absolute and govern only by an Army like the French Kings by an Army of French men is so ridiculous that I thought it not worthy of consideration Can any man in his wits imagine his Majesty of England so senseless as to give his Crown and Kingdoms to the French King For that is all one with this in effect As for that of Revenge either for Chattam or the affronts mentioned in his Declaration of this War or both I considered his Temper which hath so much Clemency that it rather inclines him to lenity than cruelty and revenge As is abundantly apparent not only by passing but even forcing as I know he did against some adicted to the latter extreme the Act of Indemnity or Oblivion for those many and great injuries he had suffered from his Subjects And his government since in conniving at the violation of such Laws as are thought severe in matters of Religion and indulging liberty therein which hath made some that have sufficiently heretofore cried up Parliaments now run into the other extreme and cry them down as fast and instead of the Parliaments formerly now magnifie the Kings favour and Clemency And yet Kings and Princes are men and men subject to like passions with others liable to suggestions from those about them and tender of their honour as the apple of their eye And therefore I will grant this might come in consideration but not so much I dare say as alone to make a War For the Prince of Orange there was not only near Relation and Affection but Interest also to be considered For the Lovesteyns party having been so cross to England upon his account and the correspondent friendship between us so uncertain without his Headship I verily believe that if what is now done therein had been done timously it had wholly prevented this unhappy War Yea besides the extraordinary affection which the people have for the Prince our very Bores had this Policy and were more than ordinary zealous for his promotion as the best means to procure their peace As to the further interest of the Kingdom of England in regard of their Trade and Naval expences I have expressed my thoughts before in the Preface It is true this War was always intricate and hath proved a Game at Hazard for England beyond not only theirs I believe but all the worlds expectation But yet if it be still notwithstanding cautiously played as they may and so far as I can possibly discern mean to play it they can many ways come to save their stakes at the least if not to win more than we imagine by the War and was far fairer at first than France for winning by the game in all humane appearance as I could manifest by many Arguments But because that concerns them two only and us not at all further than our sufferings I shall wave them at least for the present and proceed For I will not hearken to the curious enquiries of those who would here be asking how I think England will play their game for that let them look to it whom it concerns on all sides as doubtless they will for me to express my private thoughts might do more hurt than good which is the only thing I aim at and what I think the issue will be I shall declare hereafter in my Conjectures But here it will be asked seeing it is Englands interest that we fall not into the hands of France and that the Prince is now promoted will they not make peace with us this Winter I must needs say I fear they will not except we should give them such terms as I see we shall not we thinking our condition far better and they thinking it far worse than really it is For the cause of this as of most Wars is complex as I have shewn so that though two of those I assigned may be past yet the 3d of the Kingdoms interest not They are already too far ingaged in the War and with France The Kings Honour is at the stake and the Kingdoms expectation of another issae than the last War And besides all these how can any wise man imagine now that they are engaged with France and have an advantage against us as well as a Hazard from France that if they know how to secure themselves against the latter as I suppose they do they will let go the former For we must needs think they will be at a certainty on one side or the other and not part with France's friendship till they be sure of our satisfaction What it is they demand or how rightly is not now our design to discourse but only matter of Interest all along And yet I can easily foresee that the danger of our becoming French will be a singular advantage to us as an inducement to them for a more easie compliance with us But at present I see no probability of Peace but that they will go through with the War or continue it so long till they have tryed their utmost to obtain their ends I know there are many wise men amongst us that think the King cannot carry on this War as there was that thought he could not begin it The former they find themselves deceived in and will be so in the latter also I have discoursed this with several in Government who argue that the King hath not money of himself to go through with the War and that he will not convene the Parliament or if he do they will not supply him I grant the first but deny the others For if we rightly consider their defign the Parliament must meet and the representation that will be made thereof and the constitution of the Parliament they will grant him supplies though perhaps not with that facility that they did it with in the former War And therefore let us neither flatter nor deceive our selves with vain hopes herein but rather seek timely to accommodate differences before their preparations in the Spring for I fear the longer we delay and the worse it will be with us Sect. 10. Compliance with England the only means of the Common-wealths continuation HAving thus declared the condition that we are in and that there is no probability of peace we come now to shew the consequences thereof and what is to be done by us to preserve our selves from ruine and destruction And here to my understanding one of these three things must necessarily follow That we must either continue the War against them both or comply with them both or with one of them alone if possibly we can We shall first declare our thoughts concerning these briefly and then shew with which we both may and must comply 1. Then whether we should continue the War against them both And herein would we do as we might and should it may be this were better than to comply with either of them especially if they will impose upon us unreasonable conditions and much better than to comply with them
France's sister to support them And indeed so he was for the Ambassadors and Agents of the Crowne of England had become Caution to those of the Religion for the King of France's performance with them He therfore sends 150 sayle of ships and an Army of 10000 men under the Command of the Duke of Buckingham to take off that odium which was upon him in England for what was formerly done under K. Iames. Who published a Manifesto in the K. of Englands name July the 21. 1627. declaring that though there were other grounds sufficient for a War as the abuse of the English Merchants their ships and goods seized on and the extraordinary equipping for Sea in France yet that the sole cause of the War was the Crowne of France's not performing of Articles with those of the Reformed Religion This expedition and the causes of its miscarriage is writ by a learned pen * Expeditio in Ream Insulam authore Edovardo Herbert Baronc de Cherbury and well knowne from the moderne Histories of both Kingdoms The French and English both proceed the former in carrying on the latter to prevent if possible their designes For which end K. Charles sent the Earle of Denbigh with another Fleet which was able to effect nothing and the Earle of Linzey with the last Buckingham being assasinated by Felton the day before he was to embarke But before Linzey came such stupendous workes were raised of which Bertius hath writ a particular booke and so pallisadoed that the Cardinall sent to the English Admirall that he should have a pasport with 6 of his ablest Commanders to come a shore and view the works and if they thought Rochel relievable he would raise lost Rochel upon which followed the Duke of Rohan and the rest of the Reformists compliance the dismantling of their remaining Garrisons above 40 whereof Mantauban was the last and a peace with England and those of the Reformed Religion in France Since which time what mighty dessignes have been contrived and carried on by the two Cardinalls Richelieu and Mazarine for that Kingdome abroad whose plots they are still pursuing is not unknowne to those that are curiously inquisitive How the former wrought the revolt of Portugal the Rebellion in Catalonia the carrying on the Wars in these Countries to bring downe Spaine set on foot and fomented the distractions of Great Britaigne first by the Scots and afterwards by other means to give England worke at home tamperd with Wallesteyne for betraying the Imperiall Army for whose death he most pastionately wept failing thereby of his hopes of France's speedy comeing to the Empire engaged Sweden to serve their ends in Germany tooke Pignerol to keep Italy in aw Lorraigne is taken the Dukes of Savoy Mantua and Modena are wholly at France's service and the Princes Electors especially the Ecclesiasticall rather courting the favour of that Crown then the Imperiall This was the true State of France at the death of Richelieu in 42 and the King his Master who quickly followed him May 14. 1643. the same day of the yeare his father died and wherein he was Crowned Which I have beene the larger in first because t is for the most part the same now and in severall things greater than then especially by their alliance with England and success against these and the Spanish Netherlands and 2. that it might appeare how far they have overgrowne Spaine in power that so the world may be awakend and see to lop off their superfluous bowes lest they grow in time like Nebuchadnezars tree so great that they overshadow us all For Mazarine succeeding Richelieu as Minister of State who was his onely Scholler that proved his paralel to which two Clergy-men let me say it for it is a truth though I know the Laity may stomack it France owes their present greatnes the first 5 yeares after till 48 that tumultuous Nation was never wiselier governed in the non-age of their Soveraigne and though in the next lustre or five yeares following till 53 they had some aguish fits that shaked them in their civill wars yet they soone recovered thereof and have ever since growne stronger and stronger So that it was high time for the Neighbour Nations no longer to dance after the fidle of France And the States saw this and therefore made peace as I have said but England herein offended againe and prevaricated in the common intrest of Europe Let me shew how briefly because it may satisfie perhaps the curiosity of some that have wondred at it as much as my selfe in regard they have been ignorant of the true grounds thereof When Cromwel the Hanibal of the English Common-wealth and immortal enimie and Terror to Rome came to have the power of those three Kingdoms in his hands he saw it necessary to engage those Nations and imploy his Armies in a forreigne War for without an Army he could not maintaine the power he had got and without imploying them he could not quietly enjoy it Armies being like raised them and besides this necessity of intrest his own inclination strongly carried him and perhaps some extravagant hopes to pull downe the Pope for he once said to Lambert were I as young as you I should not doubt to knock at the gates of Rome before I died Spaine and France both courted him knowing what mettal his sword was made of and his Iron-sides wore of which competition he made his advantage obteining such conditions of France as were a wonder to all that understood the maxims of their Government That which most inclined him to the French was that he judged Spaine and Austria the two strongest Hornes of Antichrist whose fall was come as one of his Prophets whom I could name inspired him and that France might be brought to renounce Rome intending withall to get such places in Flanders and over against the coast of England that he might keep the Dutch in aw and with a few of his Ships command a toll for the passage in the Channel as the Dane did in the Sound A League thereofore is made with France March 23. 1657 for a yeare and renewed the next by Lockard his Ambassador who for his parts and sagacity was so acceptable to Mazarine that he had more acces to him and busines with him then all the Ambassadors at Paris besides These two Cromwel and the Cardinal the stronglier to carry on their designes take in the King of Sweden for a third into their confederacy Christina having resigned that Crowne and wandring about like a blazing Comet and these three Leagued together made the Triumvirate of those times Sweden was to pluck the plumes of the Roman Eagle when he had clipt the wings of his Neighbours that they might not fly upon the prey he left behind Wherein Oliver so concerned himself that when the Dane had got the Dutch for his second he sent Montague to boye up Swedens sinking intrest in the Sound and they were so neere
acquaint you that when we mention Trade we mean not every particular kind of negotiation wherein the several sorts of Artificers and Shop-keepers are imployed to speak of which would be both an endless an a bootless work Herein perhaps some might fare better with the French the Mercers and Tailers especially for the à la mode Monsieurs when they have money affect to change their fashion as often as the Moon doth her face and to wear as many ribbands on their breeches as ordinary Pedlers bear on their backs as if all the fortunes of France hung at their ends and all their own happiness followed their heels And happily Butchers and Cooks would fare better with the English for a piece of good Beef or a Shoulder of Mutton And we might instance in many others with merriment but we have no mind to be pleasant upon so serious a Subject In short therefore we mean Maritime Trade as our Adversaries do this being the great Diana of the Netherlands which brings them in their Silver Shrines 1. Then we shall lay down this as a fundamental and undoubted Maxim which all I think will take for granted that trade by Sea is the great secular interest of these Provinces the Maritime especially by which they most flourish and without which they cannot subsist Let Amsterdam and the other Cities be as rich or richer then they are imagined yet will they in a few years if their Trade be obstructed become as poor as their Neighbours at Gant or Antwerp For who will build at such excessive charges where the foundation sometimes is half to the superstructure or pay such rents for their habitation and live in such expensive places if there be not freedom of Trade But those that can will remove some hither and some thither as their interest and affection shall incline them Essay or Sermo fidelis 19. rather then spend their Capitalls here If ever Merchants were or are in any place of the world the vena porta as Bacon stiles them of any publick body it is certainly the Belgick If they fraight not their Ships whereby the Marriners may be imployed if they furnish not the Tradesmen shops whereby they may follow their Vocations if they lade not the poor mens backs whereby their Families may fill their bellies finally if they distribute not their Merchandise through the various Seas and Rivers of the Vniverse we may linger a while but it is as impossible we should live long as for a body deprived of food whose parts languish for want of nourishment which should be brought them in the veins by the bloods regular circulation 2. Merchandise being our chief concernment it will necessarily follow that that Nation that can most obstruct the same can do us most injury Now that England can do this more than France or any other whatsoever I think none will deny if any do there is enough said hereafter that will make it sufficiently apparent 3. Of all our neighbouring Nations England being most potent by Sea and France by Land it will clearly follow that a Peace with these two above all others is our great concernment With the former for getting and with the latter for keeping and enjoying our Estates But if we cannot have this from them both which of them is to be preferred comes next in consideration 4. This Common-wealth consisting of Maritime and Inland Provinces the former being by far the most considerable the friendship of England is more to be valued than that of France And this the wisest men that this Republick ever had formerly never doubted of Prince William the First founder of this Common-wealth laid down these three principal maximes of State which were approved by all as sound and rational beyond contradiction 1. To do justice to Strangers For great Nations may be upheld by Power but small Territories must be maintained by Justice 2. To hold a fair correspondence with France For Spain being then the grand Monarchy of Europe and our dreadful enemy the assistance of France was greatly necessary for our supportation 3. To preserve an inviolable Peace with England In regard that this is absolutely requisite for our freedom of Commerceby Sea and the English were our friends in affection as well as Interest whereas the French only upon the latter account For the greatest obstacle that stood in the way of France's greatness was the Spanish power in these Netherlands which being once broke down they well knew they could dilate their Empire at their pleasure as we see it now to our sorrow It is true of later times the Lovesteiners to free themselves from the Headship of the Orange family which sought as they imagined either an absoluteness or at least to infringe the liberty of the Common-wealth have been rather inclined to France and England but they were not so blinded with passion but that having a Peace with Spain and being sensible of France's prevalency and raising their Fortunes upon the Spanish ruines it was their Interest to comply with England rather than France Which plainly appears in that no sooner was those unhappy differences between us and England composed at Breda but immediately the Tripple Alliance was designed and concluded upon by that great States-man de Witt the Head of their party and Sr. William Temple on purpose to put boundaries to the boundless ambition of the French Nation 5. To the reason of State already mentioned together with the judgment of our greatest Politicians both in former and later times let me add that Terrestrial war hath always been accounted more eligible than a Naval yea by some our absolute interest as the Duke of Rhoan observes In so much that Zeeland never to this day consented unto l' Intrest des Prine Est discour 6. but absolutely protested against these Provinces making Peace with Spain And here it is observable how our Adversaries prevaricate in granting this Assertion and yet preferring France I foresee their evasion of conceding a Land-war with a lesser Potentate denying it with France But this is both easily obviated and outed for as I am well assured that if England had not assaulted us by Sea France had never done it by Land so I have reason to believe that if he had we should have found him sufficient work If we had the Sea free for our inferior Provinces the charges of a Land-war for the superior were easily borne And we should not want men enow for our money to fight for them with France or any other whatsoever so long as we should think them worth the fighting for Nor let any wonder that I insert such a conditional for I shall afterwards make it appear how the Common-wealth may be well secured though these Provinces should be let go or lost And as for the inferior they are so situated in the water and thereby so inaccessible that we need not fear what all the force of France can do if we be resolved to
he had to catch at the shadow thereof in the water and so lost all I know some that have more of Mars than Mercurie's temper are all for fighting and therefore I shall desire them calmly to consider these few particulars following 1. What either we or England have gotten by our former Wars when matcht in power I partly know what it hath cost us both in treasure and blood and can demonstrate that if either hath gotten 't is England though not to countervail the cost Let 's but reckon as we must if we go rightly to work the lucrum cessens and damnum emergens or the profit that ceases and loss that accrues and vvhat vve have got vve may put in our eye and not see much the vvorse But if any one say who can reckon that or how I shall freely acknowledge that to pounds and persons we cannot nor no man alive yet in the general we may so far as to make a judgment I have done it for my own satisfaction and shall tell you how that so those that are curious may satisfy themselves therein and not take it upon my credit By the publick Customs the Number of ships the Capital wherewith Trade is driven and by the riches of the Merchants Of these the two former are more easie and certain wherein England hath increased the two latter more conjectural wherein this Republick hath the superiority But hath not gotten it by the wars but arises from several other causes which I could mention and especially from these two following which I think will satisfy any intelligent man As to the Capital ours comes to be greater in regard that as the Merchants grow rich in England they buy land and breed up their sons to be Country gentlemen whereas we especially in Holland continue the stock and our children in the Trade Land being here at 35 and 40 years purchase and in England at 15 or 20 ordinarily And that the Merchants here should be richer than there is no wonder to me who know so well the frugality of the one and the prodigality of the other 2. Let it be considered how difficult and hazardous it is for equal powers to destroy one another and therefore how litle likelihood there is of any thing to be gotten by contesting Nay there are several circumstances in our situations imployments and people that render absolute conquest almost impossible We may like Cooks fight and breath and fight again and crow over one another for some victories but far from a conquest And this we might both have seen long since in the glas of policy which clearly shows that such equal powers fighting for profit is but like Nero's fishing with a golden hook wherein more is adventured than ever is likely to be gotten We have had a Comick-tragedy and a tragick comedy of two wars and England the contrary wherein our enemies indeed have been pleasant spectators and satisfied their envious eyes but what have either of us got but blowes Passion and prejudice are so prevalent in the World and so blind the eyes of men that often they will not see the truth till dear-bought experience makes them even to feel it And this we now both see and therefore England takes this opportunity of breaking down the equality of power and bringing us lower that so we may truckle under them and they be at rest in the bed of security 3. Those that are so much for Mars might do well to consider the advantages and disadvantages of both Nations for carrying on and subsisting under long wars In some things we may happily have the advantage as in bearing the charges number of shipping Caping by Letters of Marque c. And in others England for they have a great and rich Inland Country l'Intrestdes Princes Discours 7. an Hand that cannot be easily diverted by a Land-war so that as the Duke of Rhoan saith right l' Angleterre est un grand animal qui ne peut jamais mourir s'il ne se tuë luimesme We subsist wholly on Trade and fetch all things from abroad they have sufficiency of necessaries from their own growth at home When Trade stands still they have cloths for the back and meat for the belly better cheap for the poorer people here not only such accommodations are far dearer than there which can well be born when Trade flourisheth but when that is stopt and it can worst be endured then are they dearest of all Our Seamen which come most from the Northern quarters about the Baltick Sea to serve us in Navigation when they see no hopes of gain but only venturing their lives for the pay of the Wars will remove and serve other Nations whereas the King of England hath three Kingdoms to press out for his assistance according to the custom of the Crown there which is not practised nor indeed practicable in this Free State And although at the first such as are prest be averse to the Wars yet we find and feel by experience that what through the Officers and Gentlemens caressing and encouraging them what through company and conversing with others before-hand this restiness is worn off by degrees and through the principles of self defence and some sparks of the honour of their Country they fight well enough whatever the cause or the quarrel be 4. I wish both Nations would well consider whether whilst we two are so eagerly contesting for Trade others may not carry it away I have reasonably considered what Nation can bid the farest for this in regard of their Situation Havens Genious c. the ad vantages of the Mediterranean and Baltick Seas and let my thoughts stretch themselves as far as both the Indies have observed the French Fleet the darling of the King and Kingdom their hopes with the grounds of them and the probable success thereof as also the communication of Spain with America and find no one Nation alone capacitated to carry away our Commerce but several to have greater shares than they have at present Yea to speak my mind freely I have had far further contemplations and of a far different kind from these upon this Subject in respect to future times And indeed such as have often made me both very sorrowful to see the Christian world so mad and quarelsom about their Commerce and very fearful that God would either blast it to us by taking it away and giving it to Turks and Heathens or not bless us with it giving us herein our hearts desire in his wrath and them the Gospel in exchange thereof As I clearly see he hath done to the Jews the generallest and greatest Merchants of the World and as I think he threatens us Christians in several places of holy Scripture if they be duly considered But because I love not dogmatizing or to be positive in things I am not so fully satisfied in I shall at present say no more of this but leave it to every good Christians
is to have such neighbors But otherwise England is nearer us than France and can easilier come to our assistance For the French have not only a long march but through part of the Empire which is their enemie and so liable to obstruction As to the Prince of Liege or Archbishop of Colen Duke of Newburg and others that have permitted this passage they may pay dear enough for it hereafter as their subjects are paying for it at present even to the French themselves Who are so weary of their Company that I perswade my self they will be the first that will endeavour to drive them out when they shall find an opportunity But we are not affraid of all our Adversaries weapons and therefore will enforce their Argument by supposing all they can desire That France will keep these conquered Provinces and in all probability make new acquests by subduing of the Spanish Netherlands So that if we be not subject to him we shall never be at quiet but they will continually be as Thorns in our sides 1. And why may we not as well suppose that if we be under him we shall never be at rest for others For no Potentate in Christendom hath more jealous eyes upon him nor likelier to be continually imployed in Wars Now what will changing help us if we better not our condition For we may easily foresee that if we come under France we shall have England and Spain against us by Sea as we have said and the Germans and Spanish Provinces by Land and so shall be in the same condition though not by the same enemies that we are now ground like Corn betwixt the Mil-stones Yea it is more than probable that knowing the ticklish condition and mutinous temper of the French Nation he will bring his Wars into these Countries and their consines and so we shall again become the Cock-pit of War for all Europe 2. I doubt not but he will attacque the Spanish Provinces and seek to connect them with his conquests and then incorporate all with France But it is uncertain what time this may require before they be all under his power We know not the Articles between the two Crowns nor are we sure that England and Austria will see this work Many things may fall out which no mans eye can foresee The King of France is mortal and may die and the Dauphin young and so uncapable to carry on such mighty designs Or he may meet with a check in his enterprises and be stopt in his further progress of glory France is harrast and weary of Wars may fall to their former mutinies The King of Spain may grow more potent England Sweden and the Cantons of Switzerland may think themselves concerned as well as the Empire and Spain to stop the growing greatness of France The Spanish may divert him in Catalonia and else where Sickness and mortallity may seize upon his Armies Factions in his court discontents in the Country tumults in his Kingdom and many other Accidents may happen to call him off us or at least necessitate him to give us reasonable conditions and confine him to his own Kingdom So that 't is madness to avoid a present mischief to run our selves upon certain ruine 3. If we had the friendship of England we might soon be in a capacity to defend our selves against France and need not fear the power of their Arms. I do not say that we alone are able to recover at present what we have lost without the assistance of others But that these remaining Provinces are able to defend themselves and either let go the other or in time possibly regain them as we shall shew hereafter Fourthly For his Allies they need not fright us For all friendship of the World and especially publick proves often times like winter brooks which run freely when we have least need of them but fail us in drought when we want their Water If the fortunes of France should once decline we should see those that now adore them readily renounce this their idolatry and not only confess their former fault but help to turn the Wheel about and bring them under whom they now exalt And thus we see what small grounds there are of enjoying such great Peace under France as our Adversaries flatter themselves withal and would perswade the World of which will never find credit with wise men who are used to judge by Reasons of State and not by the vain arguments of fancy 4. The fourth argument for France is their having the upper Provinces already which are of such concernment to the Nether that they affirm we cannot want them and therefore we must call in France that he may have them all that so they may be joyned under one Head We cannot want them say they 1. For our Security and 2. for our Commerce Let us therefore examine these things and having so done we shall give a release to your patience in this great Argument of our Adversaries concerning Trade First that we cannot want them for our Security is apparently false Nay upon a Politick account we had better part with them though not in point of Honour and Religion 1. They were a continual charge to those inferior Provinces which yet was willingly born in regard of their being an out Sconse to us which many supposed sufficiently strong for our defence Which yet others have always doubted of and now we find they had sufficient reason Seeing then some of them willingly deserted us and others slightly defended themselves and us consequently and thus laid us open to the invasion of our enemies if we let them go and they suffer thereby they may thank themselves and we must otherwise secure our Country 2. I wonder men should think they can secure us when we see the contrary by our experience Nay indeed this was the great mistake that had like to have ruined us all For we relying on them was unprepared for our own defence whereby the whole was greatly endangered Yea so greatly that if the French had fallen into Holland when they came to Vtrecht I tremble to think what work they might have made amongst us 3. It was apparent that the boundaries of the Common-wealth was too great and our Garrisons too many to defend against such powerful Armies Which at the same time are not only Masters of the Field but able to assault what Places they please This War being far different from our former with Spain or less Potentates wherein we had an Army to ballance theirs for relief of such Garrisons as were at any time attackt by them And this the Author of the Interest of Holland hath long since well observed and experience now shews us Wherein I dare be his second against any combatants that dare encounter him 4. Let any man but recount our Garrisons with their greatness and compute what number of men is requisite for their defence and he will soon see whether I have not clear
anew than repair the old So I think I am able to demonstrate that we had better make a new defence for these inferior Provinces than that of the superior But it must be well considered of lâ—st we find inconveniences therein afterwards And as in Architecture I pleasantly play with dice and cards alone which others do in company making my walls of the former and floors and covering of the latter to see the convenâ—ences and inconveniences therein better than in plain figures and especially to demonstrate the same to others that will advise with me therein and are no Mathematicians so here I must confess I have seriously palled down and set up several defences for us which are too long to relate But I will briefly touch of some things which are sufficient I think to silence mine Adversaries There are 5 or six ways of Natural Fortification and defence of a Country Seas for Islands which are the best For though they are thereby incapacitated to enlarge their Empire abroad being by the Sea as it were confined to home yet have they great advantages thereby not only of Maritime Negotiation but also security from Invasion So that they are at small charges for maintaining Armies which those that live on Continents must constantly do for their defence otherwise the door stands open for the first that comes to enter in and take possession Great Mountains that are unpassible for Armies or such passes as the famous Thermopyles which are easily defended and these are next to Seas the best defence Vast Wildernesses where Armies can have no Provision to march but what they carry along with them as in Africa Peninsular Countries which are easily retrencht within lines of security as the famous Wall in the North of England first made by Agricola Nero's General there repaired by Hadrian and after by Severus against the Picts the ruines whereof are still apparent And Scotland often also against England hath thus retrencht themselves even in our days with great safety against the English Army which if they had had the wisdom to have kept within they had saved themselves and the Kingdom but their adventurous folly in forsaking them was dearly paid for by the loss of both Great Rivers which cannot easily be past As Euphrates in the East and the Rhyne in the West defended those Nations beyond them from the great power of the Romans And lastly inundations by Water marish and boggy grounds c. I might be large in examples of all these in several Kingdoms of the World and also in the wonderful Providence of God who hereby sets bounds and limits to the mighty Nimrod's of the World saying unto them by the voice of Nature as to the great Seas and Waters hitherto shall ye go and no further but I will confine my self to our own Country Now these Provinces if we consider them aright are naturally fortified most of these ways Not by Mountains for we live in a level Country nor by Desarts and barren Wildernesses for we have a fruitful Land like Canaan flowing with milk and honey But all the other ways we are defensible so that if we can but defend our selves by Sea and keep that for our Commerce we need not fear all our Enemies by Land We have the Sea to guard us below mighty Rivers not only within but on both sides these Provinces to defend us we are either Islands as Zeeland or Peninsular as Friesland and Groeningen together and Holland and Vtrecht by reason of the Sea and great Rivers that almost surround them And let it come to the utmost extremity we can by Water drown our Enemies and save our selves in our Cities So that they that talk of conquering us must either be fools or ignorant of the Country and those that fear to be conquered pusillanimous and frighted with vain bravadoes But we will be a little more particular in running over briesly the several Provinces Zeeland consisting wholly of Islands is thereby well fortified and the Inhabitants so used to the Water that they are not easily mastered therein Friesland and Groningen together are almost surrounded with the North and South Seas together with the River Emes and scarce accessible by Land in regard of the marish or boggy grounds if Coeverden and some other strong places on the passes be kept Holland will prove the greatest difficulty and of most consequence that Province being the Head and Heart of this Republick For this end I must suppose that we must have part of the Province of Vtrecht which we must either regain by Treaty or by strength let it cost what it will both for our communication and future safety And then we have these two again almost environed with the North and South Seas and several branches of the Rhyme and Maes Only one neck of ground between the Leck and South Sea of 5 or 6 miles where a River might be cut to carry water from the former as something higher into the latter from between Viana and Twael from whence downwards the River is deep and hath the Tyde flowing up by Houten Heer Melis waert Melaeten and so along the low grounds to Pynenborch into the Râ—â—â—â— Eem to the South Sea Which will make the whole adjacent Country being low stagnate with water and so defend these two Provinces from their enemies incursions And the rest are done to our hands by the several foldings of the Arms of those two great Rivers the Rhyne and the Mase whose several denominations I need not mention nor the places where these being sufficiently known to those that know these Countries But oh Vtrecht Vtrecht I foresee there will so much depend upon that one City that I fear the greatest Affairs of Europe will hang and turn upon that single hinge I know we flatter our selves they will part with it and I wish we may not be deceived but I fear far other things not so much from what I have said as from other reasons of State But if any will ask what those are I say Ho-la I am so far from publishing them that if the shirt on my back knew the thoughts of my heart herein it should be my first work to burn it But our Adversaries will fight it out to the stumps both of their strength and weapons They say the French in the Superior Provinces hath the command of our Rivers and so will be able to ruine our Trade Truly I am tired with this long discourse of Trade and therefore for a divertisement I will tell you a short and pleasant story Upon a time King James of Great Britain was angry with the City of London and sent for some of the Aldermen and Common Council whom he first chid and then threatned that he would take away their Charters spoil them of their Priviledges and ruine the City that he would An old Fox that stood behind perceiving the King in a passion and the rest of the Ruffs in a silent fright pretended
Fame sound their praises and the Infantry to have their marches beaten through succeeding Ages and Generations I wish that the eccho of Fame may follow them with a clearer sound than the hoarse clamour of the People and hope that the imbellick Bores that are ready to start at the report of a Gun and stoop at the whistling of a Bullet may by having dangers familiarized to them become as the Fox did with the Lion undaunted at last and under their brave General and Commanders regain our reputation and shall heartily pray both for our Senators prosperity and Souldiers success The only consideration that sways with me for contesting for them if we cannot have them otherwise is that of Religion If therefore this policy I have pleaded should prove Apocryphal and that our League and Alliance with them obliges us for them recovery or that the rules of Christian Charity require us to adventure our own loss for their safety God forbid that I or a any man else should be against it and I hope there are none so degenerate but will contribute their best assistance both in purse and person to so good a work If the Turks will redeem the caged birds to set them at liberty let us much more willingly our Christian Brethren and so committing our cause to God pass thorow the Temple of Vertue that we may happily come to that of Honour Having thus shewn the impregnableness of the truth of our cause against the assaults of its Adversaries and fought it out with them in their representing the Advantages of being under France and disadvantages of being under England and our Replying It comes now to our turn to be Assailants wherein we hope to obtain an absolute conquest by shewing them the quite contrary Now herein we might be very large if we would argue from all the suasory and dissuasory topicks as the Honesty of being under England rather than France for the common Interest of the Protestant Religion the Honorableness thereof for the common good of Christendom whose Interest it is to oppose the greatness of France as we shall shew hereafter the Equity of this for assisting our Allies against France the possibility or practicableness of this only now that his Highness is both General and Stadt-holder and also from the contrary of these if we seek to come under France But we shall only insist upon that of Vtility because that is most petswasive and that with respect to our selves only the most part of men being so selfish that they prefer their particular before the publick good The disadvantages of being under France and advantages of being under England 1. Our being under France brings us infallibly unto a War with England and Spain in some short time at least if not presently as we have already shown Now how destructive such a War is to our maritime Negotiation I leave all wise men to judge and Merchants espcially who have the experience thereof Whereas on the contrary our being under England gives us Peace and freedom of Trade by Sea at least inconsiderable disturbance in comparison yea very probably by Land also in regard we can spoil France's Trade disturb his coasts divert his designs and ballacne his power For France cannot fight with all Europe If we be under England we have Spain the Empire c. with us and if France will fight we need not fear him But if that which is said be not sufficient as I suppose it is I am ready to make it apparent that a Land War is more eligible for this Republick then one by Sea with such potent enemies and take the utmost interruption France can make of our Sea-traffick into the ballance 2. If we come under France we shall either do it entirely or partially If the former we are ruined in a great measure in our Commerce for supposing that the Spanish Netherlands fall under France also as in all probability they will and that speedily as even our Adversaries themselves take it for granted the Scheld will be open and free and so Antwerp Bruxels Mechlin Loven Lier and the other Cities of Brabant by this means recover part of their former Commerce which now we deprive them of by Vlissing and Rammekens below and Lillo above on that River and Ghant Cortrick Riissel and other Cities of Flanders a part by the former River being free and by opening the other passage to them which is now obstructed at the Sas van Ghant Now of how great consequence this is to us especially in regard of Amsterdam which bears now a double proportion in the Admiralties and almost the half of the burden of the Taxes of Holland which is almost the half of the whole Republick I leave any one to judge and especially those that know the principles of interest for that great and flourishing City I could be very large upon this in shewing how the fall of Antwerp was the rise of Amsterdam how this City prevailed that the other should not be taken by the Arms of this Republick as also what some say it cost them to prevent it that this was a great inducement to the States not to enlarge the Republick on the side of Flanders and Brabant and what a great motive it was to make peace with Spain that so they might prevent so Potent a Prince as France from coming so nigh them upon that quarter and doing it by power and how Holland gave security for maintaining the peace when Zeeland protested against the same But these are so well known in Holland and the objections against it so answered Schookius de Pace that I need not lanch into this Ocean Now who is so purblind but he may foresee that if we come under France the Flemish Merchants especially Papists will return and carry their Trade to Antwerp and many French also setle themselves there the River being much better the City fit for traffick every way and having the Popish Religion publickly profest so that it will soon contest with Amsterdam for Trade and carry it ere long and then Amsterdam may say of Antwerp as the Ice of the Water Mater me genuit mater mox gigniture exme For we must think those Cities and particularly Antwerp are nearer the Confines of France than Holland and will be more confided in being Papists so that they will become both the care and Crown of that King and Kingdom for their Trade in these Northern parts of the World Yea let me say it for I know it to be true this is that the Trading Flamens long for seek for and should above all things be glad to see so that in stead of hindring they shall help all they dare Frances conquest for this their Interest And if some of these Provinces only come under France and othersome under England what a miserable condition shall we be in by having two such potent Princes continually contesting in the midst of us so that by such strong fits of
Conveys and particularly of the East India Companies I know very well they will have them return round about on the back of Ireland lest they should touch at any of these Northern places especially in the Chanel and so Trade and will send out Ships with fresh men and take out the Mariners that return to prevent their trading for themselves but yet the extraordinary Charges of our men of War might be spared Nay the States General bring in these to be diducted in the Accompt with England as the occasion thereof in their List of damages Article the 5. before the last War A. D. 1664. 5. Such as are Rich and weary of Trade or love their ease honour or pleasure may if we were under England more easily remove thither and be made liege subjects and free Denizens of England by the Crown or be naturalized by the Parliament and so buy possess and inherit Lands and revenues at half the price here and live upon their Rents as Country Gentlemen in a cheap and pleasant Land enjoying as great civil Liberty as any where in Christendom and also the freedom of their Religion Or let out their money not only at far greater interest but also upon bypothece or real security I have often thought this 20 years whether it might not be better for England to give this Liberty by Law to strangers especially those of the Reformed Religion and of these Countries and of which side the interest lay betwixt us for this Now that England hath so many and great Plantations in the West Indies for their poorer people now that money is so plentiful now that this Common-wealth was so increased upon them now that the Number of Merchants is every where so multiplied and now that Trade is beaten so low almost in all the known parts of the World But this would be both a large and unnecessary digression and I am very sensible that I have been already too long in this Argument Yet industriously I confess because I foresee that many will diligently peruse this who perhaps will negligently pass by the rest and mine Opposites so much glorying herein I thought best to give them full measure and rather abound to curiositie than be deficient in satisfying the least nicity Trade being the Crown of that Kingdom and this Common wealth Sect. 8. Several other Arguments and enducements to incline us rather for England briefly mentioned With an inference from the whole preceding discourse that the friendship of England is to be prefered before that of France ALthough what is said of Religion Liberty Estates and Trade be sufficient to prove this hypothetical problem yet I shall give as over measure some other enducements for England briefly 1. The different humor and genious of the French and Dutch which is well known to those that know them both to be far greater than between us and the English Which makes not only a stâ—angâ—ness but alienation of affection begets a disgust and nauseating of each other brings forth many contests and quarrels and nourishes a continual discontent uneasiness and unquietness of life 2. The affection which the generallity of the English and Dutch Nation have for each other So that if the Controversies of late years and at this present between us had been or were refered to the body of the people in both Nations although I well know what both their Representatives have done I dare say upon reasonable satisfaction for the mutual miscarriages which cannot but some times happen towards each other there never had been nor would be War betwixt us more And that his Majesty and the Prince of Orange would have more Voluntiers in one day to fight the French than they have in twenty to fight each other 3. The way of France is only Gentry and Paisantry the former lording it over the latter which have allways lived more miserably than any common people in Europe In Caesars time there was nibil plebe contemptius as he tells us and hath continued so as Bodin acknowledges and is so at this day we all know C. 1. C. 10. Whereas in England and these Countries there is a middle sort of people that live freely and independently on their own Lands and Farmes that will never endure the insolency of such Lords much less to be their slaves and least of all to be ruined by them 4. Now that the Prince of Orange is advanced and his party upmost so that the Crown of England may confide more in our friendship it is not to be doubted but through his Highness interest in his Uncles we shall better accord hereafter when these unhappy differences are once ended And thus I have done with this great Question of the times Sufficiently I thinke to satisfie any rational man though nothing is sufficient nor will satisfie I know such as are either so resolvedly prejudiced against the English or Princes interest that if they can but ruin them they matter not though they ruin both themselves and the Nation or so partially passionate for the French that they desire them though it be to their own destruction For all the Arguments in the World will never prevail against passion and prejudice It is only experience that can convince such of their error and make them with Damocles when the drawn Sword is over them desire to depart finding they were deceived in their opinion of Happiness I shall therefore conclude with a brief reflection upon some of these Arguments and the Corollary which naturally flows from them That seeing England and We are of the same Religion Both free people and affectionated to each other Both imbarqued in the same Interest of Trade though in different bottoms It not only becomes us but is our mutual concernment that we take heed we dash not one another to pieces but fairly and Christianly comply with each other for the safeguard of our Religion preservation of the Protestant Interest our own and others also Liberties and the just and equitable course of Commerce that so each Nation may happily enjoy their Religion Liberty Estates and Trade with Gods blessing on them all Sect. 9. That we are not yet come to that extremity but we may still remain a Republick in regard of our own strength and our neighbours interest Englands especially that they had better lose Scotland or Ireland than let the French have these Provinces This War a Game at Hazard Being engaged will go through and Parliament probably assist therein WE have hitherto discoursed upon the supposal of inability to defend our selves because it becomes wise men always to suppose the worst condition that may probably befall them with the consequences thereof and accordingly to make provision and in regard of the endless curiosity of mens minds which are always restless under miseries and still inquisitive after futurities We shall now proceed to shew that we are not yet through Gods mercy towards us come to the extremity supposed nor reduced to
outwardly each for their own ends yet that it is not so cordiall and firme as many amongst us feare it is And to say the truth the consideration hereof was the first dawning of hopes I had for the Protestant Intrest and the good of these Countries Now allthough I could mention some more private expostulations and perhaps some of their Articles allthough I could by no means ever procure from either side the knowledge of them all yet I thinke it not fit to mention these but such things onely as are publick and others as well as my self may know if they use their eye-sight and observation Let us then omitting all secrets and mysteries of State which yet are the best grounds to make a judgement when certainely knowne we will onely mention such things as are publickly apparent but being not considered in subordination to Reasons of State were unusefull to the most for the end I have observed them When all Europe stood in doubt what England would doe and all men on their tiptoes with expectation to see whether War or Peace betwixt that Kingdome and these Countries upon the Smyrna's Fleet returne the doubts of many were then decided The Saturday morning early after the fight the Fiscale sent his footman to tell me they had fought with some generalls thereof and that the Fleet was before the Land I must confes I stood amazed at Holmes's furious folly who had orders onely to bring them up not to commence a War the Declaration thereof being not published allthough to those that would not submit to such orders it was all one in effect though not in formalities which are the greatest plea that I know of that the English have for that Action Upon this I began to consider the Reasons of State as to England both domestick and forreign For I reasoned thus if this friendship be so firme that England will goe through with France in all their great designes I must make other measures then I had formerly done But still finding all Reasons of State against this and those jealousies of changing Religion and the Government in those Kingdoms frivolous as I have demonstrated I found allso thereby stronger grounds of hope for the Protestant Religion and the common Intrest of Europe and that it was onely a temporary friendship out of some particular peake or designe against these Provinces which would have an end when satisfaction therein was given to that Crowne Whilst I am busy in ballancing all the Reasons of State for those Kingdoms and likewise for their Intrest abroad as comprehensively as I could the Protestants Intrest the Triple Alliance the greatnes of France the danger of England c. comes the English Declaration of War to mine hands but without a particular date contrary to practise but wisely to colour what Holmes had done Which having diligently perused what I desired first to see I found last to my great satisfaction and that is that they would support the peace made at Aix la Chappelle or Aken and notwithstanding the prosecution of this War will maintaine the true intent and scope of the said Treaty and that in all their Alliances which they have or shall make in the progres of this War they have and will take care to preserve the ends thereof inviolable unles provoked to the contrary Whereby I was fully confirmed in my former opinion so that I will now proceed to relate such things which have publickly past in the management of this War that are sufficient I thinke to enduce those that are unprejudiced though perhaps not to convince the obstinate to be of the same opinion with my selfe and that the friendship of England and France is not so firme as they have feared Premising that though all States as Gamesters must and will be cautious in their playing their parts yet there appeared still more then ordinary jealousies of each others friendship all along in the management of this War 1. It is observeable that though France is the Principall in the War yet they were so diffident of England that they would have them first to begin it that so they might see them certainly engaged against us 2. When they are both engaged they trust not one another without great Hostages as it were on both sides the French Squadron of Ships with the English and the Duke of Monmouth with the body of an Army with the French 3. That body of the English which doubtles should have remained together under their owne generall Officers conjoyned with the French Armie we know was not trusted by the French so to doe but were mingled here and there under the principall command of the French Generalls 4. The Fleet wherein the English had the principall share of power and command onely faced ours at first in point of Honour yet attacqued them not though they had the wind whereby they might easily have done it at their pleasure and also to their Advantage but stood over againe to the English coast Which fooles thought was want of valour but wise men will judge it reason of State that they might stay and observe what succes the French had by Land And had not we fallen upon them for Reasons of State in those circumstances and Government of these Provines that are well knowne I thinke they would have done as litle as they could for France to have fought us to this day 5. After that fight though they knew severall of our Ships were laid up and some thousands of men called out of the Fleet yet notwithstanding all the Summer after for many weeks they attempted nothing against us with their Fleet. Intending doubtles to doe their owne worke as they then saw France did theirs 6. How the English were startled at the French's coming to Vtrecht was very apparent which we have formerly mentioned 7. Why might not England as well as the rest of the World thinke that Wesel Rijnberg Skenker-sconse and the rest of our strong out Garrisons might give the French sufficient worke and the French on the contrary who had laid their traines before hand know that when they came to fire them there was no feare they would mis and they should faile of having those places Yea why may they not designe by this meanes to breake both our powers so by Sea that they may rise up to contend with either of us I am sure these things are very usuall with Princes and States and examples of this kind are infinite Why may we not then thinke that England might hereby designe to breake France's power by Land and France Englands power and ours also by Sea How often these two Crowns have played such like games with one another formerly when England had sooting in France is apparent from the Histories of both Nations But we will speake of that which more nearly concerns our selves and within our own knowledge In our first War with England I observed what influence Don Alonzo the Resident for Spaine at
into her hands as she was offered the absolut protection of these Provinces But that is not so clear to me nor will be so I think to others who rightly consider the circumstances of those times for we must not judge by the following wherein this Common-wealth grew up beyond all expectation under such Wars as many feared would have been our destruction But yet though she refused for several reasons both of Conscience and State mentioned by Cambden in her Annals A.D. 1575. yet it plainly appears by the forementioned places in Thuanus that rather than the French should she would have done it And could she have foreseen what we have known I am apt to think she would have adventured it although I must tell you it would have been a great venture Spain being both so potent at that time and spightful against her as was quickly after perceived by the Spanish Armado in 88. and besides the enmity of Spain she had thereby incur'd the envy of France infallibly and was uncertain not only of success in the War but of what support of men and money especially the Dutch should be able to contribute for the carrying on the War which was easily foreseen would be long and bloody Nor can any one think that England is not sensible of the danger they are in if we be under France that either considers the Reasons of State or obeserved that which was obvious to every eye and that is how the English was startled at the progress of France What posting was made too and again Was not the Lord Vicount of Hallifax hasted over when they feared their approach to Vtrecht And hearing it was over was not his Grace the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Arlington with several other Commissioners posted after At which time having the honour to wait on my Lord of Hallifax and telling him the Town talk of the D. of Buckingham c. coming through the Fleet and being gone to the Hague he could scarce credit it having not had the least notice thereof they coming away in such haste for fear the French should overrun all And no wonder if we consider the Consequences thereof for England which are so great that they had better lose either Scotland or Ireland And if any English think I overlash I shall desire them first carefully to compute these several particulars and then censure 1. The loss that the King will have in his Customs and the Kingdom in their Trade which neither of those Nations can compensate 2. The constant charges of maintaining a Navy which that Kingdom must be at to maintain their traffick far greater than will secure them against either of those Kingdoms 3. The great injuries they are always liable unto from such potent enemies by Sea as the French and Dutch conjoined more than from the other by Sea and Land 4. The Wars that are likely to fall upon them in a few years both by Sea and perhaps Land also which would prove far heavier than either of those Kingdoms can make with them 5. The hazard they run of being baffled and beat out of their Trade by such a War It is true this is not so easie as many of the Dutch imagine as I have already proved nor yet so difficult much less impossible as perhaps some of the English may fancy I shall not now stand to draw these out of their close order into an open yet if any of the English think me weak in this I have a Reserve which I think will sufficiently secure me from being routed It will be said to me why then should England commence this War Truly let me say it freely for I know it that the scale of War very hardly cast that of peace and the difference was so small that it came upon two or three grains only I have weighed this as exactly as I possibly could first distinguishing pretexts from real causes and then distinctly considering these one by one There were these 5 variously discoursed of His Majesties designing to introduce the Popish Religion to alter the government of those Kingdoms to revenge himself upon us to advance the Prince of Orange and the Interest of the Kingdom of England For the two first which made the loudest noise in some mens mouths I soon found them frivolous and only calumnies cast out by his enemies at home and abroad to make the King odious and his People jealous As to that of changing Religion I have formerly shewn and I think sufficiently that he neither will nor can if he would effect it As for the 2d I considered the Kings years as being past any such youthful and vain ambition his being destitute of a Child that can challenge the Crown his former miseries and sufferings by War and his wisdom too great to set upon a design so wholly impracticable especially in England and Scotland For by the constitution of his Kingdoms though he have the Militis for the execution of the Laws authority without power being a vain scare crow and insufficient to suppress the audacious exorbitances of the multitude yet the people have the purse to ballance that power and whence then would he pay his Armies Nor let any one stop me with saying the Long Parliament contested with his Father for the Militia for that was only temporary they challenging it only for that time of the danger they apprehended in the Kingdom and not as their constant right and not belonging to the Crown as may be seen by those who will rightly read their Declarations which they published to the world concerning that War collected and printed together by Husbands at London 1642. And besides this a Parliament in being though not sitting which hath some kind of radical power though not to be exerted but when legally congregated But suppose them dissolved it being in the Kings power to do it at his pleasure yet hath he not the City of London on his back and both Kingdoms about him to oppose him especially considering that the jealousie of Popery would be taken into the quarrel And what Ministers of State durst suggest such designs they know well the maxim of the Commons and their practice as the great means of preserving their freedom is to ruine such as would infringe their Liberty And that they are so jealous of and zealous for their rights herein that some of them still have the courage and resolution to venture their own heads to break the necks of such men and such defigns as would prejudice their Priviledges I have observed in the Histories of former times and in my own time also that there were seldom any of the noblest Stags of State how much soever imparked in the Kings favour and how strongly soever impaled with power but if the Commons of England singled him out and set upon him though he might hold them at an abay for some time yet they still hunted him down at last And for the King to think of making himself