 42. he 154. 19. sects the one doth not beleeve the other 155. 9. State ibid. 14 but. 156. 16. get 161. 12. forbare not ibid. 26. esteemed so much the lesse to be ibid. 48. Sudley 162. 33. not notwithstanding 166. 11. this ib. 22. bestead 169. 1. inhibit ib. 7. he 170 49. but to restore 172. 39. he should 176. 45. were upon 177. 4. cruelty The Reader may doe himselfe a pleasure and me a courtesie if with his pen he will correct these Errata before he reade the Book which if it take so well as may give encouragement for a second Impression I will take care the like shall not be committed THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND FRom foure Edwards did Richard the second descend of which the first three were succeeding Kings the fourth Prince of Wales furnamed the Blacke Prince who dying before his Father Edward the third did not attaine the Crowne England could not boast of braver Princes nor Europe of more
gallant Commanders then were the latter two they brought home renowned victories the blacke Prince not yet fully sixteene yeares old was victorious in the battell of Cresses his Father being present who denyed him succour onely looking on whilest he with bare two thirds of 8500. men fought with little lesse then 90000. to the end that that worth which before its accustomed time did bud forth in him might produce early fruits watered by the Rivolets of glory and honour and not many yeares after being fewer by three fourths then were his enemies hee in the battell of Poictiers tooke King Iohn of France prisoner invironed by all the Princes and Nobility of that Kingdome but dying not long after in the full growth of his glorious atchievements he left behinde him this Richard which did succeed his grandfather the yeare 1377. Edward the third had seven sonnes foure whereof dyed during his life time the first as hath already beene said the second and sixth without issue and the third which was Lonel Duke of Clarence left no other issue save Philip married to Edmond Mortimer Earle of Marsh of whom came Roger and of Roger Anne the innocent cause of mischiefe to that kingdome for being married to Richard Plantaginet Earle of Cambridge second sonne to Edmund Duke of Yorke she inriched that Family by her just pretences to the Crowne much more then by her portion whereof her successors to the prejudice of the whole kingdome did afterwards make use For though the laying private claims to Estates be alwaies lawfull to the pretender yet is it not alwaies expedient for the publique nor are they easily obtained but by unjust and cruell waies Iohn Duke of Lancaster Edmond and Thomas the fourth fifth and seventh were onely those who did outlive him The latter two whereof were afterwards by their Nephew created Dukes the one of Yorke the other of Gloster I will not here set downe their posterity the reader may betake himself to the Genealogicall tables prefixed by means whereof any whosoever be he not brutishly ignorant both of the law of nature and kingdoms may give his judgement of the right or wrong of those who raigned and if therein you shall not meet with the to be commiserated number of those of the blood Royal who either through the obstinacie of hatred or incivility of civill warres came immaturely to their end the occasion will be for that being descended of women by former marriages expatiated into other families cruelty would triumph in the diversity of spoiles and begird her temples with a Crowne partly composed of the blood of many who by their deaths reduced the blood Royall of England to a small number the which whether it were expedient or not and whether the multiplicity of pretenders be of use or the contrary to Kingdomes let it be a dispute referred to the argumentation of good wits though extreames being in all things bad that seemes lesse harmefull which consists in the weaker breath of a few then what in the violent whirlewindes of many their authority and designes being able to dissolve their oppositions and jealousies able to raze whatsoever well founded Monarchy Richard was by nature endowed with amiable conditions for being of a comely personage and of a liberall and generous minde he was likely to have proved like unto himselfe had he had the fortune to have arrived at the maturity of his judgement under the guidance of his Grandfather or father but being freed from the authority of such as might have sweetned the asperity of his yeares the fruits of such hopes as were conceived were before their maturity corrupted for infatuated by the soothing of his flatterers and enforced by his servants affections to which Princes through a maligne influence are usually subject he hated all such counsells as did oppugne his minde he rewarded such as did not contradict him and being growneolder he through wofull experience found that his undoing was occasioned by his having equally offended kindred Clergy Nobility and people Of the three Dukes he of Yorke was of a sweet condition given to pastime void of ambition a hater of businesse nor did he trouble himself with any but for formalities sake being thereunto constrained by his quality The other two Lancaster and Gloster both of them ambitious and turbulent did notwithstanding differ in this that whereas the former endeavoured the encrease of his authority by making himselfe to be feared the other aspired to the like end but by contrary meanes Lancaster declaring himselfe from the beginning to be an enemy to the people Gloster if not by inclinations by cunning profestly popular First Richard did much apprehend Lancaster those who for their own particular interests did sooth him in his youthly desires endeavoured to perswade him that Lancaster who was an obstacle by them reputed too difficult for their designes would have plots upon his person but being gone into Spaine his thoughts being fixt upon the Kingdomes of Castile and Lyons to both which in the right of his second wife Constance he did pretend he left Gloster to inherit these suspitions who opposing himselfe in all actions against his Nephew after having provoked him by injuries and by detractions vexed him for his reward lost his life It is not my purpose to write all the acts of this King a great part whereof I passe over as the rebellion of the pesants with intention to extirpate together with the Nobility himselfe his expeditions in France in the pursuit of his Grandfathers and Fathers designes in Flanders in the favour of Vrban the sixth against Clement who called himselfe Pope in Avignon in Ireland to tame the savagenesse of that people in Scotland to represse inroades and his marrying the sister of Wincesâ—…us the Emperour I will onely treat of such things as caused his ruine after having reigned 22. yeares Certaine men were at the first deputed unto him as well for the government of his person as estate whose plurall authority ensuing to bee more of burthen then benefit it was reduced to the person of Thomas Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke chosen to this charge by the unanimous consent of Parliament but the King herewithall not contented being by reason of his yeares unfit to governe and by reason of his bad Councell not apt to be governed began to alter this ordination in the person of Richard Scrope formerly by the Parliament chosen Chancellor of England a man so void of blame in all his actions as he was very worthy of the charge imposed upon him The King amongst the most considerable jewells of his Crowne hath one thereunto inchased by the Lawes that those whose fathers dye in the nonage of their sonnes fall under his tuition till the one and twentieth yeare of their age all their revenew redounding from the aforesaid time to the King save the third part which is reserved for their education it now so fell out that by vertue of this prerogative Richard enjoyed the income
in bad then good seeds for as soone as the bad hearbs are weeded out others spring up in their place as happened in this affaire It may not be amisse for us to give our opinion of the right or wrong of these severall parties The King was young and wholly possest by wicked people who like to thirsty Leeches endevoured to drowne themselves in the fullest veines they lived not save in the death of others nor were they enriched but by other mens losse and confiscations They thought belike that great men were like Eagles feathers which doe corrode those of other birds that therefore it behoved them to rid their hands of the Duke He on the contrary was not without his venome his hatred increased the more for that for his Nephewes fault he seemed to be torne in peeces by the meaner sort of people a provocation sufficient to make a man of his quality undergoe whatsoever excesse which that he did the death of his accuser may serve for an argument for it was not likely that he should feare danger being innocent he was great of himselfe strengthened by the authoritie of his brethren by his dependants and followers not being to bee judged but by his Peeres And though the Court might have a great part in them yet not so great as was to surmount his share hatred of favourites being in all men of more force then the hopes of amending their owne conditions by so unworthy meanes On the other side it may be that the Frier wrought upon by mightie promises had slandered him he not being likely to have pryed into so secret a businesse whilst others knew nothing thereof being himselfe neither of the privacie nor family of the Duke and it may be not known by him but if it were so the Duke ought not to have ended the question by violence nor ought his violence to have been authorised by impunity what was this but to assure unto us the reality of his fault and that hee was imboldned by the Kings minority and secured by his owne greatnesse At this time did Charles the sixth reigne in France son to that Charles who for having hindred the progresse of the English Armes deserved to be stiled Charles the wise and who taught by the example of his progenitors instructeth us That crazie states are not sustained by hazards but by good counsell for rashnesse is seldome favoured by Fortune He dying left store of treasure behinde him and therewithall this Charles who contrary to him had likely by his hare-braindnesse to have lost France The inward and conformable maladies of these two kingdomes did seasonably abate the edge of their weapons by short but redoubled truce the sympathizing conditions of the two Kings requiring it to bee so Richard being but two yeares older then Charles each of them alike prodigall and unfit for government the one and the other under the government of Tutors Kings barely in title their Uncles exercising that authority nor was there any difference between them save that Charles was beloved Richard hated and whereas the former failed through want of wit the other erred onely through the corruption of counsell Charles had exercised the maidenhood of his Armes in the behalfe of Lodovick Count of Flanders against the Flemings who did rebell against him And proving therein prosperous hee became so greedie of warre as the truce with England being expired hee coveted nothing more then the continuation of that hatred his little experience not well advising him and his yeares making him presume himselfe borne for that which his predecessors never durst undertake Hee begun the warre in Poictou Saintunge and Limosin under the conduct of the Duke of Burbone He sent into Scotland to Robert the second who then reigned an aid of Lances and Crosse-bow-men by Iohn of Vienna his Admirall to the end that the English being busied on the one side might be the lesse able to resist the invasion which he intended to make on the other For having given order for a great Army at Sleus and for another in Bretanny he intended himselfe in person to attempt the conquest of that Kingdome Burbone tooke many Forts and other places in those Provinces But the Admirall was but badly received in Scotland he found not the King at Edinburgh his usuall place of residence for he cared not to be found there as esteeming the comming of those people burthensome Hee very well knew King Charles his humour and believed that for some whimzies of his owne hee would put upon him the necessitie of warre which Scotland useth not to undertake but upon good conditions occasion and advantages But things were not as the King beleeved for Embassadors having been sent to him the yeare before from France to acquaint him with the truce made for one yeare with Richard wherein hee was likewise comprehended some of the Councell had treated with them that if the King of France were resolved to send over to them a thousand horse five hundred Crosse-bow-men and Armes for another thousand they would trouble England which being by them understood as a thing resolved upon they were come without more a-doe with the men and Armes required They brought no horses along with them to avoid trouble thinking to finde enough there but Scotland being then according to its own wont not as now furnished with what is necessary and with much of superfluity had not horses wherewithall to furnish them they were forced to fit themselves with horses at excessive prices The King being returned the Admiral delivered his Embassage the which being seconded by such as thought to better as well their private as the publicke condition upon the hopes that England being set upon on both sides would in likelihood be lost King Robert could not resist the importunity of his people So as his royall will being published within a few dayes 30000 fighting men appeared under their Banners With those and his owne men the Admirall entred Northumberland took there divers Townes burnt and destroyed the Countrey nor had he retired from thence had hee not been inforced by those who were most experienced having received advertisement that the King was marching towards them with a great Army The English Army consisted of 68000 men what Bow-men what Lances with Pioners and other attendants it made up 100000. and as many horse The Admirall persisted in his opinion of giving battell when being brought to the top of a hill under the which the enemy lay and having seen their order and their number he changed his minde But being resolved come what come would to doe some famous act hee made this proposition that since they must of necessity quit the field which without much rashnesse could not be made good they might doe the like as the enemy doubtlesse would doe to wit that as the enemy was like to finde Scotland without defence so they passing by the other part of England likely to want defenders might by their
countrey in which grasse excepted which as in a perpetuall Aprill is alwayes there greene they would finde nothing not occasioned by barrennesse but providence and that there being neither Castle nor other place wherein to settle it was to be wonne by inchmeale upon the uncertainty of fortune and battle any one of the which being lost succour being far off subject to delayes tempests and winds the victory would no longer be the thing in question but the safety life and liberty of the King Princes and people that battels had little lesse then lost France the which was by Charles the wiâ—…e returned to its former lustre not by fighting but by temporizing moreover that there they had neither partakers nor intelligence without the which those who in preceding times did would not have attempted it that his true designe was to hinder Lancasters journey into Spaine so to secure that State to Iohn King of Castile a designe in consideration of so immense an expence more then unworthy the refined judgement of that Duke But whatsoever the matter was it is hard to reconcile Writers tedious to dispute the businesse therefore what really appeares agreed upon by all sides shall be the current of our discourse All these preparations were not of force enough to divert the Duke of Lancaster from his intended journey nor the apprehension thereof sufficient to make England detaine him which on the contrary side furnisht him with shipping men and pay for six moneths nor was Richard lesse liberall to him in favours the desire of having him gone was of more force with him then the feare of whatsoever forraigne forces He would have him honoured like a King he gave him a Crowne royall his wife Constance being by the Queen presented with the like both of them passing rich This mean while the French Fleet lay in the havens of Flanders that of Sluce not being able to containe 1267 bottomes for upon this number all Writers doe neere upon agree as many ships as sailed upon the sea from the Straits of Guibraltar to Prucia were detained for this service there were numbred of Knights and Gentlemen 20000. as many Crosse-bow-men of Genowa the which together with foot and adventurers made up the number of 100000. the Mariners servants and other people made up another number apart Whosoever had not hired some vessell of his owne proper cost be he of what condition he please hee was allowed no more attendance but one horse and one servant no unusefull mouthes were allowed of there was no Prince uninvited nor who invited did not contribute The King of Spaine ships the Duke of Saxonie and Bavaria's Souldiers The Count of Savoy went thither in person accompanied by many warriers the strife in expences between Princes and great Lords was very great To what was necessary they added superfluity the Masts and Yards gay with streamers glistered with gold azure incredible store of victuals there was nothing unprovided for the price of things were eighteen times doubled all things were growne to an excessive price the provisions of the Navie were not touched what was there daily consumed was inestimable warriers flocked thither not unlike a torrent spending prodigally the certainty which they had upon the hopes of uncertaine gaine The court of it selfe was sufficient to cause a dearth The King was accompanied by the Duke of Lorreigne and of Bar by the Counts of Savoy Genowa Saint Paul Armignae Longaville Eu by the Dolphin of Auvergne by the Lord Cussi and by all the Barons and Nobility of France Constable Clisson did on the other side in Bittanny rig forth a Navie of 72 ships and that nothing might bee wanting to the securitie and Majestie of so great a King the woods of that and the neighbouring Provinces were impoverished for the building of a Citie framed all of boords and rafters it was compassed about as it were with a wall Bulwarkes Loop-holes Casements and other things then in use in fortification which might bee joyned together or taken in peeces as occasion should serve The circumference thereof was 3000 paces the height twenty and at the distance of twenty paces was placed a turret of thirty paces high capable of ten defendants within this circuit in answerable distances were placed lodgings for the King Princes and Officers Piazzaes Market-places space for Pavillions nothing was wanting which was requisite in a strong commodious and long-since built City but all this Fabricke together with five hundred men being imbarqued for Sluce a chance winde arose which disperst the Fleet and three vessels loaden with this Fabricke were together with their Masters and Architectors driven upon the sands in the mouth of the Thames the Admirall with twenty other gaining Sluce with much adoe King Richard afterwards caused this fabricke be reared up in a spatious place At the same time came the Duke of Berry to Sluce much expected many weekes before Hee by divers pretences had of purpose prolonged his comming though he had beene daily solicited hee finding their mindes perplexed by reason of this losse which they tooke as an ill Omen made use thereof declaring himselfe averse to this expedition that in his opinion the King should not doe well to hazard his person liberty and estate to the danger of the Seas at such a season as this it was now November much lesse to the danger of war in a country where he could meet with nothing but manifest danger that the relation of the English forces to consist of but 60000. Archers and 8000. Pikemen was false since it was manifest that besides such as guarded the havens and those who Lancaster had carried along with him Richard had an army of 100000. Archers and 10000. horse This being exaggerated in full Councell were it or for that hee really was of that opinion or out of a desire to crosse the Duke of Burgondy the chiefe inciter to this enterprise or that they were both of one minde as some beleeved to save their reputations the voyage was put off to another time wherewith the Nobility were scandalized but much more the common people from whom so vast a summe of money had beene raised for nothing The present charge was cast up to have surpassed the ransome of King Iohn which was very great Disorders this meane while were not wanting in England subject to be in ill condition since the King and people did not agree This division had strewed strange feares in the mindes of many Richard not ceasing to governe himselfe according to the will of such as govern'd him All things were without order and done without acquainting his Uncles therewithall All things passed under the hand of the Earle of Suffolke by the direction of the Earle of Oxford A Parliament was called at Michaelmas Much people were raised out of every Shire and lodged twenty miles round about London to the end that they might bee ready upon all occasions So as so great a number being assembled together and
not paid they must of necessity live by force and rapine a disorder which if at other times it bee of great consequence was certainly of no small importance now For the key of military discipline which is ready pay if it be not well handled is soone broken and if men be defrauded and payments be not made there is none who doe obey none who doe command For remedy to this inconvenience order was given that the Souldiers should retire themselves to their owne homes with directions to be ready to returne when commanded whilst the enemy who lay at Sluce with hourely expectation to transport themselves needed with a faire winde but one nights sayle to effect their desires But it befell the French as it doth gamesters they lost for lacke of knowing when to set their rest One of the first things the Parliament did was the making the Earle of Oxford Duke of Ireland which caused whispering and dislike in all men Not many monthes before in the late Parliament of this same yeare hee was created Marquesse of Dublin and Michael Poole Earle of Suffolke the Kings Uncles Dukes the Earle of Cambridge of Yorke the Earle of Buckingham of Gloster and Roger Mortimer Earle of March in case the King should die without issue was declared heyre to the Crowne An observation which I chose to place here as requisite to the pretences of the house of Yorke the which in their due time will bee tryed by the sword none having at any time to the best of my knowledge taken possession of a controverted Crowne by the authority of Lawes or decree of Judges Moneyes being afterwards required for the present occasions they were denyed with an Hanâ—…bal ad portas they pretended no necessity thereof that the Earle of Suffolkes purse was alone sufficient to supply all wants they accused him of many misdemeanours they required that his accounts might be seene the upper house sided with this request chiefly the Duke of Gloster The King who imagined to finde none who would prescribe Lawes to him now that Lancaster was gone found he had judged amisse but being resolved not to suffer his servants bee rent from betweene his armes he determined if it be true which is said to put his Uncle to death that by freeing himselfe from so great an obstacle he might infuse reverence and respect into others Richard would be feared beleeving it to be the onely way to obedience but he was not aware that though Princes ought to cloath themselves with the habit of reverence and respect the same habiliament is woven with the thread of affection the other of feare being made of threads of hatred and composed of brittle and direfull materialls A supper was given order for in London to which Gloster together with those who had openly declared themselves enemies to Suffolke were invited that by the service of napery and wine they might bee slaine Nicholas Bambre was chiefly imployed in this affaire who the preceding yeare was Lord Maior of London but Richard Stone then Lord Maior infinitely abhorring so great a wickednesse hindred the effecting of it So as the Duke being acquainted with it and by him the rest they contented themselves with their owne private suppers finding them more savoury then the riotous other The discovery of this plot was the Colliquintida which distasted the palats of the Uncle and Nephew and which increased in the common people the hatred of the King and love of the Duke affections which though they hurt the former as concurring causes of not permitting him to live they did not helpe the other as not being able to fence him from a miserable death The King retired himselfe to Eltham that he might not bee present at the aversenesse of the Parliaments proceedings where being advertised that the members of Parliament were resolved not to treat of any other businesse unlesse the great Seale were taken from the Earle of Suffolke he commanded them to send unto him fortie of the ablest members of their house that he might treat with them and resolve upon what was most convenient But to send so great a number being not thought fit they resolved to send unto him the Duke of Gloster Thomas Arundel Bishop of Ely with the which he seemed to be content The Articles of their commission were in chiefe two the first that the King having disbursed great sums of money they humbly beseeched him to suffer them to take the accounts The second that the presence of his Majesty being requisite for the treating and conclusion of businesse hee would be pleased to remember that by an ancient law it was permitted to the Parliament men to returne home to their owne houses at any time when the King not hindred by sicknesse should absent himselfe for forty dayes together from the place of Parliament The Kings answer shewed how much he was displeased at such propositions for without further advice he replied that he apparantly saw the ends of the people and commons to tend to rebellion that he thought not to doe amisse if he should call in the King of France to his aide since it would redound lesse to his dishonour to submit himselfe to a King then to his owne subjects The two Commissioners indeavoured as much as in them lay to shew unto his Majesty that the house of Parliament had no such intention and that if by mis-information hee would needs beleeve the contrary that which he had said would neither prove honorable nor advantagious for him wishing him to consider that such a resolution was not likely to work such effects as his passion promised unto him the people of England being strong enough to defend themselves and a people which did so much abhorre the French as that they would never endure to be governed by them whilst on the contrary side he the King of England ought to pretend to rule the French that the evils which from them were to ensue were likely to fall onely upon himselfe to his present ruine and perpetuall infamy in after ages Richard had now the use of his naturall judgement free from wicked counsellers so as weighing their reasons he was perswaded to returne to London Suffolkes misdemeanors was the first thing which was handled they deputed the Duke of Glocester and Earle of Arundell his Committees the judgement which ensued as some will have it was degrading confiscation and death moderated with this caution If it should so please the King And according to some others the losse of his office a fine of 20000 markes and the losse of his pension of three thousand a yeare which was paid him out of the Exchequer Upon this judgement Richard againe absented himselfe not able patiently to endure that he abhorred he condoled with Suffolke that his faults had brought such infamy upon him as tooke from him all meanes of defending him The sentence notwithstanding was not executed a reservation being therein had to the Kings pleasure leaving him
at liberty they contented themselves with such sufficient security as he gave them Thirteen men were afterwards chosen who under the King should take upon them the government of the Kingdome of the which number were the two Uncles of Yorke and Gloster and the Earle of Arundell An Oligarchy at all times dangerous in a Monarchicall government and which first instituted in the reigne of Richard was afterwards as harmfull repealed But examples are not sufficient to ground Lawes upon when the injustice of the Prince is such as it receiveth Lawes from the subject when their injustice springs from their weaknesse and when their weaknesse proves the nerves of strength and veines of justice to the people whether being arrived commanding they are blind in doing of offence whilst being commanded they were Arguseyd in receiving offences every man cries out Liberty a pleasing thing and according to nature but to bring others into servitude is a vice in nature more in reason The tyranny of the Decemviri in Rome was more insupportable then that of Tarquin and the short government of these thirteen more inexorable then all Richards reigne so as if wee consider things aright we shall finde that evils have almost alwayes had just beginnings but contrary proceedings and ends hatred envie and revenge unmasking those vices which covered by the deceitfull cloake of Common-good were beleeved to be vertues The last businesse and the onely one which gave satisfaction to the King was the assigning over to the Duke of Ireland the thirty thousand markes paid in by the Admirall Clisson for the ransome of Iohn of Brettony Count of Pointivers his sonne-in-law This Iohn together with his brother Guy was taken prisoner by Iohn Shandois in the battell of Antroy the yeare 1364. The French seconding Charles of Bloys father to the two young brethren who died in that battell and the English Iohn Montford both of them pretenders to the Dukedome of Bretanny they gave unto him this money in colour that he should goe into Ireland to take possession of such lands as the King had there given him but in effect to separate him from him barring him of all delay they prefixt unto him Easter for his departure from England This was the price at which they thought to have purchased his absence but neither did he see Ireland nor was the King likely to lose his company if Fortune did not deprive him of it This Parliament ended with the giving of one Subsidy which was alotted to Richard Earle of Arundell to be spent at sea where having done considerable actions accompanied with the Earle of Nottingham he gave to the Duke and others further occasion of hatred whereby to suppresse those vertues which in well-governed Common-wealths use to be rewarded so to incite others to the service of their Countrey by the bait of emulation and honour a dismall signe of corruption the bringer in of vice and forerunner of ruine The Parliament was no sooner ended but the King returned to London retooke the Earle of Suffolke to his former favour who as one condemned ought not to have been permitted to have seene the King nor have come where he was he anuld all that was decreed against him conniving onely at this that the office of Chancellor should remaine in the Bishop of Ely upon whom it was conferred And to the end that matters of scandall might never be wanting to the favorites and that their insolencies might witnesse to the world the supreame power they had over him he suffered the Duke of Ireland to do one act of scandall the which distasted all men The Duke amongst the chiefest of his honours married Phillep the daughter of Ingram Guisnes Lord of Consi and Isabel daughter of Edward the third cosen to the King a great and noble Lady by her owne deserts as well as birth not moved thereunto by any inciting cause but his owne pleasure he resolved to repudiate her that hee might marry one Ancerona a Bohemian a Carpenters daughter who came into England in the Queens service It is to be beleeved that he had not taken her had not Richard adhered to him and the dispensation of Vrban the sixth had not been obtained without the Regall countenance there being no lawfull cause for the putting her away although it was the easilier gotten for that the Dutches Phillep being a Frenchwoman adhered to the schisme of Clement of Avignion So that it is no wonder if the King were not generally beloved of his people since that to second the Dukes unlawfull humours hee put no valuation upon himselfe The Duke of Gloster was herewithall soundly netled neither did he cloake his anger though to declare himselfe therein was not agreeable to the rules of wisedome for an open enemy puts himselfe to too much disadvantage Easter the prefixed time for the journey into Ireland was come and gone the world was to be satisfied He delayed the time under the colour of making preparations but not able to put it off any longer he departed and together with him the King who went as hee gave out to accompany him to the Sea side Being come to Bristow they did not put to Sea but leaving it on the left hand passed forward into Wales as if the people had forgotten the journey to Ireland Trickes and devices the more scandalous and unseasonable for that they argued some strange alteration The authoritie of the governours troubled his quiet and the advantage that they had got upon Regall authority threatned his ruine they coveted to secure themselves from them for neither did the Duke intend to goe into Ireland nor the King to part with him nor the Archbishop of York to stand the shock of universall hatred nor the Earle of Suffolk to return to the censure of the Parliament nor Trisillian nor Bambre to give an account of their past actions Whereupon finding themselves in great danger they agreed that it was impossible for them to subsist without ridding them out of the way who were onely able to undoe them A wicked resolution but now necessary since they were come to that passe as nothing but extreams could worke their safety The difficulty of the businesse lay in the making away of Gloster Arundell Warwicke Nottingham and Darby eldest sonne to the Duke of Lancaster who hitherto hath not been named though the first subject of our Story They had likewise proscribed many others with whom they might not have done amisse to have temporized but all delayes were to them dangerous and treacheries framed formerly against Gloster made it impossible for them to compasse their ends by the same meanes The law was thought the safest way and the more masked the safer Many there were who had followed the King not so much out of respect and to claw the favourite as for that the aire of London under the blast of the thirteene not tempered by the propitious breath of Regality was thought pestilentiall They all seemed to make
so as apprehending danger he demanded counsell not without some signes of feare Some were of opinion that he should do well to temporize entertaining them with hopes of satisfaction Others thought that this knot was too fast tyed not to be undone but by the sword The Archbishop of Yorke was the author of this opinion but it met with many oppositions The King could reap nothing thereby but losse the gates were opened to a civill warre and if amongst bloud and dead carcasses the key should perchance be lost hee was not like to meet with them in time to shut the gate at his pleasure that if he should overcome it would bee a mournfull victory both friends and enemies being the chiefe of the Kingdome and equally his subjects That if hee should be beaten hee had no place to retire unto his ruine was inevitable his kingdome life and liberty being at the stake Ralph Basset a Gentleman of quality said freely that he would not have his head broken for the Duke of Irelands sake But the Earle of Northumberland propounded the giving them a hearing as the best rosolution in this case could be taken This advice pleased the most of them The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Ely Chancellour were sent to perswade them to present themselves the next Sunday in Westminster where they might themselves lay open their grievances before the King assuring them that they should finde his Majesty ready to give them a gracious hearing But they found the adverse party hard to resolve being by past examples reduced to small beliefe and lesse trust for where there is neither shame of infamy nor feare of punishment breach of promise craft and treachery are taken to bee tearmes of wisedome and things handsomely carried the which being well knowne unto the Chancellor who dealt uprightly in this businesse he desired them not to sticke at this since the good and peace of the Common-wealth depended upon this resolution passing his word unto them that if there were any thing of fraud intended he would give them timely advertisement Upon this security they promised a meeting but as their suspitions were not vain so did the Chancellor faithfully keep promise with them for understanding that 1000 men were laid in ambush to cease upon them at unawares he advertised them thereof to the end that either they might not come or if they came come so accompanied as they need not fear danger Sunday being come the King wondred that they came not and understanding the reason swore he was no wayes conscious of it and commanded the Sheriffes to goe to the place of ambush and to cut in peeces as many as they should there meet But the ambushers having retired themselves upon the advertisement of Thomas Trivet and Nicholas Bambre their leaders that care was needlesse 'T is hard to say whether the King had any hand therein or no unlesse they ground their opinions on this that a Prince who onely intends his owne desires values no plighted faith neither religious nor civill so as the breach thereof may tend to his own interest and to him his ends being considered the miscarrying of these Lords had been much availeable and the not making inquiry after the authors of it must needs bee subject to a bad construction Notwithstanding al this the Chancellor forbare not to doe all good offices he mitigated the resentment of this fresh wound with reiterated lenitives and procuring them to boot with the Kings word a safe conduct in writing he secured them a second time and drew them to Westminster whither they came well accompanied relying much upon the fidelitie of the people a securitie upon such occasions efficatious though wavering The King understanding their arrivall came thither in his Robes with his Scepter in hand and Crowne upon his head invironed by Prelates and Lords His favourites and confidents upon good advice staid at home Gloster as soone as he was come into the Hall kneeled downe before him together with his associates The Bishop whose office it was as being Chancellor to declare unto them the Kings intentions did in a grave manner say That the King their Soveraigne Lord being informed of their assemblies made at Haringie forbare to use the way of violence which easily he might have done to reduce them to their obedience that hee had put a greater valuation upon the bloud of his subjects and their own particular safeties then upon the injuries done unto himself That he was rather pleased to make use of his owne grace and favour the naturall Panacea of good Princes then to apply violent remedies to so grievous a malady That his resolution was not onely to pardon past offences but patiently to listen unto their grievances and to remedy them if need should require They tendring all humble thankfullnesse answered That their assemblies had been made not with intention of taking Armes against his Majesty their Soveraigne Lord but driven thereunto out of the necessity of his Majesties good and the weale publicke That they had taken this resolution to withstand the treacheries plotted against them and the State by certaine traytors who under pretence of serving his Majesty intended the subversion of King and Kingdome Passing by the rest they instanced in the Duke of Ireland Archbishop of Yorke Earle of Suffolk Trifillian and Bambre They offered to make good their assertions by the sword throwing downe their gloves as gages a thing then in use and which in case of difficultie is as yet sometimes used in England The King having patiently given them hearing answered That he was not well pleased that from the appeasing of one quarrell many others should arise hee willed them to be present at the Parliament which was to commence the next day after the purification of our Lady where all differences should according to the Lawes be ended The which being said he immediatly added these words And you my Lords what reason did permit you to take up Armes against me in this my Land thought you thereby to frighten me could not I have raised greater forces to your destruction I would have you all to know that upon this account I no more value you then the least Scullion in my Kitchin These last words being said not allowing time for a reply he tooke the Duke by the arme and raised him from the ground and returning to his Palace welcomed them all with such appearing signes of friendship as in token of his good will hee called for wine and did in a familiar friendly manner drinke with them That which was agreed upon in this businesse was That the differences should be decided by Parliamentory justice That the King should take the parties interessed into his protection That the one side should not wrong the other That in the intrim neither side should raise forces and to the end that no marke of infamy might remaine upon the fore-named Lords Richard caused a proclamation to be made that
appointed and had already begun their carreere with lance in rest when they were commanded to hold their hands The King having a long while disputed the businesse upon the Scaffold which was sumptuously built for his Majesty to see the Duell caused proclamation be made that for good respects his Majesty would not have the combat further proceeded in and that his pleasure was that the Duke of Hereford should bee banished the kingdome for ten yeares upon perill of his life and the Duke of Norfolke for ever upon the like penalty It was observed that this sentence was given the same day twelve-month that Norfolke had caused Gloster to bee strangled at Callais He forthwith left England and in little more then one yeare after died for griefe at Venice 'T was thought that the Kngs rigour towards him proceeded from a desire he had to be rid of him for hee having been formerly of the Barons faction and having of late wrought himself into the Kings favour by the ruine of others he thought that upon occasion he might serve him as he had done his friend the Duke of Gloster and the Earle of Arundell his sonne-in-law Princes though they doe not punish themselves for the evill they commit punish the instruments of evill to the end that they may not be thought altogether unjust The Duke of Hereford who when he took his leave in token of the Kings good will was remitted foure yeares of his banishment parted from England being generally bewailed and was well received in France where the Duke of Berry would have given him his daughter for wife had he not been hindred by Richard fearing least the favour of that Duke in France and the peoples love in England might prove dangerous Richard by reason of superfluous expences was in continuall want and money past through his hands as water through a sieve Continuall necessity was the continuall feaver which caused this thirst in him the which not able to bee quenched by the ordinary revenues of the Crowne nor yet by the extraordinary helpes of Parliament hee was inforced to digge new Welles Hee borrowed money of all the Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall by way of privy Seale obliging himselfe to pay them but never did The which though it bee somewhat hard yet not sufficient to make subjects take their last resolutions For particular men doe sometimes borrow and never pay But the violating of justice under the pretence of doing justice was that which turned patience to despaire Seventeene whole Shires had almost sided with the Duke of Gloster at least they were so said to have done They were all held notwithstanding the last generall pardon guilty of high treason wherewithall being threatned they were compelled to compound for a great summe of money to take againe the oath of allegeance and the richest amongst them to signe and seale unto a blanke into which the officers appointed for this businesse might insert what summe they pleased a thing able to undoe whole families and Shires The like was done in London to the great distate of the Citizens Iohn Duke of Lancaster this meane while died and the King tooke possession of his goods without any pretence of title hee bereft his exiled sonne of his inheritance The which when the Duke of York observed hee thought it was no longer safe for him to stay in Court whereupon he retired to his owne home But the King being resolved to goe himselfe in person into Ireland to revenge the death of Roger Mortimer Earle of Marsh slaine there by the rebels he who in case succession should want was the presumed heire to the Crowne sent for the Duke backe assigning over unto him the government of the Kingdome in his absence This was the last expedition he made for having left his subjects ill affected and augmented their distates by his taking along with him great store of provisions without paying for them hee departed with thirty thousand men and had such good successe as had hee not been compelled to returne he would have brought that Island to totall obedience This meane while the Towne of London the Prelates Nobles and People those especially of the abovesaid seventeen shires who thought themselves worst dealt withall resolved to call in the new Duke of Lancaster not onely to the recovery of his owne inheritance but of the Crowne and Kingdome They sent expresse messengers to Cullen to the end that Thomas Arundel late Archbishop of Canterbury who in his banishment made his abode there might goe into France and perswade the young Duke thereunto who though he found it a businesse of difficulty the dangers considered as likewise the peoples changeablenesse yet being brought to live by borrowing deprived of his estate and out of hope of ever recovering it by any other meanes hee entertained the motion hee pretended to King Charles who otherwise would not have suffered him to depart that he went to see his cousin the Duke of Brittanny and so with his approbation imbarked himselfe with some few followers amongst which number Thomas sonne to the late Earle of Arundel beheaded who not many daies before was fled from England was one When hee was come upon the English coast hee would not land but coasting along the Country to discover the peoples inclinations hee cast anchor at Revenspur in Yorkshire where he needed no invitation for the Lords and Prelates flockt all thither as soone as they heard of his arrivall So as having assembled an Army of sixty thousand fighting men and all places by which he passed yeelding unto him hee was with great acclamation and expressions of joy received into London The Duke of Yorke governour of the Kingdome who at his Nephewes first appearance had called the Councell together was thereby advised to leave London and goe to S. Albans where they might gather forces to give him battell An advice assuredly dangerous for the head ought first and chiefly to be defended The forces on the Councels side were no sooner gathered together but that they made a protestation they would not fight against the Duke of Lancaster for having from the beginning declared that he pretended to nothing but to what in right did descend unto him from his Father and Mother every man was of opinion that since his inheritance was unjustly taken from him he did justly in taking up of Armes to repossesse himselfe thereof Hereupon those of the Kings more intimate Councell as William Earle of Wilshire Lord Treasurer Sir Iohn Bushy and Sir Henry Greene leaving the Duke of Yorke the Bishop of Exceter Lord Chancellour and the rest fled to Bristoll in the castle whereof they thought they might be safe Sir William Bagot one of the same fraternity went more advisedly over to Ireland The Duke of Yorke seeing that it was dangerous for him and to no purpose to tarry where hee was went towards Wales where he thought he should meet the King at his returne from Ireland Hee stayed at
by them inclosed That when hee was come to Flint the Duke with all his Army came thither likewise That the Archbishop Arundel was the first with whom hee treated and that having gathered by what had befallen him that Lancaster was not so simple as hereafter to affie in him whom he had so highly offended That punishments pardons and reformations were but the songs of Syrens and that his aime was at the Kingdome hee offered to surrender it up unto him But however it was he was from Chester sent into the Tower of London And if in his taking water at Westminster had he not been waited upon by the Maior and his associates he was likely to have been slain before he could have got unto the Tower Lancaster on the contrary was received by the Citie and all the Companies thereof as King with processions applause and all expressions of joy A Parliament was called in Richards name The Duke took serious advice concerning this affair with his best friends particularly with his Uncle of Yorke who were all of one opinion That the resignation should be so done as that it might appeare voluntary nor that being sufficient since his imprisonment would argue an inforcement that his deposing might bee strengthened by act and authority of Parliament To effect the first of these divers were suborned who having formerly been his friends shewed unto him the danger wherein hee was if he did not purchase his life at the rate of the free resignation of his Kingdome The which being obtained they fell to the effecting it The chiefe Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall together with the prime Judges and Lawyers came all to the Tower to all which Richard with his Robes on his Crowne on head and Scepter in his hand presented himselfe and taking his Chaire after some few acknowledgements and excuses of his own misgovernment he himselfe read his Surrender affirming it to be freely done and without compulsion Hee moreover freed his subjects of whatsoever bonds oathes fidelity or homage renouncing all further claime authority dignity or title to the Crowne leaving it free for the time to come with all the appurtenances belonging thereunto This being done he subscribed it And then falling upon the praise of his cousin the Duke of Lancaster hee desired them to chuse him for his successor And made the Archbishop Arundell and Bishop of Hereford his substitutes to acquaint the Parliament with this his request and resignation And the more to witnesse his good inclination towards the Duke he tooke from off his owne finger a Ring wherein his Armes were ingraven and put it upon the Dukes finger giving him therewithall his Ensignes of Regality whereof he had disrobed himselfe All this he did as seeming desirous to lead a private life though in his disrobing he could not hide his inward griefe at the which there was no so hard heart as was not mollified The Trustees discharged their trust unto the Parliament which accepted the resignation And that there might remaine no scruple for such as should come after many Articles were framed wherein he was accused of extortion prodigality tyranny of having preferred men of base condition to the highest places of being cause of the imprisonment and death of the Duke of Gloster and Earle of Arundell against the rules of Law and Justice of having kept about him people to destroy him permitting unto them all insolences without correction They omitted not his lasciviousnesse perjuries falshood losse of reputation rapine Maximes of State able to ruine a State Principals contrary to the rights of a Crowne his cancelling of publicke writings his injurious proceeding against the Archbishop of Canterbury nor any thing else that might be objected to an apparant tyrant And as such a one he was by all the Judges deputed for this purpose declared incable and unworthy and by the votes of them all deposed from the dignity and title of a King Insomuch as not contented to bereave him of his kingdome they would likewise have him therewithall to lose his reputation Commissioners were deputed to acquaint him with the Act of Parliament and to renounce unto him all former tyes homage fidelity subjection or oath To the which he made no other answer save That not regarding these titulary circumstances he hoped his cousin would be his good friend and Lord. I have heard by some that the lower House did not give its consent to his deposition the which may very well be true but Writers doe not mention it In the interim of this inter-regnum the Duke of Lancaster made known his Titles by which hee laid claime unto the Crowne and was by generall applause cried up King and installed in his Throne by the Archbishops of Canterbury and Yorke Thus ended the reigne though not the life of Richard the second a Prince in many respects worthy to have reigned if he had not reigned The end of the first Booke THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY the fourth The second Booke HENRY the 4th a Prince naturally well given when he knew himself to be King began to differ in many things from what he formerly was for the usurpation of Kingdomes a vice in all times blamed yet pursued if it do not totally destroy vertue doth at least infeeble it or keep it in suspence It is impossible to contract Matrimony between the Regall Throne and Injustice unlesse it bee by unjust meanes and that the Dowry consist of any thing save cruelty and rapine All things here below have mediums conformable to themselves and in the order of Nature subordinate to their Genus the good to good the bad to bad So he while hee was in his prime innocency did nothing which was not praise worthy neither did his praise exceed his merit but being arrived to that where ambition doth its uttermost hee did more shamefully then miraculously metamorphose himselfe his nature though not changed but some wayes altered did by fits reduce him to what hee naturally was in the vehemencie of his forces revenge or command he did not out-goe his owne preservation or security so as though hee might deserve the name of an Usurper yet did he not deserve to bee tearmed a tyrant for were it otherwise since among the Roman Emperours there were few found who were not usurpers and yet of the number many good men the good could not have shunned the being reputed Tyrants Henry did not subvert the fundamentall Lawes he was sent for before he did insinuate himself the Kingdom was offered unto him before he did usurpe it He did better make good the office of a Prince to his subjects then did his subjects their duties unto him their Prince neither of them forgetting their peculiar natures he his innate goodnesse nor they their naturall wavering and inconstancie This may bee witnessed to us by what befell him while he was a private man hee did with temperance and modesty receive the praises due unto him
by the victory he had over the Duke of Ireland no vaine-glory was therein found in him his discourse thereof did not exceed the bounds of modesty and the relation hee made thereof unto his associats was void of amplification or boasting Aid from Genua being demanded and granted against the Pirates which roved up and downe the Mediterranean Sea and coasts of Italy hee was made Commander of them France joyning in this expedition with England Being come into Africa and by meanes of his Archers landed he returned home his modesty added to his reputation while the one and the other equally contending strove for precedence in his renowne Those who write that in stead of making this journey hee went against the infidels in Prusia did not perhaps equivocate but the different relation of Writers makes the undertaking indifferent since they all agree in his praise In the combat with the Duke of Norfolk he proved himself to be both wise and valiant for though strucken as if with lightning at his unexpected accusation he fell into no disorder his wisedome was inflamed but not by anger consumed to ashes as it is oft-times seen in such as are unexpectedly offended he patiently endured his exile and with dry eyes left his Countrey whilst those who saw him goe moistened theirs He would have gone into Holland if the Duke his father would have permitted him but the warre made by Albertus of Bavaria Lord of those Countries against the Frisons at the instigation of his son the Count of Ostervent being very dangerous and but little honour there to be won for that people did more by desperatenesse then skil in war defend their liberties he advised him to goe for France He was there graciously received by the King Princes and Court But the King of France would needs of his owne free will allow him five hundred Crownes a weeke for his petty occasions as it was termed he thought not to receive it would argue incivility and that the receiving of it would fasten upon him too great an obligation so as he resolved to leave France and go into Hungary to warre against the Turkes He wrote hereof unto his father who approving of the cause but not of his resolution propounded to him a voyage into Spaine where having two sisters the one Queene of Castile the other Queen of Portugall hee might with lesse danger and discommodity make the warre which he desired against the Infidels but being by his friends advertised that the Physitions had given his father over as not likely to live many monthes he went not The Duke of Berry who had a daughter of three and twenty yeares of age a widow to two husbands Henry being likewise a widower a rich heire and after his fathers decease the prime man in England next unto the King thought to give her to him for wife King Charles being therewithall well contented a match which would have been serviceable to the Queene his daughter and of publick good for thus united yea peace between the two Kingdomes might the easilier bee maintained But Richard thinking this match might prove disadvantagious to his designes and that Henry being offended was likely alwayes to be his enemy sent the Earle of Salisbury to breake it nor would Charles his wives father displease him therein seeing he tooke it so to heart When the Archbishop of Canterbury propounded his return to England offering the Crown unto him he could not at the first prevaile with him nor had he prevailed with him at all had not the King by depriving him of his inheritance caused him despaire a bad resolution but excusable and which cannot be blamed by the law of Nature save as it is interdicted by the law of Christianity so as innocent in the one and faulty in the other hee erred in both such resolutions being prejudiciall to a Kingdome which ought alwayes to detest all alterations Let businesses fall out well or ill to malecontents who are egged on by ambition and revenge two spurres slightly guilded over with the leafe-gold of publicke good the people cannot but bee alwayes losers by civill brawles nay if the two Registers of humane actions Profit and Uprightnesse in proceeding meet not together as they seldome doe and that profit have the precedencie it ought to be when the conservation of the Common-wealth is in question and not to satisfie the ambition and private interests of particular men If love unto his Countrey or the desolation of the State had moved Henry Richard being deposed there wanted not lawfull succeeders But howsoever the malady had been better for the Kingdome then the remedy for the one was not of long continuance the King being mortall and of such yeares as hee might have amended where as the other for the space of sixe Kings reignes produced nothing but one ill upon the necke of another and had it not been for the matrimoniall conjunction of the two Roses in the seventh the mischiefe had perhaps yet continued But as it is the losse of what they did possesse in France their losse of reputation abroad their desolation at home the death of hundreds of thousands and of fourescore or more of the bloud Royall approve the remedy to have been more pestilentiall then the disease and that to have continued Richard in his authority would have been reputed lesse harmfull then to have substituted another King how good soever who in a capacity of growing worse was cause of those wofull consequences which such substitutions use to draw after them Wise Phifitions apply only approved medicines to the â—…icke party where the case is not desperate and in case it be the more discreet sort doe rather suffer them to dye peaceably then tormented with the violence of medicines The malady here was not mortall save as made so by the remedies So we may conclude that the good conditions of such as do pretend are more harmfull then the bad of of such as doe possesse Vertue not being what she appeares to us to be in her abstract but what she is in the concrete of her corruptions Henry had though silent yet conspicuous competitours by law questionlesse before him as the sons of Roger Mortimer the eldest son to Philippa the only daughter heire to Lionell Duke of Clarence not onely by nature but in the eight yeare of King Richard by Parliament declared Heire to the Crowne she being dead her right remained in these so as by vertue of the Lawes he could not justly pretend to that which contrary to the lawes the prejudice of others he did violently usurp But because his succession was not truly justifiable it behoved to seek out some colour for it his friends propounded divers titles unto him all of them counterfeit and disguis'd whilst right rich and substantiall of it selfe needes no false props Henry did by his Mother descend from Edmond Crook-backe Earle of Lancaster they would have this Edmond to be eldest sonne to Henry the third
Sterling in the Church of the Dominicans with the title of King of England Henry had great good fortune so happily to acquit himself of this conspiracy otherwise in likelihood hee might have beene oppressed by evills which on three sides hung over him for during all his life his fortune was through dangers to arrive at happinesse and at safety by the Rockes of precipice France had made great preparations of man and shipping to succour Richard with intention to come for England relying upon his partakers upon the envy contracted by the new King and upon the inconstancy of popular affection their former hatred was changed into compassion They were all in Picardy under the command of Count St. Paul ready to take shipping when together with advertisement of the conspiracy came newes of the unhappy successe thereof which amazed them all To proceed farther under colour of revenge which brought along with it suspicion of invasion had now beene rashnesse since they were dead in whom they did most affie Greater preparations were to be made for the invasion of England these not being sufficient without some correspondency from within the Land And as the home conspiracy gave the last blow to Richards life so did the forraigne preparations confirme Henry in that resolution which he would not have willingly taken without these sharpe provocations so as that which was intended for his liberty caused his death The forces in France were all disbanded Charles upon good advice desired onely the restitution of his daughter a just request and not to be had but by civill meanes the which hee obtained sending over Embassadours to that purpose who were graciously received but the King referred his answer to certain commissioners who were to go to Callis to treat together with this of other affairs which neerely concerned both the Crownes Charles sent thither the Duke of Bourbon and Henry Edward Duke of Aumerle who by the late death of his father did now succeed in the title and inheritance of the Duke of Yorke together with whom hee sent Henry Earle of Northumberland Bourbon required the restitution of the Queene which they denyed not but desired that by the approbation of France she might yet remaine in England since by birth and yeares she was a fit match for the Prince of Wales as wife for whom they did desire her But Charles not willing to consent to this having conceived an opinion that the aliance with England would prove unfortunate for France a perpetuall peace was propounded by Yorke This being likewise found a difficult businesse France being resolved not to quit what it was possest of the English Edmund endevoured to bridle his insolency The battell was on both sides manfully fought Glendor had two advantages the number of men and his being their Captaine By these meanes hee proved victor obedience and good order having wonne him the Lawrell The Herefordshire men on the other side fewer in number and led by the Earle onely in regard unto his quality obeyed many and sometimes none doing what they listed so as distracted and not resolved what to do they made good the field till night rather out of an obstinate resolution then any reason or order At last they yeelded but fled not for none did pursue them Glendor was contented that he had overcome for finding himselfe in an enemies Countrey the night being darke many of his men slaine and the rest or weary or wounded hee forbare to pursue the victory Two thousand were left dead in the field the Earle was taken prisoner and kept in the bottome of a Tower no respect being had to his person neither did the King though by many much importuned indevour his liberty for he thought this his imprisonment to bee one of the happiest things that ever befell him Let me here bee permitted to relate a Story of the Welsh Women the like to which I have not met withall in any other history They ran like so many Bacchanals to the place of battell they cut off the noses and privities from as many as there they found dead they put the privie members which they had cut off into the mouthes of the dead with the testicles hanging out and the noses into their posteriors nor would they suffer their bodies to be taken away without ransome An action wherein eagernesse dishonesty cruelty and avarice were equally seene and were it to bee disputed which of these foure were most abusive whosoever should give his opinion in favour of any of them might lawfully feare the being thought unjust each of them having arguments to plead for the priority of mischiefe but if I were to be Judge herein I should beleeve that avarice were not to bee pleaded For though it bee a vice naturall to that Sex yet in what belongs to their houshold government it may bee accounted a vertue I should absolve them of cruelty as not an absolute cause but an effect of the fiercenesse of their nature And I would free them from dishonesty because no dishonesty being without delight this action was thereof incapable so as fiercenesse would win the plea were it not that the inveterate hatred which they bare unto the English had been the onely thing which made them fierce dishonest avaritious and cruell Glendor kept on his course sacking and spoyling the confines These two victories had made him bee esteemed by his owne men and feared by his enemies there was none the King being busied about more weighty affaires who withstood him but good fortune is like the flowing of the Sea which ebbes againe for a full sea is alwayes followed by an ebbe The Scots had at this very time taken their best advantage of the alterations in England they readily made use thereof and Northumberland was the place wherein they laid their first Scene The truce continued of force betweene the two kingdomes and because warre was not publickly proclaimed the truce was not esteemed broken for disorderly incursions are pardoned between nations at continuall enmity Nor was King Robert to be blamed herein unlesse it were for conniving The Scots having ransacked the countrey betooke themselves to doe mischiefe at sea and to endammage the fishing businesse But the English were not wanting unto themselves for having sacked the Ilands of the Orcades they met with the enemies Fleet who under the command of Robert Logon went to encounter them in fight they tooke many of them An action of small consequence and onely worthy of the name of Reprisall but occasions of open hostility ensuing hereupon Henry was unwillingly enforced to undertake a warre The King of Scotland had contracted a match between the daughter of George Dumbar Earle of the Marches and Prince David his eldest sonne the Earle having readily paid in a great summe of money by the way of portion Archibald Earle Douglas a high spirited man not able to endure this addition of power in any one much lesse in Dumbar who was of himselfe great and
greatly follow'd wrought so by the favour of the Duke the Governour of the Kingdome that this contract was declared void as agreed upon without the Councels knowledge and that his daughter Mary for a greater summe of money was received in the others place and that this marriage might be past all annulling hee caused it speedily to bee effected and authorised by all the accustomed Church rites The Earle of the Marches was very sensible of this affront and resolving upon revenge would not hasten it till hee might make it justifiable to all the world Hee required the repaiment of his monyes but the King paying him with delayes intending indeed never to pay him he seemed to beleeve the contrary till such time as every one might perceive how he was abused Hereupon threatning revenge he withdrew himselfe and his whole family into England where hee was by the Earle of Northumberland received having gathered some forces together he entred Scotland and did there some mischiefe which though not sufficient wholly to repaire was notwithstanding enough to content him for the first bout King Robert having degraded him and confiscated all he had sent a Herauld to denounce unto Henry that it was contrary to the tenure of Truce to receive such as were Traytors and Rebels to his Crowne and to favour and countenance them that if he would have the truce continue he should deliver Dumbar up into his hands or banish him his dominions To the which King Henry were it either that hee esteemed it an unworthy thing to revoke the protection hee had given him or that he was so generally beloved as to have resolved the contrary would have beene to little purpose answered That he was sorry he could not satisfie the King of Scotland for that hee could not in honour recall the safe conduct which hee had by his great Seale granted unto Dumbar That for what concerned Truce or Warre hee left the choyce to him for for his part hee was ready to continue the one if it pleased him and if it pleased him not they were both of them equally indifferent to him The Herald had no sooner brought backe this answer but warre was proclaimed And Henry willing rather to incounter it abroad then meet with it at home past suddenly into Scotland hee burnt and ruin'd what ere he met withall He spared no places but such as were holy and such as had harboured his father the Duke of Lancaster when hee withdrew himselfe into that Kingdom A gratitude so well interpreted by the Scotch Writers as that Hector Boëtius saith That never did enemy make more friendly warre then did he Hee came to Edinburgh and tooke it he laid siege to the Castle which was defended by Prince David and his father-in-law Earle Douglas By the condition of these two the importance of the place may be conjectured for Edinburgh was not to be held but by those who were masters of that Fort whole Scotland depended upon this siege It was now September and in those Northerne parts Winters fore-runners were already felt The Duke of Albany was not farre off desiring that people might thinke he would doe what he was resolved not to doe His designes which were the usurpation of the Kingdome suffered him not to bee charitable to his countrey to performe the duty of his charge nor to have respect unto his reputation Hee would willingly have seen the Castle battered downe and Prince David who was his prime and chiefest obstacle buried in the ruines thereof Notwithstanding his inward malice it behoved him to make shew of good intentions he by a Herald sent word to King Henry that if hee would expect him but six dayes he would give him battell with resolution either to make him raise the siege or dye in the enterprise hee could not have sent a more welcome message to the King for the season of the yeare and his want of victuals would not permit him to tarry there long He rewarded the Herald and bade him assure the Duke that he would expect him and fight with him Six and sixteene dayes passed and yet no governour appeared so as the flux in the Camp joyned to so many other incommodities forced the King to raise the sige and returne home Hee brought back with him all his military affaires as likewise such Commanders as were wont to keep upon the Frontiers which gave the Scots meanes in some sort to repaire themselves they made two incursions without opposition into the two confining Countries of Northumberland and Banborough-shire for the adverse party arrived late after they were retired encouraged by their happy succcesse they adventured upon the third on-set being led by Patricke Heborne a gentleman more adventrous then was requisite for whereas hee was able to have assembled a great number of men he having more regard to the booty then danger made onely choyce of the best wherewithall he entred Northumberland and by prey and prisoners inriched himselfe and them but in their returne through heedlesnesse caused by too much confidence in themselves or contempt of the enemy being pursued by the Earle of Northumberland they were routed at Nesbyt where the greatest part of them were slaine though not without revenge for they fought to their last gaspe valiantly as is usuall to that warlike Nation Heborne more couragious now then cautious before having done all that belonged to a discreet Commander thrust himselfe into the thickest of the battell where manfully fighting he lost his life together with him were slaine the chiefest of Loughdeane besides many Gentlemen and Knights that were taken prisoners but as this defeat did rather irritate then quell the Scots so Fortune which had smiled upon them in their first two expeditions turned her backe upon them in the third and quite abandoned them in the fourth perhaps she was offended they should so often make tryall of her The old Archibald Earle Douglasse was dead the first occasioner of this warre he left behinde him a sonne which succeeded him in name and title but surpassed him in worth and vertue This man resolved upon publicke revenge for the publicke lossewhich had beene suffered He raised an Army of 20000. fighting men The governour assented thereunto and gave him for his associates his owne sonne the Earle of Fife the Earle of Angus Murrey and Atholl together with many Barons and Gentlemen of the chiefe Nobility of Scotland They came into Northumberland with flying colours where not finding forces able to resist them they returned laden with prey when about Hamilton they might see the Lord Percy issue out from forth a Valley he who for his valour and forwardnesse was by them called Hot-spur He had with him Dumbar the enemy of the Douglasses all the Gentry of Northumberland and 8000. men what horse what foote and though it cannot bee denyed but that the hatred was great which was betweene these two warlike Nations yet who will marke it well may see that their vying
to bee sought into the reasons of his former life conclude not for him The King having by fines punished the City went towards Northumberland at Durham he caused the two Barons together with the two Knights of the confederacy to be executed The Earle understanding his associates misfortune withdrew himselfe to Barwicke where not thinking himselfe strong enough hee fled to Scotland together with the Lord Bardolf and was friendly received by the Lord Fleming The King finding Barwick resolute not to yeeld levelled a peece of Canon against the Castle thereof an instrument in those dayes new and not knowne with the which at the very first shot he battered it almost downe to the ground whereat the defendants being amazed without capitulation yeelded themselves to the Kings pleasure who hanging some and imprisoning the rest made himselfe master of all the Earle of Northumberlands seats where taking order for all things requisite he passed into Wales leaving the Prince his sonne and the Duke of Yorke with a great army in those parts but he found such deluges of water amongst those mountaines as he was forced toquit the enterprise he had carried along with him many carts and wagons loaded with the most pretious things he had which were all born away by the violence of the torrents no one peece of them remaining Some believe that this was done by the Divell Owen Glendor being held to be a great Negromancer but I am of opinion that if he had had any such power he would have made use thereof against the King himselfe for the losse of the Kings person did more availe him then the losse of his carriages The Scotch men on the other side should have come into England to aide the conspirators but hearing what had happened they budged not but endeavoured to defend themselves by land from the Prince and by sea from Sir Robert Vmfrevill Vice Admirall of the Navy but nothing happened of much importance The one had only time to spoile the Country and the other to sacke the coasts of Fife and Lugdiana all mischiefes ceasing in a truce agreed upon for one yeare which made them returne to their owne homes The plague did now grow hot in London and thereabouts so as the King not being safe in Kent the infection much spred in all places was glad to take shipping to goe to Plessis in Essex the Lord Camois was his guide they were already well advanced in the sea when certaine French Pirates who lay in the Thames mouth for pilladge understanding of this passage pursued them and intended to take the ship wherein the King was tooke 4 ships that were next unto him one of the which was loaded with furniture of his chamber and things belonging to his owne person The Baron who together with the other vessels were a good way from the King came not in time enough to assist his Majesty nor yet to recover what was lost so as if the Kings ship had not been a swift sayler and so made voide the Pirates hopes hee had run danger of going for France in stead of Essex Camois was strictly questioned and in danger of losing his life as thought to have held intelligence with these Pirates but better defending his own innocency then hee succoured the King he was by the Judges acquitted The plague being ceased the King returned to London He made the match between Philleppa the younger of his two daughters and Henry King of Denmarke and this was the third marriage that was celebrated in his family after his comming to the Crowne for before this hee had married Blanch to William Duke of Bavaria Prince Elector and hee himselfe had tane to wife Ione the daughter of Charles the second King of Navarre the widdow of Iohn Montfort Duke of Brittany which I have not mentioned as not belonging to the thred of my discourse But what befell Prince Iames the only sonne and heire of Scotland who did at this time fall into the power of England is not to be passed by as worthy of ample relation Robert the third who now reigned in Scotland and who in his baptisme was named Iohn changed the name of Iohn for Robert either for that the Roberts of Scotland had beene fortunate or for that the Iohns of England and of France had been unfortunate as if the name were of force enough to make those effects good which fortune God permitting had preordained bad T is true that amongst the Kings named Iohn few are found who either have not been very bad or very unfortunate Castile Portugall and Arragon afford us examples hereof of three hereditary Queene Ioanes the two of Naples were unfortunate and unchast the third of Castile was chast but most unfortunate This notwithstanding Iohn of Scotland did not by change of name change the maligne aspect of his destiny for those evills befell him having tane upon him the name of Robert which would have befalne him had he kept the name of Iohn the divine providence not being to bee changed by such alterations This King was by divers pensils painted forth in the same colours Hector Boëtius describes him affable mercifull an enemy to extortions charitable and pious Buchanan a severe writer doth in one place give him to us rather as voide of vice then famous for vertue and another speaking of his innocency inriches him with all the worth that is to bee desired in a private man but judges him rather to be an honest man then a good King T is very true he had nothing of King in him save the name the whole authority remaining in Robert Duke of Aubeney his younger brother in his fathers time created governour of the Kingdome a manifest proofe of his incapacity to governe it alone But this Duke did not content himselfe with the bare government he aspired to the Crowne which though he attained not yet left he no wickednesse unattempted to effect it and the life of the Prince David being a great rub in his way the death of the Queene his mother and of Earle Douglas his father in law afforded him meanes of bereaving him of it as hee desired This Prince was very lewdly inclined and so given to his unbridled lust as that he was not to be endured Whilst his mother lived who kept him in some awe he lived in some order but shee being dead letting the reines loose to his naturall inclination no maidenhood was undeflowred nor marriage bed unviolated When trickes and flatteries could not prevaile hee made use of force Daily complaints were made unto the King of injuries done by his sonne The father by reason of his weaknesse contemned not able to amend him determined to transferre the care thereof to his brother thinking that onely hee was able to tame him an error ordinary enough in persons of his condition For the good man suspects not what he doth not imagine and what he himselfe would not doe were he to gaine the world thereby
The sheep being thus delivered over to the Wolfe the Duke at the very first shut him up in Saint Andrewes Castle a jurisdiction of that Archbishopricke the which after the death of the last Archbishop hee had unduly usurped under pretence of keeping it during the vacancie of that Metropolitan See but thinking him to be there too nigh the Kings eare and the Courts eye desiring rather his death then his amendment he carried him to the strong hold of Faukland a jurisdiction of his owne where he caused him to be put into a dungeon with direction that he should there dye of hunger a commission though given in secret yet by the effect sufficiently published no preparation being made in so little a place where all that was done was seene neither for the person nor nourishment of such a prisoner He had died in a few dayes and it had been better for him since die he must had he not been kept in life by the daughter of the Keeper of the Castle and a countrey Nurse who commiserated his condition and had accesse through an Orchard to the Castle The former nourished him with oaten Cakes which by little peeces shee conveyed unto him through a chinke the other gave him sucke through a small Cane the one end whereof he tooke into his mouth whilst she squiezed her milke in at the other end His keepers marvelled to see him still alive but the meanes being discovered the two charitable women were cruelly put to death the father accusing his owne daughter to prove himselfe faithfull to him that was unfaithfull and a tyrannous Governour At last when he had torne his flesh and eaten his fingers through rage by death hee put an end to his vices miseries and life This bitter accident was generally knowne every where before the King had any notice of it every one fearing to be slaine for recompence of doing so good an office Having at last hearâ—… some whispering thereof hee could not believe otherwise then as it was Great were the complaints but the brother excused himselfe deluding justice by laying the fault upon divers who were in the castle for faults deserving death whom he accused for having murdered the Prince for which they suffered death The King not herewithall satisfied but unable to revenge himselfe he publickly besought God by some miraculous judgement to punish the author of so great a wickednesse He had yet a second sonne living named Iames he was advised to send him abroad since it was not likely he who had committed so horrid a treason would stick at the murthering of him also without the which his former mischiefe would nothing availe France was thought the safest place to send him to The young Prince was with much secrecie imbarked Henry Sincleer Earle of the Orchades being given unto him for governour but having shunned Scylla hee fell as the Proverbe sayes upon Carybdis for the Marriners having cast anchor before Flemburgh in England either driven by the windes or to refresh the Prince much afflicted with seasickenesse they were known to be Scots the Prince known to be there so as he was detained and brought to Court it was long disputed at the Councell Table whether he should be suffered to depart or no but the negative prevailed His Father fearing such an incounter had given him a letter for Henry which though full of compassion and pitty did not alter the resolution taken So as hee being old deprived of his sonnes and feebly hearted gave himselfe over to griefe would take no more meate and in three daies died for meere sorrow Scotland confirmed the government of that Kingdome upon the Duke of Auboney till such time as their new King Iames should regaine his liberty Buchanan accuses King Henry for that action his chiefe reason being that he detained him whilest there was yet a truce of eight yeares betweene the two Crownes but I finde no other truce then that of the preceding yeare already expired Edward Askew treates at large upon this you may peruse him This imprisonment by consent of all Scottish writers was more happy to him then whatsoever liberty for the King gave him such education as belonged to his birth The Scotchmen are naturally given to all discipline as well speculative as active ingenious at sciences stout and valiant in warre but this Prince out did them all in aptnesse to all these for he surpassed his teachers aswell in horsemanship as in Theologie Philosophy and other liberall sciences especially in musicke and poetry wherein he proved most expert so as that fortune which was thought unhappy crowned him with glory for besides the advantage of so good education he was free from feare of his Uncle and was in his due time an introducer of learning politenesse and such arts as were not before known in Scotland it is to be observed in him that evill fortune is the best Academy for a man to profit in A rule which suffered exception in the Earle of Northumberland whose last actions we must now treate of for though an old man he died a schollar in that Academy before he had learnt the maxime of good government not using patience but in his vast thoughts plausible but pernitious counsellors resolving rather to dye then live declined a noble resolution in a better cause or upon more mature occasion He had made many journeyes into France Flanders and Wales to raise up warre and get helpe against his King all which proved of no use to him at last he returned to Scotland from whence accompanied by Bardolf he fell with great troopes of men upon Northumberland he there recovered divers Castles his army much encreasing by divers who from those parts came to assist him from thence he passed into Yorkeshire where by proclamation he invited all those to side with him who loved liberty The King at the first noise hereof went to meet him but hardly was he come to Nottingham when he understood that Sir Thomas Rookesby Shirife of that Shire had given him battell slayne him and taken Bardolf prisoner who afterwards dyed of his wounds The King did not though forbeare to pursue his journey that hee might quench the yet hot ashes of that rebellion he mulcted many and put many to death answerable to the condition of their faults The Bishop of Bangor and Abbot of Ailes who were taken prisoners in the conflict met with different fortunes according to the diversity of their habits The Abbot being taken in armour was hanged the Bishop who was clothed in the habits of his profession was pardoned the heads of the two Peers were cut off put upon the top of two speares and sent to be set upon London bridge This was the miserable end of the father sonne and brother descended from one of the noblest races that came from Normandie into England all this ruine being occasioned out of a meer capritchio of wrastling with the King and detaining in his despite the Scottish
through all the City and first in Orleans house his friends and servants runne to the place where they found his body lying in a sea of bloud horribly massacred they carried the body into the next Church whither the King of Cicily and the chiefest of the Court came sorily lamenting the next morning his hand and brains being found lying in the street all durty they were put together with the body into a leaden coffin and buried in a Chappell which he himself had caused to be built At his funerall three corners of the cloth which covered the Bieare were held up by the Princes of Sicily Berry and Burbony Burgundy held up the fourth this fained charity not corresponding with his unfained cruelty for what ever inquisition could be made no newes could be heard of the assassinates The Provost being called to the Councell table said it was impossible for him to finde out any thing touching this affaire unlesse hee might be permitted to search the houses of the greatest Lords and especially the Pallaces of the Princes The King of Sicily Duke of Berry and Duke Burbon were content but not Burgundy who not knowing what to say tooke the three Princes aside and confessed that he had bin the author of that homicide whereupon filled with horror and amazement Berry exclaming that in one day he had lost two nephewes they left him keeping the secret to themselves not knowing without mature deliberation how to publish it The next day after Burgundy being come to goe to the Councell table Berry in whose house the meeting was met him at the chamber doore and told him this was no place for him wherewithall he shut the doore upon him leaving him much confused a usage he had not beene accustomed unto and what he beleeved would not now have beene used without resolutions of further consequence so as fearing to be clapt up in prison hee forthwith returned to his owne house and getting on horseback being waited on only by five men he rid to Bapomus upon the confines of Artois the place of his command and went 42. leagues not taking any rest but what was necessary either to bate or change his horses from thence having slept a while he went to Lillo in Flanders this his unexpected departure was no sooner divulged but the occasion thereof was knowne the dead Duke had 600. what Gentlemen what Knights defraied by him in Paris all which were of no use to him who trusted more in his quality then he ought to have done he imagined the Duke of Burgundy would have exercised his ill will in publicke against his power not by treachery against his person a hundred of these well horst and led by Clegnet of Brabant Admirall of France would have followed Burgundy but the King of Sicily fearing greater inconveniences hindred their designe not suffering them to goe He who formerly was thought the chiefe author of this murther was Albertus of Canni injured by the Duke who had taken from him his wife and had by her a sonne who proved afterwards one of the bravest Cavalliers in all France but the knowne truth freed him of suspition all men except the Parisians detested this fact but their rejoycing lasted but a while for the evills they received through the oppressions and misgovernment of Orleans were not the hundreth part so bad as those they suffered after by the oppression and misgovernment of the Duke of Burgundy The Assassinates having changed their apparrell left Paris likewise and went to Artois according to the order they had formerly received from their Master When Valentina Duches of Orleans heard this sad newes she hasted to Paris and kneeled downe before the King demanding justice which was likely to bee granted for he did tenderly love his brother but his weaknesse was such as suffered him to give her no other comfort save hopes and promises The Duke of Burgundy having represented the businesse to the common people after his manner he published a manifestation thereof wherein having made knowne the reasons which had inforced him to this resolution he pretended to merit thankes and praise rather then blame or punishment The two Uncles Sicily and Berry fearing lest he might joyne with the English invited him to give them a meeting at Amiens he came thither and caused two launces to be set a crosse upon his lodging doore in this manner X which fashioned forth the Burgundy crosse the one of them had a bur used in war the other such a one as is used at tilting as if he would by this Hyroglifique say it should be in their choice to chuse peace or war Their meeting was to no purpose for contrary to the Kings expresse inhibition he went with 4000. men to Paris where he was with great expressions of joy received by the Parisians where to justifie his horrid fault hee by the mouth of one Iohn Petit accused the Duke of Orleans for having aspired unto the Kingdome bewitched the King ploâ—…ed treachery against his children and for having made confederacy with the King of England to make himselfe master of the Crowne of France by the death of his brother as the other had got the Crowne of England by his Cosens death for having sowed discord betwixt the King and Queene â—…o the end that having lost her matrimoniall love her person might bee the more at his command that he had made himselfe Master of the most considerable places of the Kingdome putting out the former governours and placing others of his owne depending in their roomes that he might make use of them against his brother that he had procured Pope Benedict to declare the King incapable of the Crowne as Childericus formerly was that he himselfe might obtaine it his conclusion was that being for so many faults guilty of treason both divine and humane he was to be declared lawfully slaine and the King out of meere feare declared him as was urged justly put to death The Duke having obtained what he desired returned to Flanders from thence he went in assistance of the Bishop and Prince of Leidge against the Leigois who had rebelled against him he overcame them and gave them what Lawes he pleased whereby he wonne such renowne as France had reason to fear him now more then before for though in his absence the King had permitted the Dowager Duches to answer unto his accusations and revoked his pardon with an intention to punish him yet understanding of this victory and that his brothers and cosens had declared themselves for him he disabandoned the people who were gathered together to have forced him and those who had appeared his enemies repented themselves for having been so forward Together with this examining the continuancy of the Parisians strangely passionate for the Duke the King resolved to retire himselfe to Towres not so much to free himselfe from their danger as to revenge himselfe of them for the absence of the Court redounds much to their losse
out of private humours and that it should be defaced and destroied since it was one day to be his so as remooving the campe after a months siege he commanded the cannoniers upon paine of life not to shoote one shot more without his command At which the Duke of Burgony being troubled beleeving that he had compassion on his enemies did what he could to perswade him that violence was the onely meanes to reduce rebells to obedience But being severely answered that too much had already beene done and that it was time to forbeare those who desired an agreement were much encouraged and concluded an agreement upon these conditions That the peace at Shartres should remaine in its vigour and force that the Count Vertu should marry the daughter of the Duke of Burgony that the Duke of Berry and his confederates should surrender up all such Cities and other places as the King should desire that he should renounce all confederacies as well at home as forreiny made against the Duke of Burgony that the King should restore all their Cities and strong holds not obliged to repaire what was demolished that their officers and servants should be readmitted into their offices and possessions And because the brothers of Orleans were not present their Agents promised for them The peace being sworne and proclaimed command under paine of great punishment was made that the two factious names of Burgonians and Arminiackes should be no more used The Orleanists were so called for when Count Arminiack joyned with them his people and all that faction were by the common people called by this name This businesse being for this time thus still'd the King went to Auxerres whither the Duke of Orleans and his brother the Count Vertu came They then swore the peace they renounced all confederacy with England they accepted of the above said marriage and shewed tokens of reciprocall good will insomuch that the two enemy Dukes were seen to ride upon one the self same horse Their former charges were to some restored But Count Saint Paul would not surrender up the Constables place Whereupon the Lord Albret withdrew himselfe ill satisfied from the Court This peace was agreed upon before the English landed in France which was wisely foreseene by the Dolphin for agreement would not so easily have beene made if both the Nations joyned together had tasted the sweetes of any fortunate successe Their arrivall was first heard of in Normandy next in the parts neere Constantina from thence in du Mayne and from thence in Touraine all which places suffered such inconveniences as are usually caused by enemies Souldiers were every where raised whilst they onely desired to be payed the onely meanes to make them returne home But the Dukes of Berry and Orleans were so exhausted as they knew not how nor where to raise 200000. Crowns which they ought them The King of Sicily left the Court and went to defend his Countrey of Aniou from their incursions The Earles of Warwicke of Kent arrived at the same time with 2000. men at Caleis who taking the garrisons of that Towne to them scoured over all the Countrey of Bullen and the parts adjacent and although the Counts Saint Pauls Ramburres and others came thither with great numbers of men they were rather a greevance then a helpe to the poore people of those parts who suffered such harme by them as they could not doe by the enemy The King being come to Paris the Dukes of Berry and of Orleans remained with the Queen at the Bois de Saint Vincennes from whence waiting upon her to Paris Orleans not entring into the Towne passed into the Country of Beaumont to raise monies And though all other places were restored to him yet could he by no meanes get repossession of Perefont and Cousie the which were held by the Count Saint Paul who denied to surrender them without a great summe of money due as he said to the garrisons there Pretences are never wanting where men proceede not with cleare intentions but being necessitated to acquit himselfe of the Duke of Clarence he set aside all other affaires and not able to pay unto him the whole debt he assigned over unto him in pawne for 209000. francks which remained due to him his brother the Count of Angolesme who was great grandfather to Francis the first and some other Lords who being brought into England remained there divers yeares for lacke of ransome This being done he sent unto the King for the restitution of the aforesaid places and obtained letters and directions to that purpose yet were they not delivered up unto him moreover fire breaking forth in Perefont it was almost burnt to the ground To this distaste others were added The Duke of Burgundy caused Bordinus of Saligni formerly his favourite to be carried prisoner into Flanders suspecting that he had revealed some of his secrets The bastard of Burbon ran a danger in Paris the City rising up against him in favour of certaine insolences committed by a butcher Offices which were to be restored were not so as the conditions of peace thus ill observed men rather inclined to breake it againe then to see it thus unworthily peeced The Dolphin who well weighed these alterations grew somewhat coole towards his father in law the rather for that hee was continually sollicited by the Dukes of Bar and Bavieres and by the Count Vertu to take the government wholly upon himselfe and free himselfe from the servitude of being directed by others These broiles grew to no ripenesse during Henries life and had they ripened he perchance would not have delighted in them for hee had changed his thoughts and was returned to the same inclinations of nature wherewith he was borne for having reduced his Kingdome to quiet condition having no more occasion of being bloudy or detested his actions were growne to that degree of temperance as there remained nothing more to be desired in him Justice was administred without distinction of persons He was affable liberall courteous and pious so as the Nobility and Commonalty did now as much love as they had formerly hated him and having set his thoughts wholly upon God he resolved to spend the remainder of his life in his service in the recovery of the holy land judging all other warfare misbecomming a Christian Prince He had no impediments likely to disturbe him from his resolution hee was free from the affaires of France which he esteemed quieted by reason of the last peace a peace not likely to prejudice him that Kingdome being so divided within it selfe as it could not hurt him his owne Kingdome was so well united as hee had no reason of feare there The occasions of former seditions were ceased by the losse of their lives who were the chiefe occasioners thereof all ill humours were appeased by the death of such as were the raisers of them He had foure sonnes all of them of great hopes Scotland had no King The
Duke of Aubenge to maintaine himselfe in the government was forced to peacefull resolutions Wales was exhausted and Glendor dead so as having made great preparation of Ships Gallies and Treasure he thought suddenly to embarke himselfe when strucke with a sudden Apoplexy he was forced to take a further journey I beleeve that this his devotion touching Jerusalem was occasioned by a preceding prophesie if it be true that is said that hee should die in Jerusalem for being taken with this sicknesse in the Abbey at Westminster and carried into the Abbots next house as soone as hee was come unto himselfe he enquired where he was and if that chamber wherein he was had any particular name Answer was made that he was in the Abbots house and that the chamber wherein he was was called Jerusalem Here said he must I die he was put to bed and his Crowne set upon a little table by the bed side His sicknesse continuing and sezed by a violent syncope all men thought he had been dead The Prince thinking so likewise tooke the Crowne and withdrew himselfe into another chamber but shortly after he came to himselfe againe when missing his Crowne and being told that the Prince had taken it away he caused him be sent for and asked him how he durst bee so bold as to take that which did not belong unto him Sir replied the Prince forthwith I know the Crowne is none of mine so long as you live and may your Majesty live long to weare it but all wee who are here did thinke verily you were dead and I being your eldest sonne and consequently your heire took it as the chiefe thing of mine inheritance To the which words the King fetching a deepe sigh replied you say well my sonne but for what concernes the Crowne God knowes with what right I have enjoyed it Be it as it will replied the Prince you got it by the sword and by the sword will I maintaine it The King more satisfied with his sonnes noble resolution then with his reason recommended him to the protection of the Almighty and having given him good exhortations how to live well he died the 20. of March Annâ—… Domini 1413. He reigned 13. yeares and a halfe wanting five dayes He was not borne a King but did deserve to die one The end of the Second Booke THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY the Fifth The third Booke NO Prince was ever borne who did better deceive the common opinion held of him then did Henry the fifth For being in his youth given to much deboychery it was thought that when hee should come unto the Crowne hee would have proved one of the most wicked Kings that ever ruled in England In his valour and daring hee deceived none but was therein alwayes the same But such qualities the more they doe increase the hopes of good in a Prince of hopefull expectation the more doe they increase the feares of evill in a Prince from whom nothing of good is expected What is vertue in the one is vice in the other from which as if illegitimate cruelty neglect and tyranny do proceed Henry was born the yeare 1388. Mary the daughter of Humfrey Bohun Earle of Hereford and Northampton high Constable of England was his mother the King his father being then but Earle of Derby Hee was first brought up at Oxford where under the tuition of his uncle Henry Bewfort Chancellor of that University and afterwards Bishop and Cardinall he grew up in learning wherein he gave signes of a good disposition by putting an esteeme upon learned men insomuch as when he came to be King he made Thomas Rodban a famous Astronomer in those dayes Bishop of Saint Davids and Iohn Carpenter a learned Divine Bishop of Worcester having knowne them both whilst he lived in the University In the twelfth yeare of his age when his father came to the Crowne hee called him from his studies giving the Earle of Worcester to him for Governour who rebelling foure yeares after together with his brother and nephew affoorded him occasion of shewing his valour in battell against them Where hee so bravely behaved himselfe as being hurt hee would not quit the field though hee was much importuned so to do by those that had the charge of him After commanded by his father to pursue Owen Glendor in Wales hee forced him as some say to dye of meere hunger By which actions having prematurely obtained the priviledge of being man and freed himselfe from the superintendencie of others he was at his owne disposall guided by passions which sprung from the heat of bloud the which in a valiant daring Prince as was he produced in the subjects feare and in the father jealousie although the relation between father and sonne ought to bee composed of lesser jealousie then any other relation of friendship But this is not to be wondred at for being borne to egregious acts and his naturall inclinations accordingly framed erring hee could not erre in a meane degree or medium mediocrity being an equall enemy to great wits as well in good as bad Whence it happens that changing humours from best they become worst and from extraordinarily bad exceeding good His deboystnesse though were not such as are common to youth nor subject to such desires as effeminating the minde and dissinewing the strength have brought many Princes to misery and to be inwardly hated by their subjects but certaine sprightly extravagancies caused by the incitations of his martiall nature which not knowing in those yeares how to employ it selfe chused lewd wayes of imployment Amongst the pure seeds of vertue which were in him were certaine graines of Darnell which did almost at the same time bud and become barren He took delight to lye lurking in high wayes to steale from himselfe for observing the times that his tenants were to bring him home his rents hee would set upon them yea sometimes to the danger of his life making them make good in their accounts as much as had been stolne from them neither could they defraud him for he himselfe knew best how much they had lost And it they chanced to hurt or evill treat him hee liked them the better Businesses which in England undergoe death are reduced to two heads Felony Treason The last hath respect to the Princes person and such things as doe depend thereon The other regards civill affairs as man-slaughter theft and such like It so fell out that one of his servants that used to accompany him in such like exploits was taken for felony he came post to London to save him and finding that at the very instant he was carried to the Kings Bench barre to be condemned hee himselfe went thither and commanded the Goalers to take off his irons and set him at liberty The Lord chiefe Justice who at his comming had not stirred from his seat wished him to remember that that was the seat of his father King and
of the Prince and so to lose together with their wealth their reputation which in so great a losse ought to bee kept unspotted for the dignity of their profession and not to give a colour of reason to the wrong they were to receive Every one thought the Kings warlike inclination would bee the Canon which should batter them to pieces but hee not having as yet made choyce of an enemy warre with France would be of a vaste expence Scotland was neerer hand and easier to bee invaded Iames the first their King being prisoner in England they thought that his pretentions to the Crowne of France as most proportionate to the greatnesse of his minde would serve for an argument and that by perswading him to that enterprise they should stay the proposition which was to be made against them The Parliament being met the Archbishop of Canterbury a Chertosin Monke failed not in a well ordered speech opportunely to propound it his principall heads were the equity of his Majesties pretentions the honour of the King the reputation of the State and the occasions now offered of making it feasable by reason of the troubles that Kingdome was in In the first he shewed how the King was the naturall ancient heire of Normandy Angier Poictou Umena and Gascony of all which he now possessed onely a little part of Gascony That being heire to Edward the third hee was likewise heire to France otherwise the title which he thereof assumed would be unjust He declamed against the Salique Law as invented in those dayes onely to exclude England no mention being made thereof in Chronicles or other memorialls but since I cannot give you the very words the story necessary requires me to shew you the Law in a rough draught to the end that you may examine the late undertakings of Edward the third or the present ones of this Henry against that Kingdome be justifiable or no. Edward the second King of England married Isabell daughter to Philip the faire King of France Philip besides this his daughter Isabell left three sonnes Lewis Hutin Philip the long and Charles the faire all which reigned Kings one after another and though Lewis left a daughter named Iane and his wife with child of a sonne which soone after dyed and that Odone Duke of Burgony Uncle by the mother side to Iane did what in him lay to make her succeede unto her father yet Philip the long her Uncle who was crowned in Rheims whilst armed and the gates shut having then foure daughters did by marriage appease those Princes who did oppose him giving his eldest daughter to this Duke of Burgony together with the County of Burgony the which by her mother did belong to the said Iane and to Lewis Count of Eureux the most poteâ—… Prince of all the adversaries hee gave the same Iane and for her portion the Kingdome of Navarre the County of Brye and Shampania so as the businesse thus layed asleepe and he afterwards dying Charles succeeded him not interrupted by Iane since her giving way to her other Uncle passed as a ruled case Charles dyed leaving his wife with child Edward the third King of England who was neerest of bloud as borne of Isabell sister to these three Kings pretended to the regency in case the child the Queen went withall should live if otherwise to the Crown On the other side Philip Count of Vallois sonne to Châ—…rles who was brother to Philip the faire made the like pretence as neerest heire male alledging that the Law Salique which did exclude the women did likewise exclude such sonnes as were by them borne Whereupon the three States gathered together Philip got the regencie and the Queen Dowager bringing but a daughter the Kingdome Edward alledged in his behalfe that this law was never knowne till then and then invented to defraude him of succession no mention being made thereof in the memory of man nor by any whatsoever ancient Authentique writer That to give it a being when it had none and cause it to rise up in one night like a mushrome was likely not onely not to give it a subsistence but also to make it not to be credited That hee did not deny the succession of the male in all times past but that the succession of the female sex had not hapned to the Crowne till these present times That the relinquishment made by Iane to her owne prejudice and pursued without his consent or knowledge ought not to prejudice him nor ought it be concluded that shee having laide aside her claime to the prejudice of a third the third should likewise quit his claime to the prejudice of succession That she had yeelded by force being doubly betrayed by her Uncle that he migâ—…t usurpe the Country of Burgony and by her husband that he might make himselfe King of Navarre both of them being contented with the certainty of this gaine the hopes which they might promise unto themselves by warre being uncertaine and of lesse account That if the Law were fundamentall as they would have it beleeved to be it would not have beene violated in the two first races That in the first race the French writers made a doubt whether Morevius were the sonne of Claudian or not and that if he were not his son it is to be beleeved say they that hee was his next a kin which is as much as to conjecture the one and doubt of the other They affirme him to have succeeded not so much by vertue of the Lawes as by the free election of the States not being aware that the terme free election doth contradict the Law Salique it being impossible that there should bee any sort of election much lesse free where the Lawes doe determine an undoubted successour otherwise one of two inconveniencies would necessarily ensue either that the election should annull the Law or the Law make the election superfluous the next in bloud all others excluded being by the Law without election appointed to the Crowne That it cannot be denyed that when Childericus was driven out of the Kingdome Aegidius a Citizen of Rome was chosen King and that his sonne Siagrius after the death of Childericus who was received as King again did pretend unto the Crowne by vertue of his fathers election which he never would have done had there beene such a Law to oppugne him Clodoveus left foure sonnes of which one was a bastard they were all called Kings not onely of such proportions as was left unto them by their father but of all France whilst the Law Salique supposeth but one King and doth not admit of bastards Dagobert left the Crowne of France to Clodoveus the second his younger son and to Sigisbert his eldest sonne the Kingdome of Austracia without any manner of dispute whilest that the Law Salique aimes not so much at the exclusion of women as to the advantage the first borne sonne should have over the younger The same Sigisbert
head and the corrupted humours of her principallest members That France did afford many advantages to whosoever should assault her as seated in a climate abounding with all good things whereas the sterility of Scotland afforded nothing but inconveniences sufficient to beat backe her assaliants That England could but for a while keepe footing there being to be beaten backe by the two urgent peeces of artillery cold and hunger That wit and valour would there lose the day inforced not by problematicall fables of fatality and destiny but by the reall and apparent necessity of nature since then no invasion was to be feared from thence to what purpose should the enterprise thereof be undertaken if being subdued it would neither cause lesse peace nor more trouble then whilst left at liberty warre might be elsewhere made for being fenced by the situation sterility it s owne and other forces it would alwaies afford occasion of beginning afresh to the end it might never beginne much lesse ever make an end with others That therefore to leave the confines well garded and take in hand what was propounded was the only resolution now to be taken as that which alone was conformable to the justice of the cause the reputation of the King and the reason of armes since England should never thinke to subdue Scotland if she did not first subdue France No sooner had the Marquis expressed his reasons but the Parliament did unanimously agree upon the warre with France so farre forgetting the businesse of the Clergy as no man thought any longer of it The King having created his two brethren Iohn and Humfrey Dukes the one of Bedford the other of Gloster and the forenamed Marquis Duke of Exeter following the wonted course of first denouncing war before the undertaking of it dispatcht away this last Duke together with the Admirall Grey the Archbishop of Dublin and the Bishop of Norwich as Embassadors to France whither they went accompanied with 600. horse and were received with great pompe royally feasted by King Charles who finding himselfe then well disposed would in their presence runne at tilt against the Duke of Alanson The jollities being over in solemne audience they demanded of him the restitution of the Crowne together with such Provinces as did of old belong unto the inheritance of the Kings of England namely the Dutches of Aquitany Normandy and Angius the Counties of Poictou and Vinena with this caution that if he would give unto King Henry his daughter Katherine together with the aforesaid Dutchies and Counties for a portion that then he would lay aside all other pretences but if he did deny this then Henry was resolved to doe what in him lay by force of armes to repossesse himselfe of his right These demands were long advised upon to finde out the marrow of the businesse but the Embassadors standing firme to the conditions agreed upon betweene Iohn King of France and Edwâ—…rd 3. King of England at Bretigny answer was made that a businesse of so great weight was not to be answered in an instant That assoone as it would be maturely discust the King would send his resolution by expresse Embassadors of his owne King Henry tooke this delay as an expresse deniall and sent word unto the Dolphin who had sent unto him a chest of tennis balls as who should say he thought him onely fit for sport that within few months he would requite his present and restore unto him balls of iron for balls of clouts which should be so tossed as France should have small reason to glory in her good walls And losing no longer time he began to raise monies munition victualls artillery and souldiers and hired a great number of ships from Holland and Zealand for his transportation King Charles was this mean while relapsed into his accustomed trances so as the Dolphin understanding what preparations King Henry made did himselfe likewise prepare for warre not forbearing though to send him a solemne Embassy as was by the Councell resolved on by the Duke of Vandosme and Archbishop of Burges Their instructions were to approve of the marriage and to propound in portion certaine territories of no great consequence supplied by a great summe of money upon condition that all other pretences abandoned peace might ensue The King who was at Winchester going to his army when hee understood their arrivall stayed there to give them audience the which he publickly did and after having feasted them at his owne table he by the Archbishop of Canterbury answered them that if the King of France would give unto him his daughter endowed with the Dutchies of Aquitany Normandy and Aniou and Touraine and the Counties of Poictou Vinena together with the rest that the Kings his predecessors had by right of inheritance possessed in France he would accept of her and peace if otherwise he would indeavour to acquire them by force and together with them the Crown which did of right belong unto him This being with much impatiency heard by the Archbishop of Burges who could not hide his anger hee desired leave to speak freely whereunto the King giving way with an inflamed countenance and angry voice hee said That if he did beleeve the King his Master had made him this offer as fearing his forces he beleeved amisse t was the compassion of Christian bloud that had moved him to it that he erred in his presumption to thinke that he alone was able to injuriously oppresse the noblest and most redoubted King of Christendome who by his owne forces and those of his subjects and friends was not onely likely to resist him but to take him prisoner and kill him and to expose such as should follow him to the scorne and fury of the French Nobility he further desired a safe conduct that they might returne without molestation and for ought else they would not trouble him The King who with much patience had listened to what the Archbishop said replied That he was nothing at all affrighted at his anger much lesse at its being sustained by the forces he alledged That his claime was known to all the world and by them themselves though they feigned the contrary That the power of their King was to them as the morning twilight whilst they had not seene the noon-tide of his strength That if Charles had subjects and friends he thanked God he lacked none That he should be consident that ere long the highest Crown of their Country should be forced to bow to him the proudest Miter meaning the Archbishop to bend the knee before him That they should say to the usurper Charles their Master in his behalfe that within three months he would come into France not as into a strangers house but as into his owne lawfull patrimony to vanquish it by the sword not boasting words That they might be gone with this answer which he would give unto them under his hand and seale as likewise their safe conduct the onely thing
of reason they had required of him Assoone as they were gone the first thing he did was to secure the consines upon Scotland by adding to the Earle of Westmerland the Lord Scroope Lord Greystock and Sir Robert Vmfrevill The last of which desirous to trie his fortune set upon the enemy of Godering where hee slew 600. of them and tooke 300. prisoners whilst the King sent a Herald into France with new letters of defiance who having accesse unto the Councell but not unto the King departed with this replie That answer should be made in time and place convenient The King was a ship-board in Antona when he was informed that the Earle of Cambridge the Lord Henry Scroope and Sir Thomas Grey had conspired his death This was the onely mischiefe undertaking against him though in vaine by the raging bloud of Civill ware More certainly would have beene indeavoured had it not beene for the warres with France which hindred such attempts whilst it served for a cauter to the bad humours of England This Princes misfortunes were put over to those that followed him for the cautery being closed up after his death produced such sicknesse as slew his sonne and grandchild as wee shall see in the second Volume The three Conspirators were apprehended The first was grandsonne to Edward the third cousen german to Richard the second and Henry the fourth and brother to the Duke of Yorke a Prince of great expectation one of whom England and the King himselfe did promise unto themselves deeds worthy of his birth in these present occasions he easily confessed I will not say the truth but that which being likely to be true redounded to his advantage that it should be beleeved He confessed that he and the other two had beene bribed by great summes of money received by the way of anticipation which caused them resolve since it was impossible for them to deliver him alive into the French mens hands to kill him before he should set footing in Normandy This did very much afflict the King he thought it improbale that men of so great fortunes should be capable of so base corruption for in his person they betrayed their Country exposed the very flower of England to the slaughter and cut the very nerves of the fortune of the land He bewailed the fault but did not perceive the true occasion of the treason which if he had done he had perhaps by rooting out the house of Yorke prevented the ruine wich was a framing against his house of Lancaster But humanity attains not to the secrets of above and if it did it is not wise enough to divert the wisdome of heaven God is as well the reward of good in thousands as he is the punisher of evill in the third fourth generation In Richard the 2. he punished the death of Edward the second In Henry the sixt and his sonne the death of Richard the second In Edward the fifth and his brother the death of Henry the sixt and his sonne And in Richard the third the death of Edward the fifth and his brother and yet hee was pleased to suffer those to dye in peace which were the authors thereof I would not place Edward the third in this number if his mothers fault did not in some sort lay upon him the aspersion of parricide Henry the fourth who murthered Richard the second and Edward the 4. who murthered Henry the sixt remained all unpunished But to Richard the second he denyed life perhaps repentance his inhumanity not deserving successor nor pardon And though he died a violent death yet not so ill as he deserved for who doth live through cruelty should through cruelty die It was not credited that the Earle of Cambridge was corrupted by France as he himself said but of his own accord for being married to Anne great grandchild to Lionell Duke of Clarence and sister to Edmond Earle of March to whom the Crowne did of right belong his designe was to kill the King and his brethren that so he might make his brother in law King who having no children nor in a capacity of having any he and his sonne were to succeed in the right of Anne so as fearing lest to confesse the truth might endanger his heires life he framed this fable He and his complices were beheaded And though he was pittied by all yet his resolving upon so wicked a deed in the nicke of so important a businesse to the common losse and danger did much abate their commiseration for his death was thought expedient for the life and safety of King and and subjects Walsingham writes that the Lord Scroop Lord Treasurer whose hypocrisie had wonne so much of credit with the King that nothing was done without his approvall was he who was corrupted by the Embassadors of France and that the other two received their infection from him That the Embassadors being returned home reported that they had so ordered the businesse that King Henry was as then either diverted from the enterprise of France or slaine A manuscript cited by Iohn Speed saith that the King of France gave them a million of Crownes that they might either kill him or deliver him up prisoner into his hands and that the Earle of Cambridge desirous to draw the Earle of March unto his party revealed the designe unto him forcing him by threats to sweare secrecy and that having obtained one onely hour for resolution the Earle of Marsh accused him unto the King The sentence of death which in history is recorded saith That it was so wrought as that the Earle of Marsh should take upon him the government of the Kingdome in case Richard the 2. were dead there remained still an opinion that he was yet living in Scotland and that he should be proclaimed heire to the Crown in opposition to Henry of Lancaster usurper The which doth partly correspond with the manuscript as likewise that the Earle of Marsh was the accuser it being probable that having no children and voide of ambition and of a peacefull condition he would not hazard his life to satisfie his brother in lawes ambition But it is not possible that the King of France should have payed this mony for if so it would have beene found after the delinquents death and some mention would have been made thereof Moreover the revenues of France in those daies not amounting by much to so great a sum it must of necessity either be taken out of an already gathered treasure or from the common peoples purse not from the treasury for Princes lay up treasure onely in peace and by good government both which were a long time unknowne to that Kingdome Not from the purse of the common people for it was impossible in such an instant and with so much secrecy to have drawne it from them So as for what appeares to me the reasons alledged in their sentence ought most to be beleeved the rather for that King Henry did never upbraid
the Orleanist thought no lesse a bosome friend then sonne in law to the Duke I know not though what judgement to give herein the tokens of this friendship his alliance set aside being very slight For at Burges he appeared against him and in other places upon other occasions seemed but very meanly to favour him he had quitted his wife the Dukes daughter for some affection he had elsewhere nor would he have resumed her if not threatned to have the treaty of Arras broken besides the Dolphin of his owne nature was not constant in his friendship opiniatred onely in odde fancies not over thankefull to his father and as much ignorant of government as he was presumptuous and headstrong Serres notwithstanding calls him terror of Burgony but without cause for had the Dolphin lived he had runne no danger for in time he might easily have won him by his subtilnesse And though through the antipathy of ambition he appeared against him yet it is not likely that he would have forgone that respect which as to a father in law he owed him This his death was rather thought and assuredly was a great blow to the Dukes fortune to the which he began to give way and retired himselfe to Flanders failing in what hee intended in France The Emperour Sigismond had all this while endeavoured as much as he might the peace of the Church which not likely to effect without the assistance of other Princes for to send their Prelates and Embassadours to the Councell was not of force enough against the stubbornesse of three titulary Popes which required a coactive authority to incline them to reason he resolved to goe himselfe to France whether he came with 800. horse and finding that it was impossible to compasse his designes without the peace of the two Kingdomes he meant to endeavour it And having laid the ground-worke thereof with Charles he procured Embassadors from France to goe along with him to England that he might the better treat thereof in their presence He was received by Henry with all due respects William Count of Hannault came thither likewise in person to the same end and shortly after the Embassadors of many Princes amongst which were those of the Duke of Burgony in greater magnificence then all the rest But the propositions which were propounded to King Henry were far short of what he pretended unto and of his good successe by the which he seemed to be inwardly advised to the contrary He forbare not though in thankes to so great a mediator to send Embassadors to Bavaois where as an introduction to the businesse a truce was propounded together with the ransome of such prisoners as were in England Things which easily might have beene agreed upon had not an accident happened which hindred all agreement the which though it be by Chesnes denyed his arguments for confutation are very weake The Duke of Exceter governour of Harfleur was gone forth with 3000. souldiers to scoure the parts neer about Roan against whom the Constable opposed himselfe with 5000. The French writers say it was Monsieur de Villaquiers and not the Constable and that he had but 3000. men They fought and 300. of the Dukes men were slaine the French say 1800. so as finding himselfe to be the weaker the Duke retired himselfe into an Orchard incompassed with a hedge of thornes where he staied the rest of that day and the next night As he retired upon breake of day towards Harfleur he was overtaken and set upon againe neere unto the City from whence new succours issuing forth he put the enemy to route Villaquiers himselfe being one of those that were slaine But however it were the Constable having for his first enterprise resolved to drive the English out of Normandy he besieged Harfleur and though he saw that this resolution would wholly break the treaty of peace yet was he so desirously confident to winne it that hee would not raise his siege though he was commanded so to doe Whereat King Henry being offended he recalled his Embassadors intended to have gone to the succour thereof himselfe in person and had done so had he not beene by the Emperour disswaded Being then perswaded to send away others in his steade he dispatched away the Duke of Bedford with 200 ships the French authors say 300. and with him many Lords and Gentlemen with whom he arrived there the day of the assumption of our Lady a fatall day aswell to the keeping of Harfleur as it was to the winning thereof for the yeare before the King came thither upon the Eve of that day The City was narrowly besieged by sea and land Vicount Narbonne Vice-admirall of France presented himselfe before it with a great fleet before the Constable came thither hoping alone to have surprised it by taking the defendents at unawares But being discovered and driven backe he was contented to have company in the continuance of the siege he gave many assaults into the Town but little good was done either by sea or land When he discried the English fleete hee prepared for fight and went into the mouth of the River The Duke did not refuse the encounter but sending some of his stoutest ships before to beginne the bickering he with all the rest seconded them resolving either to die or overcome They fought a long while with equall courage and obstinacy tillat last fortune favouring the English the enemies ships which what great what little were in number 500. were all of them almost either taken or sunke amongst which were three great Carrects of Genua which being afterwards sent into England did witnesse the defeate The Duke having reinforced the garrison with monies and men returned home the Constable having raised his siege assoone as the Navy was defeated The Emperour who sufficiently knew that it was lost time to tarry any longer in England touching the matter of peace provided for his departure The King had conferred upon him and the Count Hannault at their first comming the order of the garter and they were installed with extraordinary pompe at Winsor The Count was already gone the Emperour being likewise to be gone the affairs of Germany and of the Councell recalling him the King would waite upon him to Calleis a strait league being agreed on between them which having caused jealousies in divers Princes was the cause why the Duke of Burgony desired to speak with them both before they parted And because the declared war did not permit him to adventure his person to a profest enemy or at least he would have it so beleeved the Duke of Glocester and Earle of Marsh were sent unto him for ostages and he was met and brought to Calleis by the Earle of Warwicke This meane while his sonne Philip Count Caralois having with much honour received the ostages led them to lodge in Saint Omers And the next morning going to give the good morrow to the Duke of Glocester who was standing with his backe
phantasticall planet glistering with incomparable felicity and miseries Amongst his miseries was his fathers frenzy to whom it behoved to side with one of the two factions alternately Two warres at the same time with Burgony and England his mothers hatred and thereby the losse of little lesse then the whole Kingdome Amongst his felicities the death of foure elder brothers whereby the Crowne fell upon him the death of King Henry which settled it on his head for if Henry had lived he was in hazard either to have wholly lost it or to have injoyed but a small part thereof and that with difficulty and continuall warre being bred up in hatred to the Duke of Burgony to undoe him he undid himselfe He was of as various an humour as his fortune was various as indulgent to his pleasures as his dangers would permit him whereby he was tutored sometimes in abstinence sometimes in temperance inconstant in his affections constant acurate in his actions insomuch as when he died he left that Kingdome entire and peacefull which at his entry thereunto he found not onely turbulent but almost lost So as it may be said that tribulation made him wise and glorious which otherwise of himselfe he would not have been he had before him three powerfull enemies the King of England the Duke of Burgony and his mother who though a woman and unarmed was more of trouble and damage to him then the other two It was hard for him to fence against them all He could not encounter the first without affording leasure unto the second who the more domesticall he was the more dangerous was his enmity For whereas against the King of England he might rely upon his peoples faith and assistance he durst not affie in them against the Duke whom they were inclined to favour so as hisgreatest difficulty for the present was which of the two he was first to oppose if he quitted Paris he lost it and if he left it not he lost Normandy But Count Armignack were it out of passion or the interest of his owne authority or out of true judgement shewed it unto him that losing his capitall City he would likewise the lesse inferior ones which would follow the others example and therefore thought it most necessary for him to secure that City against the Duke a Prince of the bloud and a subject then to oppose himselfe against the King of England a forreine Prince and pretender to the Crowne though thereby hee might lose Normandy The Duke therefore perceiving that it was impossible for him to enter Paris for the present betooke himselfe to the taking in of some small Towns neare about it and after many too 's and fro's besieging Corbeille whilst every one thought he did it to famish Paris it being the most important passage whereby to cut off the victualling of Paris be rose from thence and hasted to Towrs and finding the Queene in Maurmoters Abbey according to the agreement which was formerly made betweene them he brought her in liberty to Towrs with reciprocall commodity for her to reenter into authority and command by means of the Dukes forces for the Duke to make way to his designes by meanes of the Queenes person and name They were to the peoples great joy received into the City and Castle gladded that they were freed from all other taxes save that of salt not perceiving that such graces were of no long continuance aswell for that they cannot bee granted but by the soveraigne Prince and in such times onely as being free from warre it redounds to his advantage that his people be eased as likewise that those who are factious and seditious cannot subsist without oppressing the people From hence they went to Chartres where the Queene made herselfe be proclaimed Regent of the Kingdome establishing two Courts of Justice the one at Amiens the other at Troyes in Champania and prohibiting upon great penalty any whatsoever recourse unto the Parliament at Paris Divers Cardinalls and Prelates treated a reconcilement betweene her and her sonne the Duke desired it hoping thereby the more to tame him But Count Armignack and the Chancellor Marle which thought it would bee the overthrow of their authority brake off the treaty becomming thereby more hatefull unto the people Whereupon those who sided with the Duke in Paris embracing the occasion opened one of the gates by night and brought in Monsieur d'Illeadam who strengthened by the Citizens crying out Vive la paix Vive le Roy Vive Bourgogne did assault the houses of such as were of the Armignack faction Tannigues du Chasteu a faithfull servant of the Dolphins guessing by the first bruit at the matter ranne at the Dolphins bed side and conveied him safe in a sheete into the Bastille The Count Armignacke hid himself in disguise in a poore neighbours house who afraid of the punishment wich was proclaimed against whosoever should conceale him did discover him Those who led him away prisoner having much adoe to save him from the fury of the people The King compelled to rise out of his bed was by this rascally route set on horsebacke and led through the City to the end that the mischiefe which was done and which was to be done might be authenticated by his presence as if a lewd and deadly mischiefe should have tended to his service and that he had commanded it The Chancellors divers Bishops Councellors and Magistrates were taken and made prisoners whilst the common people possessed with a fresh fury brake the prisons and slew them all their madnesse reaching to the rich enemies and friends wealth anger and inheritance were under colour of the Armignacks the death of many innocents who never had to doe in any faction so as death though every where of an alike countenance was clad with different liveries The Constables and Chancellors corps having been three daies together dragd naked up and downe the streets to the end that the aire might not be therewithall corrupted were throwne out of the City where carrion used to be laid The Duke of Burbony who was then at Dijon approving of the fact but seeming not to approve of the manner thereof came from thence together with the Queene and were in great triumph received by the Parisians Being thus arrived where he desired increased in power freed of his enemies possessed of government and having the King to dispose of at his pleasure hee did his uttermost to draw the Dolphin to him he sent Embassies one after another as sent from his father and mother pleading the infirmity of the one and the others for their inabilities to resolve upon any thing requisite against the King of England without his assistance nor was he sparing in the vowing of his owne service unto him But the Dolphin though he was thereunto inclined was disswaded by those who thought themselves irreconciliable with the Duke Thus doe Princes ruine themselves and their affaires whilst wanting judgement how to
governe alone they measure their owne interests by the concernments of their servants who if they were worthy would either sacrifice themselves for their Masters wellfare or would save themselves by flight to shun the being reputed their Prince his undoing These alterations made sport for King Henry the vitall spirits which ought to have concurred to the strengthening of so important a member as was Normandy retired themselves unto the heart oppressed by dangerous symptomes the which not easing the one did aggravate the other to the danger of them both nor could it be otherwise for the businesse requiring union and obedience the Duke could not obey the Dolphin whilst he pretended to governe him and union was impossible to the Dolphins servants being they were to lose their authority which together with the Dukes authority was incompatible The one side and the other did alike feare that the severall factions being once reduced into the right way would not goe astray againe for there is nothing whereof seditious men are more jealous then to make those taste the sweete of good who were formerly their associates and coadjutors in evill So as France running ruine through the excesse of disorder it was no wonder if England did establish herselfe through the excellency of counsell The English before they could besiege Roan were constrained to endeavour the taking in of Pont d'Arcke a fortresse seated upon the River Sâ—…ne that so they might the better keepe Roan from being succoured The King being not farre from thence in the Priory of Boneport sent the Lord of Cornwell to sound the defendants minds and to see whether the example of so many other places which had received his ensignes would move them to doe the like Iohn Graville was governour thereof who being resolute to stand out the Baron said unto him that he did ill to oppose himselfe against the King of Englands forces for he would undertake himselfe alone with very few more to passe over that River in despite of him and all his people offering to wage with him hereon his helmet with 500. Nobles in it against the best horse in his Stable Graville accepted of the wager and placed great troopes upon the passages Iames Harcourt being come to him from Estempes with 800. fighting men and 12000. of the Country people The Baron failed not to make good his word the next day he brought along with him 600. almost all archers amongst whom was a yong sonne of his owne of fifteene yeares of age one horse and some little field peeces all which hee conveied over in eight barkes to a little Iland situated in the midst of the River from whence shooting at the enemy who were upon the further banke hee so disordered them with his small peeees and his artillery as that they were faine to save themselves Harcourt retiring himselfe to Estempes Graville to Ponte d'Arcke and the rest to the woods so as being past over without resistance and having Knighted his sonne he put himselfe in battell aray and sent backe the boats to the end that they with some others that he had provided might convey over about a thousand souldiers with which hee did not onely maintaine skirmish against the garrison of the Fort but lodging himselfe in Mortamer Abbey he ransackt the Country putting them all in feare and disorder Graville being afterward jibed at for having so poorely mainteined the passage against so few men replied That if he had beene so seated as was he he would have hindred the passage not onely against him but against England and France put together But the seate was not the right reason of this it was rather the bowmens cunning and the terror which without any evident cause doth surprise even the stoutest hearts by the ancients called fate but by us divine providence the which is then more particularly seene when greater things are done then were the meanes whereby they were done The next day the Duke of Clarence passed over with 4000. fighting men and the King causing a bridge to be made on Roans side made himselfe Master of the field so as the Country people having no place to repaire unto the greatest part fled elsewhere and Graville having withstood a siege of three weekes despairing of succour yeelded the Fort their lives and goods saved Roan yet remained not that there were not many other Townes yet not taken in but because if she were once taken the rest would come in of themselves without one blow strucken The King of France and Duke of Burgony had sent thither made Captaines and souldiers to boot with the great number of inhabitants who were all resolved rather to die then to suffer the English subjection This siege was laid when the corne was not yet gathered in to the end that hunger might assist the other forces The King tooke up his quarter amongst the Cheartosine Monkes his brothers and Lords quartered themselves in seven other places to wit upon Saint Kathernes hill and over against the gates of Saint Hillary Caux Martinville Beauvais the Castle and the bridge The defendants made many fallies to impeach the besiegers workes slew some of them and lost some of their owne retiring themselves sometimes with their swords bloudy sometimes with bloudy heads But for all this they could not hinder them from securing their quarters with great ditches and workes and from accommodating themselves as that though they found all the adjacent houses Churches and Monasteries beaten downe and razed particularly Saint Severe Richburg Saint Gervais Mâ—…rtenville the Arsenalle and the Galleyes that were in it yet they used such diligence as that they wanted nothing requisite for a long siege as they thought this would prove the Cities strength being considered and the Citizens resolution who on the contrary side chased out of the City all such as had not wherewithall to victuall themselves easing themselves out of the number of 210000. mouths which were numbred in the City of 12000. of the most unusefull ones as old men women children and religious people who did afterwards all of them almost dye for hunger in ditches for they were not suffered to passe any further that the City might bee inforced to take them in againe the which she did not one of the evill effects of warre amongst those who doe defend themselves being to lay aside all manner of charity even though it concerne their owne blood so as the King was constrained the moanes and outcryes of the miserable people flying up to heaven afterwards to succour them to keepe them from utter perishing He sent the Earle of Warwicke and the Baron Talbot to Caudebec a place upon the Sene betweene Roan and Harfleur wherewith they agreed for the passage of the English Vessells over the River and that that Town of Caudebec should surrender it selfe as soone as Roan should either be taken or surrendred They gave ostages hereupon and suffered an hundred Vessells to passe over which came from the
her as long as she lived which was but a small time for what concerned friendship with England his father having chalked out the way unto him from whence had he not swerved he had not died he thought he could not chuse a better way of revenge wherefore he answered the Parisians who after their condoling with him desired his assistance against the English by Embassadors which they of purpose sent that they should not need to trouble themselves therein for he hoped with the Kings good liking to make a peace which should secure them and their friends the which he forthwith did he sent the Bishop of Arras and two more with such officers to King Henry as were very well approved and the Bishop being returned with satisfaction he sent soone after him the Earle of Warwick and Bishop of Rochester with whom the Duke concluded a truce to indure till such time as a peace might finally be concluded by meanes whereof the way was opened for commerce betweene them as if the peace had been already concluded so as the English souldiers as friends and confederates did joyne with those of France and the Duke against the Dolphin assoon as he had accommodated his home businesse having obtained of his subjects all he could desire he came to Trois where he plotted the peace and marriage for King Charles did what hee was perswaded unto and those who did perswade him were the Dukes dependants and such as were upheld by the Duke King Henry being advertised hereof and nothing now remaining to conclude the businesse but the formality of his Embassadours hee sent the Duke of Exceter the Earle of Salsbury the Bishop of Ely the Lord Fitshug Sir Iohn Robsert and Sir Philip Hall with whom the peace and marriage was agreed upon the latter to be celebrated in that very place as soone as the King should come thither As soone as the Embassadours were returned Robsert only tarrying with the bridge the King went from Roan waited on by his brother Clarence and Gloster the Earles of Warwicke Salsbury Huntington Eu Tancherville Longaville and fifteene thousand fighting men making his journey by Pontoise Saint Dennis and Sciarantone where having left some troopes to secure the passage he came to Trois by the way of Provence and was met 2 leagues off by the Duke of Burgony and the Nobility which upon the like occasion were in great number come unto the Court his first meeting with the King and Queen was in Saint Peters Church where he took his Bride by the hand and the marriage was solemnized on Trinity Sunday with the greatest pompe that ever was seen in that Kingdome Hee corrected and altered the Articles as he pleased the which being sworne unto by the King Duke of Burgony Princes and Lords were sent to bee published in both Kingdomes they were thirty three in number the chiefest whereof were That King Charles should enjoy his dignity title and Kingdome as long as he lived That King Henry should bee Regent thereof and afterward Heire That neither he nor the Duke of Burgony should make peace with Charles who tearmed himselfe Dolphin without the consent of the three Estates of both Kingdomes That the peace between France and England should bee perpetuall That these two Kingdomes should never be dismembred one from another but should bee governed by one and the same King but under their severall Lawes Sens and Montreville were the two most important places which the Dolphin did hold in those parts so as the marriage solemnities being over they besieged Sens. This Citie would have held out longer had it had any hopes of succour but having none it surrendered it selfe the twelfe day Such Souldiers as would stay in the Kings service were suffered to depart their lives and goods saved except those who had had a hand in the Dukes death And though many of them did for the present accept of the English Crosse they did afterwards at severall times for sake it betaking themselves to the Dolphins service of the inhabitants the oath of fidelity obedience was onely demanded Montreule held out longer the Castle was fortified provided for a longer siege but though they did valiantly defend themselves the towne was taken within a few dayes thanks to the assailants successfull rashnesse who charged it on sundry sides without directions from the King or Duke When they had taken it pursuing their good fortune and closely following those who fled into the Castle they were the cause why many of them were drowned they tooke twenty prisoners almost all Gentlemen whereupon the King having lodged his people in the towne over-against the Castle-gate did yet more narrowly inclose it bereaving it of all hopes save a rationall capitulation But Monsieur de Guitres resolute in the defence was cause why twelve of the twenty prisoners whom the King had protested he would hang if the Castle did not yeeld were immediately hanged before his face after they had in vaine requested him and had their request seconded by their wives teares and friends intercession His inexorablenesse was the more to be blamed for that after so deplorable an execution he made good the Castle onely eight dayes Hee came forth his life and goods saved as likewise all such as would not remaine in the Kings service those onely excepted as formerly who had had a hand in the death of the Duke Guitres who was accused to bee one of them did defie his accuser a Gentleman of the Dukes but no apparant proofes being found hee was let goe The Duke had sent divers Gentlemen to cause his fathers body to be taken up who finding it buried in so miserable a manner tooke it up and wrapped it in lead and it was sent to Chertosa in Dijoune where he was buried neere unto his father At the same time his people tooke Villenense situate upon the same river putting all the garrisons to the sword The Dolphin on the other side made his progresse for being resolved to out the Prince of Orrenge who fought on Burgonies behalfe from such places as he held in Languedocke hee besieged Saint Esprite and assisted by Avignon and Provence tooke it and drove all the Princes people out of that Countrey The which being done hee returned to Burges his usuall abode that hee might raise what force possibly hee might intending rather the enemies proceeding then to give him battle The Duke of Bedford was come from England before the taking in of Montreule with two thousand Archers and eight hundred horses and was by the King and his brothers received with much joy Thus reinforced he went to besiege Melune The King of France came together with his Queen from Bray where they had tarried during the siege of Montreule to Corbeile Melune was begirt by two Camps with artillery and such engines as were then in use for the taking in of places Messieurs de Barbasan and de Preux commanded seven hundred fightingmen who were within the
sacraments which by the Church of Rome were prescribed to dying men he dyed the last of August of a plurisie a disease not wel known in those daies which caused amongst the common people two severall opinions of his death the one that he dyed of a disease called Saint Anthonies fire the other of that called Saint Fiacree which is convultions or extention of the nerves hee raigned nine yeares five months and twenty three daies not having fully compleated his eight and thirtieth year his temperature according to the observations of physicke promised a longer life he was of a leane and sinnowie body of a black haire his limbs well proportioned and active of stature higher then usuall his face well shaped though somewhat long endowed him with a manlike beauty England hath had before and since his time many worthy Kings but of perfections exceeding his none he was just wiâ—… magnanimous valiant I would say fortunate if fortune had any abiding place with vertue he undertooke a difficult warre in a time when his enemies intestine dissention did facilitate it unto him he thereby appeased his Kingdome purging it of all its ill humours he healed it and made it greater by reducing slothfull and vagabond people the ordinary plagues of common wealths from idlenesse and vice to warfare and honour hee was served by inclination and affection the greatnesse of his spirit and his heroique actions were the loadstones which drew unto him his subjects love and reverence he was of an unblameable life and an enemy to all vice which may serve for a sufficient testimony for whatsoever else of good may be said of him at home he spilt no bloud save that of the Earle of Cambridge and his fellow conspirators under whose ashes as long as he lived and some while after all civill wars was buried and if he used severity abroad armes his enemies obstinacy and the lawes of war must suffer the blame The end of the first Volume THE FOVRTH BOOKE OF THE CIVILL VVARRES OF ENGLAND IN THE LIFE OF HENRY THE SIXTH BY the lives of the preceeding Kings wee have seene that the Civill Warrs had their beginning from the bad Government of Richard the second that Henry the fourth did first commence them and Henry the fifth suspend them but that after 40. yeares Peace they should againe breake forth under Henry the sixth when the Government was established Mens minds quieted and appeased is a matter worthy of consideration which ought not to bee passed over to the end wee may examine whether this hapned by default of the Subjects or Prince and which of them it was that after the cure of the first malady were causers of the second Wee shall find Arguments probable enough if wee consider the different natures of the two last Kings Henry the fifth found a Kingdome usurped by his Father so exasperated by the deaths and confiscations of many as he would never have beene able to have setled and maintained a Peace had not his valour caus'd him to be fear'd and his vertue belov'd by his Subjects in all the time of his life he met with no other Conspiracie then that of Richard Earle of Cambridge which was suppress'd as soone as undertaken not for that Richards Heires were Children since that Edmund Mortimer lawfull Heire to the Crowne outliving him pretences were not like to be wanting to any one who durst have molested him but for that Edmunds fearefull or were it peacefull nature the tender yeares of such as were to succeed him the ambition of great ones allured by honours and inriched by forraigne Warrs and that another King could not better their private conditions nor rayse the publike honour to a higher pitch were the true causes which did suppresse alterations being dead the fortune which did accompany him during his life did not for a long time forsake him in the person of his Sonne insomuch as in his infancy and two succeeding ages he was by his Subjects served without contradiction out of hopes that together with the Kingdome he had Inherited his Fathers vertues his tender yeares priviledged by his owne comlines and the love of others had not afforded them time to dis-deceave themselves in what concerned vallour and wisdome vertues in him of much expectation whil'st the bright sunshine of other vertues dasled the Eyes of the wisest for malice it selfe cannot but confesse that Henry the sixth was one of the best and holiest Kings that ever England had if goodnes alone without the helpe of other vertues were only required to the office of a King but there is difference betweene the vertues of private Men and of Princes what is sometime to be praysed in the one is to be blamed in the other not for that the faculties of operation bee not from the highest to the lowest uniforme in all but that being diversified by the differing condition betweene Princes and Subjects they produce contrary actions according as the condition of those who operate is contrary and as the wayes and imaginations of God are not such as are those of Men so all due and reverent proportion being given if any proportion at all be to be given the conceptions and proceedings of Princes ought not to bee such as are those of private Men. Very morall vertues though the same in all Men are not in them considerable but with a particular difference for that becomes them and they may do that which becomes not us nor may wee doe Henry was a good Man but no good King Hee was borne with good intentions but of himselfe simple Conditions plausible in a private Man misbecomming him that Raignes and in all cases harmefull for as wisdome without goodnes is a meere infirmity so goodnesse without wisdome is a meere defect Were it not the part of wisdome to put us upon those actions which in reason wee ought to doe but only to make us simply or meerly good he would have had no need thereof nor yet they who are naturally given to be good Those who imagin'd all vertues though differing in name not to differ in Office but that they all were so many wisdomes did not perhaps beleeve amisse experience shewes us that without wisdome fortitude is rashnes justice severity and temperance disorder other vertues are common or indifferent to all Men this of wisdome in Princes is singuler The goodnes of Henry the sixth was a Cloyster life goodnes but as the affections of a King doe not befit a Clergie-man so doe not the affections of a Clergie-man besit a King Wee are borne under two Lawes the one of God the other of Nature the which though distinct are not incompetable if wee do embrace the former which hath no other end but the spirituall health the choice is good and much the better if it be accompanied with contempt of the World and mortification of the Spirit If the second in which Princes are comprehended and which joyned to faith doth not exclude saving
health to command and to Raigne requires active Spirits as farre differing from this contempt and mortification as ought a Clergie-man differ from the lively and ready resentments which are requisit in him that commands The foure Beasts which are described to have Eyes before and behind ought to serve for a type to Henry for if the inward eyes of conscience were sufficient to him as a Christian the outward eyes of wisdome were requisite to him as a Prince A Prince cannot be said to be good and innocent though of harmlesse intention and customes when his simplicity proves hurtfull to his wellfare honour and Subjects Goodnes ought not to be borne a Sister with us but be begotten by us wee our selves ought to be the Fathers thereof our will the Mother and Election the Soule for though naturall simplicity or sincerity brings with it many advantages hee is notwithstanding more to be commended who hath not transgressed when he might have done so for well doing is not defined by Ignorance of evill or an impotency thereunto but when a Man is able and knowes how to do amisse and doth it not A bound which does not exclude the faculties of civill actions as did Henryes goodnes which was borne a Sister with him but makes them so much the better by how much after the primary cause its objects are the second without which there is no corporeall nor civill life I know not whether his education did concurre with his nature to the making him what he was but doubtlesse faults enough are committed in the education of Princes in their Childhood they are observed with too much respect whilst their discreet Governours knowing that some Witts require the spurr some the bridle ought to make use thereof alternatly and with respect but not excesse for by thus doing they will not only make them be reverenced and beloved by their Subjects but respected and feared by all Nations However it bee 't is evident that Henry's ruine did derive it selfe from this simple inanimate goodnes which lame in its owne judgment rested it selfe upon that of others so as loosing reputation the Soule of Government he therwithall lost Authority Kingdome Liberty and Life The Conditions of affaires in both Kingdomes at Henry the fifths Death was such as by reason of the good directions he left could not be amended His Subjects were ready to obey drawne by the glory of so many famous Victories and by the profit which accrewd unto them by so many considerable acquisitions In France the home discentions of that Kingdome the wisdome and vallour of the Duke of Bedford and the good Commanders and Souldiers which waged Warre under him nourished hopes of more happy proceedings And the two Brothers Unckles to the Infant King free from jealousy and evill intelligence the Duke of Bedford remaining chiefe in France with the Title of Regent and the Duke of Glocester commanding in England under the Title of Protectour did conspire not only to preserve what they had gotten but to acquire more but the cause being tane away the effects cannot continue Charles the fifth King of France dyed within lesse then 3. Moneths after King Henry the fifth who being incapable of Government and govern'd by his Wife a revengefull Woman and bad Mother had by her meanes alienated his Kingdome deprived his Sonne thereof and set dissention among his Subjects to the increase of Englands greatnes Philip Duke of Burgony who according to the Councell of deceased Henry was to be insnared by allurements was by Glocester distasted driven thereunto either by ambition or love or both Whereby Men may learne not to build too much upon their owne knowledge but to watch over their selves every little intrest being sufficient to change us to the worse Since Glocester a good and wise Prince ceased to be so when he suffer'd himselfe to be transported by his passions and private intrests seldome meeting with publique respects those who looke after the one abandon the other or else do ruine both the one and the other together with the State and themselves as did he These were the true causes of the English retrogadations in France civill discentions in France had establish'd the English and the reconciliation betweene the Duke of Burgony and Charles the seaventh was their ruine So as though the recomencement of the Civill Warres be chiefely ascribed to the losses in France yet since they began not till the King was growne a Man and that the Affaires of France were little better then quite lost there would have beene no liklyhood of any disorders in England if things had succeeded well and the Sonne had beene like the Father for in the same manner as the one supprest the Conspiracie of the Earle of Cambridge and thereby wonne reputation the other might have quell'd the Duke of Yorkes audacity and have preserved his Kingdome but the Sword wherwith Scanderberg cut off arm'd limbs was not of the same temper when manag'd by another Hand and therfore the reall difference is that wheras the Earle did Justle with a strong and fierce Lyon his successors encountred with a weake milde lowly Lambe King Henry was proclaymed King when he was about 8 Moneths old the Duke of Exceter and his Brother the Bishop of Winchester were deputed for the Government of his person and the Queene his Mother for his Diet whilst the Duke of Glocester Protectour of the Kingdome took care for all things which might make for Peace at home or Warres abroad the Infant King was brought from Windsor to London to be showne in full Parliament his Mothers bosome was his Throne and generall acclamations serv'd as the earnest penny of obedience Ayds were willingly contributed for the perservation of what his Fathers worth had won The Duke of Bedford on the other side surprised by the disadvantageous Death of Charles the sixth which hapned in October the same yeare and by his being forsaken by many who had formerly followed his Standard to follow the Dolphin who was proclaymed King by the Name of Charles the seaventh knowing how contrary to their naturall affections that obedience was which those who remained with him had sworne to the King his Brother did in a solemne Assembly cause new Oaths to be taken in the behalfe of the now Heyre a thing readily obtained but very irreligeously observed and had it not beene for the power and authority of the Duke of Burgony a Prince of great Possessions and attendance the affaires of England would not have lasted so long as they did but they grew worse and worse according as he slackned his vigilancy therein by reason of Glocester and the City of Orleans wherewith he was not trusted by reason of the death of his Sister who was Wife to Bedford and by his totall alienation when having appeased his anger against Charles the lives of those first Warriers who were his friends did cease Henry in Paris was likewise proclaymed and sworne King of
France and England Monyes were there Coyned with his stampe and the Armes of both the Kingdomes whilst Charles of more yeares but lesser power and excluded from the Metropolitane Citty possessed nothing on the other side the Loire save the Countries of Berry Forest Bourbonne Lyons and Auvergne the greatest part of Poictou and St. Onges did submit to him in consideration that the Nobility of those parts depended on him or else that they Neighbourd upon him these parts were reduc'd to such a point that one part of their Territories being under him the other under the English they were necessitated either by complying with the one faction to offend the other or else to declare themselves partiall for the one of them conformable to the intrest of their possessions On the other side of the River hee held the Countries of Mayne and Anjou some few places in Champagnia and Picardie being forced to tollerate the insolencies of his owne Souldiers for not being by reason of his poverty able to pay them they paid themselves by rapine and extortion upon the poore people afflicted and impoverished by all sides The Count de Fois had recovered Languedoc for him from the Prince of Orange and as for Guienne the Count Cominges by inclination and Count Arnigniac for hate to Burgony by reason of the Constable Arnigniacs ignominous Death in Paris neare his Bulwarkes All which effects proceeded from the Subjects love for who shall consider his undisolvable difficulties will find he could not possibly have overcome them without the resolv'd patience of those who did obey him who were constrained to indure not only Hostile injuries but likewise the injuries and rapine of such Souldiers as were their friends who being uncorrected and undisciplind were more of damage to them then was the Enemy hereunto may be added that they had no Prince of the bloud to uphold them The Dukes of Orleans and Burbon were Prisoners in England the Duke of Anjou resolute upon the recovery of the Kingdome of Naples and Burgony their inexorable Enemy but to dispute the contrary 't is likely that was not so much the love to Charles as the hatred to the English which made them willing to suffer so much for being but a yong Man about 22. yeares of age he could not have obliged them by benefits nor in those yeares have given such proofe of himself as to cause him to be desired 't is rather to be beleev'd that being born their presum'd King their desire to exclude the English was that which did only foment their affections All Nations do naturally abhorre being subjected one to another the diversity of Language Customes and Humours causing the reciprocall aversion and hatred which wee find in them and if there were no other reason for that it is a kind of wretchlesnes though not alwayes to be overcome by Strangers was a prevalent cause of making him be belov'd he being the Naile by which the other of the English Empiremust be driven out When Charles had understood his Fathers Death and caused his Obsequies to bee celebrated in Espalles a small Castle in Overgnie where he then chanc'd to be after one Dayes Mourning he caused him selfe to be solemnly proclaymed King and going from thence to Poictiers he was with Title of solemnity Crowned Reens a placeantiently destinated for that Ceremony was by the Enemy forbidden him so as France had now a divided Crowne not easie to be peiced together since two did equally intitle themselves King Whilst it was easie for Charles to peece the divided minds of such who either were not incumbred or wavering in Burgony's faction whence it insued that to preserve what the English had wonne or to augment it depended now no more upon the hope of ayd from France but upon the proper strength and Councell of England upon Councell that they might keepe Philip firme unto them for friends by reason of their passions are changeable upon strength since the obstacles which dayly increased by the going over of so many to the adverse party were by no other meanes to be removed After the two Kings Death skirmishes were made in all parts wherin certaine petty places were taken and retaken not worthy to be mention'd in story The Pariseans had sent a solemne Embassy into England to require speedy succour against the injuries done by Charles The English Writers say this Embassy was sent to cloake under this pretended zeale the treason which they were a hatching how to yeild themselves up unto him which whether it were so or no cannot absolutely be sayd but Du Pleis perverting the times and mentioning the Conspiracy before the Embassy augments the suspition they were sent back loaded with promises the effect wherof the English did better make good then did the Parisians their Faith Charles was by this time come to Rochell being somwhat startled at some forces raysed by the Duke of Brittany beleeving it to be done to his prejudice and contrary to what was lately agreed on betweene them during his Fathers Life where sitting in Councell part of the Chamber fell downe which with certaine others indamag'd Iohn of Burbonne Seigneur de Preaux he himselfe being in evident danger had he not beene suddenly drawne from thence At this time hapned the surprizall of Ponte de Melone under the Conduct of Iohn de Greiville who slew as many English as he found there as likewise their punishment who trusting upon the Duke of Bedfords absence had appointed time and place for Charles his People to enter Paris a plot which very well might have succeeded had not the Duke by his making hast hindred them for comming upon them with good forces unexpectedly he put many of them to Death some few escaping by flight and now no longer trusting them he put strong Garrisons into the Citty and parts adjacent wherof some yeilded themselves and some he tooke in He sent for the recovery of Ponte de Melone Thomas Mountaigue Earle of Salisbury a man according to the witnes of such Writers as are not English to be compared to whosoever of the Antient Romans and together with him the Earle of Suffolke the Lord Scales the younger Lord Poinings and many others This place was beseiged all Ianuary and February those which were within the Towne defending themselves valiantly upon the hope of succour which to the number of 6000 was Musterd together upon the confines of the Dutchy of Berry under the conduct of the Count d'Omale Count de Buchane and the Vicount of Narbone but being come within 6 Leagues of the Enemy and ordered in Battell array there fell such disorder amongst them that they return'd disbanded the greatest part of them being defeated by the English which were at Chartres and thereabouts the which when those of the Towne understood they grew into such a fury as throwing downe in the sight of the Enemy Charles his Collours which were set upon the Gates they tore them in peeces as also
all his other Ensigns cursing those who had perswaded them to shut themselves up in that Fort upon perjur'd Oaths of succour they yeilded themselves their lives only saved the which was denied to such as had served Henry the fifth to those who had sworne the finall Peace to those who were Complices in the Death of the Duke of Burgony and to such Souldiers as were Scotts Irish or Welsh together with Melene they surrendred all other Forts which were in their hands amongst which were Marchuse and Monliere those who would sweare fealty and Homage had their liberties granted them without Ransome the which all of them almost did in particular Greville mov'd therunto as I beleeve by his beleeving Charles to bee dead at Rochell for when hee knew the contrary hee was not long in forswearing himselfe This meane while Arthur Count de Richmond Brother to Iohn fift Duke of Britanny escaped away from the Earle of Suffolke Lord Lieutenant to the King in Normandy with whom ever since the Battell of Agencourt he had beene Prisoner A civill liberty was permitted him upon Oath and promise not to depart the which as long as the King lived was precisely observed by him not listning to his friends who had sundry times offered to backe him if he would fly away now thinking that by reason of the Kings Death he might with safety to his honour escape he fled pretending himselfe to be free from his Oath as personall to him that was dead but who shall well observe it shall find that bare promises not aggravated by curtesies no wayes due nor inforced as was this the largnes of his Imprisonment are of as much force in morall affaires with Princes and amongst such as are Nobly borne as is an Oath in Religion especially when as pretensions not dying with the King they together with their estates remaine in title and in substance intire unto their Successours if when the King dyed he had beene close Prisoner he could not without a note of folly have said himselfe to be disoblig'd from his promise so as having escap'd hee seem'd to repent that resolution which though at all times requisite was then the more to be esteemed of as it was now the more blame worthy since his owne Death and not the Death of any other was only able to acquit him of his Oath and promise made His first flight was to his Brother in Britanny from thence to his Cousin Philip in Flanders from whom he received a Commission to procure a Parley betweene him Britanny and Bedford so as being return'd from his Brother and having concluded the Interview Bedford went to receive them upon the confines of Normandie all three of them comming into an appointed place where Philip stayed expecting them the Confederacy which was contracted betweene them was confirmed by a double Marriage the one betweene the Duke of Bedford and Anne the younger Sister to Philip together with the County of Artois in portion in case they should have any Issue the other betweene Count Richmond and Philips eldest Sister Widdow to the Dolphin Lewis This being done Burgony and Richmond withdrew themselves to Arras Bedford to Paris and the Duke of Britanny to his owne Country to whom Bedford paid 6000. Crownes for his expences in that journey The inconstancy of the Dukes of Britanny in their friendship may seeme strange to some being subject to often and momentary changes but who will examine passages from the time that that State grew litigious will not wonder at it I have thought good to give you a short breviat thereof for the better understanding of the History and to ease the Reader of the paines of seeking that in others which I should have omitted Iohn the third Duke of Britanny who dyed without Issue married his Neece Iane of Britanny Daughter to Guy his next Brother but now dead to Charles of Blois second Sonne to Guy of Chatillione Count de Blois and Margaret Sister to Philip the sixt King of France to the end that shee being the true Heire other Woemen having beene formerly Heires to that Dukedome shee might have a Husband that might defend her When he was dead Iohn Count de Montfort his third Brother who during his life had no wayes opposed his Neece pretended by prerogative of sex to be Heire unto the State so as Blois relying upon France and he on England they had fierce Warre together for 23. yeares in which time 200000. Men were slaine in that quarrell To Count Montfort who as not having intirely possessed Britanny was not numbred amongst the Dukes therof did his Sonne Iohn succeed named Iohn the fourth after that Charles de Blois slaine in a great Battaile left him possessor therof The King of France who could not by force take from him his Estate indeavour'd to weaken him by Interposition Hee agreed upon this with the Widdow and the Sonnes of Charles the Defunct who renounced their pretensions to the Dutchy and he his pretences to the Vice-county of Limages restoring unto them together with other obligations the County of Pointevere an agreement which lasted not long among ulcerated minds The Duke beside these had two other great Enemies Beretrand de Gueschin and Oliver de Clissenne his naturall Subjects who having betaken themselves to the service of Charles the fift against the English proved so gallant Men that both of them one after the death of the other were Constables of France so as they having drawne unto the Kings pay the greatest part of the Lords and Commanders of Britanny who under their command had fought against Charles de Blois they left the Duke quite bereft of Captaines and Military affaires and but badly obeyed by his Subjects who were naturally inclin'd to the French so as wrought thereunto by gratitude Edward the third being his Father in Law who had put him into his Estate and by necessity the King of France being his Neighbouring powerfull Enemy hee turned sometimes one way sometimes another till being abandoned by his Subjects it behoved him to retire himselfe into England forsaking his Countrey least he should be made Prisoner by them not for that they hated him but for that they hated his friendship with the English whom they thought to be the cause of their ruine being at last aware that the King of France molested him not out of the pretended suspitions but to bereave him of his Estate they sent for him backe a little before the Death of Charles the fift wherby hoping now to be in quiet to please them he renounced his friendship with England and sided with Charles the 6 t who succeeded to Charles the fift Clissonne who was of greater power with the now King then he had been with the former finding him without his leaning stocke Ransomed Iohn Count de Pointevere from his Imprisonment in England upon whom as Sonne to Charles de Blois and Iane of Britanny Heire to Iohn the third the pretences to the Dutchy
affaire in France could not prosper if those of England did amisse this newes made a great impression in the Duke so as deputing the Earle of Warwicke who was but a little before come thither with 6000. men His Lieutenant in the Regency of France hee went together with his Wife to England and came to Lancaster where the Parliament was at that time called The first action hee did was to blame such Lords as had sided in this difference not naming his Brother or Uncle to whom his discourse tended who drawne by their venome had stir'd up the People to the danger of the King and Kingdome and utter subversion of the affaires in France hee exhorted them to lay aside their passions and take to them more moderate and civill thoughts Gloster did not forbeare for all this to present in full Parliament his complaints against the Bishop First that Richard Woodville Lieutenant of the Tower had by the Bishops instigation denyed him entrance Secondly that hee was resolv'd to lay hands upon the King and carry him from Eltham to Windsor without the Kings consent or consent of the Councell Thirdly that when as hee had resolv'd to hinder him herein Hee had caused the Bridge to bee shut up upon him caused the chaines to bee drawne and placed men armed with bowes arrowes and all other manner of weapons in the chambers windowes and corners neare about to hinder his passage and to kill him and as many as were with him Fourthly that hee had beene told by Henry the fifth as hee lay asleepe in the great chamber at Westminster in his Fathers time by the barking of a Dog a certaine man was discover'd behind the hangings who being question'd by the Earle of Arundel said that hee was placed there by directions from the Bishop of Winchester to kill the Prince in his bed and that being removed from thence hee was immediatly drowned in the Thames Fifthly that he had told him likewise that his Father in his latter times being troubled with grievous indispositions the Bishop should say unto him that since hee was no longer fit for governmrnt hee should doe well to transferre both the government and Crowne upon him The Parliament was not easily brought to beleeve the circumstances of this accusation especially when the Bishop gave in his answere To the first hee said that before the Duke of Gloster went to Hannault hee and the councell good reasons moving them thereunto had ordered that the Towre of London for the time to come should bee victualled and munition'd as other forts use to be That after his being gone to Hannault the Citie being in apparent danger threatned by libels and seditious speeches particularly against strangers the greatest part whereof were for this cause fled the councell fearing a rebellion had appointed Richard Woodville to be Lieutenant of the Towre who to boote with the great affiance the deceased King had in him was Chamberlaine and Councellor to the Duke of Bedford with directions that during this his charge hee should not suffer any one whosoever to enter therein that was stronger then himselfe without particular commandement from the King or order to bee given by the Councell that the Duke at his returne disliking this order would breake it Hee pretended to enter and inhabite there being offended that Woodville denied him entrance and that the Bishop had advis'd him so to doe the which hee did not deny his reason being that the Duke desiring Richard Scot Lieutenant of the Tower to deliver up into his custody one Randall a Frier convict of treason against the late King and who had bin some yeares Prisoner Richard not able to deliver him without order from the Councell nor to refuse his delivery without offending the Duke desired him to send him such a command as might serve for his discharge the which the Duke denied to doe saying his commandement might serve for a sufficient discharge so as the Bishop seeing him so farre exceed the limits of his authority and not knowing where it would end could not chuse but give Richard this advice so much the more for that after his returne from Hannault hee had not forborne to allure some of the People saying that if they had beene ill dealt withall in his absence as hee understood they had they should bee so no more now that hee was present and that as for the Tower which was reinforced to keepe them in awe as who should say they were not loyall Hee would find a remedy for that if they so pleased To the second that hee never had any intention to lay hands upon the King much lesse to take him from where hee was to governe him otherwise then till then hee had beene unlesse it were by the resolution of the Councell that such a thought could no wayes availe him but rather prove harmefull and dangerous to him the which hee offered to make good in time and place convenient To the third that hee denied not to have done as much as was alleadged but not to the end as was objected that hee had beene certainely inform'd ever since the last Parliament at Winchester of the great ill will the Duke bore him which made him resolve not to bee there to shunne the evils wherewithall hee was threatned that evident signes were seene of this that certaine people of base condition being assembled together on the Thames side where boates use to land were heard to say that if they should meete with the Bishop in that place they would throw him into the River and that the Sunday before All-Saints day the Duke being demanded by the Councell concerning his ill will to the Bishop hee said it is true and that it might bee his reasons should bee seene one day in writing that the next Munday by the Dukes commandement no reason being given for it the Citizens were all night in Armes saying injurious things against the Bishop that commandement was likewise given to the Courtiers to bee with the Duke by 8. in the morning armed that on Tuesday hee gave directions to the Major and Aldermen to send unto him 300. Horse-men to waite upon him whither hee was to goe which was as it was said to remove away the King without the Councels knowledge all which being manifest signes of this the Bishops danger hee resolved to prevent him as it is lawfull for every one to defend himselfe so as if he had fortified the Bridge to the end it might not bee forc't it was not done with any intention of damnifying the Duke or any others but to keepe himselfe from being damnified since hee was not the assaylant but the defendant To the fourth and fifth that hee had bin true and loyall to all Kings which if hee had not beene Henry the fifth a wise King would not have trusted him so much as hee did Hee offered to prove this the proofe to bee such as is wonted to bee granted to persons of his state and
horsebacke and Basset past over the River likewise with 7. more in a little boate others in passing over a Bridge which overburned with the waight of water and those who were upon it broke were drowned so as 1500. were slaine and drowned This worthy observation that the French Authours who in all their actions count more English then the English doe in this alone count fewer for whereas the English say they were 6000. they will have them to have beene but 3000. whilest there is no likelyhood that two great Lords as were Warwicke and Suffolke should bee sent with so few men to besiege a place strongly scituated and likely to bee succoured if they shall say they came with so few because they thought to surprise it I will allow it for good if when they found the contrary they had returned backe but making a formall siedge for almost the space of 3. Months they had beene out of their wits if their numbers all that while had not beene augmented so as it is not probable that they set upon them by day and that afterwards the English fled away favoured by the night as they write but rather as the others say that the two Earles the day being come presented battle putting themselves in order before the Towne Walles but that they were refused to bee fought withall answer being made that they were victualled according to their designe which was as much as they cared for the Dane was gratiously receav'd by Charles as hee well deserved for though the action were done by night yet was it according to reason of warre so as having done what a wise and valiant commander ought to have done He would have beene thought rash in doing otherwise This happy successe was followed by another of great consequence had it met with the like fortune The City of Mans was under the power of the English but the Inhabitants were inclined to Charles so as resolving to shake of their yoake which not being naturall is alwayes unwillingly borne the chiefest of them with the assistance of some of the clergie conspir'd to free themselves of it they advertis'd the Court of this Messieurs d'Albret de Faiette Orval Beaumanoir la Haire and others were dispatch'd away thither with 500. Souldiers a precise night was appointed for this deed the signe was a little fire on the top of a hill answered by another on the top of the steeple of the greatest Church which were no sooner lighted then put out The Inhabitants runne to the Gate which opened upon their friends where the troopes were ready they slew the Gate-keeper and the Sentinell they opened the Gates the foot entred in the Horse tarrying that they might enter or keepe where they were as occasion should require great was the hurly burly and greater the slaughter for they were all asleepe no man knew what the matter might bee the Citizens who were not acquainted with the plot beleeving that the Garrison had pillag'd some quarter of the City kept within their owne dores such English as had not yet met with their enemies sword imagin'd either the matter as it was or somewhat like unto it or els that there had beene some discention amongst the Citizens The Earle of Suffolke Governour of the City and who after his returne from Montargis was come to inhabite there being advertis'd by some who with much adoe had escaped that the enemy was within the Towne withdrew himselfe into the Castle where all the rest that escaped being slaine did likewise save themselves but the place being but little the people many and no victuals and inevitable ruine threatned them by the mines the enemy made they were likely in a short time to bee reduc'd to great extremity the nearest place of hope was Alansonne they dispatcht away a messenger who advertis'd the Lord Talbot of their condition who went towards them the very same night with 700. fighting men came by morning to Guerche two leagues distant from Mans from whence hee sent away Mathew Gough to discover the enemies condition and to advertise his friends this man tooke on his way upon the comming on of night and got into the Castle by night unseene or undiscovered Hee told them of the Castle of their friends arrivall and from the received advertisment of the enemies carelesnes who thinking themselves free from all manner of danger minded nothing but their pleasures expecting when the Castle which abounded in mouthes and wanted victualls should yeeld Hee suddenly departed and met Talbot by the way who making hast least the day should overtake him entred into the Castle by the field gate and having rested himselfe a while came downe upon the Citie meeting with no obstacle the entry being free open no trenches no barracadoes no impediment no guard the assailants crying Saint George and Talbot they served as many as they met withall as they had formerly done the English for they caught them in the same manner those who escaped fled away in their shirts leaving their armes weapons and what else they had behind them the slaughter was not great because but few made any defence and none denied to surrender themselves so as the number of the dead and prisoners did not exceed 400. the greatest matter was how to forme processe against the conspirators 30. Citizens and 35. Priests and religious people were beheaded and the City remained in its former condition the question onely was which of three things were most commendable in Talbot his wisedome his celeritie or his valour This yeare the Earle of Warwick went into England to take up on him his charge of Governor of the King and the Earle of Salisbury succeeded him in the charge he held in France who went thither with 5000. Souldiers many were the disputations which were held in Paris at his arrivall concerning what enterprise was to be undertaken He propounded that of Orleans wherein he met with great oppositions but if danger should stop great enterprises none would ever be undertaken since they are all subject to uncertaintie and danger 't is very true that this brave Commanders reputation was the sole thing which made the Regent resolve upon it as if Englands designe which was not to make that warre immortall but to exclude Charles were not to be effected but by some such meanes for the taking in of Orleans opened the way for the winning of Bourges the place of his residency which if they should get trouble and time might goe to the outing of him of all the rest but not so many dangers Moreover the taking of that towne would not onely be a curbe to the river of Loire in almost the midst of whose long course it is seated but likewise to all the Townes situated uponit The French writers accuse the Englishmen of treachery because by undertaking that siege they broke the agreement made with the Duke of Orleans that no hostilitie should be committed against that Citie nor the Citie of
some small skirmishes 300. men that is as much as to say shee had taken Senlis if there had beene none but English there that the like befell her before Paris from whence shee retreated wounded in her legge In a word Sodome was spared as long as Lot stayed there but if it were so I see not any reason hee had to beleeve much therein since these contrary events shew the falshood of her revelations for since errour did ensue thereon they proceeded not from God from whom comes no errour and if hee will have them to bee true but not obeyed he will find that the Lord God delivered up a disobedient Prophet to bee the prey of a Lion and that hee tooke away his grace and kingdome from the first disobedient King The chiefe reasons which the French produce to prove her being sent by God are her requiring that sword which shee had never seene as placed in a Church where shee had never beene and her having said many things in secret unto the King which were never by him retold to any man the argument of the sword is very light for if her comming was by cozenage other things were effected by the same deceit without the which shee was not to bee beleeved in the principall but the diversity of writing of the place of the miracle of the rust which fell off of it selfe and of the diversity of the marke there is no man who will not account it a manifest signe of falshood I forbeare to mention in the necessity of this sword the supposall of somewhat of fatality according to the Ethnickes opinions and that France should bee delivered by the vertue thereof and not of other weapons smels of a Romansa and inchantment The Kings keeping her Counsell doth no wayes take from but rather aggravate the former suspitions Hee should have averr'd the fact at least after her death since such secrets appertain'd onely unto himselfe and were one day to bee knowne unlesse it were that taken up into the third Heaven as was Saint Paul shee had participated such things unto him as are not lawfull to bee told to man Finally to cry downe them for Hereticks who doe not beleeve in her is an apparant vanity wee are then infidels when wee have not that sanctified sense of faith to the which wee are by faith bound when the usuall and dayly workes of God which march under the name of nature are not received and admired by us as the workes of his omnipotencie and when wee doe not beleeve his extraordinary workes the which being at the same time supernaturall and yet visible as Miracles cannot bee denied without infidelity but such as doe or may depend upon humane cunning or wariness unlesse the proofes thereof bee more then evident wee may without any scruple of infidelity not onely doubt thereof but absolutely deny them The true causes why this was so strictly prest were two that which hath already beene sayd to raise up mens spirits to the end that out of the imagination of speciall help from Heaven they might undertake what their owne faintnesse made them give over the other that fraud being turn'd miracle Charles his pretences might bee declared just and Henries unjust for God doth not protect injustice Monstrelet describing her as doe the rest agrees with the English in that point of her having serv'd a long time in an Inne and that as shee watered Horses shee rid them without any manner of feare having abilities not usuall in that sex the which the French deny in words but in effect confesse when describing her entry into Orleans and arming her with white Armes they make her ride upon a Courser of the same colour whilest it is to bee supposed either that shee would not have knowne how to have govern'd him if shee had not formerly practised to â—…ide or els that shee did it by miracle to affirme it done by miracle is too much to abuse miracles by too profane boldnesse if otherwise it was a couzenage handsomely plotted to chuse out a Woman which knowing how to do things which other Women usually know not the simple sort were made to beleeve them as extraordinary not in the sexe but in nature The assembly of people and victuall's which were to bee brought into Orleans was made at Blois whither the maid came and marched on with the succour Her Standard was borne displayed before her wherein were painted three Angels one in one corner another in another with a flowre de Luce in their hand in the midst the image of the Virgin Mary opposite to the which stood the third which presented a flowre de Luce unto her Her intention was to enter fighting but the Conductors who did not beleeve it knowing that the greatest part of the besiegers were on Beaux side left that way and tooke the other of Soulogne as the more safe When they were come to the River they passed over their victuall's the English not stirring one foote and entred the City with great applause of the Citizens but the English say they made their entry by night favour'd by a darke season wherein it did both thunder and raine so as they were neither heard nor seene The chiefe Conductors returned backe to Blois to bring more victuall's and munition which yet remained there while the Bastard of Orleans sent for all the forces that were at Montargis Schattadune and other strengths there abouts with the which accompanied by the maide hee went to meet them and passing by the enemies forts none of the enemy budging they entred safely into the City the easines of this second succour ought not as I suppose bee ascribed to a miracle as well for that the like hath hapned upon the like occasions and in other places as likewise for that two things did facilitate it the one that upon the beleefe of the Maids being sent by God 7000. Voluntiers came flocking to them who without this would not have tane up armes for all that Charles could either have said or done unto them the other for that as some of them do write they were purposely let passe out of hopes that the City would the sooner bee famished by the increase of her number thus was it twice victualled the night in the former and the multitude of Souldiers in the second making the miracle by the meanes of who nor hoped for nor expected before the maide being to doe great matters shee as a Messenger from Heaven would first perswade her enemies peaceably to depart by this Letter translated and set downe in its owne naturall antient phrase as it is more succinctly registred by Serres KIng of England doe reason to the King of Heaven touching his bloud royall deliver up unto the Maid the keyes of all the good Cities you hould by violence shee is come from God to demand what is due to the bloud royall shee is ready for peace if you will doe her reason paying and quitting what you
possesse if you doe not this King of England I am the Head of Warre in whatsoever part of France I shall meet with your people I will drive them out will they nill they If they will obey I will receive them to mercy The Maid comes from the King of Heaven and if you will not obey her shee will make you so great an Hahai as the like hath not beene heard this thousand yeares in France for you ought firmely to beleeve the King of Heaven will give to her and her good Souldiers more force then you are likely to have goe to your owne Country in Gods name and bee not stubborne for you shall not hold France by permission of the King of Heaven Sonne of Saint Mary but King Charles the true heire shall hold it to whom-God hath given it and who shall enter Paris with a faire company You William Poole Earle of Suffolke you John Lord Talbot you Thomas Lord Scales Lieutenants to the Duke of Bedford and you Duke of Bedford who call your selfe Regent in the Kingdome of France spare the innocent bloud leave Orleans in liberty for if you will not doe reason to those you have done wrong unto The French will doc the bravest deed was ever done in Europe thinke well upon what God and the Maid sayes unto you No man will thinke it could produce any thing but laughter but by what soone ensued that laughter was turned to an other tone The Frenchmen say that the Trumpetter who brought the Letter was contrary to the law of Nations detained and that hee hardly escaped being burnt Chartier and Dupleix adde that after the siedge he was found in shackles which whither it was so or no I cannot tell for the English say nothing in this point and the French doe not all agree in one relation therefore let it bee lawfull for every one to beleeve as hee listeth but it is hard to beleeve if it were so that the rage of those who were driven away who formerly had a minde to burne him should not provoke them to kill him before they went since they did not depart in such hast as Chartier will have them to have done but that they might have time enough to have done it since it consisted onely in the striking of one stroake The besieged consulted what they had to doe being by the Maiden assured of certaine victory they resolved to begin with the Fort of Saint Lupe plac't over against the gate of Burgony and guarded by 400. Foote Fortune favoured their forwardnesse they set upon it the fourth of May with so much resolution as that though it were manfully defended it was after long contestation more manfully gotten the garrison was put to the sword the Fort burnt the Artillery and munition brought into the Citie and since Serres writes that the maid was the first that entred the towne crying Monjoy Saint Denis victory let us grant her this honour though the rest who speake of her as the head of the enterprise speake not one word thereof They left the towne the next day and tooke two Forts St. Iohn and Londre the first was easily taken the second not so easily where the Souldiers were cut in pieces and many French prisoners recovered the sixt day they assailed the tower upon the bridge defended by Gladisdale by them called Classidas and highly commended the fight continued from breake of day till Sunne set Gladisdale was slaine together with the Lord Merlin and Poinings and many Souldiers The maid was wounded with an Arrow betweene the necke and the backe but shee forbore not though to fight and to incourage her men Dupleix saith that the Bastard of Orleans seeing the stout resolution of the defendants would have sounded a retreate but being intreated to the contrary by her he did not That having retired herselfe to her Oraisons for halfe a quarter of an houre she returned more couragious then before emboldening the rest by her example and againe that shee having till then beene undervalued by the English they seeing her valour began now to thinke that there was somewhat more then humane in her which formerly they did not beleeve and that they were led to this by one of Merlins prophecies which foretold that they should be ruinated in France by the meanes of a maid To the first 't is answered that it was by him invented since that hee sayes that which others doe not the more to confirme the opinion of her pretended sanctity so the second that amongst all Merlins prophecies there is not any one such there is none of any understanding in England who doe not hold Merlins prophecies as invented tales the diversity of editions the one not agreeing with the other as every one of the compositors best liked his owne proves this clearely unto us but to leave generalls no historian mentions any such thing save himselfe so as the English could thinke no otherwise of the maid then as of an imposture chosen for that purpose neither is it they alone that doe beleeve this for the sharpest sighted of France did and doe beleeve it Things were brought to that passe as hath beene said to the besiegers great disadvantage so as the besieged pursuing their good fortune provided to invade such Forts as yet remained in the possession of the enemy the first was that of the Lord Talbot who not waiting for them lockt up within met them abroad fought with them and forced them to retire with the losse of some men and Artillery but this imported nothing to what remained to continue the siege was dangerous the Citie was free on the side of Soulogne the number of the enemie was increased and daily to increase more in number already then were they victualls could not be inhibited them to recover what was lost was impossible so as they resolved to rise from before the towne which was no sooner mention'd then put in execution but to take away all appearances that they should be driven away they resolved their Forts being forsaken to put themselves in battle array to expect the enemie to fight with them if they should come if not to retreat as they did for the French making them a bridge of gold by keeping within the Citie having expected them the greatest part of the day they marcht away in good order after seven monethes siege The Earle of Suffolke came with 400. men to Iergeau Talbot to Meune and the rest to other places Iohn Chartier sayes that at the end of the the siege there were left but 4000. of the English Serres sayes that they stole away by night in a squadron of 9000. and marched towards Baugences but since he is noted of falshood by his owne country men t is needlesse for me to endeavour to confute this flight by night for the rest relate it as we have done this was the end of the siege of Orleans A game blow for as in the losse there of Charles would have
affrighted at so great a wonder if they were both Miracles and that the English concealed the one by stealing away her heart they could not conceale the other since the dove flew away to the skie in midst of flames and in the sight of all men whereby her innocency sanctity and martyrdome the injustice of her judges and the infidelity of the English spiritually blind to so apparent a miracle might haue clearly appeared to the World Neither would Varan have beene the onely relater hereof for France the whole World and England itselfe would in despight of her selfe have confessed it for what remaines that the Judges who condemned her came all to an evill end it might bee beleeved suppose it were so if a death according to humane appearance happy were an argument of a mans uprightnesse The just would then have reason to judge themselves more then all the Judges of the World since amongst the unjust which are innumerable few or very seldome any come to apparent punishment But I am of opinion that according to Christian piety it would bee safer to beleeve that as of good men there are more miserable then fortunate and of bad more fortunate then unfortunate so God reserves to his owne good will as well the reward as the punishment changing the good and evill of this World with the good and evill of the World to come our judgements in this case being oblique false and not belonging to us The last argument of her innocency the most solid and hardest of all the rest to bee answered is that 26. yeares after when the English were driven out and Charles established shee was declared innocent by a Comissioner deligated from Calistus the third but the Pope had nothing to doe herein more then his delegation an ordinary title upon such occasions Princes though delegated by God are not alwayes just neither could the Popes assigne them to that office but upon the place where the testimonials were to bee examined so as the Arch-Bishop of Rheims and the Bishop of Paris Commissioners and the Bishop of Constance who were joyned with them are liable to the like oppositions by the English as were the Bishop of Beauvois and his associates by the French These opposed as having dependancy upon England those as depending upon France the witnesses of her condemnation partiall to Henry the witnesses of her absolution partiall to Charles shee was condemn'd by those who had dependancy on the one and absolv'd by those who did depend upon the other and yet in a case so favour'd as that none did oppose it where the interest of no third Person was treated off and a Party being in question to whom France ought so much as also Charles his right to that kingdome declarable by the ablution of the condemned as sent from God to this purpose what was the reason why according to Giles many of those that were cited did not appeare if it were not either that they would not depose against their consciences or els were loth to offend the King by deposing the truth the which being well foreseene by the Commissioners they failed not to adde this clause in their letters to proceed notwithstanding the contumacy of such as being cited would not appeare Finally if her innocency had beene totally clear'd by this absolution it was impossible that any forraine penne much lesse those of France should have defamed her but rather her pretended sanctity being granted her revelations missionem predictions apparitions of Spirits and blessed Soules her Canonization was not to have beene pretermitted which for all this was neither procured nor thought upon by any one for say that all these patchings were taken for things as cleare as day her change of habite her profession of Armes against Christians and Catholique Christians Her cruelty her thirst after bloud her having served in an Inne her fictions hipocrisie and dishonesty though not true were of too scandalous suspition to suffer her to pretend to bee a Saint Notwithstanding let her not want the praise shee did deserve Shee was a brave and a valiant Amazone the restorer of that Kingdome and if shee did not drive the English from thence as shee her selfe had vaunted shee was if not the onely the chiefe or at least one of the chiefe causes why the English lost France They had resolved upon Henries coronation hoping for the like good effects as upon the same occasion had ensued to his Compâ—…itor not observing that if this were the essentiall reason of his advancements they were notwithstanding deceived for there was a certaine place appointed for the coronation and circumstances not to bee pretermitted nor were they omitted by Charles in what the condition of times would suffer him that Rheimes was the place appointed for this ceremony that the oyle brought by a dove from Saint Remigiâ—… as they write was to bee used in the annointing of the King and that the inclination of the people was to intervene which Henry wanted So as if hee had beene crown'd in Rheimes and annointed with the reputed heavenly oyle his fortune was not thought to change since it did not proceed from those extrinsicall actions but from humane affections after divine providence which is the onely cause of our good or bad fortune and which being inscrutable is not discovered by any events neither doth it declare unto us whether wee bee worthy of love or hatred favours and disfavours from Heaven are by us interpreted a like beneficiall to us for if wee repute favours a signe of Gods grace wee account his disfavours likewise as markes of his love since hee correcteth and chastneth those that hee loves then since wee are certaine of nothing more then of our noâ—… deserving of good and of our meriting of evill wee ought not to grow proud in prosperity nor to bee cast downe by adversity but to receive scourges with hope and good fortune with feare since wee know not what may thereby happen unto us the which wee see in Charles for being freed from his forraigne enemies the enmitie of his sonne threw him into an abysse of so many jealousies and suspitions as they brought him to die a death which no Prince ever did so as it rests in doubt whether his favours were divine graces or rather meanes to bring him to a miserable end but however it was Henry went from Roan towards Paris in November followed by a great many Princes and Lords English French and Gascons the chiefe of the English were the two Cardinalls of Winchester and Yorke the Dukes of Bedford Yorke and Norfolke the Earles of Warwicke Salisbury Oxford Huntington Ormond Mortaigne and Suffolke Of French the Duke of Burgony Lewis de Luxenburg Cardinall and Chancellour of the Kingdome the Bishops of Beauvois and Noyon first Peeres of France the Bishop of Paris and others after him Of Gascons Count Longuerville Count de March Count Vademont of Lorraine and many others He was received and met with
great pompe no expences spared for the solemnization He was crowned in the Church of Nostre-Dame on the seventeenth day of October the Cardinall of Winchester setting the Crowne upon his head whereat the Bishop of Paris was much distasted thinking that office had belonged to him to whom the Church and Diocesse did belong hee returned with a Crowne on his head and a Scepter in his hand another Crowne and Scepter being borne before him in signification of the Kingdome of England Chesnes sets downe the particularities which I omit as not requisite to our story The businesse of War did not in this meane while lye idle but was pursued by both factions with alternate Fortune some good successe this side had and some of no great consequence Francis Suriaâ—…es called L' Aragonesa suprised Montargis getting that by some little money which those who had attempted it before him could not get by force Hee with 2000. Crownes corrupted a woman belonging to Mounsieur de Villiers Captaine of the Towne by whose meanes he made himselfe master thereof and though not long after the towne was re-taken by Messieurs de Graville and de Vitry yet not being able after a siege of five or six weekes to take the Castle they went their wayes leaving the towne to ' its former possessors who refortifying it held it till with it they lost all that they held thereabouts Mounsieur de Bousac Admirall of France being come to Beauvois with intention to make some impression in Normandy was crost therein by the Earle of Arundell who lying in ambush with 2300. men neare to the Castle and having sent a choice troope of Horse even to the Palisadoes to set upon him behind they were by him set upon with as much violence as diligence they retired making him beleeve that he had wonne the day but falling into the snare and being after a long and gallant conflict defeated he with some few saved himselfe amongst many others Saint Raigle was taken prisoner who was afterwards changed for Talbot Renatus of Aniou brother to Lovys the third Duke of Aniou Count de Province and who by his pretensions to the Kingdome of Naples intitled himselfe King of Sicilie injoy'd the Dutchy of Aniou as Husband to Isabel daughter to Charles the first Duke of Lorraine Anthony Count Vademont brother to Charles pretended to the succession thereof alleadging that the inheritance fell not upon women whereupon the Warre began Renatus was maintained by the French Anthony by Philip and the English Renatus besieged Vademont Anthony went to succour it strengthned by his assisters Renatus leaving some to make good the siege went couragiously to meete him they fell together at Velleamant not farre from Nauci the English having obtain'd that the Horsemen should fight on foote so as the Bowmen having routed the enemies Horse they disordred all the rest and defeated them killing 3000. of them and taking 200. of them prisoners amongst the which the Bishop of Mets and the Duke himselfe who was sent to Bracones upon Salin a strong Castle of Philips whereby reason of the negligence of his subjects he was a long time captive and delighting in drawing of pictures He painted upon the walls of his chamber a great many wafer cakes which in French are called Oublies willing by that Hieroglyficke to signifie that hee was forgotten by his owne men Oublier in French signifying to forget Those who were before Vademont understanding by those who had escaped that the battle was lost and their Duke taken prisoner rise from before it fearing to be set upon by the conquerors and leaving all they had behind them fled away but the besieged pursued them slew and tooke many of them ransackt their Campe and returned home rich To oppose this prosperitie the Lord Willoughby and Matthew Gough had besieged Saint Silleri a strong Castle in Aniou with 1500. men Mounsieur de Lore was Governour thereof who was at the present absent and hearing of the danger gathered forces to succour it Chatier upon this occasion names Buil and not Lore and sayes that hee gave order to the Garrisons of the neighbouring Forts particularly to those of Loval and Sable that they should come at an appointed time who came to the villiage called Vivain to expect him there where they were set upon but whether of the two it were Willoughby being by his spies advertis'd of their comming prepared to set upon them before that being increased they might set upon him He gave the charge hereof to Matthew Gough who went away by night with part of the 1500. He found them fast asleepe in a place they thought safe without sentinells they were wakened by slaughter and the beating downe of their Pavillions no safety being had but in flight but having driven them away they fell themselves into the like carelesnesse for busying themselves in binding up their booty and overtaken by the day the light discover'd the weakenesse of their forces so as the fugitives re-assembling themselves set upon them on the one side whilst Lore comming up unto them did set upon them on the other side Gough and Lore were both taken prisoners but Lore was rescued by the death of 600. English the French name not the number of their slaine but that about 25. or 30. were taken prisoners and that Willoughby raysing the siege suffered in his reer-ward by the besieged Chartier makes no mention of Lore as has beene sayd nor that the English came by night but that surprising the French as they were at dinner and they â—…lew and tooke as many as they pleased of them and that Buil and Lore comming upon them they were defeated and 1500. of them slaine A number absolutely false not so much for that the other writers mention 900. lesse as for that the whole number whereof they were but a part exceeded not 1500. But though this losse were considerable 't was nothing in comparison of that of Schartres though not sealed by any English blood Foureteene yeares were fully past since this Citie had quitted Charles his obedience to side with Burgony never changing partie So as the obstinacy thereof made it not to pretend remission nor yet to hope for it by rebellion The Garrison thereof was but small not exceeding 120. English who relying upon the faith of the Inhabitants left the care of the custody of the towne to them One who was servant to one of Charles his Financiers was native of Schartres who besides other kindred had a brother there who wonne his living by buying and selling meate carrying it in a Cart from one place to another but because the Warres hindred him from trafficking with Orleans a Citie neare at hand and which imported his profit very much hee intreated his brother to procure him a safe conduct that hee might goe and come unmolested by those of the contrary side having obtained the safe conduct hee met his brother in Orleans who offering him great rewards perswaded him to
incommodity had alienated the which if the English had in any sort imitated they had not lost France for Philip was their onely Piller whereupon their Fabricke was to relie but trusting more upon their owne forces then was convenient and being more jealous of him then they ought to have beene they seconded their hatred whilst anger harmefull in government for want of requisite dissimulation causeth irreperable ruine wherein if any one shall thinke that I contradict my selfe since I have else-where beene of another opinion he will be of another mind if hee consider when I treated thereof it was touching the legallity thereof where now 't is touching the expediency by which humane actions ought chiefly to bee regulated Philip sent a King at Armes to give an account of this peace in England changing the wonted stile in his letter which hee sent to Henry for whereas before he stiled the King of France and England his Lord and master in these he termed him onely King of England his welbeloved Cousin The contents thereof was that being overcome by entreaties of the Pope of the Fathers of the Counsell of Bazille of all the Princes of Christendome hee had made peace with Charles to shun the being thought cruell and implacable he desired him likewise to do the like to the end he might be numbred amongst the authors of publike tranquillitie offering to serve him therein The Embassadour was not permitted to see the King but sent backe without any letters what could be said to the greatest enemy was said to him by word of mouth wherein they forbeared not to call Philip perjured traitour and this newes being divulged in the Citie the people not able to revenge themselves of Philip vented their fury upon his subjects who for traffique sake had their abodes in London they slew many of them and would have slaine them all had not the Kings Proclamations withheld them But those who were most rationall and who had not imbrued their hands in the blood of these innocents accused by Philip of hipocrisie in that hee made a scruple to make the peace as having sworne to obey Henry as his King but yet did it when he had received absolution from the Legat which was a tacite kind of judgement which ought not to be made when both parties are not heard An oath is not subject to absolution if there bee nothing of evill therein no evill was in his oath since Henry was not declared nor was not to be declared an usurper save by the reall evidence of a Salique Law They did not accuse the Legats authoritie but his act the which though it were excusable the end thereof being good yet give it for granted that the evill thereof were pardonable in respect of the good that was thence expected what good was there to be hoped for whilst the Swords of such Princes were yet wreaking with blood for France and Burgondy being accorded and England excluded out of the agreement shee was thereby endangered as inferiour in Forces in other too lately united to her destructions But none understood this businesse better then Philip nor did better make it conduce to his owne ends for being scandalized with his fathers death he sided with the English violated the pretended salique Law bereft Charles of his Crowne and Inheritance and gave it to England hoping that the government should be conditionall in her absolute in him and if it be sayd that if he had had any such designe hee would not have refused the Regency when it was offered him I answer that he refused it out of singular wisedome for that being come newly to his estate and finding the people of Flanders contumatious hee would have increased their forwardnesse by living farre from them besides the danger that his command was likely either to cause a breach betweene him and the English who would not be satisfied with his superioritie or else coolenesse in the administration of succour which would not fall out under the authoritie of one of their owne Princes of fortune for that distracted by the regency of France hee could not have made those accusations which hee did finding himselfe afterwards deceived in his first hopes that the English would have beene governed at his pleasure Bedford having alwayes commanded by his owne particuler authority and having so farre revenged himselfe of Charles as that his anger grew now to be somewhat appeased distasted by Bedford and growne greater else-where hee changed his purpose hee chose that King which hee had rejected and rejected that King which hee had chosen So as after the death of 300000. men who all dyed in this quarrell after the destruction of so many Cities hee made peace gaining thereby that which he could never have pretended to much lesse have had from the English one onely thing did not succeed unto him neither did it much import him that as by the degrading of Charles and promoting of Henry the fifth hee added nothing to the claime of England whose pretensions were not grounded upon such foundations so by revoking what hee had done and gainesaying himselfe he brought no prejudice at all thereunto for what remaines he was a Prince worthy of the Cognomen that was given him of God if you will pardon this present affaire and that of his cosen Giacholina Countesse of Bavaria Philip did like unto Rivers overgorged with raine which when floods of waters cease returne to their former channell when his desire of revenge ceased hee forsooke the English and returned unto his owne proper nation and blood and as hee might have done better had hee not violated his plighted faith so if he had not plighted it his vertue had beene the greater but to commit errours being a thing common since there is none that doth not doe amisse not to out doe others in mischiefe is almost a species of vertue The Duke of Bedford dyed 7. dayes before the peace concluded by Philip the one happening the 14. the other subscribed the 21. of September but by him foreseene long before I will not say that his foreseene peace was his death but that it was in part a cause thereof may probably bee conjectured Generous hearts use to bee undaunted in danger but in the change of fortune if they bee not accumulated by adversity they are macerated by vexation his death is to bee numbred amongst the chiefest causes of the losse of France hee was a wise and prudent Prince of long experience in armes and governement inferiour to no Commander in his time hee was obeyed by his owne feared by his enemies in so much as Lewis the eleventh being many yeares after in the Church of Nostre-Dame at Roan where Bedford is buried and being told by some as hee was looking upon his Tombe that that sumptuous memoriall was a great shame to France since it had bin by him so much endamaged that therefore it should bee defaced and his bones throwne out hee nobly answered that
father Iohn was in the like manner abandoned before Mondediere And as for the Flemmish Authors Meierus Henterus and Petit if I understand them aright they say no such thing and Speede an English Authour sayes that Philip was excused by many out of reasons suffiently probable Glocester came to Callis as some say with 300. as others with 500. vessells loaded with 25000. Souldiers finding the enemy gone entered Flanders meeting none that did oppose him he tarried not to besiege any place but burning and destroying where e're hee went put all to ruine great was the prey hee made especially of beasts He burned Popernence Bailleul Chasteauneufe Rimesture and Vallor-Chappule he dismantled many Castles forsaken by their Garrisons till weary of going about and wanting bread hee retired to Guienes and from thence to Callais Many women at the price of a peece of bread recovered the ruines of their houses the scarcity of bread was the cause of much sicknesse in the Army But Glocester having onely selfe interest for his occasion hee returned to England where he found new troubles appeased first by danger and then by the death of the King of Scotland King Iames had married his daughter Margaret to Lewis the Dolphin whereat England was distasted since this affinity could but not be prejudiciall to her so as the two nations being netled began to endamage each other the Scots pretended a double injury that England had endeavoured to hinder the Brides passage into France since not able to breake the marriage they would have interrupted it by taking taking her prisoner and that the Earle of Northumberland unprovoked had assailed the confines of Scotland Vpon these dislikes Iames commenc't the warre and went with 30000. men to besiege Rosburg This place was commanded by Sir Ralph Gray who though hee did valiantly defend it yet was not hee the occasion of the Kings raising the siege nor yet the succour which the Earle of Northumberland was to bring him 't is likely some more urgent occasions was the cause thereof the true reason then was his wives hasty comming unto the Campe who being a woman and a Princesse would not have hazarded herselfe at such a time without some urgent occasion which since it doth belong unto the story I will take leave shortly to relate it shee came to advertise him of a conspiracy that was plotting against his life which caused him raise the siege to prevent it though his intentions did not succeede for blowes from heaven are not to be evaded Walter Earle of Atholl his unckle was chiefe of this conspiracy wrought thereunto by wicked ambition which lay lurking in him many yeares before 'T was he that had incited Robert Duke of Awebeny to kill Prince David that hee might serve this Iames with the same sawce had not his father sent him away had he beene saved by being prisoner in England his designe was when these two Princes should be murthered himselfe to kill Robert and his sonne that hee might without any competitor remaine the sole heire unto the kingdome and 't was not unlikely to have fallen out according to his wish for Robert after so many detestable wickednesses grew to be hated by all men But Iames his preservation having broken both their designes it tooke life againe in him alone When Robert being dead Mordecay his sonne and the sonnes of Mordecay executed after Iames his returne to Scotland none stood betweene him and the accomplishment of his tyranny but the very King neither did hee beleeve that the people would be thereat displeased for Iames had mightily distasted the people by putting a great taxation upon them for the Fleete which did conduct his daughter to her husband which was by many of them denyed and but unwillingly paid by the rest In so much as though Iames had given order to the Collectors to gather no more monyes and to restore what already had beene collected to those that gave it yet did hee not sufficiently sweeten them for such favours as are caused by necessitie doe not content the people but that which did the most of all offend them was his unexpected rising from before Roseburg for having beene at great expence for this enterprise and no man guessing at the reason of his quitting it it could allow of no good construction Atholl was the chiefe actor in this Tragedy but would not bee seene therein till he appeared as King not as guilty His chiefest instruments were two bold Roberts the one his owne Grandsonne the other of the Family of the Griâ—…es the former drawne by his Grandfathers authoritie and his hopes after him as being his heire the other out of an eager desire of being revenged upon the King by whom he reputed himselfe doubly injured for having long before for some misdemeanors beene imprisoned and banished the King had lately taken from him the guardianship of a nephew of his which was falne unto him by his brothers death The Queene had discovered the conspiracy but not the conspirators so as the King using all possible dilligence to find them out made them hasten the effecting of their businesse for feare of being discovered he had withdrawne himselfe together with his wife and some familiar friends without any guard to the covent of preaching Friers neare to the walls of Pearth amongst which was one of the conspirators named Iohn whose Sir-name I find not written The Traitors entred into the Friery rewarding the Porter and being come into the Kings Ante-chamber and met not with any body they stood expecting that the said Iohn should open the doore that they might enter without noise when one Walter Stretton came forth for some businesse concerning the King who seeing so many armed men and not able to get backe cryed Treason treason but him they instantly slew and ran unto the doore and found it shut by one Katherine Douglas a Lady worthy remembrance This Lady missing the great Barre wherewith the doore was wont to be shut and which was purposely hid away by Iohn supplied the place thereof with her owne Arme but they forced open the doore and brake her Arme they slew all that withstood them the King was slaine with 28. wounds the Queen who when her Husband fell fell upon him to serve him for a Buckler so as she could not easily be dragg'd from him received two wounds and Patrick Dunbarre brother to the Earle of the March who defended the King as long as he was able was left for dead sorely wounded and his fingers struck off This cruell treason was forthwith divulged every where filling all mens mindes with horrour and pitty those who formerly hated the King did now celebrate him they called to minde how he had passed all his life in afflictions his childhood practised upon his unckle his youth bittered by imprisonment his Kingdome annoyed with perpetuall seditions and now slaine in a Court of government the most moderate and most just that ever Scotland enjoyed there
was not any Lord though never so farre off who did not hasten to revenge this death all the actors whereof were it out of their overdaring confidence or did it onely proceed from the will of God were taken brought to Edenburgh and severally punished The three principalls Atholl his Grand-sonne and Graines were the last reserved for punishment and all of them suffered death I know not whether more examplary or cruell Atholls punishment was divided into three dayes suffering the first day he was led through the Citie in a Cart wherein was framed the forme of a Crosse in wood with a pully at the top of it with a rope fastned to it wherewith his hands being fastned behind him and hee all naked having his privy parts onely covered hee was at certaine appointed places drawne up to the toppe of the pully having leaden waights at his heeles within two foote of the ground and after having had many of these draughts hee was set in a Scaffold and had a crowne of red hot Iron set upon his head a punishment invented as they say for that he was once foretold by a Sorceresse that hee should one day be crowned King in the concourse of a great many of people the which whether it be true or no or whether beleefe ought to be given to such predictions I leave it to be decided by the learned the knowledge of things to come belong properly to God alone and if it should bee granted that the divell have some share herein by his observation of the Starres and their Aspects wherein he may be a great master being Coetanean with the Plannets and immortall yet should I thinke him altogether ignorant herein were it not contrary to the schoole of Theologists who say that by sinning hee lost what hee had received by favour not what was naturall in him I should resemble him to a cancelled writing for perfection of knowledge which was naturall in him being a Species of beatitude there doth no beatitude belong unto the damned but allow the opinion of the Schooles wee may affirme that his knowledge of things to come being uncertaine and conjecturall as are all such things as depend upon the like principals hee doth not communicate them but by uncertainties and equivocation Athols prediction proved this unto us since pronounced in a sense of exaltation and glory it proved to bee base and infamous but formy part I beleeve these predictions are invented when things have succeeded one part of the World delighting in being deceived the other in deceiving and seeming wise by affirming what is not The second day hee was laid upon a hurdle and drawne at a horse taile through the chiefe streetes of Edenbourough The third day hee was laid upon a table his Belly ript up his Bowels throwne into the fire his Heart torne out and burn't his Head cut off his Body quartered and his Quarters sent to the foure chiefe Cities of Scotland his Grand-sonne faired the better for his being young and set on by his Grand-father hee was onely hanged and quartered Robert Grames was put naked into a Carte had his hand wherewith hee slew the King fastned to a ladder erected therein was pincht with hot yrons in all the parts of his Body his vitall parts excepted and then quartered England was grieved at the death of this vertuous King though her enemy but not thereby incommodiated for Iames the second not being past seven yeares old was not of age enough to annoy any one hee himselfe being sufficiently annoyed by the ambition of such who strove to bee his Governour I observe one thing remarkeable in the story of Scotland that of one hundred and eight Kings that have raigned there our gratious King Charles that now raignes not comprehended in the number 54. have dyed naturall deaths 49. have come to violent ends by misfortune conspiracy and battells and for the other five which remaine to make up the number one renounced the Kingdome and foure fled from thence and were banished so as if you will account them happy who come to naturall ends and number the five who did not dye Kings amongst the unhappy the number of happy and unhappy is equall each of them making 54. the like will not bee met withall as neither the succession of so many Kings in any one Kingdome or any Kingdome of Europe After the havock Gloster had made in Philips territores both parties drawne either by the perswasion of friends or commodity of trading were drawne to treat of truce at Gravelein whither for Henry went the Cardinall of Winehester the Duke of Norfolke the Earle of Stafford with others verst in law and busines and for Philip the Dutchesse his wife the Bishop of Arras Monsieur de Croy and others a truce was concluded in the name of the Dutchesse Philip not being so much as named therein which caused two opinions either that Henry would not treat with him as being a perjured man and a breaker of former agreements and therefore not better to bee now expected from him or els that it was a peece of cunning in Philip not to cause jealously in Charles and that it might bee lawfull for him to undoe what was there done when it might turne to his advantage since wives promises doe not oblige their husbands which of these was the true cause it is hard to say neither doth it much import the onely certainty is that it lasted but a while The death of Queen Katharine mother to King Henry hapned at the same time who being left a widdow in her time of youth and without hope of marrying her selfe otherwise did secreetly marry Owen Tewdor a young Gentleman of Wales whose laudable parts added to the Noblenes of his birth for hee was descended from Cadwallader the last King of the Britons moved her to take him for husband by him shee had three sonnes and one daughter the sonnes names were Edmond and Iasper the third sonnes name who became a Benedictine Frier is not exprest as neither the Daughters name who became likewise a Nun the two first being brothers by the mothers side to King Henry were by him created Earles Edmond of Richmond Iasper of Pembrooke Edmond who did marry Iane the onely daughter and heire of Iohn Duke of Somerset was Father to Henry the seaventh but Katharine being dead Owen was questioned for marrying a woman that had such relation unto the King without his consent whereupon Gloster having caused him two severall times to bee imprisoned and hee having twise made an escape the third time hee was caught and lost his life But this is not the common opinion of Authours as wee shall see George Lille layes hee was descended from a base originall and toucheth no other particulers Meirus makes him the Bastard of an Alehouse keeper in Walles Katharnes Taylor and very lately married by her to the end that the children shee had by him might by her marriage bee made legitimate Belleforest affirmes
the height hee aymed at during his life Humphrey Stafford Duke of Buckingham for that being sonne of Anne Plantaginet who was descended from Thomas Duke of Glocester the seventh sonne of Edward the third if the Duke were out of the way he should be the first Duke of England wherefore hee thought that this prerogative and his being couzen to the King would cause his advancement the Cardinall of Winchester by reason of his emulation which their reciprocall hatred had kindled not to be quenched but by the last of revenges The Archbishop of Yorke for that Glocester having declared himselfe his enemy in his last accusations he was desirous though not according to the Gospell to render him evill for evill but his eminency and universall love had rendred all their designes vaine had they not come assisted by the Lawes They accused him at the Councell Table of many faults of all which he did with such sinceritie acquit himselfe as that hee freed the Councells minde from any the least scruple and used such arguments as did adde to his reputation They objected unto him that he had caused many to be put to death contrary to the Lawes of the Kingdome inferring thereby that hatred and cruelty had beene the directors of his justice whilst that whereby they were most scandalized was that hee could not indure wicked men These forenamed men together with them the Queene perceiving that nothing was done caused a Parliament to be called at Berry in Suffolke whither hee came together with the rest of the Peers not dreaming of any evill relying more upon his owne integrity then by reason of the others malice he ought to have done The first day of Parliament passed over quietly spent in the accustomed ceremonies the second day he was made prisoner by the Lord high Constable of England accompanied by the Duke of Buckingham and many others a guard was set upon him his servants were all taken from him whereof 32. were imprisoned and hee not long after Hale saith the very next night was found dead in his bed some affirming that he dyed of an Apoplexie some of an Imposthume in his Head but although there was no doubt but that his death was violent yet did no man know of what sort some thought hee was strangled some stiffeled betweene two pillowes and many that hee had a red hot spit thrust in at his fundament five of the prisoners were examined and condemned but as they were carrying to execution they were set at liberty by the Marquesse of Suffolke who brought their pardon signed by the King which did not satisfie the people for the saving of these mens innocency did not salve the treason used to the Duke By a pardon given to one of his servants may bee seene the pretence they tooke to commit this Murther where it is said that hee was one of the many Traitors who came in the traine of Humphery Duke of Glocester to destroy the King and set his Wife Elianor at liberty The death of this Prince was lamented by the whole Kingdome from whom hee deserved the surname of good for so in effect hee was a lover his Countrey a Friend to good men a Protector of the learned whereof hee himselfe was one as well verst in the lawes of the Kingdome as whatsoever Lawyer and if hee erred in his enmity with the Duke of Burgony and the Cardinall of Winchester 't was through the greatnes of his Spirit the which if it bereave not of fault doth at least deminish the blame for all humanity is subject to errour After him the title of Glocester was reputed ominous for the foure last Glocesters came to violent ends Thomas Duke of Glocester sonne to Edward the third was strangled at Callais Thomas Spencer Earle of Glocester beheaded at Berry Humphery Duke of Glocester dead as you have heard and Richard Duke of Glocester slaine in a Battell of civill Warre after hee was King by the name of Richard the third as wee shall see I doe not withstanding beleeve that if occasion bee offered no man will refuse the honour since before these unfortunate foure there were cleaven of that title nine of which dyed naturall deaths the other two Ieffery Mandeville and Gilbert Clare slaine in turnament the first in warre the other before Sterline so as they are not to bee rancked with the last foure since their deaths hapned through malice or civill warre The Cardinall of Winchester enjoyed not the content of this his death above 14. or 16. dayes for hee dyed to see the ruine of his house of the which hee was the chieefest raiser for doubtlesse if Glocester had lived the Duke of Yorke had not risen and the Queene who by his death thought to have established her authority lost thereby all shee could loose her life excepted her Husband sonne and Kingdome for her ignorance in things to come threw her headlong upon those evils which at the price of her owne bloud shee would willingly have redeemed together with the life of Glocester but too late foresight brings repentance remedies not Having by so cruell a way obtained her desire shee employ'd all her endeavours how to establish an authority which under her Husbands name might make her absolute in the Kingdome she raised Suffolke from Marquesse to Duke which title he but a shorte time enjoyed for fortune of her owne nature inconstant is much the more so when her favours are conferr'd without merit The Duke of Yorke who saw that all these things redounded to the advancement of his designes slipt not his occasions for laying open to his friends and the male contents in how bad a condition the Kingdome was the King weake and governed by a Woman under the haughty direction of the Duke of Suffolke it was easie for him to perswade them to establish him in his owne right since the house of Lancaster did usurpe the Crowne and held it contrary to the lawes of the Kingdome the lawes of bloud and nature this hee did with so much vehemency insinuate so opportunely and to people who desired nothing more then change as it was easie for him to draw unto him subjects of the most eminent condition who that they might have followers and preferments were apt to uphold him To this was added the greatnes of his family and the family of his wife Cicelli Nevill by both which hee was allied to the greatest men and chiefest families of the Kingdome his reputation wonne in France but chiefely his right unto the Crowne in a time when if hee had no right they might have imagined some in him so to withdrawe themselves from the Government of an imperious Woman and a proud favorite who ruling all as they listed and excluding all others made use of the authority of a weake King who had nothing of Prince in him but name This was the first stone which Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke laid in the ground-worke of the generall ruine
men having entred the towne by Scalâ—…do they were surprised by Talbot who though plaid upon from the towne slew the greatest part of them and drove the rest from the walls The slaughter of the Townes men then of the assailants the Rampard betweene the two townes was covered with blood and dead bodies besides those who in throwing themselves from the Towers broke their limbes or lost their lives but this incounter in appearance little favourable to Charles was that which brought him the victory for the Citizens fearing least that the English resolute in defence of the towne might make them runne hazard of their lives resolved together with the Archbishop come what come would to surrender so as presenting themselves before the Duke of Sommerset and acquainting him with the danger that the Citie was in and with their resolution they demanded the surrendring thereof hee willingly would have delayed and have punished them but having enemies without and within hee seemed to be therewithall content The chiefe captaines together with the Archbishop went to Ponte d' Arc offered to surrender the citie demanding leave for those to depart who would the preservation of their goods who remained and free passage for the English and their goods the which being granted and relation thereof made in the towne house it pleased the inhabitants but not the Duke who going from thence caused all his men take Armes and made himselfe strong at the Bridge in the Pallace and in the Castle the which when the Citizens saw they did the like and placing strong guards every where they advertised the King offered to throw open the gates unto him drive backe such English as were fallen into the Citie and â—…lew some seven or eight of them nor yet contented herewithall they made themselves masters of the walls turrets and gates Upon this commotion the Dunnesse came thither and seeing the Citie defended by Citizens he placed himselfe before Saint Katherines demanding the surrender thereof the Captaine thereof when hee had not above 120. Souldiers and who knew the King was comming thither with his Cannon yeelded They were by a Herauld led to the gate S. Owen where meeting with the King he advised them to use no violence by the way but to pay for what they should take and answer being made that they had no money he caused tenne pound to bee given them being come to Rhoane he alledged in the aforesaid Fort of St. Katherines whilst the Keyes of the Citie were presented to the Dunnesse as he was with all his Army in battle array before the gate Martinville the troopes which he brought in tooke their stand before the Castle and the Pallace guarded by 1200. Souldiers and kept by the Duke and Talbot The Duke had quit the bridge and was too late aware of his ill advisement in excluding himselfe from the Cities capitulation whilst he had neither strength to defend it nor to punish it he desired to speake with Charles who yeelded thereunto he desired he might be permitted to depart according to the capitulation agreed upon by the Citie the King replyed he was not comprehended in that capitulation since he himselfe had broken it by revolting against the Citie by endeavouring to hinder the surrender thereof and by fortifying himselfe in the Pallace and in the Castle actions contrary to that agreement which he pretended to make use of that it behooved him to pay for this by surrendring of Honneflour Harflour and all the country of Caux if he would have his liberty to the which the Duke consented not but returned much confused to his former station The Pallace was besieged it had gates without and within the Citie but it was impossible to get out for that without was straightly guarded the like was done unto the Castle and nothing but giving fire unto the Ordnance already adjusted against them both was wanting to enforce them to boote with this they had but little victuals many mouthes and small hopes The duke desired a second hearing the King granted it he was received by the Heraulds and at comming forth of the Citie met by Count Cleremont eldest sonne to the Duke of Burbone his demands being the same as formerly Charles his answer was likewise the same so as the Duke was much blamed as being too impudently obstinate he had no reason to looke for better capitulation since his condition grew worse he thought it was bootelesse to importune the King the third time therefore forced by necessitie he spoke with the Dunnesse from whom hee obtained a truce till the 24. of October which was prorogu'd 12. dayes from day to day in all which time granting what he had denyed to doe to wit the forenamed townes and denying what was not before required of him the delivery up of the Earle of Shrewsbury in hostage for the performance of his promises it was at last concluded that he his wife children and souldiers as well of the Pallace as of the Castle should goe their wayes their lives and goods saved that he should set at liberty such prisoners as should be found with him that hee should not carry away with him his greatest peeces of Ordnance that hee should pay unto the King within the space of one yeare next comming 50000. Crownes to the Dunnesse and those that joyned with him in the conclusion of the treaty 6000. that hee should satisfie all debts ought by him or his in the Citie and that he should deliver up into the Kings hands or his Commissioners Angues Candale Tanchervelle Bon-Isle Honnefleur and Monstrevilliers that he should oblige himselfe hereunto by hand writing and give hostages thereupon the chiefe whereof should be Talbot the Earle of Shrewsbury The townes were restored except Honneflour the which the Governour thereof refused to surrender which caused the detainement of Talbot and the rest of the hostages whilst these things were treated of at Rhoan the Duke of Brittany made himselfe master of Tongerres after having besieged it above a moneth so as having battered it and being ready to assault it Francis Surian who did defend it together with five or six hundred English yeelded it up their Armes and Horses saved and not permitted to carry any thing out save each of them a little bundle Hee who had beene cause of the violation of truce whereby so many mischiefes were occasioned betooke himselfe to the French side I know not whether fearing his owne safetie or some lesse excusable cause The Duke of Alansonne besieged Bleeme a place which patrimonially did belong unto him and which for some dayes was stoutly defended they articled to surrender if they were not succoured by the twentieth of December this was the clematericall yeare to England seven multiplyed it by it selfe producing 49. which after so many losses ended with the losse of Harflore the King went thither in person the third of October Cannons and Mines brought it to parly on Christmas eve and on Christmas day it yeelded
those of the Garrison were furnished with shipping to transport them and had safe conduct by land together with their weapons and goods the Souldiers without suffered much in this short siege for the season was very violent in raine and inundations so as the waters entered into all the Huts throughout the whole Campe this notwithstanding they willingly underwent all incommodities seeing the King expose himselfe to all dangers his example made them willing to suffer with him the onely way to infuse patience into the French for being led on by their King they out did themselves doing that under his command which under anothers had beene impossible for them to doe and because wee have diciphered this King else where with affections much differing from these present actions wee must cite Hallian for our discharge who will free us from reproach telling what happened in the yeare 1445. he falls upon these words In the concourse of so many affaires the King suffering himselfe to be transported by pleasures fell in love with a Gentlewoman belonging to the Queene his wife called Agneta Sorrell borne in Onvergne a Lady so faire as shee acquired the name of Agneta the faire and to the end that shee might have the title the King gave her during her life le Chasteau de Beante neare to the Boys de Saint Vincent and caused there to be erected that great Pavillion which at this day is there to be seene all covered When shee was called the Lady of Beauty the King had by her foure daughters all married into good houses of this Kingdome though some say hee had but one married to Monsieur de Bresse Of Normandy and others That she lived not long and that the King did not avow her for his but though the affection the King bore her lessened his due respects unto his wife and tooke from her much of of the rights of marriage yet was she faine to swallow this bitter pill and patiently permit the faire Agneta enjoy the best of her husbands affections 't is said that when she saw the King carelesse effeminate not minding the affaires of his kingdome nor the victories which the English wonne she one day said unto him that when she was a very young girle she was told by an Astrologer that she should be beloved by one of the most couragious and most valiant Kings of Christendome and that when she had the honour to be beloved by him shee thought hee had beene that valiant and couragious King foretold by the Astrologer but seeing him so soft natured not minding his affaires normaking head against the English and Henry their King who before his face had taken so many Cities of his shee very well perceived she was deceived and that this valiant couragious King could be none other but the King of England and therefore said shee I will goe finde him out for he is that King foretold me by the Astrologer and not you who neither have courage nor valour since you suffer your kingdome to be lost and doe not resent it These words pronounced by her whom he loved better then hee should have done did so touch him to the quicke as that hee fell a weeping and awakening himselfe tooke courage upon him gave not himselfe so much to hunting and dalliance as hee was wont so as by his good fortune and the valour of his good Commanders who faithfully served him he drove the English out of all France Callis excepted I was desirous to place here the words of this Historian not so much to shew that I did not lie in my other contrary descriptions as that it being my dutie to praise vertue and blame vice I have done it in their due places as every writer ought to doe particularly where they speake of Princes to the end that those who are alive may thereby be admonished that when they are dead the same rules will be observed in the writing of their story The affaires in Guienne Though they did not precipitate so fast of as those off Normandy Guichus a strong Castle foure leagues distant from Bayone was besieged with a formall army by Monsieur de Lantree brother to the Count and Bastard de Fois 4000. English went to succour it and that their comming might be the more unlooked for they embarked themselves in the River that passeth by Bayone and landed not farre from Guisches Lantree who by spies was enformed of their designe left the siege and treated them as they thought to have treated him for they not dreaming of being discovered were taken at such unawares as not having time to put themselves in order they fled towards their Barques were followed by the enemy and 1200. of them slaine George Stapleton one of their Commanders mistrusting to escape by flight passed through the middest of the enemy and was followed by 600. Launces who valiantly fighting saved themselves within Gueschin but it did but little availe him for the towne being blockt up and no body to succour it he departed at unawares with his men hoping to get into Bayone but being followed by the Bastard de Fois hee and many of his men were taken prisoners the Castle was yeelded up the next day and therewithall all the country which lies betweene Auxe and Bayone wherein was contained 15. or 16. strong holds which afterwards caused to the French the more easie winning of whole Guascony Charles did not forbeare to prosecute his designes in Normandy for all the frost and cold in Ianuary hee sent the Dunnesse to besiege Honnefleur whither hee afterwards came in person and was lodged in an Abbey not farre from thence valiant was the defence and furious the onset wherein neither wit nor labour was wanting The towne articled to surrender if they should not bee succoured by the eighteenth of February but the Duke of Sommerset not daring to trust the Citizens with Caan which if he had done wanting men to resist the French Forces Honnefleur was enforced to runne the same fortune the other townes did Iearnsy yeelded and paid downe 10000. peeces of gold not so much that the Garrison might be suffered free with their goods as for the ransome of Momfort their Captaine not long before taken at Ponte de Meere This meane while the English though at variance at home sent Sir Thomas Terrill into France a renouned Captaine and who had beene trayned up in these warres from his youth but being landed at Cherreburgh with 1500. men he could doe no good with so small a number and though in a short time hee tooke in Liseux and Valonges the matter was not so much since the enemy being severally busied else where had not leasure to divert them hee added to his number certaine troopes drawne out of the few townes which yet remained to the English conducted by Sir Henry Mowbery Sir Robert Vere and Sir Robert Gough which in all made us 5000. with these he judged it best onely to march towards Caen
and her Children remaine any longer in so eminent danger Caen was by King Henry given to the Duke of Yorke so as though the Duke of Somerset as Lieutenant generall had all plenary authority in all other places yet had hee not so in this without Sir David Halls consent Commander of the Towne under the Duke of Yorke But Somerset summoning together the chiefest Citizens told them that it was impossible to defend the Towne and that in endeavouring it they would endanger being taken by force His proposition was gladly entertained by them all Hall opposed him shewing him that though his authority was generall yet had hee nothing to doe in that place which did belong to the Duke of Yorke and whereof the charge was committed to him that the Towne was not in such danger as hee pretended for it neither wanted men munition nor mony that therefore it behooved them to spin out the time till the Duke himselfe might come to the succour thereof or els give order for the surrender thereof That in the meane while hee would defend it against whatsoever power since the Castle was impregnable and though subject to the thunder of a cannon yet onely Women and Children were there at to bee affraid not men of warre Long were the disputes hereupon but the Inhabitants siding with the Duke all of them naturally enclined to the French and fearing to bee sackt they mutined against the Captaine vowing that if hee did not yeeld up the Towne within three dayes they in despight of him would throw open the Gates to the King their threats were not to bee despised since the common sort of Souldiers and the Duke sided with them so as hee was constrained to yeeld but would not have his name used in the articles which were signed in this manner the next day of the Feast of Saint Iohn Baptist that in the Towne Castle should be yeelded up on the first of Iuly in case they were not before that succoured that the Duke Dutchesse their Children all others that had a minde to depart might do so the Souldiers with their horses harnesse the Inhabitants with their Wives Children and moveables but at their owne charges that they should pay what they ought unto the Citizens and should leave behinde them all sort of Artillery Sir David Hall tooke shipping for Ireland to advertise the Duke of Yorke his master hereof who was so much offended thereat that if his former injuries received from the Duke of Somerset did touch him to the quick this vext his very heart Of a 100. Townes enjoyed by the English they now enjoyed but foure Lisieux commanded by Gough yeelded their lives and livelyhood saved but the Garrison was to march forth with a white truncheon onely in their hand Falce whereof the Earle of Shrewesbery was Master by gift from Henry held out a while the souldiers sailed forth to surprize the cannon which they saw appeare but being repulsed and Charles himselfe comming thither in person they demanded parly which was granted them they agreed upon two articles one for each side for them that they should surrender the place if they were not succoured within twelve dayes For Charles that hee should set the Earle of Shrewesbery at liberty who was prisoner in Dreux Dumfronte yeelded the second of August the lives and goods of the Inhabitants saved Chereburg held last out it was valiantly defended as long as their munition lasted from thence the Governour thereof Captaine Thomas Gonvall and the Garrison went to Callais where he found the Duke of Somerset and the rest who after so many adverse fortunes had retired themselves thither Normandy returned back againe to the possession of the French 30. yeares after it had beene conquered by Henry the fifth and 3. were the causes of her losse the first that a small number of Souldiers were not sufficient to retaine it in obedience for though it did patrimonially belong to the Crowne of England yet did it not any longer retaine those former good affections to England which had beene cancelled by the interposition of the government of two ages from the time that King Iohn of England was deprived thereof by Philip the first so as being French in scituation tongue and customes it was impossible to preserve her with the weake forces of bare garrisons devided conquests and which are aloofe of are not kept without great Collonies or without the totall rooting out of the people especially when they neighbour upon great Princes that may helpe them the common wealth of Rome doth antiently teach us this and in moderne time the Turke and the Spaniards the Turke in the Easterne Countries and parts adjacent the Spaniards in Cuba Muxico Pera and the rest of America wherein destroying as many as could hurt them they reserved none alive save some few that they thought might doe them service the second was the Duke of Somersets avarice for that hee did not keepe such garrisons there as hee should have done but pocketted up the money in his owne purse as appeares by his conniving during the truce at the robberies which with suppository beards were done upon the high wayes by his Souldiers whereby hee gave just occasion of complaint unto the French and by not paying of his Souldiers lost all power either of suppressing their out rages or punishing their selves the third home divisions of these three the first is not to bee questioned the second though some what obscure yet cleare enough by the effects the third may suffer a dispute for though ill humours were conceived they were not ripe enough to cause the ruine of the state â—…or would they have beene at all conceived or bred under a princely spirited King 〈◊〉 proceed from ill government ill government from the want of judgement insufficiency and easinesse and cruelty in the Prince now to come to these ruines I say the chiefest of them had their beginnings from the Duke of Suffolke of whom there are divers opinions Polliâ—…ore Holinshead and Hall judge evilly of him following the vâ—…lgar opinion which never adheres to favorites Caniden and Speed evilly but not with ingratitude grounding themselves upon many truthes I in like manner beleeve both well and ill of him the good in him was that he was very vertuous and of heightned conditions for what concerned himselfe he waged warre in France 44. yeares without intermission in seventeene of which he never saw his owne country when he was taken prisoner his ransome cost him 20000. pound sterling though then he had no greater title then bare knighthood he was of 30. yeares standing of the order of the Garter his father was slaine at the siege of Harflore his elder brother in the battle of Ajencourt and two younger brothers in the same warres so as it cannot be denyed but that his Prince and country ought much unto him since he spent his life and livelihood in the service of the one his reputation in the service
of Yorke had domesticated a savage people reduced them to discipline and to obedience that England stood in neede of such a King who were to bee sought out if there were not such a one and were to be chosen were it not by nature and by the Lawes due unto him so as if he were not priviledged by his lawfull pretentions his onely vertues were sufficient to purchase him the Kingdome That Henry was illegitimate yet a King to be borne withall did hee resemble his grandfather or his father but that degenerating in worth usurping the lawes and being by nature incapable hee was unworthy and not to bee tollerated since that as France had beene lost by him England would likewise runne danger of being lost if his preservation should bee endeavoured That necessity the times and chiefely the danger the common wealth was in required other resolutions that advantage and the common weales good being joyned to justice it would bee injustice injury and ruine not to provide for it They did not preach this Doctrine in private but disperst it abroad to the end that like seed sowne in due time they might there out reape to harvest which they expected Every man had the vanitie to publish these things to shew their wisedomes and their affection to the publique necessitie and to the end that these seditious practises might bee followed by effects Yorke before the death of the forenamed Duke had wrought the end of Adam Molleins Bishop of Chichester and Lord privy Seale beleeving that hee being a man of integritie might oppose his designes hee caused him to bee assassenated by Fishermen at Ports-mouth to the end that hee might bee thought to bee slaine by the outragious commotion of that baser sort of people but all these things tending more to undoing then to the doing of any thing hee thought to beginne his worke by some popular sedition which precipitating the Rebells into a fault unpardonable and their feare of punishment making them obstinate in their errours hee might make use of them either joyned together or separated as occasion should serve hee perswaded one Iacke Cade an Irishman a bold man and who had a spirit which did not correspond with his low condition to faigne himselfe to bee a Cosen of his of the house of Mortimer to the end that winning beleefe by reason of his blood hee might bee favoured by the true Mortimers who did not know him and might seduce the rest which hee was to worke upon hee chose Kent for his scene beleeving it to bee fickle and fitter for his designe than any other place as being neare to London There did Cade exagerate the wickednesse of the Counsellours and of the government the grievances and such other like things till such time as having sufficiently enflamed the Inhabitants of those parts hee made offer of himselfe to bee their Leader promising them that when hee should have possessed himselfe of the Kings person the which hee faigned hee would doe and driven away those who governed him amisse hee would put them in a way of so just a government that the grievances introduced under spetious pretences and which framed the chaine of their servitude should totally bee taken away and the chaine broken Thus perswaded hee assembled a great number of people with whom hee encamped himselfe not farre from London and calling himselfe the Captaine of Kent hee sent for one Thomas Cocke a Woollen Draper under a safe conduct commanding him to bring him certaine numbers of Armes and Horse and a thousand Markes of ready money at the charge of the strangers that did inhabit the Citie by the name the Genowayes Venetians and Florentines threatning that if these things were not sent unto him hee would kill as many of them as hee could come by and 't is to be beleeved hee was herein obeyed For when afterwards hee entered the Citie hee did no harme at all to any forreigner the Citizens were not displeased at his commotion who did not consider their owne danger and the little beleefe which ought to bee given to such people But the King and Councell who foresaw the consequences sent to understand from him the reasons which had mooved him to take up Armes and make the people rise hee answered to amend the evills under which the kingdome suffered to chastise those who were the ruine of the Common-wealth and to correct the errours of the chiefe Counsellours which being said hee gave unto those that were sent unto him two writings the one was intituled The Commons of Kents complaints the other their demands from the King The Articles of the former were that it was reported that Kent should bee destroyed and reduced into a Forrest to revenge the Duke of Suffolkes death whereof the Countie was no wayes gurltie that the King had taken a resolution for the time to come to live upon the peoples contributions and to give his owne revenue to particular men that those of the blood royall were excluded from the government of the state and people of meane condition introduced so as businesses were not dispatch't according to the Lawes but by corruption that provisions for the Kings household were had and not payd for that by the Kings giving of confiscations unto his servants the innocent were falsely convinced and by being kept in prison lost the benefit of the Law so as they could not defend themselves that the like was practised against them who being justly possessed of their goods were denied to shew their title that they might bee thereof deprived That France being lost through the faults of certaine Traitors they should bee enquired after and condemned without pardon the writing which contained their demands was to this purpose that the King that hee might live conformable to his royall dignitie should retaine unto himselfe the patrimony of the Crowne and not participate it unto others That he should banish all Suffolkes kindred should punish according unto the Lawes such of them as had deserved punishment and should take neare unto him the Lords of the blood Royall viz. the Dukes of Yorke Excester Buckingham and Norfolke and all the Earles and Barons for that so doing hee would bee the richest King of Christendome that those who were guiltie of the Duke of Glocesters death who was injustly declared to bee a Traytor should bee punished the Commons declaring that they would live and die in this quarrell and maintaine the imputation to bee false that the Duke of Excester the Cardinall of Winchester the Duke of Warwicke France Normandy Gascony Guien Aniou and Mayne many Lords Gentlemen and others were lost through the fault of these Traitors to the Kings great prejudice Finally they demanded the Abollition of divers things which they termed extortions the Councell was much vext at the Arrogancy of these men and since there was none there who did not condemne them Henry with fifteene thousand men marched towards them himselfe in person to give them battle but Cade
twelve miles from London and secured himselfe with trenches and artillery The King brought his campe thither likewise and sent unto him the Bishops of Winchester and Ely to know of him what had caused him to take up armes hee answered nothing against the King nor yet against any honest man but against some evill Counsellors who were enemies to the common-wealth and the peoples leeches and naming the Duke of Somerset hee said hee was the cause that brought him thither and offered if Somerset might bee put into safe custody till such time as in Parliament hee should make defence to such things as there should bee objected against him to dismisse his troopes and present himselfe before the King and serve him as all good and faithfull subjects ought to doe The Dukes end in this enterprise was to justifie his owne actions in the beginning for to fight with the King at very first would proove scandalous and diametrically opposite to the publique good With this his answer hee would possesse the World of a good opinion of him shun the dangers hee might light upon if hee should hazard a battell and have the worst and by making Somerset safe so as hee should bee enforced to answer to what should bee objected against him hee was sure the Parliaments severity considered and the hatred which the people bore him hee could not escape with his life the which hapning hee might with ease deprive Henry of this Kingdome rather by meanes of law then by violence for having lost Somerset hee lost all councell commanders and followers The King on the other side who thought that to reduce him to obedience by violence would be a hazardous affaire seemed to gratifie his desire and gave order for Somersets being forth comming whereupon dismissing his people according to his promise Yorke came unto the King but whilest hee had published his complaints accusing the pretended guilty person of treason and oppression The Duke of Somerset who was not farre of and heard all that was said hearing himselfe wounded in his honour and could not containe himselfe but comming from where hee was concealed and not contented to answer to what was objected against him hee accused his accusor of high treason for having with many others conspired against the Kings life and consulted how with least danger they might bereave him of his crowne and scepter an accusation which was not slightly to bee passed over The King returned to London whither hee was brought as a prisoner and presented before a great counsell assembled for this purpose aâ—… Westminster where the two Dukes accusing one another reciprocally nothing could bee resolved of for Yorke denyed all nor were there any witnesses to convince him but Somerset perceiving the euils that were likely to ensue if hee should escape did all that in him lay to have him put to the rack which in this case onely is permitted by the lawes of England He shewed how that if Yorke and all his generation were not bereaved of their lives a â—…vill warre must needs ensue which would bee the destruction of England for that hee had long agoe resolved the ruine of the King and of the house of Lancaster that hee might make himselfe King and transplant the Crowne and Kingdome into his owne family or house But these advertisements were of no force his supposed innocence withstood them since when hee was armed with considerable forces hee had presented himselfe unarmed before the King which it was not likely hee would have done had hee beene guilty of any such thing An opinion which easily prevailed for that at the same there came two important nuses the one that the Earle of Marsh was marching with an army towards London the other that the Count de Cardale and Monsieur Desperres were sent from Burdeaux to make a new offer of their obedience and to desire an army to recover what was lost and which was easiliest to bee recovered for that the French were weake and the Country weary of them so as the eminent danger threatned by the comming of the Earle of Marsh and the Gnascons request the first not to bee excited and the latter not to bee promised without peace and quiet were the causes why the Duke of Yorke was released and why hee retired himselfe to Wales to expect a more opportune occasion whilest the Duke of Somerset had wherewithall to appease his griefe remaining without rivall the moderator of the whole government The alterations of Gascony sprung from impositions laid by the French caused fresh hopes in England the which though it be denied by Dupleix who doth therefore taxe Hallian who followes the opinion of Pollidore yet are the proofes of the contrary very weake hee saith it is not likely that Charles would have imposed grievances upon them contrary to his oath especially the first yeare wherein he was to establish his government amongst them and that the Souldiers were so well disciplined as that the open fields were free from rapine as if Princes did alwayes that which they ought to doe and that military discipline not subject to corruption should observe the reformation in Gascony The King being absent which when he was in person present he caused to be observed in Normandy France hath had good Kings and good Officers yet not sufficient to suppresse or change the inclinations of such as serve them It is impossible for Princes to doe any thing of excellency if their subjects appeare not in their interests Particular avarice hath at all times beene cause of remarkeable mischiefes If Francis the first had had as many men fighting as hee paid paye unto hee had not lost his liberty before Pavia King Henry entertaines the offer of Burdeaux and suddenly sent Talbot Earle of Shrewsbery thither who though ever exceeding diligent in all expeditions yet in this hee did out doe himselfe hee embarqued himselfe and tooke with him 3000. souldiers leaving order for such as were to follow him hee landed upon the coast of Meddock and the more to terrifie the enemy hee made great spoiles in their Townes but being sent for in by those all of Burdeaux hee filled the adjacent parts with horrour the City was of different opinions touching the French garrison some would have them bee suffered to goe away free others not and these threw open the Gates to the English who entering at unawares imprisoned the garrison but spilt no bloud nor did no outrage neither to them nor the Townes-men Fronsack did for a few dayes stop Talbot in his advancement but when it yeelded all the neighbouring Townes did alike and did freely of themselves returne to their former obedience Castillian sent for him and the French garrison being put forth his men entered when Charles heard hereof hee sent thither Count Cleremont his sonne in law and his Lieutenant in Guienne with 600. Horse and 1200. Crosbowmen under the Conduct of Messieurs de Lorhac and Orvall to make matters good till such time as
his men proceeded from their desparing of faring well for being certaine to fare ill if they should loose they resolved rather to dye fighting then to live in shackells and perchance be hanged The Baron was one of the first that was slaine and together with him about 2400. more a sorrowfull happines for some dayes to the Earle for his two sonnes Iohn and Thomas being wounded in the Battell were both taken as they were providing for their cure and seeking out a bed in some neighbouring place they were led away to Chester and were likely to have fared ill had not the Inhabitants of that Towne affectionate to Yorke set them at liberty so as the Earle having recovered them did plenarily enjoy his good fortune this battel was the chance which ruined both the parties though for a while it was fortunate to Yorkes Successor for God after having chastised the one side the other was pleased to appease his anger by the uniting of both the houses which put an end to the civill warres The Duke of Yorke having received advertisement from the Earle himselfe of this good successe writ thereof to Callais from whence came the Earle of Warwick with a good band of old souldiers commanded by Andrew Trollop and Iohn Blunt Captains who were accustomed to the French-warres they marched all three to Shrewesbery so strong as they feared not to meete the enemy the King who had notice of their designe gathered together a very great army part of which came for the love they bore to him part for feare of the Queene whose anger was implacable The Duke had pitcht his campe not farre from Ludlow upon the confines of Wales whither the King went likewise to plant his and where they stood looking one upon an other waiting their best advantage but the Duke thinking it would be dangerous for him to temporise since consciences are subject to repentance the insurrections of subjects against their Princes ought either to be suddenly executed or not at all undertaken resolved to give him battell early the nextmorning The Earle of Warwick had not declare him selfe to the two fore named Captaines to be an enemy unto the King so as when they saw they were led to fight against their owne Prince in whose service and under whose pay they ever had and yet did live they fled to the Kings campe and acquainted the King with the Dukes intention who imagining his designe was discovered as it was resolved to flie which whether it proceeded out of his feare of Trolops valour and wisedome upon whom he had much relied or for that he thought his example would enduce others to doe the like I doe not know He went to Wales from thence to Ireland together with his second sonne the Earle of Rutland his eldest sonne the Earle of March together with Salisbury and Warwick embarkt himselfe in Devonshire and made for Iernesey from whence he went to Callais where without any manner of difficulties he and his companions were received the King sent after the one and the other but in vaine he pardoned all that stayd save some few who could not be left unpunished for examples sake he sackt Ludlow and Ludlowe Castle hee detained the Dutchesse of Yorke and her Sister the Dutchesse of Buckingham he banished those that were fled and by Parliament declared them to be rebells traitors enemies to the Kingdome and confiscated their goods he disposed of their commands he gave the wardenship of the North marches to the Earle of Northumberland and the Lord Clifford and the command of Callais to the Duke of Somerset on the which if he had thought at first as hath beene said their ruine had beene inevitable wanting that place of refuge the Duke of Somerset beleeving to have possession given him with as much ease as hee had the grant of the place went thither with a good band of souldiers but being shot at by the cannon from within the Towne hee withdrew himselfe a little of and sent unto the Captaines of the garrison to let them know the occasion of his comming and caused his letters patents to be shewed them but this availed him nothing nay having retired himselfe to Guines by skirmishing from whence he thought to bring them to obedience his ships went into the haven at Callais bearing a long with them those to whose charge they were recommanded who being enemies to Warwick were forthwith beheaded His skirmishes this meane while did daily diminish the number of his souldiers the which though it did the like to those within the Towne yet did they not so much feele the losse for they had every day fresh supplies many of the same faction flocking apace unto them from England unsent for whereupon having advertised the King and Queene of what straits he was in they dispatcht away unto him the Lord Rivers and Sir Antony Woodveile his sonne with 400. souldiers who being come to Sandwitch had the windes so contrary as they could not put to Sea the Earle of March had notice of all these proceedings and those of Callais who sent away Sir Iohn Denham with a company of souldiers more valiant then numerous who with a winde as favorable to them as it was contrary to their enemies entred the Haven and Towne of Sandwitch which being unguarded and free from suspition her Inhabitants thought they might sleepe securely hee tooke the Lord Rivers and his sonne in their beds and though the souldiers awakened made head and wounded Denham in the legge whereupon hee remained lame hee not withstanding mastered them hee sackt many houses hee being favored by the marriners made himselfe master of the chiefest of the Kings-ships furnished with all manner of warlike provisions and returning to Callais hee presented them to the Earle of March together with the prisoners the Earle of Warwick made use of these ships to convey himselfe into Ireland to the Duke of Yorke in his going and returning hee was so favored by the windes as hee spent not above 30. dayes in his whole journey but he had come short home being waited for by the Lord Admirall the Duke of Excester in his returne had not the Dukes commands beene in like manner set at nought by the souldiers and marriners being come to Callais hee tould them that the Dukes pleasure was that passing into England they should vexe the King till both the King and those hee should bring along with him should come and joyne with them the King to inhabite their landing had caused the Seaports to bee fortified deputing Sir Simon Monfort for that worke who to effect it went to get into Sandwich but nothing being done in Court whereof the Earle of March had not notice even by the Kings domestiques hee sent thither the Lord Falconbridge who tooke it the second time and sent Monfrot with divers other prisoners unto him advising him that the inclination of that shire considered shee should doe well not to loose time but crossing
more neerely concerne him that nothing could be more acceptable to subjects than to take a wife from amongst them since children must issue from the same blood that for portion he valued it not having more than he knew what to doe withall that for all other inconveniences contentment in a wife with whom one was to live and die did out-weigh them all His mother finding her perswasions to be of no force bethought herselfe of another means which proved alike vaine The King upon promise of marriage had wrought to his desire a Lady of great birth named Elizabeth Lucy She alledged that since before God this Lady was his legitimate wife he could not marry any other An impediment which delayed his satisfaction in the other for the Bishops required proofe thereof But the Lady Lucy examined upon oath in opposition to the instigation of the Dutchesse and her owne honour and interest did depose that the King did never passe unto her any direct promise but that hee had said such things unto her as had shee not thought them thereunto equivalent shee had never condescended to his will Upon this deposition the King did privately marry the other the marriage being afterwards published by her Coronation None were pleased herewithall the Nobility lesse than the Communalty their greatnesse being obscured by the sudden splendor of the Queenes kindred Her father was created Earle Rivers and shortly after made Lord High-constable of England Her brother Anthony was enricht by the marriage of the daughter and heire of the Lord Scales which Title was likewise conferred upon him Her sonne Thomas Gray which she had by her former husband did afterwards marry the daughter of William Bonneville Lord Harrington and was created Marquis Dorser Historians observe many mischiefes that ensued from this marriage besides the death of so many that was caused thereby Edward did thereby lose his Kingdome his children were declared to be bastards and strangled the Queenes house extirpated the Earle of Warwicke and his brother slaine But they name not the death of King Henry and his sonne which had not hapned had not the Earle of Warwicke for this cause taken up Armes King Lewis though thus abused did not suffer himselfe to be transported by passion but making use of his naturall dissembling expected a time for revenge And to pacifie the two sisters hee not long after married Bona to Galiazzo Maria Sforza Duke of Milan sonne to Francis but not with so good successe as Hall reports for her husband being slaine she within a few yeeres became a widdow and by her ill government afforded occasion to his cousin Lodowicke Sforza to take from her the government and the government life and Dukedome from her sonne Iohn Galeazzo The Earle of Warwicke this meane while wounded in his reputation parted from France more sensible thereof than he made shew for he could not though so farre cloake his anger but that Lewis was aware of it Being returned to England he so behaved himselfe with the King as that he seemed not to be at all distasted whilst this present injury did call to mind many other formerly received which would not though have hurried him to his ruine had it not been for this He saw how the King did apprehend his greatnesse and grew jealous thereof that his designe was to suppresse him when himselfe should be better established that he thought not himselfe King whilst men thought him as necessary to the conservation of the State as he was to the obtaining thereof That the services hee had done him were of such a nature as to shunne the tie of obligation ingratefull people doe oft times desire to rid themselves of the obliger That the state of businesse was such as would not suffer him to be debarred the communication thereof though Edward thought hee did thereby communicate unto him his government and made him Colleague of his Kingdome That he had sought after all occasions to bereave him of mens good opinion All which made him believe that he was sent into France to this purpose To this may be added and which boyled in him more than all the rest that Edward would have dishonoured his house by tempting the honesty of I know not whether his daughter or his neece wherein though he did not succeed the offering at it ceaseth not to be mischievous and wicked as a thing whereby he endeavoured to dishonour the family of his kinsman servant and benefactor All these things put together begat in him such an hatred as hee resolved to depose him and re-inthrone Henry as soone as a fit occasion should present it selfe And though hee retired himselfe to Warwicke under a pretence of an indisposition of health yet did the King spie his discontents though not so much as it behoved him to have done for hee thought him not so sufficient to depose him as he was to raise him up and that out of two reasons First that Princes doe seldome mistrust their owne power especially with their subjects secondly for that they doe believe the injuries they do are written in Brasse by those who receive them whilst they who doe them write them in Sand. The Queene was this yeere delivered of a daughter named Elizabeth who put a period to the Civill warres by marrying with Henry the VII Edward did this meane while peaceably possesse his Kingdome his enemies were all or slaine undone or frightned He had none to feare save France and her but a little for Lewis was more inclined to wage warre at home than abroad Hee forbare not though to joyne friendship with Iohn King of Arragon who upon occasion might by way of diversion assist him in Languedocke a good though deceitfull foresight for it often happens that many yeeres are spent in the cultivating of a friendship which proveth faulty in the harvest Yet wisdome it is to manure such as put us not to too great charge for the opinion of having friends weighes with our enemies This friendship occasioned the transportation of a great many sheepe into Spaine whereby England was as much impoverished as Spaine was inriched He likewise for the same respect concluded a Truce with Scotland for 15 yeeres But the friendship of the Duke of Burgundy was that which most availed him and which re-established him in his Kingdome when he had lost it Philip the Duke of Burgundy did yet live and his sonne Count Caralois who by two wives had one onely daughter afterwards the sole heire of all those Territories the Duke was minded to marry him the third time hoping to secure the succession by issue male He bethought himselfe of Margaret sister to Edward a Princesse of great beauty and indued with a spirit not usuall to her sex but her being of the house of Yorke made him stagger in his resolutions For that the Queene of Portugall his wives mother was a daughter of the house of Lancaster by reason whereof her sonne Charles did love that house and
hate the other But since he could make no alliance of more jealousie to France nor of more commodity to the Low-Countreys he sent Anthony the eldest of his naturall sonnes commonly called the Bastard of Burgundy with some others Ambassadour into England to this effect He came with a retinue of 400. horse with rich Liveries and richer furniture He was graciously received by the King The businesse being propounded in Councell none with stood it but the Earle of Warwicke For framing the Rebellion which hee had formerly plotted with himselfe hee conceived this match would be harmfull to Lewis on whom he intended to relie and good for Edward whom he intended to destroy But he having but one vote the Ambassadours request was granted and Edward promised friendship to the friends of Burgundy and enmity to his enemies He presented his sister to the Bastard and other Ambassadors who kissed her hand as their Princesse and presented her with very rich Jewels which she accepted of with termes of gratitude both to her father in law and husband Great were the entertainments that were made Challenges at Tilt passed between the Bastard and the Lord Scales the Queenes brother and between his followers and the English Gentry the which I passe by as not requisite to our story In midst of these revellings came the newes of Philippes death which much grieved the Bastard so as taking leave of the King and of the new Dutchesse of Burgundy and being richly presented he passed over into Brabant and made such a relation to the Duke his brother of his Bride as did very well satisfie him Who as soon as he had appeased the Legeois wherein he spent some time he desired Edward to send her over unto him according to the Articles of the Contract which he forthwith did She tooke shipping at Dover being attended on by 500. horse and accompanied by the two sisters Anne Dutchesse of Exceter and Elizabeth Dutchesse of Suffolke She landed at Slewes and went from thence to Bourges where the marriage was celebrated The Earle of Warwicke could not at length so well dissemble his distasts as that the King did not perceive them But Princes are not wont to give satisfaction to their inferiours especially to their subjects lest they might tacitely confesse those faults into which as being exempt they pretend they cannot fall or else shew some sort of humiliation repugnant to their greatnesse This increased the Earles indignation for surposed ignorance admits of excuse which confest knowledge doth not so as thinking himselfe injured before contrary to all reason and his injury being now doubled by the no account that was made of it he resolved forthwith to doe what he along time before had thought upon And so dangerous resolutions not being to be undertaken without assistance he judged the assistance of his owne brothers fittest the Archbishop of Yorke and the Marquesse When he had begun his discourse and laid open the reasons which moved him thereunto hee made an odious Parallell between Henry and Edward magnifying the gratitude and goodnesse of the former the ingratitude and wickednesse of the other He shewed how that their house had been the forwardest to spend their lives and livelihoods in the service of the Duke of Yorke the father and of Edward himselfe to make him King who had not recompenced them according to their high deserts and yet durst upbraid them with having been the raiser of their house whilst next under God they ought their chiefest honour to Henry that not contented thus to vilifie them he had endeavoured to dishonour their family and render it infamous by attempting to vitiate a daughter thereof He exaggerated the affront about the match with the Lady Bona which would not have been offered to the most contemptible man in the world Moreover that he had no waies excused it unto him but passed it over in silence not weighing that a mans honour ought to be more deare unto him than the apple of his eye or life it selfe Yet that he did not wonder at all this for that Edward judging other men by himselfe he thought other men should make as small account of their honour as he had alwaies done of his promises That his resolution was to doe what possibly hee could to take from him that Crowne which he had placed on his head and place it againe upon Henry a good and lawfull King That since they did partake with him in the injuries they ought likewise share with him in the revenge which would easily be effected if they would chearefully and heartily betake themselves unto it as they ought and as the chiefest of the Kingdome would doe And that he did assure himselfe they should not want assistance from Princes beyond the Seas necessity requiring it This proposition as it was unexpected so was it not at the first accepted of by the brothers But the Archbishop after long disputes giving way thereunto the Marquesse though with much difficulty suffered himselfe at last to be perswaded likewise moved by the tie of blood not any inclination of his owne for he loved Edward and was beloved by him This ambiguity was the ruine of them all for hee not able to deny his brothers nor yet to betray his Prince did amisse on both sides He assisted Edward by not cordially assisting his brother and he betrayed his brother by not heartily betaking himselfe to betray Edward Warwicke having laid this first groud-worke of his ruinous building he pursued the fabricke thereof with the Duke of Clarence for seeing him no waies pleased hee resolved to trie him Hee seemed to be sensible of the coolnesse used by the King of late to the Duke and expected what he would reply But he like a Cornet which with the first breath sends the sound abroad answered It was in vaine to complaine of things ancient and desperate That the King was in his owne nature disobliging and ungratefull and most to such as he was most obliged unto That since he made no account of his owne brothers much lesse would he doe it of other friends That he more valued his wives blood than his owne That he had disposed of three rich heires by marrying them to her sonne her brother and the Lord Hastings Mushroms sprung up in one night not having any consideration of his owne brethren Continuing in such like angry and threatning discourse hee gave the Earle occasion to lay himselfe open unto him who offered unto him his daugher with equivalent portion to those that he had named with numberlesse other promises and hopes The Duke was so blinded with his anger as hee minded not the injury he did unto himselfe that favouring the house of Lancaster the thing now in question hee destroyed his owne When it was more available to him to have his brother King than all the good could derive to him from this his ill taken advice The Earle more blinde than he did not consider the interest of
of Yorke were left alive That by endeavouring to ruine his brother he wrought his owne overthrow by quitting the right unto the Crown to the which he was so nigh himselfe For Edward though he were young had yet no sonne and but one daughter who might very well miscarry and such were his disorders as there was little likelihood he should have any more That being therefore to be presumed heire he much injured himselfe by giving the Crown away from himselfe to his enemies who could never thinke themselves safe as long as he lived These reasons and others which the discreet woman knew how to make use of prevailed so farre with Clarence as that he gave her his word to joyne with his brother as soone as hee should be come into England Which sheweth of what little efficacy oathes and alliance are when a powerfull interest comes in place Clarence for some sleight domestique distasts failed his brother even to the endangering the losse of his Kingdome You shall see him faile his father in Law even to the making him lose his life Whence wee are taught that in great affaires wee ought onely to trust such to whom profit and danger are univocall together with us Many of the King of France his ships were making ready in Harfleur for the Earle of Warwickes service and some of his owne likewise where he received sundry dispatches from many Lords of England They desired him not to delay his returne though hee were to come all alone for being looked for by so many that were desirous to spend their lives in his service hee needed no foraine forces and that his delay might endanger his friends and overthrow the enterprize He acquainted the Queene and his companions herewithall whose opinions were that hee should forth with be gone with such ships as hee should finde in readinesse and that as soon as the Queenes ships should be in due equipage her father the King of Sicily had sent her as many as hee could to this effect she and her sonne would imbarque themselves upon the first newes of any hopes of good successe in England so as having taken leave of the King and thanked him for so many and so great favours hee went into the Fleet whither by command from the King the Admirall of France and divers other ships were come to guard him from Charles his Fleet which lay expecting him in the mouth of the River Seine and which was much greater than the Kings Warwicks and the Admirals all joyned together Doubtlesse had not fortune plaied one of her wonted trickes the English had not returned to England for the Burgonians were many strong and resolute to doe all that was possible to take the Earle But the night before the Earles departure the Dukes ships were by a great tempest scattered many of them were sunke the rest driven into sundry places not any two of them being found together So as the Earle putting to Sea the next day with a faire wind as if the tempest had risen and were allayed to doe him service came to Anchor in Dartsmouth haven in Devonshire the same place where six moneths before he tooke shipping for Calleis Edward was at this time busied in sports and revellings not thinking on foraine affaires relying upon Charles his mighty Fleet which lay in wait to fight with him and hinder his passage into England When he heard he was landed he past from his first confidence to a second and worser thinking hee had him now in a noose Hee advertised Charles and desired him to take order hee should not returne againe to France and then hee needed trouble himselfe no further for that he was sufficient of himselfe to hinder all his designes within his Kingdome and to chastise him But Charls who was a wise and vigilant Prince was not of this opinion he would have had him to have hindred his landing without the adventuring of his Person and Kingdome upon the uncertainty of battell and the inconstancy of his people and fortune The first thing Warwicke did was to make Proclamations be made every where in Henries name that all men from sixteene to threescore yeere old upon grievous punishment should come and present themselves armed before him to serve Henry the lawfull King against Edward Duke of Yorke the unlawfull usurper of the Kingdome He was forthwith obeyed great numbers of people flockt unto him even those who the yeere before were wholly devoted to Edwards service A change though strange yet not to be wondred at Old things cause satiety new businesses provoke fresh appetite Edward being in this straight resolved to doe the same which the Earle had done Hee summoned all the Peeres of the Land was obeyed but by a few and by those more out of feare than out of any good will Hee went to Nottingham accompanied by his brother the Duke of Gloucester the Lord Scales the Queenes brother and the Lord Hastings his Chamberlaine presuming there to raise an Army answerable to his need The Rebels this meane while increased and the Ministers in their Pulpits did approve of Henries right The bastard Faulconbridge and the Earle of Pembrooke the one in the West the other in Wales did proclaime him King That which most troubled Edward was that Marquesse Montaigne having gathered together 6000. fighting men and brought them almost unto Nottingham hee returned backe either for that he thought Edwards affaires were now desperate and that the ayreevery where resounding Long live Henry Long live Warwicke he thought it foolishnesse not to share of his brothers good fortune or else for that hee had now a just occasion to revenge himselfe of Edwards ingratitude as hee tearmed it who for his service done unto him and his blood shed for him in so many battels and dangers had onely requited him with the bare Title of Marquesse He declared himselfe against him and brought those 6000 along with him proclaiming Henry King as the others had done I know not whether he had reason to accuse Edward of ingratitude or no. Voluptuous people who like him are given to their pleasures are naturally prodigall in their owne dissolutenesse and backward enough in paying what they owe. I am very certain his other brothers could not complaine thereof though Warwicke injuriously did The Archbishop of Yorke wore the second Mitre of England and the Earle of Warwicke if wee may believe Comines to boote with his owne Revenues which were very great had 80000 Crowns a yeer comming in in Lordships Confiscations and Places meerely conferred upon him by the Kings grace which was much more in those daies than 300000 would be now But it is hatefull and dangerous to Princes when pretensions grow to that height as there is no meanes of recompence and that the onely pretence of the pretenders seeming to upbraid doth tacitely demand and seeme to plead the participation of their Princes dignity and estate Edward knew not what to say to these alterations which hourely
common sense faile to suggest unto him what injury hee was to suffer by the rule of the house of Lancaster notwithstanding the seeming favourable proceedings of Parliament in his behalfe hee cloaked therefore his sorrow and seemed to be glad at what did inwardly afflict him hee endeavoured to fit himselfe to the present times till fortune might afford some other occasion When Warwicke had thus taken order for things at home hee applied himselfe to foraine affaires his first thoughts were to divert Duke Charles from assisting Edward beleeving that whilest hee was busyed with the Armes of France in Picardy and those of England in the confines about Callis danger would enforce him to mind his owne affaires and not trouble himselfe with what concerned other men hee sent 400 men to Callis to make inrodes into the parts about Boloigne which were with all dutifull respect received by Vauclere which freed him of all suspition of being any way inclined to the contrary party Before Edward landed in Holland Charles was informed that hee was dead neither was hee troubled at the newes moved by his antient inclination to the house of Lancaster and though Warwickes power did much molest him not hoping ever to gaine him hee hoped notwithstanding strongly to oppose him by meanes of the two Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter who had beene by him maintained in their miseries but when hee heard hee was arrived in Holland he was altogether amazed for should hee assist him he should draw upon him Henries enmity neither could hee deny him aide since his Wife was his Sister Charles knew not that Callis was at Warwickes command building much thereon hee sent Comines to see what hee could promise to himselfe therein for Vauclere having denyed entrance to Warwicke and accepted of a Pension from him hee had reason to believe him to depend upon him the Duke and not to be reconcileable with Warwicke but as soone as Comines was come to Callis hee found hee had lost his labour hee was not received as formerly all hee met wore the Earles colours the gate of the house wherein hee lay and his owne Chamber doore were marked with the White-crosse Songs were every where sung of the firme friendship and intelligence betweene Lewis and Warwicke Being by Vauclere invited to Dinner hee met there a great many Gentlemen who talked neglectfully of Edward and those most who had formerly seemed most to affect him none but Vauclere himselfe spake modestly of him Comines faining the first report of Edwards death to be true said to them that 't was now to no purpose to talke any more of him since hee was dead and that if hee were yet alive the Duke of Burgondy had contracted no other friendship with him then with whatsoever other King That the Articles of contract mentioned onely England and the King thereof that the friendship between England and Burgondy should still continue the same the names of Edward and Henry onely altered Charles was not displeased with this agreement though it was not as he could have desired for under-hand hee could do what he listed whilst hee was free from suspition of being molested by England which was that he most feared The Wollen-Drapers of London wrought well for him in this businesse for Warwicke having taken 4000 men into pay to send against him the Merchants for feare the War might overthrow their Trafficke did so behave themselves as they made him alter his resolution which had it not happen'd much mischiefe might have ensued to him for this fell out just at the same time when Lewis had taken from him Amiens and St. Quintines so as his affaires were likely to have succeeded ill he not being able to defend himselfe in two severall parts against two so potent enemies Charles had not yet seene Edward their first encounter was in the Towne St. Paul the perswasions the King used to him were that he himselfe shared with him in his losse since that he had not now to do with Henry of Lancaster but with the Earle of Warwicke whose Friendship was never to be hoped for as long as Lewis his amity did prevaile that by assisting him hee should not onely assist a Brother in Law and one that would alwayes be his friend but hee should do a worke becomming a just and a great Prince without exposing himselfe to a long and impossible businesse since hee had such intelligence such friends and servants within the Kingdome as hee needed onely to shew himselfe with some Convoy of Ships armed with a few men rather for reputation sake then any neede These perswasions were but coldly entertained by Charles for the Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter shewed unto him what hee owed to his Birth hee himselfe comming of the house of Lancaster and promised him what hee could desire against Warwicke to whom they were both irreconcileable enemies Edward was not well pleased to be nourished with hopes whilest Charles made him believe that his dissembling was necessary for them both for him because hee was not to fight with two Kingdomes at one and the same time and for Edward because opportunity might render his succour more usefull But Edward not satisfied with these put-offs considering that his designes were the lesse likely to succeede well by how much the more firmely Henry grew settled in his Kingdome hee caused foure Ships to be made ready for him at Vere in Holland which being a free Haven not denyed to any one the Ships might seeme to be set forth by Edward himselfe and hired 14 more for him of the Easterlings bargaining that they should passe him over into England and serve him fifteene dayes after he should be landed Hee caused moreover 50000 Florines to be secretly delivered unto him and that this aide might not seeme to be given by him he made it be proclaimed that whosoever should assist Edward should incurre great punishment hereby hee freed himselfe from giving suspition to England and come what might come remain'd friends to both sides Edward had 2000 men with him besides Mariners with which having landed at Ravenspur in Yorkeshire he sent forth some light horse to discover how the Inhabitants were inclined and finding them wholly turned over to Henries side not so much as willing to heare him named hee changed his resolution hee gave out that he did not pretend to the Kingdome Fearing lest the troubles that might thereby arise might alienate the peoples hearts but to his patrimoniall estate of Yorke under the obedience of Henry It cannot be imagined what good effect this his crafty wisedome produced for this his pretence being thought not onely moderate but just no man opposed him therein Equity orany thing which resembles it is of so great efficacy amongst men as that hee who but a little before was banished declared a Traitor and had his Lands confiscated yet being so great a Prince by birth as hee was and having beene King it moved all men to compassionate him
hopes of gaining it being lost had it not been that out of ostentation he might say that the Emperour accompanied by all the Princes of the Empire as well Ecclesiastical as Secular could not make him raise his Siege though the Emperours Army was four times as great as his but seeing his Army consumed through long sufferings the death of 4000 of the best Souldiers he had the losse of Farrata the Dutchy of Luxenburg pillaged the Counties of Poictiers and Piccardy burnt the King of England so much desired by him and so hardly wrought thereunto at Calais expecting him and threatning to return he was content to raise it remitting Nuz to the Popes Legat to dispose thereof as the Apostolike Sea should think good Thus having sent the remainder of his people into Lorrein and Bar that by sacking them they might refresh themselves he himself with a very small attendance went to Calais where he was but coldly welcomed as one who was expected in a Warlike not in a Complemental posture They did notwithstanding follow him and were by him led by the way of Bullen to Peron whereinto he suffered but few of them to enter being jealous of the place as if they had been his enemies The Constable had sundry times promised Charles to give up unto him Saint Quintines but not having done it and meaning nothing lesse he now sent to him Lewis Creville with his excuse saying that if he should have delivered it up to him he should have done him a disservice by bereaving him of all belief of his service in France but that now seeing he was joyned with the King of England he durst do it He sent him likewise a Letter of Credit wherewithal to serve himself with the King and to assure him of his best assistance in his behalf this was accompanied with a Writing sealed up wherein he promised to assist and serve all the Confederates of Burgundy namely the King of England against any whosoever none excepted The Constable was by nature perfidious and full of falshood but no ways wise so as it is no wonder if notwithstanding all his cunning he was ruined for evil doings seldom end well especially when craft and treachery are used towards one more crafty and more powerful The Fox loseth all his wiles when in the Lions paws The Constable while he was but Count S. Paul had served Philip Duke of Burgundy and gained the good will of his son Charles whom he governed in all his ways the which Lewis observing he thought to win him over to his side by making him his Constable believing by this new obligation to corrupt his former ancient friendship whilst Charles was confident the Count would never abandon his Cause and both of them were deceived For though he might at the same time have kept his old Master pay'd all Duties to his new one and inhansed his deserts with the one and with the other yet would not his bad inclinations suffer him so to do for instead of being a means of peace and friendship between them he stirred them both up to war and hatred Sincerity and Candor were not merchandise for his Ware-house nor could he have made use of them had he been willing whilest he believed his present greatnesse could not be augmented nor yet preserved but by his nourishing Discord between these two Princes and causing all their actions to have a dependency on him by making himself the Needle of the Dyal which sometimes points to this sometimes to that side He was to blame to justle with two the one of which was not inferiour to him in craft to wit Charles the other surpassing him therein which was Lewis the former was indued wth little wisedom as was he the other with so much as he might have been therein master to them both 'T would be too tedious to number up his disloyalties it may suffice to say that he fomented the War between them that he might necessitate Charles to marry his daughter to the Duke of Guienne If he did it not he threatned him with ruine shewing uuto him Lewis his Forces and if he did it he promised him S. Quintines and to procure the Duke of Britanny and his son-in-law to declare themselves against Lewis whilst Lewis waging War with Charles and being by him egged on not knowing what he did made War against himself by enforcing him to implore their aid against him by a Marriage equally detested by them both The Duke of Guienne dying he continued their Discord lest if they should agree they might discover his evil Offices the one unto the other whereby that might befal him which indeed did and believing that in case of danger his refuge might be with lesse hazard to Charles then to Lewis the former not being so wary as the other he allured him by the promise of S. Quintines the which in time of peace and by the instigation of the said Constable was by Lewis taken from him together with the Town of Amiens He proposed surprisal for the way of delivering it up promising he would suffer it to be taken the which Charles having divers times offered at was continually mockt and deluded and those who went against it were treated ill whereat though Charles was scandalized yet was he forced to admit his excuses he made him believe he had sent to surprise it at an unfitting time that if he had suffered it then to be taken he should have lost all his credit with the King and with France to the losse and prejudice of the Duke of Burgundy Lewis knew part of this dissembling and saw even into his bosom but he knew not how to punish him unlesse he should make an agreement with Charles for the Constable being possest of S. Quintines and having much of his own Patrimonial Lands lying round about it being very well followed well ally'd and of great Revenue he feared he might lose the Fort if he should discover himself to be his enemy But the King of England's coming was his bane Edward believed that S. Quintines the other adjacent places might serve him for places of Gariosn the next Winter the Constables last promise the Writing which was sent and the credit given him by Charles would not suffer him to think otherwise Whereupon he marched towards it and Charles led on the way but when they were neer the place and some of Edwards Troops advanced themselves believing they should have been received in assoon as they were within sight of the Walls the Canon plaid upon them and they might see themselves charged by sundry Troops of Horse and Foot which slew two or three of them This made the King believe he was as indeed he was basely betrayed The Duke not knowing what to say to it went his way the next day for meer shame and left these new people unacquainted with the Countrey abandoned to Fortune in danger of not being able either to serve him or themselves and Edward
what is anothers The Victories of Charles the Seventh against Henry the Sixth were of the later sort for he preserved his Crown and won what Henry possest in France but Lewis who in his overcoming could not pretend to other advantage then the driving out an enemy who hazarded nothing while he hazarded all was not to put himself upon Fortune without a proportionable recompence to his expence and losse so as if he bought Peace 't was in respect of his danger at so cheap a rate as the Seventy five thousand Crowns he paid down ready money and the Fifty thousand for Nine yeers would not have served him for One bare yeers expence to boot with a Thousand dangers and damages so as he did what wisedom bad him do not attending the opinion of others who did not arrive at this Physical knowledge That real Victory is properly his who giving way to dangers that he may withstand them doth without danger obtain his end as he did all this notwithstanding I should not praise him had he no other enemies beside Edward for 't were to propose to Princes a Maxime of Cowardize His men believed that Edward seemed to make an agreement that he might the better deceive him but he thought not so for Edwards occasions did not square with such dissimulation He had the Winter at hand wanted Towns was distasted by Charles deceived by the Constable was naturally a lover of his Pastimes so as Lewis his chiefest care was how to be rid of him not valuing Moneys or what others thought of him and that he might the sooner be gone he borrowed of every one he would willingly have paid more but would not part with any Towns or Provinces he would rather have hazarded all Edward gave him to understand he would by writing give him notice of some that betrayed him I know not whether the Constable knew thus much or no but he had many reasons to doubt it and remembring that at a Diet held the yeer before at Bovines Lewis and Charles had secretly proscribed him to the end that he might pay for his so many Treacheries though by somes means he used Lewis afterward hindred the execution thereof he doubted the like in this Agreement his conscience accused him of his past frauds used with the other two and now with Edward so as he feared lest their agreement might be his ruine this caused him day by day to send new Messengers to Lewis with advertisements and counsels drawn from the Forge of his unfortunate Inventions making himself so much the more suspected by how much the affected ostentation of his fidelity bereft him of belief He thought that since Lewis hated no Prince alive more then Charles to hold him in hand with hateful Reports was the means to continue him still his enemy and that the War continuing the thred that was woven for his destruction might either be lost or else grow knotty He sent unto him his Secretary and together with him a Gentleman called Lewis Greville who being first referred to Monsieur de Bouchage and to Commines Lewis being informed of the businesse sent for Monsieur de Contai one of Charles his servants who though he were his prisoner did notwithstanding passe with Messages between them he placed this man in a Cupboard which was in his Chamber to the end that hearing what he was to say to these men he might report the same to Charles and placing himself neer to the Cupboard he sent for them in Their Message was That they were sent from Charles to the Constable to alienate him from friendship with England and that finding him distasted by the King of England they had wel-nigh perswaded him not onely to abandon his friendship but to lend his helping hand to rifle him in his return This was spoken by Creville who believing to be better credited by humouring him imitated Charles his action stamping with his foot swearing and giving Edward injurious terms Lewis feigning as if he had been deaf made him say the same thing over again to the end that Contai might the better hear him who mad to hear his Prince thus abused longed to acquaint him with it This mock-mask ended with an advice of the Constables who knew not that the Agreement was fully made with Edward that Lewis to shun the danger which hung over him should make a Truce with Charles whereunto he obliged himself to make Charles stand and that he should give unto the English a Town or two to hold them in hopes this Winter who could not be so wicked as not to be content therewith The designes of these his Counsels were that the English by this means tarrying in France and the Truce with Charles being to expire the next Spring Lewis might be subject to the fear of War and he might gain time by these two Towns to pacifie Edward for his abuse at S. Quintines and to sowe Dissention between the other two so as all three having need of him he might by diversly deceiving them save himself and seem to oblige them whilest he did betray them Assoon as Creville was gone Contai came forth from the Cupboard as much incensed as Lewis was gladded that Charles should know what sport the Constable made with him I have this particular from Commines as all the rest concerning the businesse now treated on which though it be not simply requisite to our Story yet it is most necessary for knitting up the businesse and to make known the natures of the above-named together with the true causes which did fore-ripen the Constables death A Parley and Interview was this mean while agreed upon between the two Kings with agreement that Edward should return for England assoon as he should have received his Seventy five thousand Crowns and that in pledge of his return he should leave as Hostages the Lord Howard and Sir Iohn Cheynes Master of his Horse who were to be set at liberty upon the certain News of his arrival in England Lewis assigned Sixteen thousand Crowns annual Pension to be given to some of the chief English Lords and was very bountiful in his gifts to Edwards servants When Charles heard of this Accord he hasted to finde out Edward from whom understanding what had been done and how that he had comprehended him in the Truce he answered That he had not brought him out of England for any thing that concerned himself but for Edwards own affairs to the end that he might have occasion to imitate the glorious actions of his Predecessors in France by recovering what of right belonged unto him That since he was agreed not to do it he was no ways concerned therein and as touching the Truce to the end he might see how little he esteemed it he would not accept thereof till Three Moneths after he should be landed in England The King would have convinced him with reason shewing him that all the inconvenience had risen from him but he not listening
thereunto departed so much distasted as there never was after this any good Intelligence between them If Charles were angry at this Truce it amazed the Constable much more before he knew the certain conclusion thereof and when he knew it he sent his Confessor to Edward to intreat him not to give belief to Lewis his words or promises That he would be pleased to accept of the two Towns of Eu and S. Valleri which should be delivered up unto him That he might lodge there the beginning of the Winter promising him better Towns within two moneths space but he named them not He offered likewise to lend him Fifty thousand Crowns to the end that he might not be necessitated to make the Agreement But Edward answered The Truce was concluded and was to be observed if he were displeased thereat he might thank himself for if he had kept his promise to him he had not done it The place of Parley between the two Kings was Pichines a Town belonging to the Vidame of Amiens three Leagues distant from the Citie where whilst a wooden Bridge was cast over the River of Some and parties from either side were sent to view it Edward came within half a League of Amiens and was by Lewis presented with Three hundred Cartload of the best Wines that could be found and his people had in the City free egresse and regresse Lewis had caused many Tables laden with all sorts of salt-Meats which might provoke to drink to be set at the entring in of the Gate they were guarded by the best drinkers of France Besides all this he gave Commission to all the Innes and Taverns that they should feast the English and not suffer them to pay a peny Upon which occasion Nine thousand English came into the Town Some of the more cautelous French seeing this were not void of suspition in somuch as they did advertise Lewis thereof who having set people to observe their behaviours Finding them all singing and making merry and the most part of them drunk he found no cause of fear 'T was a wonder that in three days all which time this open Court was kept there hapned not any falling out or quarrel amongst so many drunkards Assoon as the Bridge was fully finished Edward marched towards it with his Army in a glorious manner Lewis his Army being nothing in comparison to his Lewis was come thither before Edward Amongst the Orders of the Parley one was That each of them shoule send Four of their men into the company of the others to have an eye upon what should be done to the end that if they should finde any cause of suspition they might advertise their Masters But this was needlesse The two Kings were to be attended upon the Bridge by Twelve men onely of which those that are named were Iohn Duke of Burbon the Cardinal of Burbon his Brother and Commines Lord of Argenton who had a Suit upon him like to that which King Lewis wore for it was his custom oftentimes to have some-body neer him clad in like manner as he himself was Commines writes that when Edward appeared his very presence spoke him a King and that though he begun to grow somewhat fat he was notwithstanding very handsom though not altogether so comely as when Warwick made him flee to Flanders at which time he was the handsomest and most comely man that ever he saw There were with him his Brother the Duke of Clarence the Earl of Northumberland the Lord Hastings his Chamberlain the Bishop of Ely his Chancellor and others to the number of Twelve The Duke of Gloucester came not thither for that having not given his consent to the Truce he would not be present when it was to be sworn unto When Edward was come within Five spaces of the Grate he took off his Cap which was of black Velvet whereon was a rich Jewel of Diamonds they made â—…owe Reverences each to other and embraced each other thorow the partitions of the Grate Lewis was the first that spoke he said He never coveted any sight so much as this and that he blessed God that had brought them together to so good an End Edward having courteously replied in French the Chancellor of England read the Treaty asking Lewis whether it were the same that he had sent and if he were therewithal content he answered Yes as likewise with that which was sent him from the King of England Hereupon the Masse-book and the Crosse being brought they laid their hands thereon and swore to observe the Truce of Nine yeers comprehending therein those that were within named and the Marriage between their children This being done Lewis said merrily to Edward He might do well to come to Paris to see the fair Ladies there and take his pastime and that if he should chance to commit some trivial trangressions he would assigne the Cardinal of Burbon to him for his Confessor This Cardinal was a young Prince no enemy to good-fellowship So as Edward being well pleased with the complemental Invitation Lewis for a good while play'd upon them both Lewis after this commanded his men to retire and Edwards men forth with withdrew uncommanded They discoursed a pretty while together it not being well known whereon but as it is believed to the prejudice of the Constable Lewis asked him what he would advise him to do if the Duke of Burgundy should not accept of the Truce as it was likely he would not in regard of the proud terms he had used to him Offer it him the second time replied Edward and if he shall not then accept of it do what you think best Lewis made this enquiry concerning Burgundy onely that he might enquire of Edward as he did and discover what his opinion was of the Duke of Bretaigne Edward said The Duke of Bretaigne was his friend and such a one as he had not found the like in his need that therefore he desired Lewis not to molest him but suffer him to live in quiet Lewis was not well pleased with this answer for his intentions were not good towards that Prince and he was the worse pleased for that he knew not the reason of it which was his detaining of the Earl of Richmond for it was in Bretaigne's power to trouble Edward if he listed for though he should neither have assisted Richmond with Men nor Money yet the permitting him to return to England would be sufficient to shake all the foundation of that Kingdom Lancasters faction was ready to rise hearing of his name and to trouble the possession of the Crown the which he having peaceably enjoy'd since Henry's death he was not likely to do so long so opposed Lewis was ignorant of these interests but cloking his dislike they took leave each of other having embraced such Lords and Princes as were there Edward returned to his Camp and Lewis to Amiens from whence he sent to Edward whatever he thought behoveful for him even to
but so full of tricks ambition perfidiousnesse and deceit as nothing but ruine could betide him whereas had he served Burgundy and France with such loyalty as he ought to have done amongst Princes he would have been thought worthy of the title of a Prince and amongst Captains been esteemed one of the chiefest of his time His father had served England and so had he but leaving her in the recesse of her Fortune he became one of Charles his favourites then Count Carolois and was not likely to have fallen from thence but an ambition having brought him to the eminent place of Constable the next man to the King in France Generalissimo of his Forces and at whose command even Princes did obey enriched besides his Office with Pensions and Commands there remained nothing more for him to covet had he not like sick men by longing after what was hurtful for him contaminating his faith and honour put a period to his life and honour In this many erre encrease of honour or riches causes still a thirsting after more such examples have been before and since the Constable and shall be as long as the world endures for the avarice and ambition of such as come to what they formerly were not makes them see amisse and whilst they think to go beyond the period of their Fortunes thinking to transport it from its natural circle to an imaginary one as he who should think to passe from the Sphere of the Moon to that of the Sun for that as it is of a larger circumference so is it of a more elevated and lasting efficacie they in their passage tumble down headlong and break their necks Happie is he who possessing the favour of his Prince with temperance enjoys an alway-permanent Fortune grounded upon the justice and integrity of his own actions and if he prove not as rich as Croesus yet need he not to be ashamed of his riches which if they be but small the greater signe 't is of their being well come-by whilest the Princes favour the testimony of a good conscience and the being able to do good to others are the most glorious and most advantagious riches the world affords In such extraordinary Fortunes 't is better to sympathize with Agrippa and Maecenas then with Sejanus Edwards Ship had cast Anchor in a place secure from all windes save such as blew from Bretaigne which were those alone that were able to split or overwhelm her He enjoy'd his estate with out the disturbance of forreign enemies by means of the new Treaty with Burgundy's enmity did no ways trouble him for though the desire of subduing Lorrein and the humour of provoking the Switzers which cost him his life had not been predominant in Charles yet the interest of Flanders to which Commerce with England was necessary did secure him Scotland was in a condition not to be doubted by reason of the Truce which yet endured of the quality of her present Government and her not being stirred up by France for the most part the first causer of her movings At home he found himself freed of all such as might have harmed him who were come to their ends either by the Civil Sword or by the Hang-man wherein he was not sparing Clemency and faith are banished when Kingdoms are in question and Kingdoms in contention shut the doors upon all vertues as may cause alteration or suspect The life of young Henry Earl of Richmond was that alone which did molest him he could not possibly live content and attend such pleasures as he was naturally given unto so long as this worm did gnaw upon his heart he was the onely remaining relike of the House of Lancaster likely enough to deprive him of his quiet and Kingdom should he not be taken from the world whereby himself his house and children might live secure He esteemed the good offices he had done the Duke of Bretaigne with the King of France sufficient to deserve such a favour he sent unto him three Ambassadours the chief whereof was Doctor Stillington They desired the person of the Earl of Richmond in way of Honesty and affection concealing their cruelty and evil intentions neither could they proceed otherwise with Francis the â—…econd Duke of Bretaigne one of the best Princes that Fame celebrated in those times These made him believe that the King desiâ—…ous to abolish the enmity of the two Factions and quiet such spirits as were affectionate to the House of Lancaster there was no more fitting means to effect this then by marrying the Kings eldest daughter to the forenamed Earl who was Heir to that House They desired him to lend his helping hand to so good a work assuring him that as Bretaigne in former times had found no more advantageous nor more faithful friendship then with England so should she finde it every day more and more by this obligation of delivering up the person of this Prince The Marriage did not at the first appear unto the Duke to be the cause of this their so fervent desire it did not correspond with sense 't was a favour not to be expected from an enemy especially since the Earl himself had never been treated withal therein nor had heard any news thereof before but they reiterating their desires and adding to their efficacie by a great sum of Gold which they presented him withal he was perswaded to let him go But they were not well gone for S. Malo where they intended to take Shipping when the Duke looking narrowlier into the businesse repented the surrender of him Polydore saith that Iohn Chenlettes a very upright Gentleman and therefore beloved of the Duke was the cause of this Argentres says the same but he says he findes it not in the Chronicles of Bretaigne nor knows he from whence Polydore Virgil hath it Chenlettes was in the Countrey when he understood of the Ambassadours coming and the delivery of the Prince so as zealous for his Masters honour he hasted to him to lay before him the blame he was likely to incur by having delivered up the Earl of Richmond after having received him into his protection to his chiefest and most cruel enemy how that the obligations of assisting and giving entertainment one to another was reciprocal amongst Princes that many of his Predecessors had in the like case been received in England and Flanders and had tasted the loyalty and noblenesse of others in like manner as Richmond ought to taste his the which if he should not do his reputation would thereby receive so much the deeper stain by how much his past-goodnesse and greatnesse had been to all men known The taking his Remonstrance in good part answered that this his resolution could not redound to his blame since the Earl was to be the Kings son-in-law and to be readmitted into all his possessions Cheâ—…let replied He was deceived for that the Ambassadours being sure he never would have delivered him but upon fair terms had made this
pretence lest they might have been gainsay'd he told him he had given up the Lamb unto the Wolf and that he might be sure assoon as he was out of Bretaigne he should be miserably put to death since the King of England could not bear him any such affection contrary to his own pretended end That the King was not so simple as to marry his daughter to an enemy who laid claim unto the Kingdom nor was it likely he could believe that Affinity would root out Jealousies but rather encrease so as it would not make for him to nurse up this Adder in his bosom The Duke listned to these reasons and finding them to be true commanded Peter Landois his Treasurer who by chance was then present to post after the Ambassadours and come what come will to bring back the Earl He found them ready to imbark themselves at S. Malo and the Earl sick of a violent Feaver occasioned by the apprehension of his approaching death He told them the Duke was surprised by their request that every honest man would blame him for it that he could not deliver unto them this Gentleman without a great stain to his reputation that therefore the Duke desired them they would be pleased he might put such Guards upon him the which he promised to do as that he might not go out of that Sanctuary whither by reason of their unadvisednesse he had had recourse the Earl had taken this Sanctuary by the secret means of Peters servants or that if he did he would put him in so safe a place as Edward should have no occasion to fear him The Ambassadours were not well pleased after having found him out and paid for it to lose both cost and labour But they durst not complain thereof the Earls promised imprisonment being of more worth then their charges And though the King was thereat displeased yet the belief he gave to the Kings promise freed him of that suspition which likewise freed him of all other trouble so as according to his humour he gave himself up to all familiarity yea sometimes with such as were far unfitting company for him He invited the Maior and Aldermen of London a hunting he ate and drank with them and at the same time presented their Wives with Venison and Wine to the end that they might likewise recreate themselves the which though it relisht too much of familiarity yet was it not prejudicial since used to such as might be serviceable to him As there is no better means to win upon mens affections then affability so when it falls into excesse it causeth such a loathing as quantity of meat causeth to weak-stomacked people He was not sparing of himself to any whatsoever woman he had three Concubines besides such by whom he had had children 't was usually said when men would be bold with him that the one of them was delightful the other wilde or phantastical the third holy who was so termed because she could not be drawn from forth the Church but when sent for by him But natures too much given to the pleasures of Sense are if they be offended bitter in resentment For example as he was hunting in Warwick shire in the Park of one Thomas Burdet who was servant to his Brother the Duke of Clarence amongst many other Deer he slew a white Buck which Burdet made much account of insomuch as not knowing how otherwise to be revenged he wisht the horns in the Kings belly This wish was adjudged Treason and he together with his white Buck lost his head and all that he had I must spend the yeer 1476 in the misfortunes of Charles Duke of Burgundy since England was then unemployed and his affairs altered the face of businesse amongst Princes Charles answerable to the Agreement made with King Lewis had received S. Quintines Han Bohaine and all the Constables moveable goods together with the shame of having under trust betrayed him his brain full of vast designes bore him to difficult undertakings which chewed by imaginary confidence caused in him such evil digestion as we shall see His first wrath and the first expressions thereof were against Renatus Duke of Lorrein wherein succeeding luckily as in the taking of Nanci and the rest of that Dutchy he was blown up to fresh undertakings Because the Switzers had assaulted Burgundy and had taken many places under Iames Count de Romont Brother to the Duke of Savoy whilst he was at the siege of Nuz he resolved at one and the same time to revenge his own and the others injuries nor could they pacifie him though they offered to renounce all other Confederacies namely that of France for the heavens having ordained him to ruine did obdurate him in the wilfulnesse of his obstinate humours making him deaf to all honourable and advantageous offers He entred their Countrey with Five thousand fighting men he took Iverdon besieged Granson where Four hundred Switzers of the Canton of Berne not able to defend it retired themselves into the Castle they yeelded it up their lives saved but not observing the Agreement Eighty of them were hanged Two hundred drowned and the rest put to ransom whilst Eighteen thousand of the same Nation were come in unto their succour The Duke taking it in disdain that they durst raise their Colours against him set upon them forthwith he lost the Battel his Artillery and Baggage the particulars whereof were by him esteemed at three Millions of Gold in Tapistry Silver vessels and Jewels which for ostentation and pomps sake he had taken along with him This was the first of his three mortal misfortunate blowes which not being accustomed thereto made him fall sick this sicknesse changed his constitution and nature insomuch as where before he drank nothing but water boyled and used Conserve of Rosâ—… to qualifie his natural heat his melancholy had now so much cooled him that his Physitians made him drink lusty Wines with out water and applied Cupping-glasses to his heart to heat hiâ—… and excite blood but what is most remarkable his Senses were hereat so weakned as that his Judgement was disquieted so as the blowe which would have infused understanding into any one not totally void thereof did not so to him who was become in capable of it Gathering therefore greater Forces he went with Eighty thousand fighting men to besiege Morat a Town not very great some two leagues distant from Berne belonging to Couâ—… Romont but usurped by the Switzers The Switzers came to the succour thereof with Thirty thousand Foot and Four thousand Horse accompanied by the Duke of Lorrein they gave Battel and though the Dukes Artillery made very great breaches upon their Battalions yet did they not break not stop thereupon but making good the empty places they passed on cutting in piece very many of his men and making the rest either run away oâ—… drown themselves in the Lake the Duke with much ado saving himself In my Travels thorow those
had not any to intercede for him He left behinde him two children born unto him by the Earl of Warwick daughter Edward Earl of Warwicks and Margaret Countesse of Salisbury both of them born under the like unfortunate Constellation for He lost his head in Henry the sevenths time She hers in Henry the eights King Lewis when Charles was dead thought to make himself master of those States believing he could not meet with any obstacle since all the men of War were almost slain in the three Battels of Granson Morat and Nanci neither had he been deceived if he had persisted in his resolution of marrying that Princesse to the Dolphine his son of working upon her Counsellors by gifts promises and additions of Honours and of winning the peoples good-will by feeding them with hopes of being well treated but his thirsting after this Conquest which to him appeared easie diverted him from the means of coming by it lawfully and was the ruine if not of all yet of his most principal designes Abbeville was the first City which fell into his hands but as of right belonging unto him being one of those which were to be surrendered to him after Charles his death Han Bohin S. Quintines and Peron out of the same reason did the like Arras was by agreement delivered up unto him Heâ—…ine Bullein and Doway yeelded themselves All this progresse of affairs appertained to Picardy In Burgundy he employed the Prince of Orange a man of great power in those parts and Monsieur de Cran with a distinct Army who in a few days brought the County and Dutchy to his obedience Neither did he pretend usurpation in this the Dutchy was the Patrimony of the Crown given in Fee-farm to Philip the bold by his father Iohn the second King of France upon condition it should revert again unto the Crown in default of Issue male such Grants not falling according to the French phrase unto the Distaff And he had some pretences to the County though not from the Crown The Infant Princesse seeing her self thus hardly dealt withal all her Embassies Supplications and Submissions nothing availing her she sent a Dispatch into England to shew to Edward what prejudice he suffered by having the King of France so neer him possest of Abbeville Bullein Hedine Arras and other places upon the Sea neer Callice and in the face of England But though in all reason he ought to have assisted her his private interest made him notwithstanding be a Spectator of all those ruines without budging his Counsellors being almost all of them Pensioners to Lewis preferred private interest before all reason of State Edward though sent Ambassadours to mediate that no more harm might be done a very good means certainly before a Prince hath put on a resolution of War but as ridiculous as unprofitable without a mans sword in his hand The hopes of marrying his daughter the Fifty thousand Crowns which were ready to be paid and his chief men being won by Pensions were the obstacles which withstood all good Resolves Lewis received the Ambassadours courteously and was bountiful to them at their going away so sent them away without any answer the which he said he would send by Ambassadours of his own who a good while after were sent with directions to spin out the businesse upon pretences of having no Instructions working by this means his own desired ends and hindering Edward from doing had he been so disposed what he ought to have done and though many free from corruption advised him to the contrary shewing the damage he thereby received without any hopes of advantage for if Lewis had any minde to make the Marriage he would have sent for the Princesse away after the first yeer according to the Treaty sworn at Picquigny divers yeers being now past and she not sent for yet were they not listned unto Any the least obstacle to boot with the defence made by the Infant Princesse would have been sufficient to have made Lewis keep within his own Precincts and if nothing else his unwillingnesse to see the English in France would have slackned his proceedings and though he invited Edward to passe over into Flanders whilst he busied himself elsewhere and seemed to be content that the English might win Flanders and Brahant for themselves he did it for that he was sure by reason of the many strong places that were there they would make but a slowe and costly progresse and when Edward seemed to accept of this invitation if in stead of such places as he should win in Flanders Lewis would deliver unto him those he had won in Picardy namely Bullein no more was heard of the businesse Edward would willingly have assisted the Princesse if she would have married the Earl Rivers brother to his wife and she needing assistance would have married him but the disparity of their conditions would not permit her Counsellors to suffer her so to do so as Lewis found none that crost his Fortunes nor she any that would assist her in her misery which made her conclude the Match with the Archduke Maximilian son to the Emperour Frederick the third not listning to any other that was propounded to her not to that of the Dolphine for that he was but nine yeers old and she twenty or one and twenty and for that she hated his father not to that of Charles Count d'Angoulesme who was afterward father to Francis the first because Lewis would not consent thereunto being jealous of the Princes of the bloods power not to that of the Prince of Cleve because she liked him not Edward had this mean while prodigiously alter'd his nature from being affable and liberal he became austere and a varitious to the great wonder and worse satisfaction of his people The Laws of England grant many things in favour of their Kings as their penal Laws which the Kings themselves make no use of as being too full of rigour He by vertue of those Laws took such penalties as those that were rich fell into by their not punctual observance of them and making no difference neither in respect of Blood Quality or Title he put the Kingdom into a great fright making them believe he would become formidable for having abated the courage of other men by his Brothers death there was not any one that durst contradict him But the greedy heaping up of Money which he used was so much the more monstrous in him by how much it was contrary to the constitution of his nature so as such a change shewed his death to be at hand Ambassadours were frequently sent from England to France and from France to England the former that according to their Obligation the French might send for the betrothed Princesse the others to excuse their delay laying it upon the Wars of Burgundy and the Low-Countreys in the which all the principal men of the Kingdom being employed she could not be sent for in manner becoming the
what they could not do in person but whilst hee was taking order for so important an expedition he fell sick being sodainely struck with a great melancholy others say of a Surfeit and knowing he could not live he caused all the Lords to be sent for to him who by reason of the intended War were then in great number at Court He recommended to them the young Princes his Sonnes and together with them Peace shewing them that being young they would neede good Counsellors which in the distraction of private contentions would hardly be found that they having all a relation unto him some by blood some by affinity all by good will and duty they were to joyne in a reciprocall love one towards another to the end that the conformity of their mindes might beget the like in their actions and in their ends necessarily conducing to the service of an infant King to the good of the Kingdome and to the peace and quietnesse which he did chiefly desire amongst them hee put them in minde of the evills caused through civill dissensions he desired God of his goodnesse that no such might be hereafter but that this favour was not to be hoped for without the forgiving of past injuries which made him in the name of the same God and as the last comfort he should receive desire of them all forgivenesse of any injuries done by him All that were present wept and those who bare more rancour one to an other then did the rest shooke hands in token of their last obedience due unto him even to the last minute of his Life so as satisfyed with this their outward expression their inward minds unknowne he died the ninth of April 1483 in the 41 Yeare of his Life having Reigned 22 Yeares one month and five dayes and was buried in a Chappell built by him at Windsor He was a Prince who could not have had his like had he not been vitiated with the contagion of civill factions the gifts of minde and nature strove for priority in him He was of all men the handsomest and of all fortunate men the most valiant having in as many Battells as he fought alwayes had the Victory He had by his Wife three Sonnes and eight Daughters his third Son dyed an Infant we shall shortly heare of the compassionable end of the other two Of his Daughters Elizabeth was married to Henry the Seventh Cecily to Viscount Wells and after to another but had issue by neither Anne to Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke whose children dyed all young Bridget was a Nun in Dartford Mary promised to the King of Denmarke dyed before the Marriage Margaret dyed young Catharine was married to William Courtney Earle of Devonshire to whom she bare Henry Marquesse of Exeter and he had Edward E. of Devonshire who died without issue in Padua the Yeare 1556 and Elizabeth dyed young Besides these his legitimate children he left behind two Bastards Arthur Plantagenet Viscount Lisle and Elizabeth Arthur had three Daughters and of Elizabeth is come the L. Lomley The end of Edward the Fourths Life THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Edward the Fift I Now should write the Life of Edward the Fift Son to the last deceased King as I have done the Lives of the rest but he being taken from this World in lesse then three Moneths by such cruelty as greater hath not been heard off I have not whereout to frame a History in lieu thereof I will write the Duke of Gloucester his wickednesses which are such as may raise a doubt whether cruelty be an habit of Nature in man or rather a raging fury since Nature in her operations doth nothing in vaine and such Beasts as live not by Rapine kill not other beasts for Preyes sake as hee to devoure the Kingdome slew his Nephewes But considering that there is not any Creature which is not in some sort addicted to this vice I believe it proceeds from two causes the one usefull and necessary which is Selfe-defence and wherein habit consists the other vaine and harmefull which is the coveting of superiority a passion more prevalent in men then in other creatures and this is fury whence if the World were void of ambition or other differing qualities it is not thereout to be averred that the strongest would not insult upon the weaker as alwayes they have done the which being manifest bruit beasts declaring it by their examples it is much more proved so to be when we take into consideration the inaequality of Fortune and Honour Many were the causes of the cruelty whereof we are to treate since practised in sundry manners War not cast into the account To kill Beasts to punish Malefactors are permitted and commanded by the rules of Government but what ariseth from private hatred is by the Lawes condemned though through the corruption of affection or frailty of humour executed by men Butchers and Hunters kill cattell and wild beasts which should they not do the beasts would devoure us and through the great increase of beasts and their destroying of the ground wee might be famished did not the Executioner put a period to the lives of such as are condemn'd our lives and livelyhoods would lie at the mercy of evill livers But the enemy which kills his enemy though in it selfe considered the fact be inexcusable rests yet excused Sodaine chances puntillioes of honour and injuries for which satisfaction is not to be given do so far incense men as humane nature may seeme somewhat to Analogize with cruelty since though it be absolutely to be abhor'd it is not absolutely condemned Now that Richard Duke of Gloucester a Prince by birth an unkle by nature and by the Lawes a protectour should become the Butcher the hangman the enemy of Edward the Fifth and of his Brother being his Nephewes is yet somewhat more which not falling under the capacity of humane fury befell him having disrobed himselfe of humanity and nature Of all execrable examples he is the onely one without parallel All cruelties mention'd of the Antients are in comparison of his meere inventions not true events Nature in the framing of such subjects doth usually transgresse her ordinary rules to put a difference betweene them and others to the end that having set a marke upon them wee may the better know how to be aware of them shee allots them aukward and disproportioned shapes thereby intimating unto us that being crooked and falsely shaped their workes are false and their inclinations crooked This Richard came into the World with his feet forward his Mother was cut up yet out-lived him shee brought him forth deformed insomuch as his brethren being the handsomest and most comely men of that age he was the most mis-shapen that those times produced Hee had a cloudy and a despitfull countenance he was of a low Stature one of his shoulders was greater then the other he was malitious envious injurious neither had hee
reasons seemed good unto the Queene who discovered not the venome thereof Whereupon shee wrote to her Brother exhorting him to cashire all the armed extraordinary attendants and that he should come along onely with her sonnes Houshold servants thereby to shunne the raising of suspition in such who having had reason formerly to hate him would now have cause to accuse him as one Seditious and of small Trust. These admonitions wrought the effect which Glocester desired and so much the rather for that hee having written with all manner of Submission to the King and in most affectionate termes of Friendship to Rivers it wrought so as they tooke their journey without Armes or extraordinary Retinew directing their course towards Northampton where they were met by Himselfe Buckingham and a great many Lords and pretending they should be incommodated for scarcity of Lodgings if they should keepe all together there they made the King go twelve miles farther towards London to Stony-Stratford but the two Dukes stayâ—…d behinde and under pretence of Honour kept with them Earle Rivers and Feasted him with such demonstrations of Joy as not being usuall hee might easily have discovered the deceipt had hee not beene betrayed by the blind folded good opinion hee had of Himselfe When he was gone to his Lodging to rest all night the two Dukes caused the Keyes of the City to be brought to them to the end that no man might get out They slept little spending the greatest part of the Night in counsell and advise they rose early and sent to all the Villages thereabouts where their servants were billeted willing them to be ready on Horseback and sending some to keepe on the way betwixt that and Stony-Stratford with order to send backe all passengers that should goe that way A strange diligence which yet wrought no impression in such as observed it for they believed it to be done that none might come to the King before Themselves But Rivers was of an other opinion for if there had beene any reason for it they should have communicated it to him after many severall conjectures hee resolved to go Himselfe and finde out the bottome of the businesse but no sooner did hee appeare before them then that picking a quarrell that hee had an intention to keepe them from the King and ruine them the which hee should not be able to effect not suffering him to reply but tumultuously interrupting him when hee was about to speake they committed him to the custody of some of their owne Servants and hasted to Stony-Stratford and got thither just as the King was putting foote in stirrup kneeling downe before him who cheerefully received them not knowing their designes they addressed themselves to Richard Gray Brother to the Marquesse Dorset objecting to him that hee together with his Brother and his Unkle had aspired to the Government of the King and Kingdome by raising of Divisions and by bringing under some of the Nobility that they might destroy the Rest that the Marquesse to make his insolencies the more feasible had taken out of the Tower of London all the Royall Treasure and had sent men to Sea to the end that none might oppose him Both which were true but in a contrary sense it being so ordered by the Counsell for the Kingdomes service not his owne The King having heard the Accusation shewed how judicious a Prince hee would have beene had it beene his fortune to have lived for not knowing how to excuse the Marquesse being ignorant by reason of his long absence of what hee had done hee thought hee might excuse the rest since they had beene continually about him So as not giving Richard leave to reply hee sayd for what concern'd the Marquesse hee knew not what to say since hee might be deceived but as for his Unckle Rivers and his Brother Richard he was very certaine they could have no hand in any such businesse for that they had alwayes beene in His company To the which Buckingham replyed His Majesty was deceived that their designes were not knowne to His Majesty and that they did not deserve to be excused by so good a Prince Immediately in his presence was the said Richard seiz'd upon as likewise Sir Thomas Vaughan and Sir Richard Hawte and the King in stead of going forwards was brought back to Northampton such of his attendance as Glocester durst not assy in were removed and others put in their place whereat the yong King did complaine and was much greived having onely the Name of a King and not being of age to defend Himselfe much lesse his Kinred and Servants And that Dissimulation might not be wanting though now 't was needlesse the Duke of Gloucester the next day sent a made dish from his Owne Table to the Earle Rivers with a message that hee should not be troubled at his restraint willing him to be of good courage for very sodainely all things would be to his good liking How much of this Rivers believed may easily be imagined but baulking the injury and apprehending worse he returned thankes for the honour done unto him desiring the Messenger that hee would carry it to his Nephew Richard for that being young and not accustomed to such accidents as these he needed the more this favour This feigned courtesy was like the lightening which fore-runnes Thunder for after many change of Prisons they were brought to Pomfrect and there beheaded as in its proper place shall bee told The next night with great diligence this newes came to the Queene who presently guessed at the Dukes designe shee too late repented the counsell given to her brother to disband his forces shee apparantly saw her owne danger but much more the danger of the Duke of Yorke and her Daughters Shee at the very same houre fled from her Pallace and tooke Sanctuary in Westminster and lodged in the Abbey to the great compassion of such who at that time of the night saw Trunkes Beds and other things carried up and downe in the streetes in such haste and feare as the servants hindered one another in their service not knowing what would become either of their Master or Themselves The Lord Hastings had received the like advertisement but with a contrary resentment he rejoyced at the Queenes sufferings all which were answerable to his wish but imagined not that Glocester would proceed any farther for hee having loved King Edward loved his Children nor would he for all the World that any harme should have befalne them Being thus satisfied in his Owne beliefe he at the same instant it being past midnight dispatcht away a Gentleman to the Archbishop of Yorke Lord Chancellour of England who found him in his first sleepe hee would not suffer him to be awaked but the servants not obeying him he was brought in and acquainted him with what had been done to the King Rivers Gray and the Kings house-hold he concealed not the Queenes betaking her selfe to Sanctuary adding that hee should not
wrought beliefe in one who had really doubted He at the last appeared having two Bishops by his sides in a bay-window which lookes out upon the Hall The Duke of Buckingham making a low reverence begg'd two things of him the one that he would suffer them to make an humble supplication to him the other that he would pardon them in case it should not prove acceptable to him for though it aimed at nothing but his Honour and the good of the Kingdome yet hee was afraid his Modesty hee being a Prince endued with so much worth might take it in a contrary sence to their intention The Protectour answered He was so confident of their integrity as Hee hoped they would say nothing that might displease Him Hee therefore granted the Leave and pardon they demanded Buckingham after having made a long digression of the Kingdomes grievances which were not to be cured but by a Prince of his vertue and endowments said That they were expressely come humbly to desire him that the unlawfull birth of his brother King Edwards children considered not daring to touch upon the birth of Edwards selfe he would vouchsafe for his owne innate Goodnesse for the Zeale he had ever borne to the Weale of the People and for the Compassion which upon this present occasion more then upon any other whatsoever was to shine forth in him together with the Government of the Kingdome to accept of the Crowne to the glory of God and Countries safety being he might rest assured that never did any Prince reigne whose people did thinke themselves so happy as would His people thinke themselves most happy under Him The Protectour as if offended at this request with angry looke answered That though much of what hee had said was true yet the love hee bare to his brother King Edward his affection to his Children and his regard unto his owne Honour would not permit him to accept of such a burden for it was to be believed that should hee depose his Nephewes and make himselfe King the ignorant and malignant would accuse him to all the Princes of the World as if hee had done it not out of the right pretence hee had thereunto or being enforced to it by the Peoples importunacy and necessity of the Kingdome which to say truth could not be in worse condition then it was but through his owne Ambition Yet knowing their good intentions hee did not onely pardon them but returned them thankes since hee conceived it proceeded from the love they bare him the which hee desired might be turned to the King under whose government they now lived whom he with his person and best advice would serve hoping to put the affaires of the Kingdome into so good order as they should not have any thing to wish for as he praised God he had given some testimony since his being Protectour notwithstanding the malignity of some which had rather been supprest by Divine Providence then by Humane Wisdome This answer being given the Duke of Buckingham stept aside as if to consult with the Noble-men the Lord Major and the Recorder of the City the which being done he desired pardon againe and having obtained it he said with a Loud voice as if he were somewhat moved or heated That the Kingdome was absolutely resolved not to permit Edwards Children to reigne not so much for that they had proceeded so farre in their requests they were not to hope for Pardon as for that the Publique good required it That therefore hee beseeched him to accept of the Crowne which if he would not doe they should be enforced to offer it to one that would not refuse it The Protectour seemed to be affraid of these threats hee seemed sorrowfull that they should have so ill a conceipt of his brothers issue Hee confest hee could not governe or reigne without their good wills therefore their resolution being such and there being none to whom the Crowne did of right belong but to Him being legitimately descended from the Duke of Yorke and that to his Naturall and Lawfull Titles there was added his now Election the chiefest of all the rest Hee yeilded to their intreaties and requests by accepting the Crown and taking upon him from this time forward the State and Regall preheminence of the two Kingdomes of England and France the former whereof should be Commanded Governed and Defended by Him and his Heires the other by Gods assistance and theirs Regained that so it might be in perpetuity established under the obedience of England whose greatnesse and reputation he so much coveted as he desired God he might live no longer then his life might be serviceable to this end The which being said they cried aloud King Richard King Richard the Artillery playing their part The Lords went up to him where he was to kisse his hand whilst the People departing spake as leudly of him as they might being displeased at nothing more then at the counterfeit carriage of the businesse which being plotted and resolved upon long before there had notwithstanding been so many stage-like actions used therein as if it had never been thought of till then and as if choice had been made of the Spectatours as of so many of the most senselesse and stupid people of the Land The End of the Seventh Booke THE EIGHTH BOOK OF THE CIVILL WARRES OF ENGLAND In the Life of Richard the Third KIngdomes which belong to others are not usurped without violent meanes of all which Warre is the least blameable though the most harmfull A valiant usurper is like your High-way robber who bids the traveller stand and if he take away his purse does it with his Sword in hand Richard tooke not this way in his usurping the Crown not that he wanted courage for of the good qualities he was endued withall Valour was the onely one which was not counterfeit but because hee found none that did withstand him Deceipt fraud cruelty and treachery were the meanes he used one or two of which being sufficient to other men they did not all serve his turne for he invented one beyond imitation or example the defaming of his mother Had he who wrote the booke De Principe met with this subject he would have quit Duke Ualentine and taken this man for the patterne of his tyrant Not that the difference between them was great but for that that was was in the most essentiall points Valentines vices if they were not more execrable yet were they more dishonest Richards were more execrable but more secure And though both were bad beyond belief yet Richard by the death of a few infused terrour into the rest and made himselfe a King where Valentine by the death of very many could keepe his owne Principality And if it be said that Richard weakned the Kingdome and its forces by taking off the heads of such as might have made themselves heads of the people and so have withstood him that being of the Blood-royall he had many
that sided with him whereas Valentine on the contrary had Provinces Princes and Republiques for his enemies the wary wickednesse of the one will be the more remarkable who knew his advantage and the unwary rashnesse of the other who assisted onely by Ecclesiasticall forces terminable with the Popes death undertooke what was not to be effected or at least not long to be made good The ambition of getting the Kingdome began in Richard during his brothers life and having formerly plotted the whole affaire he laid the first ground-worke thereof by the death of Henry the sixth and the Duke of Clarence and in processe of time he finished the Fabrick by putting those to death who were likely to oppose him and by terrifying the rest he made his election which was made by the baser sort of people be as available as if it had been legally resolved upon by the whole Kingdome and which is further observable he pretended not to accept of it till intreated and enforced Arguments of a head-piece which had it been imployed in good enterprises instead of proving the most lewd might have been the wisest then to be found For all things else there was no evill which he committed not He betrayed his Nephews and then slue them he cheated his brothers wife and together with her those whom he made use of as instruments to remove the little Duke of Yorke from the Sanctuary in the height of cruelty and irreligion he counterfeited the perfection of piety and tendernesse of blood All his actions were larded with fraud and lyes the Queen and her brother were by him perswaded to lay downe their armes the later whereof he imprisoned and beheaded in like manner he incensed and slue the Chamberlaine He sacrilegiously divulged his mother to be an Adultresse in a place appropriated for preaching the Word of God declared his nephews to be Bastards counterfeited the good he had not conceal'd the evill he had was like to none but to himselfe Encomiums worthy of such qualities and qualities unworthy of that Crowne which consisting of Honour was whilst he wore it dishonoured by his wickednesse He omitted not any shew of sorrow at his brothers death he solemnised his Funerals at Yorke with the rites of mourning But whilst aiming at usurpation he seemed to be fond of his nephews whom he intended to betray he minded not divine admonitions which manifesting themselves by sundry waies are wont by way of observation to advertise us of dangers to the end that reforming our selves we may change our lives and thoughts from bad to good for Christian vertues are able to frustrate that which the Ancients called Fate by withdrawing us from vice and procuring the divine Providence to protect us The observations here meant are that all the Kings Richards and all the Dukes of Gloucester came to violent ends an observation redoubled in him being by name Richard and by title Duke of Gloucester Such like observations though they be not superstitiously to be believed yet are they not slightly to be despised But the proud man considers no other interest no not the concernment of his life so his ambition may be satisfied upon which his spirits were wholy bent and upon the arriving whereunto he out did himselfe He made his vices vertues He became courteous liberall and affable especially to Lawyers he studied nothing but justice observance of the Lawes and the peoples indempnity by which arts he prevailed so farre as the Crown which was tumultuously conferred upon him was legally offered him by the Parliament which with base flattery intreated him to accept of it out of these reasons That the Kingdome of England had been very happy under the government of wise Kings assisted by understanding Counsellors but when their successors began to governe themselves according to their owne fancies she fell into all manner of misery The chiefest of which and from which all the mischiefes of the present time did derive was Edward the fourths unfortunate praetended marriage with Elizabeth widow to Sir Iohn Gray who did still assume to her selfe the title of Queen which had perverted all the orders not onely of God and the Church but of nature and the Kingdome there being now no more propriety nor any condition which was not subject to feares since the Lawes either abandoned or abused were rendered uselesse and of no protection Hence proceeded faults of all sorts murthers extortions and such oppressions as men had no security neither of their lives nor fortunes much lesse of their wives or daughters all women were subject to violence nor was any one though she should refuse safe in her Honour To this might be added the blood of so many of the Nobility of hundred thousands of the Communalty shed in the late warres to the universall prejudice of all men and to the greatest sufferance of the most innocent That the forenamed pretended marriage was Clandestine made without the knowledge or consent of the Nobility the Devill was the authour thereof witchcraft the meanes Elizabeth the chiefe agent and her mother the Dutchesse of Bedford her coadjutrix that so it was believed and when time and place should serve it would be proved But that which chiefly aggravated this businesse was That King Edward was long before married to another Lady when he tooke her to his wife so as in living with her contrary to the Lawes of God and of the Church in continuall adultery his sonnes by her were bastards and as such incapable of succession That by this so heinous sinne and to the prejudice of the true heire hee had provoked Gods anger who had therefore forsaken him and brought the Kingdome into all those miseries For these and other reasons they were inforced to elect a King who by nature and by the Law was undoubted heire unto the Crown And because the Duke of Clarence convict of high treason in the seventeenth yeere of the reigne of his brother Edward had by his Attainder rendred his issue incapable of succession therefore the Protector being the onely undoubted sonne and heire of Richard Duke of Yorke He and no other was undoubted successour not reckoning in his vertues which were such as of themselves made him worthy of the Crowne he being so richly indowed especially with justice wisedome and valour witnessed in so many actions and battels wherein he had personally beene shewing his naturall inclination to the common good Whereupon having no other respect but the peace and tranquillity of the Kingdome his prosperity and ancient reputation they had chosen him their King and Soveraigne Lord. Intreating him to accept the charge as well by Title of Inheritance as of Election they promising for their parts that they would be his good and faithfull Subjects ready upon this and any good occasion to live and die with him for the oppressions and extortions they had suffered contrary to the Lawes of God and the Kingdome had made them resolve to runne what ever danger
rather then to live in the miseries they hitherto had done They cal'd upon Alinighty God the King of Kings to inspire him with his light and to continue unto him in his Regall dignity those praise-worthy parts by meanes whereof he deserved to be King though he were not And that though his right needed not any publique Acts of Parliament he being King and heire unto the Crowne without them yet in regard the people might be ignorant of the cause of the deposing the one and assuming the other for this cause and to remove all doubts that might arise the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons assembled in Parliament had in full Parliament pronounced decreed and declared that Richard the third their Soveraigne Lord was whilest hee should live the undoubted King of England and of all that within or without belonged thereunto and after him his heires That the high and mighty Prince Edward his sonne was his heire apparant and after him those who should discend from him This decree being registred among the Acts of Parliament and approved of by King Richard with order to be held authenticall in all the parts thereof made it be understood that the Kings of England have power to doe what they will when they are either loved for their vertues or feared for their force For what concernes love there is no proof in this present case but of feare sufficient feare being the prinium mobile of this businesse Richard having by the assistance of the Duke of Buckingham and their adherent raised a powerfull faction the lawfull King being a Child and prisoner the Tyrant a man of braines wel-spoken and of reputation in armes not likely to undertake such a businesse unlesse certaine to effect it all men doubting themselves since their forces being cut off and those put to death which might have re-united them they were exposed to the violence of so cruell a man as Richard who had given proofe of his cruelty by his detaining the King by his taking the Duke of York from the Sanctuary by his impudence in declaring them to be Bustards and by his shamelesnesse in publishing his mother to be a whore to boote with the death of so many Peeres This feare was that which gave a maske to the flatteries of Parliament and which furnisht it with some colour of pretence drawne from Doctor Shaw's Sermon and the speeches made by the Duke of 〈◊〉 in the City-Hall Richard being thus confirmed and believing to settle his tyranny by resting it upon un-accustomed circumstances hee went into Westminster-hall sate him downe in the Kings Bench where in doubtfull cases the Kings of England had wont antiently to sit and where hee avowed his accepting of the Crowne the which hee exprest in a formall Oration and in a manner so well composed as those who had not knowne him would have thought England had never beene blest with so good a King and to colour with the shew of clemency his innate cruelty hee caused one Fogge who had taken Sancturary and whom he had alwayes mortally hated to be brought before him hee tooke him by the hand in fight of all the people and made professions of loving him now as much as he had formerly hated Him by which act he made a great impression in the simpler sort but those who were better advised knew that this was but a Bait wherewith to catch better fish In his returne to his Palace Hee courteously saluted such as Hee knew loved Him not thinking by this servile flattery to infatuate their mindes and to establish his government Yet for all this he durst not rely upon his present fortune He ascertained His Coronation by unaccustomed forces causing five thousand men to come from the Northerne parts of the Kingdome in whom hee trusted aswell for that they tooke part with the House of Yorke as likewise that living in remote parts they were not acquainted with his actions as were the Londoners who having him alwayes in their eye abhorred Him These Northern men appeared ill clad and worse arm'd which made them be but laught at for t was thought that if He should have occasion to make use of them they would not serve His turne and that t was neither these forces not yet greater but a meere Fatality which had precipitated England into so dire and miserable a subjection The last act of His possessing the Crowne was His Coronation all things thereunto belonging being ready as prepared for His Nephews Coronation Hee went with his Wife and His Sonne to the Tower where the next day Hee created the Lord Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke Thomas Howard Sonne to the same man Hee created Earle of Surrey Hee made William Barckley Earle of Nottingham and the Lord Francis Lovell Viscount and Lord Chamberlaine and Hee made seventeene Knights of the Bath The Archbishop of Yorke the Lord Stanley and the Bishop of Ely had beene prisoners in the Tower ever since the Chamberlaine lost his Head Hee set the first at liberty finding himselfe peaceably possest of the Kingdome otherwise Hee would not have done it for being an honest man hee would never have given his consent to the deposing of the true King Hee freed the second out of feare for His Sonne the Lord Strange was raysing great forces in Lancashire a place wherein Hee had great Power and was mightily followed it behooved him to appease Him but Hee did not set the Bishop of Ely at liberty who was a faithfull servant to King Edward for Hee was certaine Hee would never condescend to his Childrens deprivation nor to the unjust wayes whereby Hee usurped the Kingdome whereof Hee had made tryall in the Councells held in the Tower whilest by oblique meanes He set the businesse on foot The Bishop was of no great birth but having lived a long time in good repute in Oxford hee was taken from thence being but bare Doctor by Henry the sixt and made a Privy-Counsellour Edward knowing his integrity kept him still in that condition and chose Him at His death to be one of his Executors Richard therefore fearing Him would have kept Him still in Prison though Hee set the others at liberty had not the Vniversity of Oxford which Hee did alwayes very much favour interceded for Him so that desirous in part to satisfy the Vniversity Hee was content to take him from the Tower as being too publick a place but that Hee might not have His free liberty Hee committed him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham who sent Him to a Castle of His in Brecknockshire where they joyntly laid the first ground-worke of Richards ruine Hee together with his Wife was Crowned in great pompe the sixteenth of Iuly his Wife was daughter to the great Earle of Warwicke who had made and unmade the two preceding Kings and Widow to Edward Sonne to Henry the Sixt Prince of Wales to whom she was give in marriage when Edward the Fourths ruine was agreed upon in
treason in Henry the Sevenths time confest what had beene sayd after the same manner 't is here not knowing what became of their bodies after they were taken from the place were hee had buried them He suffered for other faults the punishment he deserved for this as did likewise the rest God doth not alwayes punish all faults in an instant but seldome suffers evill actions to have good ends for being approved of neither by men nor by the Lawes if they escape one punishment they fall upon another and for their second fault receive the punishment due for the former As long as Richard lived after this He was both outwardly and inwardly troubled with feares and agonies and according to the relations of some that were most inward with him He after this so execrable act injoy'd not one houre of quiet his countenance was changed his eyes were troubled and ghastly Hee wore coates of Male underneath his clothes and had almost continually His hand upon His Daggers-hilt ready to strike as if Hee had then beene strucken He spent whole nights in watching and if at any time He chanced to take a little rest He would be wakened with fearfull Dreames which would force him to quit His bed and so walke up and downe His chamber full of prodigious feares The other two though they escaped humane Justice yet were they met with all by Justice from above for Miles Forest dyed having almost all his members first rotted and then cut off if Deighton fared not altogether so ill yet was hee in daily expectation to be made an exemplary spectacle by some ignominious death for it is affirm'd by one who writes of him that in his time he was alive in Callis but so universally hated and detested by all men that hee was pointed at as he went along the streetes Others affirme that he lived and dyed there in great misery The first intestine troubles which Richard was afflicted withall were occasioned by the bad intelligence which was held betweene Him and the Duke of Buckingham What the occasion thereof might be is onely knowne by conjecture yet such as is not likely to erre They were both naturally proud therefore prone to breake and though Buckingham first endevoured Glocesters friendship before Glocester His he did it not in respect of his alike Genius but fearing least hee might fall from the greatesse he was in under the authority of the Queene and her kinred to shun this Rock he gave against the Other which though it were the more dangerous yet did he rather chuse to submit himselfe to a Superior who was borne great then to his Inferiors who had acquir'd greatnesse It is said that Edward being dead he sent his servant Persall presently to Yorke where Richard then was who being privately admitted by night made offer unto him of his Masters service in this change of King and that if neede should be his master would come unto him in Person waited on by a Thousand fighting men that he made the same be said over to him againe when he came to Nottingham and that when he returned to Yorke he went to visit him attended by three hundred horse where a close friendship being contracted betweene them things followed as hath been said even to the Usurpation of the Crowne after which they cooled in their affections to the amazement of those who observed their friendship for they came to the point of not Trusting one another and 't was thought moreover that in the last journey to Glocester Buckingham ran hazard of his life The cause of their distast was supposed to arise from some claime Buckingham had to the Duke of Hertfords Lands for that reputing himselfe to be his Heire he thought that Richard would not have denied them unto him neither in Justice nor yet in Recompence of his service But these Lands were so linkt to the Crown as that being falne from the house of Lancaster upon the late depos'd Henry and from Him upon the Crowne they were to be free from any privat propriety or pretension which still continuing in the Duke Richard feared least his thoughts might exceed the condition of a Subject insomuch as when Buckingham demanded them he received so sharpe so threatning and so scornefull a deniall as not able to endure it he fained himselfe sick that so he might not be at the Coronation and Richard sent him word that if he would not come he would make him be brought thither whereupon he was forced to go in all the rich and stately Equipage which at an Extraordinary charge he had prepared before their distasts Others notwithstanding will have that the distasts between them rose after this not having as Then any being that the King standing in need of him would not have hazarded the losing of him in that manner and that the Duke very well acquainted with his Nature would not have hazarded his Life being assured that upon any whatsoever occasion he could not expect better dealings then his Nephews had met withall Notwithstanding the first opinion was thought true in respect of his proud behaviour as likewise for that in the very act of Richards Coronation he turned his Eyes another way as Repenting he had bin the occasioner of it and that Richard though he knew him to be distracted treated him civilly and presented him at his departure to Glocester but his Alienation grew after he was come to his house at Brecknock and had had discourse with Dr. Morton Bishop of Ely This Bishop was a learned man and of a good life a constant part-taker with Henry the sixt neither did he ever forsake him even till his imprisonment He fled with the Queen and Prince into France and returned with them into England But their affaires succeeding ill and Edward being established in the Kingdome He was by him received into favour for knowing him to have bin Loyall to his First master he thought he would be the like to Him so as leaving him Executor of his last Will and Testament he continued his wonted loyalty to his Children which Richard knowing to be such as was unalterable he put him in the Tower and afterwards assigned him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham with whom discoursing of Richards iniquities he gave the rise to his Ruine for they found the true way to put a period to the Civill warres by marrying Henry Earle of Richmond to Edwards eldest daughter But having retired himselfe to Rome with intention not to meddle any more in Worldly affaires he returned not till sent for by the said Earle when he was King by whom hee was made Archbishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England and who likewise procured him to be made Cardinall in which Honours he died as vertuously as he had lived This man at the Dukes returne found a great alteration in him towards Richard He hoped to worke some good effect thereout not by propounding any thing but by seconding his opinions
the bishop was much astonished insomuch as his colour changed In such like matters men are not satisfied with silence nor mentall replies which argue perill and prejudice But supper time broke off their discourse which the Duke adjourned till the morrow morning and perceiving the bishop to be much troubled he intreated him not to be disquieted at this delay assuring him hee would keepe promise with him which did not notwithstanding satisfie the Bishop who was as desirous to know the Dukes intention now as the Duke was earnest to know his the day before But he failed him not in what he had promised him for having handsomely and methodically gone over all that the other had said he laid his Hat upon the Table and calling devoutly upon God he thanked him for that they being amidst so many tempests and dangers in a good but ill-governed ship he had been pleased to enlighten them by affording them a meanes how to provide themselves of a Steersman who being one that would give satisfaction would bring safety and welfare to the Kingdome Then taking up his Hat and putting it on his head he thanked the Bishop for the affection he had ever found in him especially at this time in this their weighty and trusty communication his fidelity and zeale unto his Country together with so many other unfained circumstances and voyd of selfe-interest rendering him worthy to be esteemed the honest man that all men thought him He was sorry his deserts had not met with a fortune worthy of him but he assured him that if God should at any time blesse him with meanes to shew his gratitude he would not faile therein but give it the precedency of all other duties That now he came to his answer wherein he would conceale nothing being so taught and obliged to doe by his example He wish him then to know that the reason of his alienation from King Edwards children was their fathers discountenancing of him upon all occasions without any cause given whilst they two having married two sisters he might have expected to have been more friendly treated he therefore thought himselfe free from all bands of humanity since the King used none to him having not onely excluded him from all Offices and Honours but treated him after a manner not worthy of his quality The first thing then that after his death came into his thoughts was the miserable condition of the Kingdome under the government of a woman and of a child not so much in respect of the ones sex and the others age as that her brother the Earle Rivers and the Marquesse Dorset her sonne were to exclude from all authority and preeminence not onely the Dukes and great men of the Kingdome but even the brother to the deceased King He thought it therefore requisite for him as well for the publique as his owne private good to joyne with the Duke of Gloucester whom hee then thought as free from all dissembling injury and cruelty as hee now knew him to be most dissembling injurious and cruell man that ever was borne Upon this false opinion at the first Councell held in London hee was by his meanes created Protector of the King and Kingdome and after having by fraudulent pretences gotten the Duke of Yorke out of the Sanctuary he had the boldnesse not without sprinkling some threats to demand the Crown of him and the other Lords that were then in Councell till such time as the King being full foure and twenty yeeres old should be of age to governe it but that meeting with some difficulties the like thing not having been formerly heard of and that it was unlikely any man would be found so moderate as to lay downe the Crowne become a Subject and submit himselfe to Anothers government after He had governed of Himselfe so long hee presented them with certaine Writings authenticated by Doctors Notaries and Witnesses by which it appeared Edwards sonnes were Bastards which was then believed to be as True as it is Now knowne to be notoriously False the false witnesses being by recompences and promises drawne to so great a treachery This writing being read he said unto the Counsellors My Lords I am assured that being Wise and Faithfull you will not suffer my Nephew to receive any injury but I am likewise confident that being Just you wil see no wrong done to Me. That which you have heard is either true or false if you believe it not cleare your selves in the point and if you believe it which of you will deny Mee to be the undoubted Heire to Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke declared by the Authority of Parliament to be heire unto the Crowne since the Duke of Clarence's Sonne is by his Fathers Delinquency made incapable thereof and his Father more then He being reputed a Bastard and upon good presumptions held for such a one in the house of Yorke Not any one answering him much lesse opposing him he was chiefly by the assistance of Him the Duke of Buckingham of Protector made King hee having first received his plighted faith there which afterwards was confirmed to him by giving of him his hand in Baynards-castle that he would provide for the Lives of the two Princes in so good a manner that He and All the world should be therewith satisfied Now where is that Prince that after such a Service would not of his owne free will have sought out some meanes how to have gratified him unlesse it were Richard who being demanded a thing which was not His and which was not in Justice to be denied denied it him out of meere ingratitude The things hee required of him were the Office of High-Constable of England which having been enjoyed by his Fore-fathers it was a shame for Him to goe without it and the Lands belonging to the Earle of Hereford which had beene wrongfully detained from him by his brother King Edward the which hee did not sodainely deny unto him but held him a while in Hope till being constantly solicited therein hee absolutely denied him objecting that such a demand pretended to set on foote againe the pretences of the house of Lancaster since Henry the fourth who was heire thereunto having wrongfully usurped the Crowne and by his usurpation united them to the same they were not againe to be taken from the Crowne unlesse that together with them pretence were had unto the Kingdome the which it should seem was by him intended since that being falne by the death of Henry the sixth upon him Buckingham according to the Common-law in what concernes private men but not the State he did againe revive the tacit pretence thereunto Of the which in good faith Hee never had the least thought Whereupon suppressing within himselfe the base injustice of so ungratefull a man hee had much a doe to keepe himselfe within the bounds of Patience till he heard of the Death of the two dispossessed and innocent Princes of the which he tooke God to witnesse
him in his journey he stole away disguised and getting luckily to Ely he provided himselfe of moneys and past over into Flanders where being Absent but in a safe place he furthered the businesse more then he could have done had he not without danger stay'd in England Yet did his departure prove unfortunate to the Duke for wanting His advice and some too early notice being gotten of the Designe it proved his finall ruine Bray acquainted his Lady with the businesse who approved of it encouraged thereunto by the great quality and condition they were of who were the promoters of it but the Queen being in Sanctuary and it not befitting the Countesse to goe to her in person she sent to her her Physitian Lewis who being a learned man by birth a Welchman and one of the greatest esteeme of as many as were of his profession was fitter to be imploy'd in this businesse then any one of another condition for the Queen stood in need of such men being continually troubled with new indispositions of health caused either for want of bodily exercise or by the superaboundant exercise of her mind so as willing him to visit her as of Himselfe she wished him to acquaint her with the businesse not as it was Digested and Concluded but as a conceit of his Owne not hard to be effected if She would approve of it The Physician consented and going to London upon some Other pretence he went to visit her being well known unto her and having occasion to speake of her Afflictions he desired leave to acquaint her with a Thought which since it proceeded from a good Heart he hoped that though it might appeare to Her to be Vaine and not Feasible yet she would not be the worse for knowing it The Queene permitting him to say his pleasure he told her That since the Death of King Edward of glorious memory and of the two innocent Children her Sonnes and since the Usurpation made of the Kingdome by Richard the most detestable of as many Tyrants as ever had been heard of he could never be at quiet within himselfe till he had found out a meanes whereby to put the Kingdome in Quiet the just Heires in their Possession and to bring the unjust Usurper to ruine But that having considered many he bethought himselfe that so much blood having been spent betweene the two Houses of Lancaster and Yorke the best way was to unite them both by Marriage giving the Lady Elizabeth heire to the house of Yorke for wife to the Earle of Richmond heire to the house of Lancaster A match wherewith all the Kingdome was to be satisfied for that Peace being thereby likely to ensue the two Houses were to be accorded to the Destruction of the Tyrant and the restoring of Her selfe Family and Children to their former greatnesse If things naturally good of themselves are apt to content such as are endued with Reason and especially those who are thereby to receive Ease and Comfort great reason had the Queene to be herewithall pleased who being laden with so many miseries saw in this her desperate condition an evident meanes of restoring her Selfe and Family She thanked God acknowledging that if there remained any hopes of consolation to her there was none in humane appearance more likely then this After she had thankfully acknowledged her Obligation to the Physitian for his so wise and discreet advise she prayed him that since he had beene the first inventor he would likewise put it in execution that she knew of what esteeme he was with the Countesse of Richmond to whom she bad him say in Her behalfe That if the Earle her Sonne would binde himselfe by Oath to marry Elizabeth her Eldest Daughter and in case she should Die her Second daughter she promised to assist him by all friends and adhaerents in getting the Crowne The Physician having told the Countesse thus much she presently went to worke Reynald Bray dealt with such as he knew faithfull and fit for a businesse of such importance whilst the Queen negotiated with all those who hated the King and wisht for nothing more then an opportunity of doing her service Those imployed by the Countesse besides Bray and the Physitian were Sir Giles Aubeny Sir Iohn Cheinie Sir Richard Gilford Thomas Ramney and Hugh Conway The Physitian had preferred one Christopher Urswick to be her Chaplaine a wise man and who having served on the behalfe of Henry the sixth as long as he lived might safely be relied upon as well for his Fidelity as for his Wisdome She had purposed to have sent him into Brittanny to her sonne but being the Duke of Buckingham was the promoter of the businesse she thought it was fitter to imploy some one of a better quality she therefore sent unto him Hugh Conway who with a good summe of Money tooke his way by Plymouth through Cornwall whilst Sir Richard Gilford sent Thomas Ramney for the same end through Kent to the effect that if the one should miscarry the other might doe the worke but Fortune was so favourable to them as they differed not many houres in their meeting in Britanny Their Embassie was That he was sent for as King Named thereunto by the Great ones and desired by All The marriage agreed upon by the Queene and the Duke of Buckingham That he should come away with all possible haste and land in Wales where he should finde Ayd and Friends sufficient to render himselfe powerfull in an Instant both factions being for him The Earle fashioned out by nature to be King communicated the businesse to the Duke of Britanny who after King Edwards death had given him his liberty desiring his assistance in so necessary an expedition he being called in by a free-borne people profest enemies to the Tyrant whose cruelty was so detestable to all the world promising him that if God should so farre favour his cause as he well hoped he would he would be answerable unto him with such Services as befitted an obligation never to be forgotten Richard had by meanes of his Embassadour Thomas Hutton yea by the proffer of certaine summes of Money dealt with the Duke not long before to keepe him in safe custody but the Duke detesting Richards wickednesse did not onely doe nothing therein but made good all his promises of Favour to the Earle upon this occasion So as confident of good successe he sent Conway and Ramney backe to his mother with answer that he did accept of the invitation that as soon as he should have provided things necessary he would come for England that in the meane time order might be taken for the affaires there to the end that he might finde the lesse impediments Upon the hearing of this they who sided with him tooke courage and began to prepare for the businesse They sent into requisite places people fit to make them good and disposed of other Commanders in other places that they might be ready upon occasion Others under-hand
tell of his Departure he dispatched so speedily after Him as those who had the Commission to stay Him got to the uttermost bounds of Britanny not above an Houre after He was gone out of them The Duke being this time returned to His perfect sence was displeased hereat thinking this might redound to his Dishonour He chid Landais and commanded that all the English that were left in Vennes should be suffered to depart making them to be defrayed not onely whilst they were in His State but till they came to their Master to whom He likewise sent the Money He had promised by Edward Woodvile and Edward Poinings two English Gentlemen for the which the Earle returned Him many Thankes saying He should not be at quiet till Fortune had befriended Him with some meanes whereby in some sort to requite His infinite Obligation to the Duke by whose favour only He lived King Charles was then at Langres whither the Earle went to Him and acquainted Him with the reason of His flight from Britanny and how the Nobility and People of England had sent for Him to free them from Richards tyranny Hee intreated his assistance which was not hard to obtaine from so generous a Prince as Hee was against one who for his notorious wickednesse was abhorred by all men The King bad him be of good comfort promised to assist him and brought him on his way to Montargis treating the Lords that were with him with hospitality becomming a King whilst thus he was ordering his affaires Fortune the better to encourage him sent unto him a man not onely forgotten but who was little better then thought dead Iohn Vere Earle of Oxford who after the Battell at Barnet had gotten into Scotland from thence to France and from thence had made himselfe Master of Saint Michales Mount in Coâ—…wall where being besieged and yeilding up the place King Edward had sent him prisoner This Noble-man had so farre prevailed with Sir Iames Blunt Captaine of that Fort and Sir Iohn Fortescue Porrer of Callis that he did not onely obtaine his liberty but got them to forsake their commands and go along with him to put themselves under the conduct of the Earle of Richmond But Blunt having left his Wife and all his goods in Hammes he fortified it compleately and added to the usuall garison an extraordinary number of Souldiers to the end that if they should be besieged they might defend themselves till Fortune had turned her back upon Richard The Earle tooke this unexpected Liberty of the Earle of Oxford as a good augury for being of Noble Blood of esteemed valour of praise-worthy constancy having beene alwayes a sider with the House of Lancaster one in whom vertues disputed for precedency in whom wisdome and valour were rivalls he thought God had given him his Liberty at this so necessary time that hee might assist him The King being returned to Paris the Earles retinue increased all that were fled from England as well as all the English that were in those parts either as Schollers in the Universities or returning from their Travells flockt unto him amongst which one Richard Fox a Secular Priest a man of very good parts who was shortly after advanced to great places and dignities Richard this meane while was not wanting to Himselfe his spirits were bent upon his Owne Preservation and the preservation of the Crowne which hee unworthily wore and though he saw both Heaven and Earth conspired against him yet hee thought by his own Wil nesse to make his party good in despight of them both But when he understood the Earle was fled out of Britanny he was much amazed his safety consisted in his hopes of having Him in his power vvhich now fayling him he began to feare his enemies forces consisted novv of both the factions for by the Match vvith the Princesse Elizabeth he had united the faction of Yorke to his owne of Lancaster so as the claime of Yorke falling upon him by his Marrying the right Heire he vvas sure to meet vvith great Opposition His onely remedy vvas to breake the Match but barely to breake it vvas not enough he must do more and by fore-casting the vvorst do vvhat vvas best for Him He thought how to strengthen himselfe by the same pretences notwithstanding his being therein opposed by the Laws Blood and Enmity he vvould marry his Neece Incest vvould serve but as a Laurell to crowne all other his abominations He could easily vvithout any scruple rid himselfe of his present Wife His conscience vvas so stecled over as it could not suffer compunction As for the opinion of the World vvho regards not Honour values not shame His subjects hatred vvas not to be respected so long as with a Rod of Iron he could keepe them in obedience That vvhich he pitcht upon vvas Deceit Slaughter and Incest for Deceit vvith Allurements and faire Promises to sweeten the Queene Mothers distastes and thereby to make vvay for the other two his Wives Death and his Marriage vvith his Neece He chose people fit for this office They excused what was past they made her believe the King was much troubled for his much beloved Neeces that he was sorry they should make themselves voluntary prisoners that they mistrusted the naturrall inclination and love of an Unkle who as if he were their Father thought of nothing but their Good That his chiefest desire was to treate them according to their Birth and his Affection to have them in Court to finde out good Husbands for them and see them well bestowed and that if it should be his fortune to lose his Wife whose indispositions were such as there was no great hope of her Life his resolution was to make the Princesse Elizabeth his Queene that the Neerenesse of Bloud would prove no impediment Lawes were not without some Exceptions and were to be dispenced withall when the Necessity of the State the Quiet of the Kingdome and the Peoples safety did require it They forgate not the Marquis Dorset promising him Mountaines of Gold if he would returne to England they shewed how the way he was in was dangerous that he should rather hope upon a fortune already made then to be made that old wayes were plaine and sure New ones slippery and Precipitious These men with these and the like conceptions knew so advantageously to behave themselves that the Queene at the very first Onset gave them Hearing and began to Melt and at the second gave consent to All that the King desired forgeting her sonnes deaths her Husbands Infamy who was divulged to be a Bastard her own shame her marriage being in the Pulpit said to be Adulterous she a Concubine and her Daughters illegitimate and which most imported the Promise she had made to the Countesse of Richmond concerning the Marriage of her eldest daughter sealed with an Oath All these things were to her as if they never had beene Ambition so farre prevailed with her as to make her faulty
to her owne Honour to the safety of her Daughters to the Generosity of her past actions and to her conscience not regarding Oathes when put in balance with the Perswasions of him vvho had alwayes done her mischiefe Being thus abused shee dispatcht away a Messenger to her Son Dorset vvho vvas in France commanding him that he should leave the Earle and come for England telling him that all past injuries vvere forgotten and forgiven and were to be repairâ—…d with Honours and Preferments for that the King desired nothing more then how to give him satisfaction Richard having obtained the First of his three designes having reconciled his Sister in Law and his Neeces being come to the Court where they were by him with great Solemnity received the other Two remained the Second would bee imperfect without the Third and the Third vvas impossible without the Second Hee could not marry his Neece except his VVife were dead upon this therefore hee wholly bent his thoughts Hee considered that by putting her to a Violent death hee might alienate his peoples hearts which hee somewhat gained upon by his hypocriticall proceedings which made them believe he was changed in life and disposition so as a Relapse would prove dangerous to him and make him not to be believed in what for the future he was to counterfeit He lighed upon a meanes never dreamt of any Divell in Hell that Griefe Melancholy and Feare might joyntly worke that effect in her without Scandall which Sword nor Poyson could not doe but with Scandall He forbare her bed nor would he Speake with her not onely denying her his Company but his Sight He began to bewaile his misfortune in that he had a wife that was Barren who would beare him no Children a curse which did so wound his Soule as it would in short time cost him his Life he made knowne this his great sorrow to the Archbishop of Yorke whom he had newly set at liberty being sure he would acquaint his wife with it and hoping it might worke the Effect he desired The Archbishop who was a wise man and very well knew Richards disposition spake hereof with some of his most intimate friends judging the unfortunate Ladies life to be of no long durance The King shortly after made it to be noised abroad that she was Dead to the end her death when it should happen might be the lesse strange mens eares being accustomed thereunto and he made the bruite of her death arrive at her owne eares all this was done in hope that the violence of Griefe would kill her or if not that he might with the lesse Noise make her away who had been so Often thought Dead The Queen who was a Tender Lady and not able to resist so many machinations was hereat much dismayde knowing that Tempests use to follow Thunder especially in so perverse a Climate as that of her Husbands she ran much afflicted to him to know wherein she had so Highly offended him as that he thought her not onely worthy of his Hatred which was apparently seene but of the Punishment which being to befall her the world thought her dead Already His answer was pleasant in words but of sad Sense mingled with Smiles which gave her more cause of Suspition then of Comfort She went backe to her owne lodgings where not many daies after she departed this life whether of Griefe or Poyson it is not certaine those who judge by likelihood thinke the last This Princesse was borne under an unhappy Constellation as well in respect of her Selfe as of those who did any waies appertaine unto her She was daughter to Richard Nevill Earle of Warwicke and Salisbury a Peere of greatest Power and Repute that ever England had her Grand-father was beheaded her Father and her Unkle were slaine in the battell at Barnet her Nephevv Son to her Sister the Dutchesse of Clarence vvas beheaded by Henry the Seventh and her Neece his Sister by Henry the Eighth both her Husbands came to violent ends the First Sonne to Henrys the sixt slaine by this her second Husband and He by others as wee shall shortly see She was in her Life time bereft of the onely sonne she had by him Lastly as for her owne death what ever it was it could not but be happy for Her she being thereby freed from the hands of so cruell a Monster Two of Richards designes being obtained the Third yet remained his marriage with his Neece He began to make love unto her but it was not love that troubled him though he would have it so believed hee was troubled with thoughts of another nature To see so many of the prime Nobility fled into France to the Earle of Richmond to see himselfe so nauseous to his People as they were ready to vomit him out and that the Conspiracy Discovered but not Extinct had made the Conspirators the more wary these were the businesses which excluded his feyned love love being fed by Idlenesse Delights and want of other affaires whereon to imploy ones thoughts He was jealous of none more then the Lord Stanley father in law to the Earle his brother Sir William Stanley Gilbert Talbot and hundreds of others did not so much trouble him as did He alone insomuch as this Lord Stanley being desirous to returne to his Countrey-house under pretence of some domesticall affaires but in effect that hee might be ready at the arrivall of his sonne in Law whom he daily expected he would not suffer himto goe unlesse hee would leave his Eldest sonne George Stanley in Court reputing him a sufficient hostage for his Fathers loyalty When he understood of Blunts rebellion how that the Earle of Oxford had escaped out of prison and how that Both of them having betaken themselves to the Earle of Richmond they had delivered up unto him the Castle of Hammes hee gave order to have it besieged by the garrison of Calais and Richmond sent the Earle of Oxford with a great many Souldiers to raise the siege who having encamped himselfe not farre from the Besiegers passed Thomas Brandon with Thirty commanded men into the Town which so encouraged the Besieged as that the Enemy being shot at at the same time from the Town from the Castle and from Oxfords campe offered a Blanke paper into which they might enter what Conditions they pleased so as they would surrender up the place The Earle of Oxford who considered that the possession of Hammes was not of any consequence to the getting of the Kingdome which they were in pursuit of and that it was succoured onely out of a desire to save the Garrison and Iames Blunts wife together with their Goods willingly surrendred up the place taking from thence the Men Munition Victuals Cannon and all that was there of any value which he brought all safe to Baâ—…is Richard was so puft up with this appearance of victory as he believed that to be true which was falsely informed him That he Earle of Richmond
weary of the large promises made him by Charles to assist him with Powerfull succours was faine to content himselfe with very small ones in which he likewise found himselfe to be abused Whereupon thinking his men of warre upon the Narrow Seas and the troops of men he had disposed upon the Sea-coasts to be superfluous he recalled his ships and disbanded his men judging that the Nobility which inhabited the maritine parts particularly those of Wales were sufficient to take order that the enemy should not land unfought withalland unbeaten The information which was given to Richard though in effect it was false yet it bare with it so many likelyhoods of Truth as were sufficient to make him believe that the Earle of Richmond abandoned by Charles was not likely to trouble him with any forces he should receive from Him and this was the occasion Charles being in his Fourteenth yeere of age under the government of his Sister Anne wife to Peter of Bourbon Lord of Beau-ieu and according to the Ordinance of Charles the fifth his predecessour free from Guardian-ship the Princes of the Blood did notwithstanding aspire to the Regency under pretence of the weaknesse of his Constitution and of his being ill brought up he having till then been onely brought up in Childish sports not being taught so much as to Read The pretenders hereunto were the Duke of Orleans first Prince of the Blood and Peter of Bourbon in his wifes right she being thereunto named by the late Lewis and great troubles were likely hereupon to have ensued had not the State by committing the Kings person according to his fathers will to his sisters custody determined that the Kingdome should have no Regent but should be governed by the Counsell of State composed of Twelve personages to be chosen for their worth and Quality So as France being in this condition the Earle could not obtaine what was promised him since it was not the King Alone that could effect it and the Twelve though willing to assist him found many Difficulties therein but were especially hindred through feare of a Civill warre within themselves At the same time the Marquesse Dorset attempted to escape away his Mothers advertisements which filled him with high hopes and the rubbes he saw the Earle met withall made him tacke about and side with Richard He went out of Paris secretly by night taking his way for Flanders that from thence hee might passe into England but the Earle being informed thereof and having gotten leave from the King to stop him wheresoever he should be found sent into all parts after him and Humphrey Chenie had the fortune to light upon him who with Perswasions and faire Promises brought him backe otherwise he might have proved very prejudiciall to them for hee knew the very bottome of all their designes But this chance made the Earle very much apprehend that through delay he might either Lose or Ruine his friends he therefore judged it necessary to attempt that with a Few which he could not with Many He borrowed money of the King and many others to whom he left as in pawne Sir Iohn Bourchier and the Marquesse Dorset whom hee did not assie in to have him neere him Thus having assembled together certaine Souldiers hee went to Roan expecting there till the ships came to Harfleur which were to carry him over Here he understood of the death of King Richards wife how he had resolved to marry his neece who by her mother was promised unto Him and that Cecilie the Second daughter was married which was false to one of so base condition as his pedegree was not knowne hereat hee was much troubled as were likewise all the Lords that were with him since the hopes which they had built unto themselves upon the Yorkish faction were vanished by vertue of the aforesaid marriage Consultation was held what was to be done it was judged a rash resolution to undertake so dangerous a businesse with such a Handfull of people The resolutions which they pitcht upon were not to stirre till they should have new advertisements from beyond the Seas and to entice over to their party Sir Walter Herbert a Gentleman of a great family and of a great power in Wales promising that the Earle should marry His sister and to send a Gentleman to the Earle of Northumberland who had married the Other sister to the end that he might negotiate the businesse But nothing ensued hereon for finding the passage shut up the messenger returned not doing any thing But having much about the same time received Letters from Morgan Ridwell a Lawyer and a Confident of his with newes that Sir Rice ap Thomas and Captaine Savage two men of great retinue in Wales would declare themselves for him and that Reynald Bray had in his possession great summes of money to pay the Souldier so as he should doe well to make haste and land in Wales since delay might be prejudiciall to him hee tooke shipping on the fifteenth of August having but a few ships and two thousand Souldiers with him In seven daies space he landed at Milford-haven in Wales from whence passing on to Dale a place wherein all Winter long troopes of Souldiers had beene kept to hinder his landing he went to West-Hereford where he was entertained with all sort of content by the inhabitants Here he understood that Sir Rice ap Thomas and Captaine Savage had declared themselves for Richard which if it had beene true the businesse had beene ended Upon such like occasions diversity of Newes useth to be spread abroad good or bad according as people hope or suspect Those who were with him were much amated at this till they were comforted with a later advertisement Arnold Butler a very valiant Commander and one that in former times had been no great well-wisher to the Earle gave him to understand that those of Pembrokeshire were ready to obey Iasper Earle of Pembroke his unkle and their naturall Lord that therefore he might make use of this advantage the Earle being herewithall encouraged marched on to Cardigan his camp increasing every houre by people which flocked unto him But here he heard newes againe that Sir Walter Herbert he whose sister the Earle had thought to have married was in Caermarthen with intention to oppose him the which did much affright him for hee did thinke to finde him an enemy so as whilst they betake themselves to their Armes with an intention to fight with him the Scouts who were sent before to discover the Countrey returned with newes that there was no enemy to be seen the Countrey being open free and voyd of Opposition This contentment was augmented by the comming of Richard Griffith and Iohn Morgan with a great many fighting men and though Griffith was a confederate of Sir Walter Herberts and of Rice ap Thomas of whose inclinations he was doubtfull yet the Earle forbare not to march on fighting with and beating as many as opposed him
Richard Buried The onely Memoriall that remaines thereof is the Stone Coffin his Body vvas buried in which now serves for a Trough for Horses to drinke in in a Neighbouring Village They say the Body being taken from thence was with much derision buried againe at the foote of Bow-Bridge in Leicester and many other things are said of it which I rather believe to bee the Peoples Invention then that there is any thing of Truth in them In Richard the Line masculine of the House of Yorke ceased some except Edward Plantagenet Earle of Warwicke Sonne to the Duke of Clarence whom I do not account upon since fifteene Yeares after Hee likewise died without any Heires Male As vvee shall see The End of the Eighth Booke The Ninth BOOK OF THE CIVIL WARS OF ENGLAND In the LIFE of Henry the Seventh OUr Discourse leading us to treat of the Occurrences of a Kingdom the Government whereof passed now from one Family to another it will be necessary to know what pretences the present King had to lay claim to the kingdom to the end there may remain no scruple touching the Justice or Injustice of the Alteration Henry the Seventh was by his Genealogie so remote from laying any claim to the Crown by right of Blood as the common opinion is he had no right at all thereunto His father Edmund Earl of Richmond was son to Owen Teuder and Queen Katherine the widow of Henry the fifth whose Houses had no affinity nor relation of Kinred to the House of Lancaster By his mothers side somewhat may be said for him since Margaret Countesse of Richmond onely daughter to the first Duke of Sommerset and grand-childe to Iohn Duke of Lancaster the father of Henry the fourth the first King of that House pretended that in case the then-present Succession should fail she and her son were to succeed as rightly descended from the said Iohn the father as well of the house of Sommerset as of that of Lancaster But this meets with two oppositions The one That the House of Lancaster had no right at all to the Crown The other That say it had the House of Sommerset did not partake therein though sprung from the same Head The reasons why the House of Lancaster had no pretence are these Henry the fourth usurped the Crown from Edmund Mortimer descended from Philippa daughter and heir to Lionel Duke of Lancaster elder brother to the Duke of Lancaster upon whom King Richard the second dying without sons as he did the Succession fell So as the usurpation having continued from father to son in Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth 't was impossible for them to transmit that right to Others which they Themselves had not That the House of Sommerset though the Other had had right did not partake therein is thus proved The Duke of Lancaster having had three wives Blanche Constance and Katharine the due claims of his children had by them were not the same forasmuch as concern'd Inheritance in respect of the several Dowries and different Qualities of the three mothers Blanche brought with her the Dutchy of Lancaster Constance the pretences to the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon and Katharine nothing at all being but a meer Waiting-woman to the above-said Blanche So as if Henry the fourth and the daughters born of Blanche could not pretend to the kingdoms of Castile and Leon in prejudice to Katharine daughter to Constance nor Katharine to the Dukedom of Lancaster in prejudice of Henry the fourth and his sisters much lesse could the children of Katherine have any pretence at all in prejudice of the children by the former two wives unlesse what you will allow them meerly in respect of their Fathers Inheritance wherein must be considered their disadvantage of being the last born therefore not to enjoy the prerogative which the Laws give to the first-born To this may be added that they were born whilst Constance yet lived so as they were not onely Bastards but in such a degree as doth aggravate the condition they being on the Fathers side born in Adultery And though after the death of Constance he married Katharine which subsequent Marriage was made legitimate by the double legitimation both of Pope and Parliament yet they not being of the whole Blood the House of Sommerset had nothing to do with the House of Lancaster in what belonged to the Inheritance of the Crown their legitimation making them only capable of their Inheritance by the Father So as Henry the fourth being established in the kingdom by the Authority of Parliament and by the same Authority his sons such as should descend of them being declared his lawful Successors therein he in case his succession should fail made no mention at all of his Half-brothers or such as should descend from them So as let it be granted that his Usurpation was no longer an Usurpation it being allowed of by a Publike Act of Election yet had not the House of the Sommerset though descended from the same father the same pretence since not being able to pretend to the Dukedom of Lancaster much lesse could it pretend to the Crown the father having no pretence at all thereunto And if Henry his eldest son obtained the Crown it was by Purchase and so as none should enjoy after him but such descending from him as he should specifically name So as the Crown according to the Laws of England belonging to the House of York by the Marriage with Anne sister and heir to the aforesaid Edmund Mortimer there remains somewhat of doubt whether the Parliament could invest the House of Lancaster to the right of the Crown in prejudice to the first Mortimer and consequently to the House of York If it could not Then justly do it neither could it justly do it after Henry the Seventh's pretence unto the Crown and if it could do it in the same manner and by the same right as it did operate to the prejudice of Mortimer the House of York by making Henry the fourth King it might do the like to the prejudice of the House of Lancaster by making Edward the 4 King So as Henry the Seventh be it either by Election or by natural Descent is totally excluded from any right unto the Crown which exclusion notwithstanding rests onely in his Own Person not in those who have descended from him For having married Elizabeth the true Heir of the House of York his sons begotten upon her were true Heirs to the Crown And if in this particular we desire to be any thing favourable to him let us say that if the House of Lancaster had any such pretence it had it by the Mother who was Heir to the House of Sommerset and if the House of Sommerset be different from that of Lancaster so as he Thereby have no colour of Claim yet may he have it Another way being chosen King by the same power of Parliament as Henry the Fourth and Edward the 4 were
marched not like a New King but like one who had been so Long welcom'd wherever he passed with Shouts of Joy His taking up the Olive-branch and laying aside the Palm did enhearten the People who did now promise themselves that quiet which since Henry the Fourth's time till that present they had enjoyed but by Fits being subject to so many Alterations as had not those Evils ensued which did ensue the very Expectation and Apprehension of them was an intermitting Feaver for the space of Fourscore six yeers In like manner made he his entrance into London for though he was met by the Maior Magistrates and Citizens besides the Nobility and Gentlemen which accompanied them notwithstanding dispensing with the Pomp usually observed at the first entrance of Kings into that City he made his entry in a Coach undisplayed to the end it might not be thought that having reinvested himself into his Countrey by the favour of Armes and gotten the Crown by the Kings death he had any intention to Triumph over the People His entry was upon a Saturday the day of his Victory which day he solemnized all his life-time as being always the happiest day to him of all the days of the week He alighted out of his Coach at Pauls Church where he made Te Deum be sung and caused the Colours taken from the Enemy to be there hung up He pretended to no other Trophies neither did he own this as the Effects of his Own Valour or from Fortune but as from God the onely Fortune whereunto Sacrifices ought to be made He lodged in the Bishops Palace which joyns unto the Church as not being far from the Tower from whence he was to come to his Coronation And because it was said he had given his word to marry Anne the daughter and heir to the Duke of Britanny which in respect of the favours he had received from that Duke was believed to be true he in an Assembly of the chiefest Lords of the Kingdom which was called for that purpose did ratific his promise to marry the Princesse Elizabeth by which he stopped the Whispers and Fears that were had of him yet did he defer the Consummating of it without any manner of scandal till being Crowned and in Possession by his Own Title he might avoid being call'd King in the right of his Wife He made his entrance into the Tower on Simon and Iude's eeve and on the Feast-day made Twelve Knights Bannerets He created his Uncle Iasper Earl of Pembroke Duke of Bedford he who having brought him up of a Childe saved him from Edward the Fourth by carrying him into Britanny He created his Father-in-law the Lord Stanley Earl of Darby and Edward Courtney Earl of Devonshire He was Crowned in the Church at Westminster on the Thirtieth day of October with the accustomed Solemnities and joyful Acclamations both of the Nobility and People Cardinal Bourchier Archbishop of Canterbury executed that Office He held a Parliament Seven days after wherein he annulled all the Decrees for the Confiscations of the Lives and Livelihood of such as took part with him and made the like Decree against the chiefest of the Other side and to take away all suspition from the rest he granted out a General Pardon which freed such of fear who had cause to fear for his having condemned those whom he would not pardon did secure These and was a sure signe he would pardon the rest so as quitting the Sanctuaries and places where they had hid themselves they swore Fealty to him and did their Homage answerable to the tenure of the Declaration and reentred into their Possessions Afterwards as concerning his Title which was the chiefest Concernment he govern'd himself with such cautelousnesse as that the Princesse Elizabeth not being named therein he would have the Act that was made to contain a Double sense that the inheritance of the Crown should remain in Him and in his Children lawfully to be begotten not declaring whether it were his by Nature or by Conquest it sufficing him that whatsoever interpretation was made of it it must make for his advantage He would not prescribe any Succession in case he and those that should lawfully descend from him should fail because it should not be thought to be done of purpose to exclude the House of York he therefore left the decision thereof to the Laws He in the same Parliament conferr'd more Honours he created Monsieur de Chandos a Gentleman of Britanny who during his being there had been his familiar friend and would needs accompany him in his Expedition for England Earl of Bath he made Sir Giles Aubeny and Sir Robert Willoughby Barons he restored Edward Stafford eldest son to the Duke of Buckingham to his Blood Dignity and Goods and though his Confiscation were great yet his Father having been the First Promoter of his greatnesse and having thereupon lost his Life he restored all unto his Son which won him the reputation of being Grateful And though Kings do seldom call Parliaments without demanding some Aids by Moneys and doing some Acts of Grace unto the People he thought it not fitting to make any such demand at This time as not having any Grace to confer fitting to the time for though the General Pardon was an Act of Grace yet would not he pretend it to be such but rather a Correspondency to the satisfaction they had given him in receiving him to be King by his Own Title Besides he not having War with any one and having many great Confiscations faln unto him the which he so moderated as might become a favourable Confiscator and be expected in a good Government he was willing to spare his Subjects purses And though his intention was to govern in such sort as his People should have no reason to hate Him nor He to fear Them yet knowing he had Enemies he instituted a Guard of Fifty Archers under the Command of a Captain which was a New thing in England where their Kings are onely guarded by the Laws and their Subjects affections So as to take away all Jealousie he declared the Institution to be Perpetual moved thereunto by what he in the time of his Exile had observed others to do and for that the want of a Guard doth misbecome the Majestie of a King and is requisite to be had if not for Necessity for Decency The Parliament being dissolved he forgot not that he had left the Marquesse Dorset and Sir Iohn Bourchier as pledges in France for the Moneys wherewith he payed the Forces he brought with him into England Willing therefore upon this occasion to try the inclination of the Citizens he commanded the Lord Treasurer to desire the Lord Maior of London that the City might lend him Six thousand Marks and after sundry consultations the businesse was decided by the loan of Two thousand pounds sterling the which though it came short of the sum that was desired he took in good part supplying
as out of Faction or out of Envie could not endure that Henry should reign the one that the Duke of York son to Edward the 4 was Alive the other that the King was resolved to put the Earl of Warwick who was prisoner in the Tower secretly to death The First was divulged to nurse up Hopes in such as were ill affected the Second to encrease Hatred against the King as if equally cruel with Richard he were about to treat the Earl of Warwick as Richard had treated his Nephews Whereupon Simond meeting with so fit an occasion bethought himself to make Lambert personate the Duke of York but presently altering his Opinion he judged it fitter for his purpose to have him personate the prisoner the Earl of Warwick and that if his endeavours should succeed and that Lambert should be made King he himself should be recompensed with the Chief Miter of England and the Government of King and Kingdom Neither did he think to meet with any great Obstacle herein since that the love to the House of York remaining yet in the hearts of Most of the Kingdom they could not possibly endure that the King having married the Princesse Elizabeth he should not suffer her to be Crowned as she ought to be Resolving hereupon he began to give such instruction to Lambert as such a businesse required and met with an Aptnesse in him fit to receive whatsoever documents but considering afterwards that his pupil was to represent the person of one that was known to many and not known to him he thought it was unpossible to be done without the Assistance of some-body who was conversant in the Court who might be informed by those that had served the Earl of his childish conversation and of all things that had befallen since King Edward's death at which time he was but Ten yeers old None being fitter for such an Office then the Queen Dowager she was imagined to be the Instructresse for she was but little satisfied to see her daughter so little beloved and so coolly treated as a Wife and as a Queen wanting the usual Marks of that dignity for Henry had neglected her Coronation though he had lately born him a Son not that her intention was to make Lambert King but to make use of him to Depose her Son-in-law to substitute the infant-Prince the lawful Successor in his place and in case she should meet with too great oppositions Lincoln or Warwick which were Both of the House of York That which made people of this opinion was Her being shortly after confined to a Monastery upon no weighty pretence as we shall see The King thought it expedient to punish her under the colour of a Petty known fault for a heinous one which was not fitting to be known Howsoever it was Lambert took upon him the gestures and behaviour of a great Personage with so miraculous punctuality as that these being joyned to his Natural Sweetnesse a True Prince could not be formed out with more true Perfections then were these false ones which appeared to be true in Him The reasons which made Simond change his first designe and chuse rather to have his Comedian personate the son to the Duke of Clarence then King Edward's son though he that was Dead might easilier be counterfeited then he that was Alive was That when a speech went of his being escaped out of the Tower he observed so Great Joy in the People as he thought he should have more to further him in his designe and that it would be easier for him to insinuate a falshood in the Person of This man falsly supposed to have made an escape then in that Other whose escape would the hardlier be believed for in it Two Impossibilities were to be supposed Pity in the Varlets that were to murder him which could not without danger enter into such souls especially under such a King as was Richard and the Escape from the Tower which augmenting the danger took from the belief of any Compassion in Them or Life in Him But that which chiefly made him resolve upon This was that whilst he was doubtful what to do 't was said for a truth that Warwick was Dead in the Tower Now to act this Comedy well he did not think England a fit Scene a proportionable Distance being required in things which must be taken for what they are not unavoidable difficulties were to be met withal upon the place which might be avoided abroad where no Witnesses being to convince nor Acquaintance to confound boldnesse becomes impudence without which Cheats of this nature can hardly be effected He resolved to go over into Ireland a Kingdom affectionate to the House of York and wherein King Henry at his coming to the Crown had altered nothing neither Deputy Councellor nor Officer the same commanded there that were there placed by Richard a negligence to be blamed in so Prudent a Prince as He was who knew the inclination of that Kingdom and People wherein if alterations chance to happen remedies are hardly come by none being to be had from within it Self and all External helps the Sea interposed between them and home being Difficult Dangerous and Slowe All which made for Symond's purpose who coming before Thomas Fitz-Gerald Earl of Kildare who was Deputy a man ill-affected to Henry as he was well-affected to the House of York presented his pretended Prince unto him using such illusions as Lambert not having any one part in him which did not gainsay his mean Extraction the Deputy believed him to be what his Masters speeches and his Studied Nobility made him appear to be insomuch that acquainting some of his trustiest friends with this Secret under the Seal of Confession he found them and together with them the People prone to Rebellion They received this fancied Prince with great honour they gave the Castle of Dublin to him for his Lodging and few days after proclaimed him King by the name of Edward the Sixth There was not any one Province that denied him obedience and all of them joyned in declaring War against Henry whilst on the contrary side there was not any one that spake a word or drew a sword in his behalf But that Kingdom being but bare of Money and Arms and but meanly furnished with Souldiers they hoped that such in England as were friends to the House of York and Margaret Dutchesse of Burgundy would in a businesse of so great consequence assist them with their Supplies whom they advertise that Edward Plantagenet is escaped out of the Tower and come into Ireland where he was received and proclaimed King that they were purposed to bring him into England his hereditary Kingdom if they would be ready with their assistance to secure his Entry and that his Aunt of Burgundy would assist him with Money Souldiers and Commanders Margaret by reason of her vertue for she had nothing in her blameable but her inveterate hate to the House of Lancaster was in great
esteem amongst the Flemings she was the third wife to Charles Duke of Burgundy who being slain before Nanci left no Heir behinde him save Mary born to him by Elizabeth of Burbon his second wife who was married to Maximilian of Austria son to the Emperour Frederick the third to whom she bare Philip and Margaret which their mother being dead were brought up with much charity and affection by this window she doing for Them as she could have done had they been her Own children which caused the Subjects moved thereunto by her so great Charity to honour and obey her as if she had been their Naturally-reigning Princesse Her husband had left her a very great Dowry so as she having had no other occasion of Expence saving her frugal Domestick affairs she might by the Moneys she had gathered in so many yeers of her Self unassisted by any Other undertake this business She therefore willingly listened to the Embassie not that she was Ignorant of the Falshood of it for she knew her Nephew so strictly kept as he could not escape but that she might have an occasion to trouble Henry His marriage with her Neece which should have reconciled her to him did the more Incense her against him since it was the way to Establish him in the Kingdom and to take it from Her House without any Hope of ever Recovering it again whereupon she readily Promised Assistance and in it's due time Sent it more Readily The King when he heard of this Rebellion in Ireland was very much troubled being too-late aware he had done ill to leave that Nation under the Command of such as depended upon his Predecessor And though he could not have imagined such an accident as This yet was he not to be excused for Wisedom ought to foresee not onely Evident but Contingent dangers neither was it Contigency to trust Ireland in the hands of such as were Well-wishers to the Adverse party it was not to be believed that together with their Prince they would change their Inclinations for Hatred in inveterate Factions is seldome changed But having no ready remedie nor being able to exercise his own Valour upon this occasion as he had done upon Others by reason of the Sea's interposal he called his Council together to know their Opinions and to resolve upon what was to be done They propounded and concluded upon Three expedients First a General Pardon for All faults Treason against the Kings Person not excepted to all such as within a Prefixt time should Confesse themselves guilty a thing most Usual upon Other occasions but necessary at This time since Ordinary Treason which is usually pardonable was not Now treated of but treason grown to such a Height as makes the partakers therein Desperate even to the Uttermost Hazard their welfare being incompatible with the welfare of the Prince This Article was resolved on in consideration of Sir Thomas Broughton who had saved the Lord Lovel for being a powerful man in his Countrey he might have assembled many men who joyned to the rest might have done much harm and though there was no doubt of his Correspondency with the Irish yet it was Now no fitting time to proceed against him with Severity it was thought fittest for the Present Danger not to put him to Desperation not to Provoke him to Mischief and to shew him a way to save himself Secondly that Edward Plantagenet should be taken out of the Tower and shewn to the People to the end they might know he was not dead and that the supposed Plantagenet in Ireland was a meer Chimaera framed onely to trouble the State Thirdly that the Queen-mother should be confined to the Nunnery of Bermondsey and that her goods should be confiscated for that having promised the Princesse Elizabeth to the now-King whilst he was in Britanny she had contrary to the Articles of Agreement delivered Her and the rest of her sisters up to Richard The issue of these three Resolutions were Broughton bit not at this bait of Pardon Edward Plantagenet was led in Procession to Pauls being by the way discoursed withal by divers of the chief of the Nobility that knew him especially by such of whom the King had any Suspition to the end they might be convinc't in their reason The which though it availed in England yet did it no good in Ireland where the King was accused That out of an intent to rob Edward the Sixth of his Inheritance which he had Tyrannously enjoy'd he had shewed to the view of the People a young boy who was somewhat like him to the end they might believe a Falshood thereby cheating the World and by an unparallel'd Imposture profaning the Church and sacred Ceremonies The resolution concerning the Queen was that Alone which took Effect though not without Scandal for there being no other cause then what was alleadged the punishment savoured too much of Avarice and Cruelty of Avarice because the King got thereby her Confiscation which was very Great of Cruelty because the Weaknesse and Vanity of a Woman the Weaknesse caused by the Threats the Vanity by the Promises of a Tyrant and the Irksomnesse of a Sanctuary an End whereof she was Never to expect did not deserve so Severe a punishment Not but that her fault was very Great since she did what in Her lay to render the Kings return vain and to make those Lords for ever lose their Countrey and their Possessions who upon her promises were gone into Britanny but the Difficulty of so dangerous an enterprise under the conduct of a Young man without Forces against a powerful King a skilful Warriour together with the Example of the Duke of Buckingham who first began it with so Unfortunate Successe were able to have made a Stronger minde then Hers to have Waver'd the sufferings of her Body and Minde made her covet a Quiet which she could not hope for from a few Exil'd People and if This were her Onely fault wherefore was she not at first proceeded against before her daughter's Marriage and the Prince's birth in all which time the King shewed no distaste against her neither held her as a Delinquent But in my Opinion it is to be thought that the Kings nature though Covetous yet not Wicked did not move him to deal so injuriously with her rather that he was induced to these proceedings out of some Hidden cause and that those Forces above mention'd which made her guilty in the highest degree made him so exceeding Severe else he would have punisht her Before as in Justice he might have done But Princes Imaginations are not as manifest as their Actions This Queen was one of Fortune's greatest works whose Inconstancy in the enterchanges of her Felicity and Misery proved Constant from being a widow to a bare Knight she was made wife to a great King who being fled away deposed and banished she was enforced for the Safety of her Self and the Prince her son which she bare there to take
Little good in Ireland since he would want Supplies being likely to have None from England which peradventure he might Lose They were but Few that were of this opinion for they wanted there all the chief Ground-works of War strong Holds Arms Money and Souldiers an Enemy could not be Stopped without strong Holds nor Themselves Secured without Money Souldiers were not to be had nor could they encamp themselves in Open field without Arms. Reason perswaded to passe the Seas and make the war in England Henry had done the same with Greater Lesser company and yet had had Good successe it was to be believed that not having any One that sided with him in Ireland he would have but Few in England where if the Greatest part were affectionate to the House of York whilst they had No Head to follow what would they when they should have a lawful King attended on by a whole Kingdom an agreement which would invite and encourage England to do the like But all these arguments though Sufficient were not efficacious enough to make this resolution be taken the onely reason which bare sway to have the war in England was the Want of Money wherewithal to pay the Dutchmen and their no hopes of Enriching themselves by fighting in Ireland The needier sort of people flockt to the beating of the Drum those who had nothing but their Lives to lose were contented to venture them upon hopes to better their fortunes in so Rich a Countrey They embarqued themselves better furnished with Hopes then with Weapons and landed with Lambert clad in kingly apparel at the Pile of Fowdray in Lancashire they were conducted by the Earls of Lincoln and Kildare and Viscount Lovel followed by the Dutchmen under Colonel Swart Broughton met them at their landing with but a few men they marched towards York and passed peaceably where they went to shew that Lawful Kings come to Ease not to Oppresse their Subjects but shortly after their hopes began to grow cool when they saw not any one come in to them in their Solitary March especially since they could not with more reason expect any to side with them in any Other Countrey then in that which was so much enclined to the House of York and to Richard But Viscount Lovel not having found any safety there the yeer before they might believe They were not now likely to fare better Some were of opinion that the Alienation of those people proceeded from a Distaste they took that Two Forreign Nations the Dutch and Irish should pretend to present them with a King made by them and though Henry the 4 and Edward the 4 and the Now-King had in the like manner been presented by Strangers yet the case differ'd They the first and last were call'd in by a Part of the Kingdom to free them from the two Richards the 2 and the 3 the One for divers reasons more hated then the Other and Edward came of himself building upon the People's Love neither had Henry the 7 given any occasion of Hatred whereby to be driven out rather the opinion of his Worth and his having Matcht with the House of York had established him moreover the Procession made to Paul's wherein the True Plantagenet was seen made them not minde the False one Lincoln being brought to that passe as he could not retire without ruine resolved to perish generously by hazarding a Battel He marched towards Newark minding to make himself master thereof but Henry who at the first news of their landing was advanced to Coventry sent some Troops of Light-horse abroad to take Prisoners that he might learn News a superfluous diligence for he had Spyes amongst them who advertis'd him of all their proceedings Being come to Nottingham a Counsel of War was held wherein it was discust where 't were better to protract time or to Fight the King was for giving Battel being encouraged by the accesse of 6000 fighting men most of them Voluntaries under 70 Colours the Earl of Shrewsbury and the Lord Strange were the chief Commanders and that the enemy might not take the advantage of Newark the King encamped himself between them and the Town Lincoln seeing himself so closely pursued went to Stoke planting himself upon the side of a little hill from whence he descended assoon as the King presented him Battel the which was valiantly fought on Both sides but of the Manner how there is but Small or very Obscure knowledge 'T is held that of the King 's Three Battallions the Vantguard onely fought the other Two moved not at all which seems the Stranger for that having fought even to the Last man the one Half of the said Vantguard being Slain the King would purchase the Victory at so Dear a rate which if he would have suffer'd All his men to have fought he might have had it better Cheap All the Chief of the Enemy were slain Lincoln Kildare Lovel Broughton and Colonel Swart great slaughter was made of the unarmed Irish who budged not one foot from the posture they put themselves in at the Beginning of the fight the Dutch who were well armed and understood their work died not unrevenged The Conflict endured Three hours not likely to have endured so Long had the Main-battel and the Rere-ward fought 'T is said the L. Lovel sought to save himself but finding the Banks of Trent too high for his horse they were both drowned as not able to clammer up Others will have it that he got over the River and that he lived a long time in a Cave The King was displeas'd at the Earl of Lincoln's death not that he Loved him or out of desire of further Revenge but that thereby he was bereaved of the means of working out of him what Correspondency the Dutchesse Margaret had in England There died Four thousand of the Enemy the One Half of the Kings Vant-guard and the Other half were work for the Chirurgions So roundly were they dealt withal Not any one of Quality was slain on the King's side They took many Prisoners amongst which king Lambert Symnel otherwise called Edward the Sixth and Simond his Tutor and Seducer 't was thought he should have been rigorously proceeded against but his yeers he not being full Sixteen yeers Old freed him from the Highest of faults He confest who he was and the Meannesse of his Birth that the fault proceeded from his Governour whom he was not wont to disobey His punishment was the Kitchin where he was put to the vilest employments his Scepter and Crown were turned to Spits and Fire-forks he continued in the office of a Scullion till by what means I know not he was preferred to be one of the King's Falconers in which condition he died not giving any further occasion of Story The King shewed herein his Wisedom for had he put him to Death being so Young and for a fault not of his Own Chusing Severity might have had the face of Cruelty and Justice of
desirous of Peace knowing that Ursewick's pains would be to no purpose for the Duke of Britanny was not in case to rely upon his Own Judgement having indeed None at all and the Duke of Orleans would not hear of it for being injured by him it was not likely he should trust him He on the other side should by this means justifie himself to Henry since the making of peace stuck not at Him so as he should not have any occasion to enterprise ought against Him the fault in all appearance not being His. Ursewick being come to Britanny found the Duke so very ill as it was impossible for him to treat with him who had lost almost all the faculties of judgement it behoved him to treat with the Duke of Orleans whom he acquainted with the King his Master's desire and with the good inclination he found in the King of France thereunto so as there remained nothing to establish a good Agreement but to conclude upon the means to every one's satisfaction The Duke being far from any such thought knowing that Charles his intention was other then he made shew for and he himself thirsting to make war with Another man's purse and with the hopes of getting the Dutchy of Britanny answer'd He wonder'd that so Wise a King as Henry would suffer himself to be over-reached by so very Young a King as Charles and that those reasons to which he was bound by Honour and Gratitude bore no sway with him that he should do well to remember the Duke of Britanny had been in lieu of a Father tâ—… him from his Childhood till his promotion to the Crown to the which though Nature Birth and the Kingdom had play'd their parts he had Never attained had he not used that charity towards him which obliged Henry to do the like for Him that the present Mediation did not correspond with the businesse that it was Destructive but Useful for Charles who thereby would gain time to do that which otherwise he could not that Aid was expected from Henry worthy of the Greatnesse of his Minde of his Tye of Friendship and of the imminent Danger the fair Appearances of France were nothing but Fraud and Cozenage 't would be too Late Dangerous and Dishonourable to know it by the Event that if Henry would believe Charles to be of as Candid a minde as was He himself he might do well to believe it with his Sword in Hand so that if it should prove Otherwise he might be ready to Chastise him that had abused him by doing this he should acquit himself on All hands nor could any one have just cause to complain of him And if the reasons of Gratitude which were the same with those of Honour were not of force enough to perswade him he ought to do it out of reason of State and take upon him that defence in Time without Offending Any One which should he undertake Unseasonably would be offensive to All Three to France by opposing it in Open War to Britanny by giving it too Late succour and to England by permitting a Great King to Increase in Power State and Situation hurtful to that Kingdom who was set upon on all sides subject to the discretion of England upon whose pleasure he depended having Seas Ports Commerce and all that could accommodate or incommodate secure or endanger England Ursewick was ready to answer That Princes could not chuse but in some sort believe one another especially where an Obliged friendship plays the part of a Surety not that Wisedom may not have her Exceptions but that she should too largely dispose of her self if where there is Parity of Friendship and Obligation she should believe a friend to be what he ought not to be that Henry's obligations to France arose from Britanny's failing him which if it were not through any fault of the Duke 't was through the fault of Landois Fortune and Chance 'T was Chance that when fleeing from England he would have gone to France brought him into Britanny Fortune when he would have stay'd in Britanny brought him into France whither he would not have gone nor have had any obligation to the King thereof had it not been for danger of being sold to Richard by Landois He did not accuse the Duke of this but neither ought the Duke to accuse him if Fortune bore him to Divide between Two that obligation which was formerly due to Him alone He could not but confesse this without the mark of Ingratitude neither could he take One of them into his consideration and leave the Other neglected More time was requir'd to arm by Sea and Land then to send an Embassie the One did not hinder the Other That an Ambassadour served for a Soul to such businesses as were to be brought to Life no resolutions of importance being taken between Prince and Prince but by Mediation But Ursewick not being suffer'd to say This nor what more he would have said for the Duke arose from him and would not hear him he returned to Charles who told him He had rightly foretold that the Duke of Orleans would not un-enforced yeeld to any Pacification that he would endeavour to force him to it as his obstinacy required in the mean time he desired Henry not to desist from doing good offices for by continuation thereof that Peace would be effected which He desired to which he for his part would Never be Averse and that under such conditions as Henry should prescribe him Lewis the father of this Prince would never suffer this his son to be taught more Latine then Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare wherein he so well profited as not having his brains troubled with any Other lesson and being thought by reason of his rough nature to have but a blunt judgement he deceived all men especially Ursewick whereby the King his Master was likewise deceived Some think that Henry's credulity was but feigned that he might have an Excuse not to intricate himself in a War he Hated and which would be of great Trouble to him But if he were not Deceived he deceived Himself for hoping it would be hard for Charles to make any Progresse in this businesse being unable at the same time to beat the Forces of Britanny and Orleans his party it proved clean Otherwise The French Army being entred Britanny and brought in by the confederate Barons made them soon repent it The Articles greed upon between them were instantly broken Cities besieged taken and Sacked no difference being put between the grounds and territories of the Confederate and Not confederate whilst the Duke abandon'd by his Subjects and not assisted by his friends escaped narrowly being taken at Vannes from whence with much ado he got to Nantes where being besieged and destitute of hope he sent the Count of Dunois and Viscount Coteman to get aid from England who having ridden by night thorow Forests and desert places in great danger the Countrey being wholly possest
by the Enemy got to S. Malo where they unluckily put four times to Sea and were as often driven back so as they gave over their employment believing the succour they went for would come too Late and that therefore they must look for some from Elsewhere but it was more then needed For the Frenchmen despairing to win the Town gave over the Siege Charles whilst he besieged Nantes had sent Bernard of Aubeny into England to re-assure the King of his desire of Peace and he either believing it or seeming so to do named the Abbot of Abington Sir Richard Tunsdal and the former Ursewick his Commissioners to treat thereof giving them full Authority though the circumstances afforded little hope Which Edward Woodvile Uncle to the Queen a gallant Gentleman perceiving he desired leave to go to assist the Duke with a Troop of Voluntiers with which he would Privately steal over so as the King of France should have occasion to complain of none but of Him It is not known whether the King did Privately give way thereunto or no but in Publike he denied his request charging him not to depart from Court notwithstanding he went to the Isle of Wight where of he was Governour and raised there Four hundred fighting men with which he sailed into Britanny causing thereby such an alteration among those of the Court of France as the Commissioners would have been evilly intreated had not Charles whose conscience accused him seemed to believe that Woodvile was come of his Own head since the Reputation of England and the Need of Britanny required Other manner of aid then Four hundred men The Commissioners having discover'd his minde return'd to England and acquainted the King that Charles his desire of Peace was but counterfeit the better to gain time and to make him lose the opportunity of hindering him from the Usurpation of Britanny Whereupon Henry resolved to Call a Parliament wherein succour being resolved upon he raised Moneys and muster'd Souldiers sending word to Charles that his Kingdom liked not this war with Britanny made by him there having always been an un-interrupted Friendship between that Dutchy and England wherefore they could not now abandon it since their Own commodity was concerned in the Losse thereof that He therefore could not oppose his People as Charles himself might judge that he thought good to give him Notice hereof as well to the end that his Moving or Marching might not be News unto him as likewise to entreat him that he would take away the Cause of his so doing which if he would not he assured him that his succour should onely tend to the Defence of Britanny from whence if the French would withdraw themselves they should not be Pursued by his men nor fought withal Out of Britanny so as their Friendship was not to go Lesse in the said War The Ambassadours arrived when Charles had brought the businesse to such a passe as he needed not greatly weigh the Late resolutions of England having received news of the surrender of Ancenis Fougeres Saint Aibine di Cormier and not long after that the Armies had met and that the Britons were discomfited The French-men thought that the Duke's Army would bend themselves for the Recovery of Saint Albine as they did whereupon following them and coming up to them not far from thence they fought with them and had the Victory they slew the Four hundred English with Woodvile their Commander took the Duke of Orleans and the Prince of Orange prisoners who would not have purchased their Liberties at so Cheap a rate as they did had it not been for their Wives Orleans his wife being the King's sister and Orange's wife sister to the Duke of Burbon for after divers Removals from one prison to another they by the Intercession of their Wives obtained Liberty and Pardon Henry understanding of this defeat sent Eight thousand fighting men into Britanny under the Conduct of the Lord Brook which joyning themselves with the Duke's Forces marched towards the Enemy who knowing they loved not to Encamp themselves but to come to Blowes thought to cool their heat by Intrenching their Army and sallying out with their Light-horse which they did but with more Losse then Gain This mean while Francis the Second Duke of Britanny died leaving Two Daughters behinde him the younger whereof died not many months after and left the Inheritance wholly to Anne but the subversion of her State was caused by her father's death A month before this the Duke was constrain'd to Compound with Charles and subscribe to the Articles of Agreement remitting the Difference to Arbitratours Charles pretended to this Dukedom out of Two reasons by the pretences of Iohn de Brosse and Nicholas of Britanny which were yeelded up to his father Lewis the Eleventh and by the rights of the Viscount of Rohan descended from Mary of Britanny sister to Margaret the first wife of Francis the Second the which right or claim the said Viscount had surrendred up to this Charles and these Two sisters being Daughters to Francis the First would in succession have preceded Peter the Second Arthur and Francis the Second had not Women been excluded from men of Name and Coat of Britanny as were the Three above-named The which being then brought into question made the dispute more intricate though it should not so have done for the Former Two's grant was annull'd in the Abbey de Victoire by a Treaty made with Lewis himself and the Viscount Rohan's relinquishment made by him not that he believed he had any Right thereunto but to please Charles was of no Validity since he descended from Women and the Nullification of such pretences appeared in his Contract of Marriage in the Wills of the Dukes and in the Decrees of the State of Britanny Reasons which though they were all of force enough yet were they not able to weigh against the force of the Weaker for the weakest pretences are sufficient so they have power enough to prove their right by force The King was Young and every one about him pretended to get an Armful of Wood by the fall of this Tree the Sister for her part had already in her conceipt devoured the City of Nantes the Britons who were Partakers pretended to participate therein whilst the rest that saw their fortunes and welfare depend upon the Weaknesse of an abandoned Orphan Maiden and under the Sword of a Powerful King resolved to Declare themselves for him before they were by force Constrained so to do Whereupon the English not able to Save what ran to so Headlong a Ruine returned into England after they had spent Eight months in Britanny and done nothing The Parliament had given certain Subsidies for the payment of these men which were readily paid by all the Shires save York-shire and the Bishoprick of Durham which Two Counties flatly denied to pay any They alleadged that they had suffered great grievances the Last yeers past and for the
Present they had not backs to bear any More This contempt proceeded from the Love they bore to the House of York and their Hatred to the present King The Commissioners for the Assessing and Gathering of the Subsidies wanting means whereby to enforce them knew not what to do for all and every one of these Two Counties agreed in a joyn'd Negative to the Parliament's Decree They went to advise about it with the Earl of Northumberland who wrote thereof unto the King and received answer That the Subsidies were given by Parliament and pay'd by all the rest of the Kingdom and that he would have them of Them without the Abatement of one Peny The Earl calling together the prime Gentlemen of the Countrey acquainted them with the King's answer who believing he had framed it of his Own head broke into his house and slew him together with many of his Servants This being done they chose Sir Iohn Egremond for their Head and appointed Iohn à Chamber to him for Counsellour both which were Seditious men Their conceit was to meet the King and give him Battel in defence of their Liberties the which the King understanding he commanded Thomas Earl of Surrey lately before taken out of the Tower to compel them which he did by Discomfiting them and taking à Chamber prisoner Egremont fled into Flanders to the Dutchesse Margaret à Chamber was hanged upon a high Gallows at York and some others of the Chiefest of them were hanged round about him but somewhat Lower This was the end of this Rebellion Iames the Third King of Scotland and friend to Henry died this yeer who was brought to a miserable Period rather by evil Counsel then evil Nature He had naturally good inclinations but they were poison'd by the practice of a kinde of people which hath always been Ominous and Pestilential to Princes an inconvenience which always hath been and will be whilst the World lasts His thirst after Absolute Sovereignty was as great as is the thirst of one sick of a Burning Fever not to be quenched by all the water of Nilus He valued not Legal authority but sought for that which was not permitted by the Constitutions nor Laws of the Kingdom His ruine arose from hating Liberty in such as gave him Good Counsel and in loving Flattery in those who advised him Ill the which they did not to incur the danger of his Disfavour and so made him fall upon his Own Ruine Amongst the chiefest of his injuries to his Nobility was his breach of Faith so as they not believing any more in him nor trusting him there ensued a Rebellion and wanting a Head for a businesse of so great Consequence they thought to make use of the Prince a Youth of about Fifteen yeers of Age and under the shadow of the Son to send the Father to eternal Darknesse but the Prince being endued with much Worth would not accept so detestable a Charge whereupon they made him believe they would give themselves up to England deprive him of his Birth-right and possibly of his Life so as thus threatned he gave way to their Will Iames this mean while having made means to Pope Innocent the Eighth and to his Two neighbour-Neighbour-Kings of England and France might have been succoured all in good time had he had patience to expect them in the Castle of Edenborough a safe place but he judging Strivelin to be a more convenient place to receive those in whom he enpected from the Northern parts of his Kingdom was in going thither fought withal and beaten whereupon retyring to a Water Mill with intention to save himself in certain Ships which were not far off he was miserably slain and Iames the Fourth his Son by way of Pennance girt himself with a Chain of Iron to which he added one Link every yeer as long as he lived Pope Innocent had dispatcht away Adrian de Corneto upon this occasion for Scotland a man of noble conditions who came to London Two days before the news of this unfortunate accident he thought presently to have returned but was detained by the King enamoured of his good parts which were by Morton Archbishop of Canterbury commended unto him Neither were they any whit deceived for being a man greatly Experienced in the affairs of the world to boot with his Learning Polydore gives him the attribute of the Restorer of the Latine tongue and the most Eloquent next Cicero he came to the highest degrees of Preferment The King gave him the Bishoprick of Hereford which he refusing he gave him that of Bath and Wells and made use of him in all his businesses depending at Rome which made him being promoted to be a Cardinal acknowledge his favours and give him continual Advertisements of the affairs of Italy This man afterwards through ambition of being Pope ruined his Honour his Fortune and Himself it being verified in Him that Learning is unprofitable if the End thereof be not how to lead a good life The reason of his ruine was that Cardinal Alphonso Petrucchio having together with certain other Cardinals his Confederates plotted the death of Pope Leo the Tenth there were Three that were not Of this Confederacy but Knew of it Riario Soderini and this Adrian who not medling in the businesse did notwithstanding Wish it might take Effect for each of them aspired to be Pope Paulus Iovius relating the causes which made Riario and Soderini hate the Pope when he comes to speak of Adrian says But Adrian not moved by Hatred but by a vain Desire of Rule wisht Leo's death because he had conceived a hope to be Pope by reason of the words of a Woman-Soothsayer who having long before this being asked by him told him many things touching his Own fortune and the Publike affairs of the World told him for a truth that if Pope Leo should die an unnatural death an old man call'd Adrian should succeed him famous for his Learning who building onely upon Vertue had without any Help from his Ancestors gotten the highest Ecclesiastical preferments and it seemed all this was found in Him For being born at Corneto a poor Village in Toscany of mean mechanical parentage he by his Learning had arrived at all the preferment of Holy Orders Neither did the Old woman foretel a Falsehood for one Adrian an old Dutch-man son to a poor Artificer famous for his Learning was by much good fortune made Pope after Leo. And a while after he says Soderini by voluntary Exile withdrew himself to the Territories of Fondi but Adrian being fearful and suspitious not trusting to Leo's clemency went from Rome in a Countrey-fellow's habit and not being pursued by any changed from place to place still seeking to hide himself till he died And Guicchiardine speaking more clearly of him says Adrian and Volterra were not any ways troubled save onely that they under-hand pay'd certain sums of money but neither of them daring to trust their Safeties in Rome as neither did
so fixt upon the Conquest of Italy as he did not care to part with a Certainty for an Uncertainty so as getting Moneys from Him and Benevolences from his Own Kingdom he was likely to be a good Gainer by the bargain Besides his affairs were not so secure at Home as to let him think on Forreign businesse for he had discover'd how the Dutchesse of Burgundy was hatching another Plot to trouble him so as though Profit whereunto he was Naturally enclined had not been concern'd yet was he to have an eye to the Dangers wherewith he was threatened Great store of Moneys coming in by the means of Benevolences for he took a great care none should be exempted that were able to lend he in a small time raised a mighty Army and knowing that Charles had renewed his ancient Confederacy with Iames the Fourth King of Scotland with a reciprocal obligation to be assistant one to another he proclamed War against them Both but not without fear that Maximilian would fail him at his greatest need for though his Weaknesse and Wants were capable of remedy if he should be succour'd against his Subjects which molested him yet his Nature was incapable thereof It was impossible for him to maintain Ten thousand fighting men for Two yeers together upon his Own Purse according to his promise though being Madded as then he was at the Double affront of his Daughter's Repudiation and the Usurpation of his Own Wife he hoped to do Somewhat out of Nothing That which did yet more weaken this Prince was the Rebellion of Philip de Cleves Lord of Ravestein who being upheld by Charles had raised such Combustions in Flanders as having possest himself of Gaunt and Bruges the chief Cities of that Countrey he had forced such as favour'd Maximilian to quit those Towns and reaching further he had made himself master of Sluce and of the Two Castles which were it's Security seizing upon all Ships that went upon the Sea hindering the Commerce of Antwerp Brabant Zealand and Freezland and taking such as came from England and the Northern Countreys to the general prejudice of All Nations Albertus Duke of Saxony Lantsgrave of Misnia governed Flanders at that time under Maximilian it being left unto him by the Emperour his father when he went from thence This man foreseeing he could not force Ravestein unlesse he should get Sluce nor that he could win Sluce without having the Dam by which succour came to it from Bruges he feigned to make for Bruges for matters concerning that Province and not being to take such a journey unlesse well followed and in good Equipage he being the man he was he sent some Troops before which entring peaceably in went to the gate which looks towards Dam as if they would quarter in the Neighbouring Villages and not incommodate the Citie Dam was not above a Flanders-mile from thence the inhabitants whereof thinking these Troops had been sent from Bruges let them in and they making themselves Masters thereof Bruges was in a manner besieged and Sluce deprived of Succour The Duke for all this advantage had no hopes to get Sluce without Forces by Sea he sent news hereof to England whereupon the King who had had many complaints made him by the Merchants of the Insolencies of Ravestein and desired to uphold Maximilian sent unto him Twelve Ships well furnished with Men and Ammunition under the Command of Sir Edward Poynings who having shut up the Haven of Sluce besieged the Town by Sea whilst the Duke did the like by Land and play'd with his Cannon upon the Two Castles wherein the Losse or Preservation of the Town consisted They were valiantly defended for the space of Twenty days the Earl of Oxford's brother was slain in a Sally which they made and longer would they have held out had not the Besiegers in the dark of night burnt the Bridge which Ravestein had built between the Two Castles which not being able to succour one another he was enforced to surrender them and together with them Sluce Bruges being reduced to it's obedience was the occasion of many Other Towns doing the like Henry this mean while past the Summer in Ordering his men that were to go for France and finding himself in a condition to passe over he sent Sir Iohn Risloy and U-sewick to Maximilian to agree upon the place where they were to meet but they found him so Unprovided as having no hope they were ready to return yet they did not so judging it fitter to advertise the King and expect his Commands The King who feared the same praised their discretion and commanded them not to return till they had received new Directions and that they should conceal that Prince's weaknesse for fear of Disheartening his men His Army was compos'd of Twenty thousand Foot and Sixteen hundred Horse the best men flocked thither some to purchase merit and some as thinking it not fitting to stay Behinde when the King went in Person He landed at Callis on the Sixth of October the wiser sort marvelling that he would undertake so difficult a Warre in so unfitting a time for the Fore-runners of Winter began already to be felt but these difficulties served him to make men believe he desired that which indeed he did not to wit That being to begin a tedious Warre the Season was of no importance since he had Callis from whence he might draw out his Army in the Spring without any manner of difficulty and to transport it then from England would be a long businesse and in respect of the Windes uncertain Assoon as he was Landed he sent for his Ambassadours back and Maximilian's weaknesse was publikely made known and that no Other help was to be expected from him then his Good-will wherein he did as much abound as he was defective in any other manner of assistance At the hearing hereof the Souldiers courage was somewhat Cooled though not altogether taken Away it served to dispose them beforehand for Henry's designes to work the same effect there came Letters from Seignieur de Cordes wherein was made an overture for Peace on Charles his behalf which containing in it Reasonable conditions it had been Unreasonable not to listen to it From other parts it was confirm'd that Ferdinand and Isabel were Agreed with him having received from him the County of Rossillion without repaying the Three hundred thousand Crowns for which it was pawn'd to him this made all men see a Necessity of Peace Henry notwithstanding playing his game handsomly deputed the Bishop of Exceter and the Lord d'Aubeny to give Cordes a hearing whilst he without delay on the 19 of October planted his Camp before Boloigne a Town well fortified wherein was a great Garison and good store of Artillery so as it was not to be taken but in a Long processe of time with the losse of many men and much blood He had hardly sate down a Month before it when a Breach being thought
as had their Husbands for if they were endowed with Absolute Soveraignty and Dominion they might wage War put the State into Combustion and utterly lose it but having learn'd that she had great power in the Council and that the Archduke could do no otherwise whilst the world would believe that Perkin was protected in Despite of Him he recalled the English Merchants from Flanders and banisht the Flanders Merchants out of England and transported the Staple of Cloth and Wooll from Antwerp to Callis the which though it were to the great losse of the People and that Philip knew they would exclaim against it yet did not he forbear doing the like by driving the English out of his Dominions The King moreover upon advertisements from Clifford imprisoned the Lord Fitz-water Sir Simon Montfort and Sir Thomas Thwaites William d'Aubeny Robert Ratcliff Thomas Cressenor Thomas Astwood William Worseley Dean of Pauls and certain Friers amongst which two Dominicans he would have shut up More but the scandal would have been too great Montfort Ratcliff and d'Aubeny were convinc'd of High Treason and beheaded the Lord Fitz-water being sent prisoner to Callis not in despair of Life by his endeavouring to escape lost both his hopes and life the rest were pardoned The King had created his second son Henry Duke of York in Westminster where as is usual at such Solemnities divers Knights of the Bath were made but when he heard that Clifford was landed in England he withdrew himself to the Tower that he might hear him There to the end that if he should accuse any of extraordinary quality they might be imprisoned without any great noise Clifford being admitted to his presence threw himself at his feet and begg'd his pardon the which being formerly granted he again confirmed unto him and being commanded to speak if he had any more to say concerning the Conspiracy he named the Lord Chamberlain Sir William Stanley at whose name all the standers by were startled it not being likely that a man of his quality rich the Favorite neerest to the King and the chief instrument of his Assumption to the Crown should be a Traitour whereupon being advised to think Better what he said he without Haesitation or Altering his Colour accused him as Before Stanley was shut up in his Chamber and was the next day examined by the Council he denied some few Circumstances but confess'd the Fault affying his Former actions for which he presumed the King would pardon him but he was deceived Deserts and Mis-deserts weigh not alike when they are of a like Excesse though he had Put the Crown upon his head by negotiating how to take it Away again he nullified his Former deserts his Repenting for the Service done cancell'd the Obligation the which though it were very great was in some sort rewarded Recompence cannot be given for a Kingdom by conferring Another Kingdom to the Donour or by resigning over to him the Same the Inequality of the Persons equals the Disparity of the good turn the Riches and Honour he received from Henry were equivalent to the Crown which Henry received from Him if it may be Formally said that he did receive it from him the one was Born for It the other for Meaner things Yet was Henry in great doubt with himself whether he should put him to death or no the love and reverence which he bare to his Father-in-law pleaded for Clemency Example and the Condition of the Times put in for Severity but if it be true which some Authors write his Riches bore down the balance he being esteemed one of the greatest money'd men in England Neither were men deceived in this their opinion for in his Castle of Holt were found Fourty thousand Marks in ready money his Jewels and Moveables not therein comprehended and in Revenues and Pensions he had Three thousand pounds a yeer a considerable sum in those days Whereupon after having deferr'd this businesse some Six weeks to the end that his Brother and the People might have time to Examine it he was condemn'd to die and lost his head His execution afforded matter of diversity of discourse those that were not of the Court who were ignorant of the Secrets of Government and made their conjectures upon Circumstances and doubtful Relations esteemed the case if not wholly void of Fault at least not worthy of the Highest punishment a belief which was occasioned by reason of a Rumour that was spread abroad That in his discourse with Clifford concerning Perkin he should say unto him That if he should for certain know he were the Duke of York son to Edward the Fourth he would not take up Arms against him A manner of Speech which though it did not Openly declare any ill-will to the King's Person yet such was it as did not sound well in His mouth his Example being sufficient to alter the whole Kingdom and the words not admitting of any other interpretation then his Opinion of Henry's unjust title to the Crown which derogated from the Pretences of the House of Lancaster and from the Authority of Parliament The reason which alienated him from the King is said to be That he desiring the King to make him Earl of Chester a Title and County which the Kings of England do for the most part give to the Princes of Wales their first-born Sons the King did not onely Deny his request but was Offended with him for it thinking him now arrived to those pretences which did exceed the condition of a Subject after he had rewarded his services with equivalent rewards having made him Privy Counsellour Lord Chamberlain given him daily whatsoever he demanded assigned Pensions to him and in the day of Battel wherein Richard was slain seemed not to take notice that he appropriated unto Himself the Prey and Booty of the whole Camp of which He himself stood in Need being but a New King permitting all things to him to the end that when he was grown Rich he might satisfie his own thirst of having This man's death put all the Court in a Quandary one man durst not trust another each one feared lest all his friends might prove Cliffords Yet such was the spirit of Back-biting that they made use of pen and paper to utter what for fear of danger they durst not do with their tongues Libels were written against some of the Council and against the King himself the authors whereof could not so well conceal themselves but that Five of them miscarried paying for their Errour with the losse of life Perkin's party this mean while decreased no man durst so much as think any more of him and they were but very few that tarried with him in Flanders amongst which Clifford's companion was the chiefest who notwithstanding afterwards alter'd his opinion and together with his Pardon got leave to return home But the death of the Conspirators and the dissipation of the Complices were not sufficient to make Henry rest in quiet unlesse
he should destroy the Nest which was in Ireland seeing that Lambert first and then Perkin had been so affectionately received there It behoved him to settle his authority there in such manner as it should be undoubted he made choice of Two to serve him in Two several Offices the Prior of Langton with title of Commissioner that he might look to the Civil Government of the Kingdom making him Chancellor and Edward Poynings who was to have charge of the Militia giving him a great many Souldiers with Commission to be Marshal and Lieutenant to which the Deputy which was the Earl of Kildare was subordinate The Prior met with no difficulty the Laws being his Arms and the peaceful people the matter of his jurisdiction but Poynings who was to deal with Stubborn men and Rebels had not the like fortune for Ireland being full of Woods Boggs and Desert places the happinesse of the poor people consisting in Idlenesse in somuch as the ground is there for the most part unbroken up he was to make War just as men do Hunt for those whose consciences and courages mis-gave them retiring themselves into places inaccessible for strangers and unknown unto them he spent much time there to small purpose killing some few and taking some few prisoners which made not much for the main enterprise so as being angry with those who having no intention to withstand him had no cause to fear him he lay'd the fault upon the Earl of Kildare as if he had succour'd them underhand He sent him prisoner into England without any other Proof against him save his Own Suspition and the Earl did so fully justifie himself as that he was declared Innocent and re-established in his former Government But if Poynings had no successe with those which stood out against him yet was his fortune such with the rest as he perswaded them to accept of all Ordinances made in England till that day which in former times were not of power in that Kingdom This Declaration was and is called Poynings his Law Ireland therefore is governed by the same Laws as is England for so many as were made till the Tenth yeer of Henry but such as have been made since are not admitted of there The Conspiracy thus unsuccessefully ended did not so quell Perkin's spirit but that he thought the affections of those of his Party were rather Oppressed then quite Dead and that a new spirit would so revive them as Henry should not be so fortunate in suppressing them as he had been Thus flattering himself he assembled together certain Troops of men of desperate fortunes who either for Debts or other misdemeanours durst not shew their heads and embarking them he came to Anchor before Sandwitch landing some of his men to learn news and to discover how the people in those parts were affected giving out that he had great Forces which were coming in a Fleet after him The King at this time was gone his Progresse and was now with his Mother in her house at Latham whom he went to visit and that by his coming thither the world might know that the death of Sir William Stanley had not made his father-in-law think the worse of him here he heard of Perkin's arrival whereby he received this advantage that he having so behaved himself as his People esteemed him to be a politick Prince they thought nothing befel him which he did not foresee and that his retiring himself into the Northern parts was one of his cunning fetches for knowing he had left the South-parts free from danger he intended to allure Perkin to land that so he might be sure not to escape But whatever the matter was at the first news he resolved to return and was not well pleased at the Second which informed him that he was gone again for he perceived this trouble would continue longer then he imagined The cause of Perkin's departure was this the Kentish-men had well observed the condition of those whom he had landed and that there were but few English amongst them and those few of no worth nor consideration wherefore they took counsel with the Chief of the Shire concerning their taking Arms the which being agreed upon they shewed a part of their men upon the Sea shore to invite him to land and scatter'd the rest abroad some here some there as if they were ready to run away but Perkin perceiving their drift budged not a foot wherefore the Kentishmen gave upon them that were on the shore slew some of them took other some very few of them getting back to their Ships At this time died Cecilie Nevil Dutchesse of York who born to be unfortunate outdid the miseries of her daughter-in-law Queen Elizabeth who was very unhappie she bare to her husband Richard Plantagenet Duke of York Eight sons and Four daughters all her Sons died during her life Four of them died natural deaths while they were Young of whom we make no mention in our Genealogie because our History speaks not of them of the Other Four the Three Last came to a violent end and the First died not well for King Edward died in the strength of youth consumed by disorder Edmund Earl of Richmond was together with his Father slain at the Battel at Wakefield George Duke of Clarence was put to death in the Tower by his brother and Richard the Third was slain at Bosworth-field She had been the lesse to be pitied had the Funerals of her family ended in her Husband and Sons but they extended themselves to her Grand-children male all which she out-lived save Edward Earl of Warwick son to the Duke of Clarence who being shut up in the Tower was not to expect any other death then Violent but to share therein with the rest as he did so as being made unhappie by so many miseries any One of which had been able to have made her so fortune would yet render her fuller of calamity by making her lose her Honour her own Son declaring her to be an Adultresse thereby to make himself King and though there were no true colour for it yet was the stain true wherewithal she was asperst by a Basilisk that issued out of her own bowels which was a misery above all other miseries and of all wounds the most sensible Perkin being retired to Flanders if he should tarry there he must needs be discover'd for an Impostour and the Dutchesse of Burgundy should she detain him there must be known to be fomentresse of the Forgery so as it behoved him to be gone from thence and her to send him away to go on with the work which they had both so unluckily begun This resolution was befriended by the distaste which Maximilian and his son Philip took at Henry for taking the Commerce of England from their States and by the like distaste taken by Charles King of France for his having entred into league against him concerning his affairs in Italy But Perkin's missing of
entertainment in Ireland which he expected for Poynings had an eye to the actions of the Rebels there he met with it in Scotland whither he went grounding his hopes upon the natural enmity of those Two Kingdoms and upon the recommendation of the Three above-written Princes he had solemn audience given him by the King in the presence of all the Lords that were then at Court His Lordlike looks which together with his being thought the true Duke of York were augmented by Art and by the gifts of Nature captivated the good-will of the standers by Having in a grave manner done his Obeisance to the King he told him That he was the unhappie Richard Plantagenet son to Edward the Fourth who drawn by fraudulent promises from his mother's bosom she having taken Sanctuary at Westminster was brought to the Tower of London there to be smother'd with his brother Edward but that charity arising in the brest of those who executed that cruel office they were contented with the death of his Elder brother and saved Him giving him life liberty and means how to scape away he desired to be pardoned if he did not tell the Manner how for that the interests of those that had saved him who were yet alive would not suffer him so to do that Fortune had posted him into divers places and God had given him the grace to conceal his condition lest being known the evil might have befaln him which the vigilancy of a wicked Uncle threatned who having usurped his Kingdom from him knew he could not enjoy it but by his death which he thought had already happened but that his Uncle being by divine justice rewarded according to his deserts and he grown in yeers after many circumvolutions he had withdrawn himself from France to his Aunt the Dutchesse of Burgundy who being a widow and on the Other side of the Sea could not give him such assistance as was requisite for the recovery of his Kingdom which being faln from One Tyrant to Another from an unnatural Uncle to a Kinsman who was naturally his Enemy he stood in need of some to assist him Arms being the onely Tribunal whereat pretences to Kingdoms are disputed that England knew very well his claim and his being which some of the chiefest there had witnessed with their bloods betrayed by their false corrupt friends that Corruption was easily effected where Jealousie and Suspition made men who were naturally covetous and sparing as was Henry liberall and profuse that Ireland was not ignorant of this but that being grievously opprest her weaknesse was such as she could not shew her fidelity and obedience to the House of Yorke and to Him the true heir thereof as shee formerly had done and would again doe neither was it to be doubted but that if he could find a place to take footing in and any one that would protect him he should both from the one Kingdom and the other receive such assistance as might make the regainment of his owne an easie busines that the Dutchesse Emperour Arch-duke King of France and Himselfe finding there was no other wheron for him to take footing then Scotland nor other Protector for him then the magnanimous King thereof they had advised him to present himselfe before his Majestie they being afterwards ready to joyne with him in so just a cause in defence of an Orphan and to the assistance of a Prince betraid usurp'd upon and driven out of this Countrey as was Hee Here enlarging himselfe upon Henrye's illegall pretences upon his base ignoble descent vilifying his Grand-father Tewder as descended from the Scum of the poorest sort in Wales he said that his title was in no sort good unto the Crowne nor yet his Wifes title as long as He the Duke of Yorke and of right King lived that Henry had endeavour'd to have him given up into his hands by Charles when he was in France but that being by Charles denied hee had not spared for Treachery Arms nor poyson to bereave him of his life by the means of divers of his Ministers more particularly by Robert Clifford the wickedst of them all so as when all his diabolicall designes failed him his last refuge was to slanders and to new inventions drawn from hell thereby to obscure the splendour of his Birth to the end that being believed to be what he would have him to be his tyrannie and usurpation might not be withstood that if he were such a one King Charles nor his aunt the Dutchesse would not have counsell'd him to have had recourse to the powerfull tuition of the King of Scotland with hopes that he would succour him as his generous Predecessours had formerly done the afflicted Kings of England whose name worth and Kingdome since he inherited he hope hee should inherit the like benefits as they had done that hee might shew himselfe having recovered his Kingdome to be the most usefull and truest friend that ever did or shall deserve to be celebrated for gratitude Perkins expressions the compassion of his case the recommendation of so many Princes and their promises or rather the Occasion to wage war with Henry whereunto he had a great desire moved the King to promise him his assistance the which hee readily effected though many who knew the Imposture disswaded him from him moreover he did not only appoint unto him an Attendance and Entertainment every way befitting a Duke of Yorke but that it might be beleeved he tooke him to be so he gave unto him for wife his neerest kinswoman Katherin Gordon daughter to the Earl of Huntley a Lady of excellent beauty Such provisions being made as the enterprise required he with a good Army entred Northumberland where Perkin under the name of Richard Duke of Yorke the true and lawfull heir to the Crown of England published a Declaration the Contents whereof were That being by the Grace of God and Favour of Iames the fourth King of Scotland entred into his Kingdom of England he declared his coming was not to make war upon his subjects but to free them from the tyrannie wherewith they were oppressed that it was known the Crown belonged to the Regall house of Yorke of which since after the death of Edward the fourth there remained no other pretender then Himself his Son He and no other was the lawfull heir thereof that Henry Teudor had usurped the Crown from him and by in humane ways sought to betray him and bereave him of his life that he had vaunted himself to have eased the subject of a Tyrant but by excluding the Duke of Yorke their rightfull King he had made himself their Tyrant that Richords tyranny was so much the more excusable in that his Nephews being supposed to be dead he had some Pretences to colour it with the difference between them two was that Richard a true Plantagenet had for his aim the Honour of the Nation and the Subjects Tranquillity Henry meanly born not regarding the Honour of
far won upon their opinions as they beleeved the denying of this Subsidy and their mutiny thereupon to be Legall and meritorious his opinion was of authority sufficient to interpret the Power of King or Parliament he had instructed them that they were not bound to the payment of any Subsidies for war with Scotland that the Law had provided for it by other means so as this Subsidy was invented to fleece the People he therefore advised them to present a Petition to the King who for the example of other men could not chuse but punish the Inventors of it they both offer'd themselves to lead them on till they should find some man of Quality under whom they with the hazard of their lives would continue to serve them but that for matter of Life there was no Hazard at all their demand being so Just as it would be approved of by all the other shires since the publick good was treated of from which the Kings particular interest could not be separated Hereby encouraged they took up arms and because they were not all provided of Bows and Arrows they arm'd themselvs with such Tools as belonged to their severall Trades They entered by Somerset-shire and passed through Devonshire not offering any manner of Out-rage when they came to Taunton they slew one of the Commissioners for the Subsidy who had shew'd himselfe more busie therein then the rest at Wels they met with the Lord Audley who having had former intelligence with their two Leaders was chosen their Generall They would go into Kent out of an opinion that that countrey which never having been conquer'd was according to Flammock the Freest part of England was likely to joyne with them but finding the contrary some wondred at it and other some were mad thereat the former handsomly drawing their neck out of the Yoke returned home the others passing forwards thought that since they had met with no opposition in so long a march the King and the Citie would suffer them to make their Own Conditions and with this foolish imagination they encamped themselves within sight of London between Greenwich and Eltham The King was troubled at the first news of this mutiny fearing lest he should have Three Irons in the fire at once the people of Cornewall Perkins secret Intelligence and the war with Scotland He took up arms as soon as the Parliament was ended thinking to go towards Scotland but crost by the other occasion he suspended that resolution and because he had sent the Lord d' Awbeny whom he had made Lord Chamberlain in lieu of Stanley with some forces to the confines of Scotland he sent for him back to take such counsell as necessity required and sent in his stead the Earle of Surrey with order to defend the countrey in case the Scots should fall in upon it he moved not at the very First as was his wont against the Rebels for the Countrey not being by them endammaged did not require it and he was confident that wanting Money and Ammunition they would of themselvs Disband as they had already begun to doe when they failed in their hopes of the Kentish men but when he saw them encampt he resolved to fight with them moved thereunto by his apparant Advantages by which fore-seeing what might be effected he freed himselfe from all the hazards of Fortune He divided his forces which far exceeded Theirs into three great Battalions he assigned the First over to the Earles of Oxford Essex and Suffolke the Second to the Chamberlain and he commanded the Third Himselfe he appointed the First to place themselves behind the Hill where They were encamped and to secure all the Passages save that towards London that being inclosed like wild beasts in a toyl they might not know how to escape he ordered the Chamberlain to give them battell in the Front having given unto him the Best and most Experienc'd Souldiers in all the Army being it was on Them that the greatest burthen lay he Himself stayed with the Third between London and Them to supply them if it should be needfull and to fight with them that should dare march towards the Citie as the citizens apprehended The fear hereof had caused much confusion in London citizens were seen to run armed through the streets some to the Wals some to the River minding what they had to doe for they could not think they were come from Cornewall the uttermost bounds of England with other intention then to enrich themselves by the sacking of that opulent Citie and they did not hold that their having past quietly through all other parts ought to be taken for an argument to make them beleeve the like upon This occasion but understanding the good order which the King had taken how that he had interessed his own Person in the danger that the enemy was to win Three battels before they could come to the Citty and that the Commanders were not only Faithfull and valiant but such as they confided in they laid aside their fears The King had caused it to be noysed abroad to the end that he might take them the more unprovided that he would not fight with them till the Munday following but towards the Saturday Evening the Lord d' Awbeny set upon some troops which not looking to be fought withall till Munday were upon the side of the Hill who though they resisted valiantly yet being but Few in number they could not make good their Station so as quitting it it was easie for the Kings Forces to clime the Hill make themselves Masters of the Plain and give on upon them they though taken thus at unawares with their troops out of order received the assault so handsomly as the Lord d' Awbeny fighting in the Head of his men and playing the part rather of a Common Souldier then a Commander was taken Prisoner but was presently rescued for the Rebels being ill armed without Commanders Artillery or Horse they could not so far resist but that in a short time two Thousand of them were slain and a great many taken Prisoners The Generall Audley and the two Seducers the Atturney and the Black-smith suffered themselves basely to be taken alive Three hundred of the Kings side were slain all of them almost by Arrows for the Cornish had strong Bows and very long Arrows The King came thither to make many Knights Bannerets and others he made in St. Georges fields where he was encamped he gave the goods of such as were taken to those that took them to be disposed of as they listed Audley was beheaded upon Tower-hill having on him a Coat of paper torn with his Arms painted thereon the wrong side upwards The Atturney and the Black-smith were brought to Tibourn where they were Hang'd Drawn and Quarter'd the Black-smith not ceasing to shew his vanity and vain-glory at the very last beleeving in future times his name would be big in story The King would not have their quarters be sent
into Cornewall as he had appointed for hearing that they were not totally appeased he thought it was not good to incite them any further To all the rest he gave a Generall Pardon so as in so scandalous a rebellion there were but Three that suffer'd those not being cast into the number which were slain in the Battell who perished rather by Fortune then by way of Punishment The King of Scotland hearing of this rebellion made use of it he went to besiege Norham Castle plundering the countrey This Castle belonged to Fox the Bishop of Durham who fore-seeing it would be besieged had doubly furnished it with all sorts of Munition causing the herds of Cattle what else might be helpful to the Enemy to be withdrawn into the greatest strengths The Earl of Surrey who was ready upon all occasions in Yorke-shire not far from thence hasted thither accompanied with good store of Souldiers the which when King Iames understood he with-drew himself and was pursued by the Earl who not able to over-take him sate down before Hayton Castle one of the strongest Castles between Barwick and Edenborough the which he quickly took and not meeting with any opposition he returned to Yorke-shire not doing any more these two actions having produced no matter of Note but the Preservation of One Castle and the winning of Another At this time came Pedro d' Aiala a man of praise-worthy conditions to Henry being sent Embassadour from Ferdinand and Isabel King and Queen of Castile The pretence of his Embassie was to compound the differences between Henry and the King of Scotland but the true cause was to negotiate a marriage between Katharine their second daughter and Prince Arthur My opinion is that these two wise Princes were cautious of entring into a busines of this nature till by this peace they might see Henries state setled for considering him to be a New King they did not a little weigh the machinations of an Impostour which being grounded upon the appearances though but of a False name were upheld by the King of Scotland who if he should forsake him they would soon vanish Henry willingly embraced the Offer being no way inclined to the unprofitable wars with Scotland by the cessation whereof two great advantages were to redound to him the one he would unkennell Perkin from out the Kingdom with hopes to get him into his power or else that wanting that leaning stock he might easily end the busines Himself the other his desire to reign in Peace being weary of so many molestations which rising one in the neck of another had always troubled him So as agreeing to whatsoever d' Aiala should treate of his Honour and all wherein it might be concern'd always preserved he suffer'd him to go into Scotland where having rough-cast the busines and perswaded the King to listen to Peace for his endeavours were seconded by the Counsel who favoured England he writ to Henry to send some discreat man who together with Him might end the busines with the Commissioners of Scotland The King gave his Commission to Fox Bishop of Durham who was then at Norham and sent him When they met together in Iedworth they could not agree by reason of many difficulties that arose Henry demanded to have Perkin delivered up unto him and Iames could not doe it without a great aspersition to his Honour for though he knew he was but a Iuggler yet having called him the Duke of Yorke made war in his name and married him to a neer kinswoman of his own the doing of it would injure his own Faith and Reputation On Henries behalfe was likewise demanded satisfaction for the Losse he had suffer'd and the Restitution of such Booty as had been taken from England which was impossible to be had the booty was disperst amongst the Souldiers and the King had not of his Own wherwith to give satisfaction for the Losses suffer'd it was more possible for the one to suffer the Losse then for the other to Repay it But all of them being met together with a Desire of Peace 't was easie to find a way to accommodation wherefore leaving off the Treaty til another time they agreed on a Truce upon condition that Perkin should be dismist Scotland The Kings were here withall contented Truce working the same effect King Iames calling Perkin to him shewed him that according to his promise he had done what lay in His power for him which He had not correspondently done in any thing he promised for having made him beleeve hee had a Party in England not so much as one man had appeared to side with him after Two attempts made that he the King had together with his person hazarded his Kingdom to a perpetual war The Scots would none of it neither would his Occasions permit it that he had reason to complain of none but of Himself who in a busines of so great importance had not cast up his accounts aright that the Emperour Arch-duke Dutchesse of Burgundy and the King of France had been faulty both to Himself and Him that he could not doe all of Himself whilest they far from Danger looked on from safe places without either dammage or expence though this were a sufficient cause yet should it not have been of force enough to have made him change his former resolution had there been any one that would have acknowledged him for the Duke of Yorke as there was none that would acknowledge him for so much as an English man Hee would no farther examine his Genealogy nor make himselfe Judge of anothers pretences whilest there is not any one that dreams much lesse beleeves him to be Sonne to Edward the fourth that hee had given him for wife a Noble Lady his neer kinswoman to the end the Scocs might be moved to favour him and the English might take courage to own him and if the second designe which depended on Him Perkin did not succeed well the first which depended on Him the King failed not that his Kingdom would have Peace which they could not have so long as He stayed in it that therefore it behooved him to be gone for having denied to Deliver him up to the King of England as was by the said King Demanded he could not deny to send him out of Scotland which should he not doe it would be contrary to the interests of One of them and repugnant to the affairs of the Other Hee told him Times did alter so as if hee were the man hee gave himself out to be it was impossible but the Time would bring the Truth to light that though Fortune were Powerfull yet was she not able to prevaile against a certain Truth if therefore his Pretence were such he could not want Friends and Furtherers if otherwise it behooved him to look to himself and to put on apparell fitting his condition Perkin though convinced seemed not to be so casting all his bad successe upon the Aversenesse of Fortune And
former Confession the which he likewise did at Cheapside Hee was againe put into the Tower to be better looked unto but hee could not forbeare relapsing into his former errour For growing great with foure of his Keepers who were servants to Sir Iohn Digby Lieutenant of the Tower and making them beleeve he was the true Duke of Yorke he so far prevailed with them as that they perswaded the Earl of Warwick to escape away with Perkin which by their means hee easily might doe when they should have kill'd the Lieutenant and taken from him his Keyes Monies and best Moveables But the plot was discover'd and he againe put over to Commissioners At this time an other Earl of Warwick appeared in Kent in imitation of Lambert Symnell Lambert tooke upon him the person of the Earl of Warwick by the direction of a Priest and Ralph Wilford for so was this second supposititious Earl called by the direction of an Augustine Frier named Patrick but this was soon ended for the Frier puft up with a foolish confidence and beleeving that businesses of this nature ought to be fomented in the Pulpit he by inciting the People destroyed the building before the Ground-worke was lay'd so as they were both taken Wilford was executed and the Frier in respect of his Habit was condemn'd to perpetuall imprisonment This accident gave the King occasion to rid the true Earl of Warwick out of the world whereupon it was thought that Perkins first flight and this his second endeavour to doe the like were wrought by His cunning he giving way to the First that hee might put Perkin to death and stirring up means to plot the Second so to rid his hands of the Earl and Perkin both at once But howsoever it was Perkin being convinc'd of this second busines and judged to die was hanged at Tybourn where by word of mouth hee confest his Imposture The rest who were involved in the same fault suffered likewise with him And Warwick being accused before the Earl of Oxford who for this occasion was made High Constable of England to have conspired together with Perkin against the State and Person of the King being proved guilty by his owne Confession was beheaded upon Tower-hill And thus in him ended the Male Line of the Plantagenets This caused the King to be blamed and hardly thought of as having no reason to condemne him for having been Prisoner from the Ninth yeare of his age till the Twenty-fourth and always in fear of Death he was kept in so great Ignorance that hee did not know a Duck from a Capon and therefore so little capable of the fault that he was altogether incapable to Dream of it and his Confessing it was out of a beleefe he was perswaded to that by so doing he should be pardoned Henry endevoured to lay the cause of this death upon the King of Spaine shewing his Letters wherein he said He could not resolve to marry his Daughter to Prince Arthur since as long as the Earl of Warwick lived he was not certaine of the Kingdoms succession which might be a reason of State but not of Justice in so much as God would not give a Blessing to that match the which that vertuous Princesse Katharine Knew very well for Prince Arthur dying shortly after and shee being repudiated by King Henry the Eight after Twenty yeares marriage she said It was no wonder if God had made her Vnfortunate in her Marriages since they were sealed with Blood meaning thereby the Death of this Earle The King though hee were no longer subject to the Apparitions which the Dutchesse of Burgundy had raised up by her Inchantments in the Transformation of People yet was he not free from Influences common to other men the Plague raged so terribly in London that it forced him to quit the Town and afterwards by reason of its Vniversall dispersing of it selfe over the whole Land to goe over to Callice together with the Queene The Arch-duke Philip hearing of his being there sent Embassadours to him to congratulate his Arrivall and to know if hee would be pleased that he Himself should come to visit him upon condition notwithstanding that he might be received in some Open place not for that hee durst not Trust himself in Callice or in what ever other Towne but for that having refused to speake with the King of France within any Walled place hee would not by this Difference give him any occasion of Offence nor that the example might prove prejudiciall to him in the future for any thing that might happen either with the same King or with any other The Ambassadours were graciously received and the Condition fairly interpreted and St. Peters Church not far from Callice was appointed for the place Hee likewise sent Embassadours to the Arch-duke who appeared at Masse in the midst between them all of them kneeling upon the same cushion As he was comming towards Callis the King went out to meet him and he alighted suddenly from Horse-back as if hee would have held his stirrop the King likewise alighted and having imbraced him led him to the Church which was appointed for their parley The causes which brought this Prince thither were two his own Good nature for that he had offended him by Protecting an Impostour which fault though it was not His he being then a Child yet was it the fault of his Counsell depending upon the Dutchesse Margarets passion so as he omitted nothing whereby to give the King satisfaction the other the Advise of his Father and father in Law who counselled him to make firm friendship with Henry for the advantage of the Low-countries and for his own Safety against the Violences of France but most for that they both hating that King which was Lewis the Twelfth who succeeded Charles the Eighth they hoped for many Advantages by his Friendship The Arch-duke failed not to use all the art he could though by nature he was not given to Dissembling terming him his Father his Protector his Leaning-stock The things agreed on between them were the Confirmation of the former Treaties and two reciprocall Marriages the one of the Duke of Yorke the Kings Second Son with the Arch-dukes Daughter the other of Charles the Arch-dukes Eldest Son with Mary the Kings Second Daughter but all of them being either Children or Infants these marriages ensued not but did evaporate through Time and Interest The Archduke was hardly gone when the King of France sent the Governour of Picardy and the Baylife of Amiens to visit Henry acquain ting him with his Victories together with his getting of the Dutchy of Milaine and his imprisonment of Lodwick Sforza the Duke thereof The Plague being by this time ceased Henry return'd to London wel satisfied with the Testimony he had received of how good esteem he was held by the confining Princes At the same time Iasper Pons a Spaniard born a learned and well bred man came into England being sent by
Pope Alexander the Sixth upon the occasion of the year of Jubile for since they only received the benefit thereof who went to Rome he thought it fit that it should be commuted for by Remote countries the inhabitants whereof could not make so Long a journey in so much as they staying at Home might receive the same indulgences which those did that went on Pilgrimage to Rome if they would give a certain summe of money to be imployed in the wars against the Turks whose advancing Hungary Germany and Italy did much apprehend This man did so wisely negotiate this af fair as he thereby got a great summe of money without any manner of grudging or murmuring save against the Kings Person who being naturally given to Extort from his People it was thought hee would not have suffered these monies to have beene gathered had not he Himselfe had a share therein An opinion which was known to be false in the time of Iulius the Second who making it a difficult busines to grant Prince Henry a Dispensation to marry Katharine who had been wife to his brother Arthur Cardinall Adrian de Corneto who endeavoured the obtayning of it alleadged amongst the rest of the merits of King Henry his Father that he had not pretented to share in the monies raysed by Pons in that kingdom Neither was there any dissimulation used in this by Alexander at least there Appeared none for he propounded this war in the Publick Consistory in the presence of as many Emssadours as were then resident in that Court with designe to set upon the Turkish territories in Three severall places in Thracia by the Hungarians Bohemians and Polanders in Greece by the French and Spaniards and at Constantinople by him Himselfe accompanied by the King of England and the State of Venice and he sent Nuntioes to All Princes that they would joyne their Forces and Monies according to their Abilities in so pious a worke The Answer which the King gave to Pons was That he was ready to Accompany his Holinesse but that it was impossible for him to doe it in that manner the remote Distance of his countrey would put him to Double the charge of any of the rest that the Kings of France and Spaine were first to be made Friends which if it should not be effected all other designes would prove but vain that when they should be made friends 't was they that best might accompany him as being Neerest him which if they should Refuse to doe He would wait upon him Himselfe not considering either Expence or other incommodity upon Condition he might have some Cities upon the Sea-side in Italy delivered into his possession to make use of what ever chance might happen This answer and it may be the Like of other Princes made this undertaking vanish away to Nothing when the Proposition was such as might very well have beene effected Cardinall Morton who was likewise Arch-bishop of Canterbury and Chancellour of England died this year We have spoken of him formerly He was a man of great Integrity yet somewhat given to Gripplenesse which made him be ill thought of for it was beleev'd he had nourished in the King his humour of Impositions But time proved the Contrary and had he left no other laudable memory behind him his being the First agent in the uniting of the two Roses is a merit whereby to render him Glorious to all Posterity Iohn Earl of Lincolne he who was slain at the battle of Stoke left his brother Edmund Earl of Suffolke heir to his Humour and his Misfortune in so much as calling to mind that he was Son to Elizabeth who was sister both to Edward and Richard hee thought he might be as bold under This King as he had been under the Other two his Vncles He had slain a man in such a manner notwithstanding as the Circumstances did not Aggravate the fault Henry gave him his Pardon but so as he was to passe all the course of Law and Justice and to appear before the Iudges and receive Sentence of Condemnation This manner of proceeding against him did so touch him to the quick as reputing the Favour that was shew'd him Ignominy he sodainly left the Land and went into Flanders to his Ant Margaret at which though the King was offended yet was he resolved to apply Lenitive salves giving order to his Agents in those parts to offer him his Pardon at the very First so as he would return knowing that Despair in banisht men begets thoughts in them of Little service to Themselves and of much Trouble to Others It succeeded according to his imagination for accepting the Pardon he returned to England the Dutchesse not opposing him therein either for that she thought his Genius inferior to the Kings or else that she was satisfied that in Perkins publick Confession her name was conceal'd But arrogant and proud natures such as was that of this Earl leading men into Dangers brought this man at Last to his Ruin under Henry the Eighth The match between Prince Arthur and the Infanta Katherine of Spaine which had been treated on for the space of seven years received this year its maturity the King her Father sending her nobly attended into England The tediousnesse of this negotiation proceeded from Both parties for the two Kings being endued with equall wisedome before the establishing of the Affinity would see each others fortune established the Infanta had for her Portion 200000 Duckets without any covenant of Restitution either to Her selfe or her Family and in lieu thereof she had set out for Ioynture the third part of the Principality of Wales of the Dutchy of Cornewall and of the County of Chester and if she should come to be Queene she was to have as much as any other Queene before her had had The marriage was solemnized in Pauls the Bridegroome was Fifteene yeers of age the Bride Eighteene The Festivals being ended they returned to keepe their Court at Ludlow in Wales but their abode there was but for while for the young Prince died there on the second day of Aprill in the yeare 1502. five moneths after he was married having lived 15. Years 6. moneths and 13. Dayes Nothing more is to be said of him Authors write nothing of him since hee lived not long enough to be knowne All that is related of him is That being naturally given to study he was learned beyond his Age and the Condition of a Prince This his death did much molest the King the Infanta Katharine was left upon his hands and if Prince Henry were to marry Another wife he was to find out a second Joynture a thing repugnant to the merit of State and to his Frugall honour whereupon resolving to marry him to the same Katharine he wrote concerning it to Spaine and Rome Ferdinand was contented but he met with Difficulties in procuring a Dispensation from the Pope and in getting his Sonnes Good-will who though he was then but
Twelve years old had courage enough to oppose his Father therein a Good while It proved an unfortunate marriage miserable Changes and Troubles arose from the Divorce which thereupon ensued The marriage of the King of Scots with Princesse Margaret which was treated of some years past by the meanes of Bishop Fox was celebrated this year which together with the preceding yeare was remarkeable for two Marriages and two Deaths for the marriage of Prince Arthur and his Death the Preceding year and for the marriage of the King of Scotland and the Death of Queene Elizabeth this Present year the Queene dying in Child-bed and the Child dying likewise not long after This marriage was published in London in Ianuary for which Te Deum was sung in Pauls and great Joy was had in the Citie The cause of this long Dclay was by reason of the Princesse her tender age who at the Consummation thereof which was in August was not above Fourteen yeares old Besides many of the Counsell had opposed it for if the Second Prince should dye as did the First England was to fall under Scotland which they much abhorr'd but the King cleared this opinion for if it should fall out as was proposed the cleane Contrary was like to happen the King of Scotland would live in England the Lesser being to give way to the Greater which would not have hapned if this Princesse should have beene married to France and the succession should have fallen to her Children Every one being satisfied with this reason there was not any that opposed it And this is the match which hath given the lawfull succession of England to the Kings of Scotland which hath hapned without any opposition in these our dayes The King now finding himself at quiet on all sides his Neighbours being his Friends and having extinguisht all Intestine broyls hee fell to be exceeding avaricious so as those vertues which placed before in a Benigne aspect gave forth happy beams were by the Interposition of this vice found to be in the shadow of a prodigious Ecclipse Princes meet easilier with fitting Ministers for what is Bad then for what is Good Henry met with two pernicious instruments who Nourishing Covetousnesse in him did Increase it in him by unjust means and by drawing blood from the Purse-veins of Thousands of Innocent people These were Edmund Dudley and Richard Empson the first being borne a Gentleman did by his wickednesse obscure the splendour of his Blood the other being the Son of a Shoo-maker made good that from Filth and Mire nothing but Pollution and Stinch can be expected They were admitted to the Court being both of the same profession Lawyers and they by alike means got alike Preferment being Both made Privy Counsellours so as their Ambition being satisfied their Avarice remained to be so likewise which is the drift of Ambition in Basely-minded men but because Ingenuity and Justice though they may nourish the moderate cannot satisfie the Insatiate they would not make use of Them but of their Contraries that from the Rivers of Gold which sprung up in the Kings Coffers they might derive some Channels of the same metall which might run into Their Purses at the charge of King and Subject The Laws at that time either by reason of the Civill Warres or through the Negligence of the Iudges were either Forgotten or growne out of Use and the Patrimony of the Crowne enjoyed by many by vertue of Long-Leases being become almost as good as Fee-simple to the Enjoyers moved the King to look into them and these two who were thought the most Learned and best Practised in the Law were by him chosen to this purpose and had full Authority given them But ther was never any so Good or Wholsom Law which hath not been profan'd by Malice and Corruption They raised up many Accusers and the Accused being put in Prison and there kept the time appointed for their justification being maliciously Prorogued they were enforced to Purchase their Liberties with Great summes of Money Others being cited by Them or their Delegates the usuall course of Law not being observed were Condemned they abounded in False Witnesses and False Pretences whereby they impoverished the wealthy Wards was not suffered to enter upon their Lands without vast disbursements Such Iudges as swayed by Integrity resisted Their wils were either better Taught by Imprisonment or Ruin'd by Amercements Laws which had at sundry times been enacted by Parliament more for Terrour then Punishment a great part whereof were Repealed too were without any manner of remission rigorously put in Execution in so much that the King himselfe being a little before his Death told by conscionable men what Injustice had been done he left it in his Will that such as had unjustly suffered should have Ample Satisfaction made them Which he Himself ought to have done in his Life time but did not for when Covetousnesse hath once taken possession of a mans heart the Offices of Conscience have no Power the Law of the Flesh which opposeth the Law of the Mind doth captivate us under the Law of Sin where withall being ensnared we cannot get loose againe I recount not All that is written to this effect I will only relate One passage which may serve for all the Rest. The King as hee came to Henningham a Castle belonging to the Earl of Oxford one whom he was wont to make use of both in War and Peace he was there received and feasted with much Splendour and Magnificence all that by whatsoever title held any Land of the Earl came at that time to give their Attendance on him of the which many were Gentlemen many Yeomen these and the Gentlemen likewise wore all of them the Earles Blew-coats and Feathers in their hats of the Earles colours for the rest of their apparell they were all richly clad every man according to his Condition when he King came forth they placed themselves in two Rows making a gallant shew in the Great Hall He looking wistly upon them asked the Earl if they were All his Servants who smiling answered No for then he should be thought an Ill husband but that they were all his Tenants who were come upon this occasion to wait upon His Majestie the King having thanked him for his Good Entertainment said unto him that the Report of hospitality came short of the Truth but that he could not suffer his Lawes to be broken in his Presence without resenting it and that his Atturney generall should talke with him about it The Lords were then to give but a Certain number of Liveries or Blew coats which Law whether it stand still in Force or no I know not This busines cost the Earle Ten Thousand Pounds for for so much was he compounded with the Kings Officers besides the Charge he had been at in his Entertainment which was very Great and which might have Freed him from the Punishment he was run into had the Kings Gratitude been
answerable to his Covetousnesse in emptying the purse of one of the Noblest and Best deserving subjects he had We related a little before how the Earl of Suffolke returned to England where he tarried all this time the King treating him Well and he not having any occasion of Discontent but were it his own Mis-fortune which would be his Overthrow or the Expences he had been at at Prince Arthurs marriage which had dipt him deep in Debt or the Hatred he bare unto the King which could not suffer him to see him reign in Peace he fled away into Flanders with his brother Richard to the Peoples great Discontent who thought that certainly some great Disorder must ensue thereupon many of the Nobility being ill affected and which already began to propose New hopes unto themselves and to plot Insurrections The King being accustomed to such like passions and seeming as if he minded it not wrote to Sir Robert Curson Captain of Hammes Castle that feigning to Rebell he should passe over into Flanders to the Earl of Suffolke Hee forsaking his Command seemed to steale away he went unto the Earl who with much joy welcom'd him discovering unto him all his Designs and who they were that sided with him in England Curson advertised the King hereof who imprisoned them putting the Chiefest of them in the Tower amongst which William Courtney Eldest Sonne to the Earl of Devonshire who having married Katharine Daughter to Edward the fourth was become his Brother in Law William de la Poole brother to the Earl of Suffolke the Lord George Abergavenny Sir Iames Tirrell Sir Iohn Windham and Sir Thomas Green The issue was William Courtney was detained Prisoner during the Kings Life not for that he was Guilty but for that having Relation to the house of Yorke he might serve as an Instrument if there should be any designe of Troubling the State William de la Poole was likewise kept Prisoner though not so strictly Abergavenny and Greene were set at Liberty Tirrell and Windham were Beheaded the rest of inferior quality were Hang'd This was that Tirrell who had his hand in the Death of the two Princes that were smother'd in the Tower by commission from Richard the Third He came to too good an end Fire and Torture was not sufficient for him but he died not for That 't was for this Last fault that he suffer'd death The Earl was grieved at the punishments his Complices under went and at the Imprisonment of his Friends and Kindred who were faln into this captivity not for any Fault of His or of Themselves but meerly out of Suspition for otherwise they should have walked the Same way as did the Rest. The King that Cursen might be the better beleeved and that he might the better pursue His Directions made him together with the Earl and Others to be proclamed Traytor at Pauls Crosse but he having no more to doe in Flanders returned almost presently into England where he was well liked of by the King but not by the People Such offices though of Trust for what concerns the King are in respect of Others Detestable His departure much abated the Earles courage who now saw he was Betrayed he therefore endeavour'd to procure helpe from Forraign Princes he went into Germany from thence into France but his Labours proving Vain he return'd to Flanders under the protection of the Arch-duke Philip which was the Last of his Misfortunes Many Laws were made in the Parliament which was this yeer called and an Entire Subsidy was given unto the King who had no Need of it he being Rich Frugall without War having no cause to Demand it nor to have it Granted him Not herewithall contented he required a General Benevolence which brought in Much money unto him as did also the Alteration of the Mint for certain coyns the Citie payed him 5000. Marks for the Con firmation of their Liberties and Ferdinand paid him Last payment of the Portion so as all other Casualties too long to number up being comprehended his Extraordinaries did much surmount his Ordinary Revenue wherewithall his Coffers being fill'd he might have been contented whilest his subjects who wisht him of Another humour could not alter the Constitution of his Nature He was much troubled at the Death of Isabell Queen of Castile which hapned in the moneth of November the year Before by reason of the Resemblance that was in the Government of their kingdoms between Ferdinand and Him both of them reigning in the right of their Wives And though he never admitted of his Wives Right having obtain'd the kingdom under the title of the house of Lancaster having won it by the Sword and having it Confirm'd unto him by Act of Parliament yet he could not but feare that Ferdinands yeelding up the Crowne to his Daugh ter might by way of Example prejudice Him and make for his Sonne Prince Henry the case was the same and the formerly alleadged reasons were of no weight in comparison of Naturall Extraction which is to be preferred before all other claimes Isabell left the Administration of the Kingdom to Ferdinand during his life though Iane were the immediat Heire which distasted the Arch-duke Philip for being become King of Castile in right of his Wife he thought hee was injur'd as being reputed unfit to governe without his Father in Laws Assistance and Superintendencie hee pretended the Mother could not dispose thereof to the Prejudice of the Daughter that the Authority of Predeces sors ended with their Deaths else seldome or very Late would their Heirs come to Reigne that the Reverence and Respect to Parents did not amongst Private men bereave their Children of enjoying their Private Inheritances much lesse ought it to doe so with Kings for what concernes Kingdomes that the government of Wives and all that belonged unto Them belonged to their Husbands when they were of Yeers as Hee was the interest of Children that are Heirs belonging to their Fathers who are neerer in degree unto them then are their Grand-fathers He tooke offence at his being Forbidden to come into Spaine without his Wife as knowing the cause thereof for he kept her from the sight of All men the more to conceale her Infirmity which was a spice of Lunacy so as it was beleeved he would not Bring her along with him lest her weaknesse being made Knowne might not give force to the Will wherefore he resolved to carry her thither the sooner pretending to take Possession of what Nature and the Lawes had given him for having married upon hopes of that Kingdome it would be imputed to Rechlesnesse in him if it now being Falne to him he should not obtain it But Ferdinand having call'd together the States of Castile and caused the Will to be read Ioane was sworn Queen and Heire to her Mother Philip was sworne King as her Husband and Ferdinando as Administrator The Queens disabilities sufficiently appearing they intreated Ferdinand that Hee would
Fleet to cast Anchor under Roan He made a bridge over the uppermost part of the River towards France and displaied three chaines a Canon shot off from the walls the one a fooot and a halfe under the water the second equall with the superficies of the water and the third two foot above the water bereaving them thereby of all manner of succour And because their many salleyes were the cause of the losse of many of his men to no purpose hee endeavoured to take it in by famine being sure that their obstinacy could not continue long Those of Saint Katherins who had not beene diligent in making their provisions yeelded themselves at the first months end their lives saved but not their goods The field this mean while was full of Burgonian Daulphinist and English Colours all of them to each other enemies so as if the former two did backe together the third made booty the two carrying away what the third left At this same time sixteen hundred Irish arrived at the Camp conducted by the Lord Kilmayne ill armed and but badly cloathed but of such agility and valour as they were commended beyond all the rest whereupon a newes being given out that the French were comming to succour the towne they were placed where it was thought the French would come they received this charge with unexpressible joy and though the succour came not they ceased not to do much mischiefe going and returning with more speed and to better purpose then the horses themselves either could or would have done The Citie had suffered much ever since October their victuals were spent happy were they that could get either Horses Dogges Cats Mice or such like uncleannesse to eate The poorer sort of people if in the streets they met any one with any thing of livelihood they would flye upon him blowes nor wounds not availing to make them to desist In three months space no meat had been publickly sold and those who had meanes to purchase any payed excessive prices above 50000. persons died of hunger during this siege They sent Eustace Paville a Doctor to acquaint the King and Duke of Burgony with their misery who when he had shewed how great evills they had suffered onely that they might preserve their faith and loyalty protested that if they should be inforced to yeeld themselves the King and Kingdome of France should have no greater enemies then they The answer was gracious that the King would preserve his good City of Roan that within a few daies hee would so succour it as that the enemy should rather bethinke themselves how to escape away then any longer to continue the siege Words which proved to no effect yet necessary to hinder the proceedings of the English to the cost of the miserable besieged but not able to succour them by force hee bethought himselfe how to give them comfort by a treaty of peace Cardinall Vrsino was about this time come from Avignon sent by Pope Martin the fifth to finde out some meanes how to agree these two great Princes The first thing he treated of was that they should send their Embassadours to Pont d'Arcke as they did but the time being spent in disputes and no conclusion made he resolved to goe himselfe to the walls of Roan Hee spoke with King Henry he presented him with the Picture of the Lady Catherine of France the best meanes as he thought whereby to perswade him The King after he had well considered her beauty and praised it seemed to be desirous of the match if shee should come endowed with a million of gold with the Province of Normandy by him almost wholly conquered the Province of Acquitany by him likewise in a great part possessed the County of Poictou and all the other Signiories which did formerly belong and were hereditary to the Crowne of England adding that he would have them free from having any dependancy upon France The which seeming very hard to the French Deputies the conference was dissolved For besides the abovesaid pretensions the English Deputies explained themselves that Charles by reason of his sicknesse was not fit to make treaties nor the Dolphin as not being King nor the Duke of Burgony as not having power to dispose of the inheritance and dependances of the Crowne That therefore it did necessarily follow there was no accord to be made but by the sword which was onely able to satisfie the one and inforce the other The breach of this Treaty did almost quite dead the hopes of the besieged yet did they a while languishin agony by reason of the great preparations which were made throughout all Picardy but as soone as they perceived that the King and Duke of Burgony distracted through their jealousies of the Dolphin could not succour them they resolved to hazzard their lives lesse valued then their pretended liberty and to goe themselves to procure and bring in succour the which they could not doe but by breaking through the Campe 10000. of them well armed the rest remaining to defend the City rushed furiously out of a gate from whence they were not gone two miles when the rafters of the bridge breaking as many as were upon it fel into the water those who remained in the town issued out at another gate to save their companions the which they could not so soon doe before the English had already fought with them and driven them back Those who fell shared all of severall misfortunes few of them escaping being either drowned broken or wounded The bridges rafters were cut in two by Guy Buttler after the place was surrendred he was thought to have caused them to bee cut onely because he had sworne loyalty to King Henry and was become his subject The Duke of Burgony did not cease though in this desperate case to flatter them with hopes of succour and that they might beleeve him he said he would doe that which he was farre from being able to effect He brought the King and Queene to Beauvais and caused great troopes of armed men to come thither which served to no other use then to bee an oppression to the Countreyes through which they passed Hither for their last Embassy came new soliciters from Roan the midst of December who laid open what miserable famine they suffered the misery that those endured who being shut out of the city died in ditches that they were forced to take up such children as were there borne in baskets over the walles to baptize them and being baptized to convey them downe againe to their mothers who rather expected death then life That many died unbaptized evils which had happened and did happen for their service done unto the King and Duke of Burgony whilest they on their sides had done nothing that they ought to have done and had promised that they could expect no longer that if succour were not immediately sent they would render themselves to the King of England And with this protestation they
renounced what ever former loyalty faith oath service and obedience declaring themselves discharged thereof since they were by them abandoned They were mildly answered that the King could not as yet succour them But that shortly hee would not faile to doe it But not satisfied with this unlimited answer the Duke promised to succour them the fourth day after Christmas Whereupon returning with more appearance of danger then hope they were but sadly received At this time les Sieurs d'Arcourt and de Meurle had gathered together two thousand fighting men with a resolution to try their fortune They placed themselves in ambush in two severall places not above 2 leagues from the English Campe yet so neere together as that they might aid one another To allure the English they sent out an hundred and twenty horse who meeting with certaine English who were lodged in a little village slew the greater part of them the few that escaped gave an alarme unto the Campe beleeving that they who had set on them were the fore-runners of the succour The King commanded the Lord Cornovallia to discover the truth The Baron tooke along with him six hundred horse and for guide those who had brought the newes not farre from thence hee discovered the enemies troopes who turning about clapt spurres to their horse and ran to the place of ambush giving as great alarme to their leaders as the English had done to Henry But the Baron made such haste as finding them in disorder and possest with feare he made some of them betake themselves to their heeles charged other some killing and taking two hundred and forty of which number were Monsieur de Moreule Butor Delroys Bastard and many other Gentlemen Harcourts horse saved him and the Baron made a quick returne unto the campe with victory newes and prisoners In Beauvais where the King Burgony and Councell were as hath beene said nothing was treated of but how to succour Roan after long debate it was concluded That during the enemies might and power the Kings and Dukes forces were not sufficient to make him raise the siege The Duke perceived this but not with the same eye as did others For he considered that if he should meete with any notable disaster in the succour together with Roan he was to lose the advantage of forces he now had over the Dolphin That the losse of that City though it would be a losse unto him yet he therein should have sharers whereas the losse of a battell would disorder and discompose his authority his government and his particular designes A cautelous but bad consideration A Prince who sits at the helme in a Kingdome ought to preferre the publique before his private good nay here his owne peculiar good consisted in the publique welfare for his authority and greatnesse depended upon the well managing of affaires he should have succoured Roan though with never so much danger for in the losse thereof hee lost his reputation both with his friends and enemies And though it had beene impossible for him to effect it as indeed it was yet should hee have attempted it for in matters of difficulty the world accepts of the will for the deed hee should have shadowed the weakenesse of his forces and in the faile of fortune have given a rich testimony of his worth and valour he might have presented himselfe and not have been inforced to fight King Henry was content to defend his trenches prohibit succour not troubling himself about ought else It made not for him to quit his trenches and leave them to the desperate sallies of the besieged to the end that hee might to no purpose and with much danger fight with the enemy in open field whilst by fitting still he overcame his onely end being to winne the Towne without or bloud or danger and though it had behooved the Duke to adventure a battell the disadvantages were counterpoised A City wherein was above 15000. defendants resolved to dye despaire an obstinate defence almost not to be overcome so as the enemy being fewer in number and set upon behinde and before if he were not overcome would at least be weakned and though he should winne the place would be so weakned in his forces as that he could not make any further progresse The victory at Cressis and Ajencourt had onely advantaged him in affording him a meanes of saving himselfe for the small number of his souldiers and his requisitnesse to passe the sea to reinforce himselfe tooke from him the benefit of his victory On the contrary side the losse of men would not be of much moment to so populous a Kingdome able of it selfe forthwith to furnish more For great bodies are not moved much lesse do they fall for one shocke The battell of Poictiers would not have beene of great moment had not the King beene taken prisoner for this now in question the souldiers were onely to be hazarded and grant the losse of the day Roan suffered no mischiefe which without this hazard was assuredly lost But for my part I beleeve that the Duke did never really intend this succour knowing that to boote with his feares of the Dolphin it was impossible for him to force a well disciplined victorious army within its trenches under a powerfull King and great commander unlesse he were mainly assisted by fortune And events being uncertaine are not of force enough to perswade to dangerous and irrevocable resolutions The which if it were so it may be inferred that the reiterated hopes given to the besieged the making of them suffer so much and at last yeeld themselves with so undoing a disadvantage was one of those errors upon which they fall who make use of publique calamity for their owne peculiar good Had he prolonged that siege to winne time to withold the proceedings of the English and quite breake them off by some great undertaking he could not have been accused but his not caring though all were lost so as the Dolphin did not advance proves it to be true That who hath double ends doth alwaies amisse since the moments of reputation are not measured by the moments of time which leaneth upon things casuall but by order which depends upon the rules of wisdome and fidelity a principall condition of him that governes from which whosoever hath at any time swerved hath ever had the heavens fortune for his adversaries The examples hereof are so frequent in past and present times as it is a wonder so many do stumble against this rock The resolution of not succouring the Towne being taken at Councell table all the souldiers were dismissed save such as were to be put in garrison upon the face of Normandy and of the Dolphin Assoone as the King was gone from Beauvois those of Roan were secretly admonished by the Duke to surrender themselves upon the best tearms they could A death doing adue which did utterly astonish and affright them They were not permitted to die fighting for