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A35931 The royalist's defence vindicating the King's proceedings in the late warre made against him, clearly discovering, how and by what impostures the incendiaries of these distractions have subverted the knowne law of the land, the Protestant religion, and reduced the people to an unparallel'd slavery. Dallison, Charles, d. 1669. 1648 (1648) Wing D138; ESTC R5148 119,595 156

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can be expected Thirdly the Composier of these Members being two distinct bodies considered it is as prepostrous for them to command the Militia as to have the Soveraigne power of Government or to judge the Law It may fall out even in the time of greatest danger that one House shall Vote to fight the other not to fight the enemy And this difference may happen to be unreconciled untill the Nation be conquered or destroyed Thus it appears that the Members have no power over the Militia It now rests to prove that it is the Kings right which is made good by authority and reason First for authority it is proved by constant practise which is not onely the strongest proof in our Law but it is the Law it selfe We have no formall Institution of the Common Law it is no other but common Ancient and frequent use For example it is felony to steale it is not felony of death unlesse the thing stolen exceede the value of twelve pence These are things so certainly knowne and so generally received for Law as that any man to dispute them renders himself ridiculous yet being denied none can shew when the Law began how or by what authority it was made there is no other proof to make it good but custome and use So for the Militia of the Kingdome it was never estated upon the King by Act of Parliament or by any other constitution It is His right by the Common Law of England which is made good by custome and use and authorities of bookes And first for custome and use Any man of what quality or ranke soever he be reflecting upon his owne memory and observation must acknowledge that in all his time no Souldiers were impressed armed arrayed or mustered no Forts strong-holds or ●●rrisons held or commanded no Commanders Officers or Souldiers Imployed by Land or Sea no Commissions concerning War either Forraigne or Domestick or concerning the administration of Justice but by authority derived from the King alone And such as search the Records in former times will finde the like practise in all ages And with this agrees all Histories and stories from this day upward unto the Roman Conquest Then for authorities and to begin with Acts of Parliament Magna Charta granted about 440. years since not onely being the first Statute but beyond it there is scarce an authentick record of Law at this day to be found In which Act it is thus declared by King Hen. 3. viz. And if We do lead or send him who is by tenure to defend a Castle in an Army he shall be free from Castle-guard from the time that he shall be with us in fee in our Host for the which he hath done service in our Wars Thus even in that Instrument whereby the King confirmed unto the people their Liberties It appears that by the Laws of the Land the power of War was the Kings sole right By an other Statute made 7. of King Ed. 1. being the son and next succeeding King to H. 3. The Prelates the Earles the Barons and the Comonalty of the Realme Assembled in Parliament declared that to the King it belongeth and His part is through His Royall Signiorie straightly to defend force of armour other force against the Kings peace at all times when it shall please Him And to punish them which shall do contrary according to the Laws and usages of the Realme And that they the Subjects are hereunto bound to aid their Soveraigne Lord the King at all seasons when need shall be After this by severall Acts of Parliament viz. 13. of the same King 1 Ed. 3. 25 Ed. 3. 4 H. 4. 5 H. 4. and other Statutes it is declared how and in what manner the Subject shall be charged with armes mustered arraied and forced to serve in War In all which Acts without dispute the whole power and command therein is admitted to be in the King By a Statute made 11 H. 7. The Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament declare it to be the duty and Allegeance of the Subjects of England not onely to serve their Prince and Soveraigne Lord for the time being in Wars but to enter and abide in service in battaile and that both in defence of the King and the Land against every Rebellion power and might reared against him By a Statute made 2 Edw. 6. in the Raigne of a child King The Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament declare that it is the bounden duty of the Subjects to serve their Prince in War By a Statute made 4 and 5 P. M. In the Raigne of a Woman the Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament declare thus viz. That whereas heretofore commandement hath been given by the Queen and her Progenitors Kings of England to diverse persons to muster their Subjects and to levy them for the service of their Majesty and this Realme in their Wars which service saith the Statute hath been hindred by persons absenting themselves from Musters and by being released for rewards And then provides remedy therein when the Queen her Heirs or successors shall authorize any to muster the people And by that late unanimous and voluntary recognition made by the Lords and Commons in Parliament unto King James they declared thus viz. We being bound thereunto both by the Lawes of God and Man doe recognize and acknowledge and thereby expresse our unspeakable Joyes That immediately upon the death of Queen Elizabeth the imperiall Crowne of the Realme of England did by inherent birth-right and lawfull and undoubted succession descend and come to your most Excellent Maj. that by the goodnesse of Almighty God your Maj. is more able to Governe us your Subjects in Peace and plenty then any of your Progenitors And thereunto we most humbly and faithfully submit and oblige our heires and posterities for ever untill the last drop of our blouds be spent Now every man of sense will agree that the opinion of the Members of this Parliament is no more authentique then the opinions of the Lords and Commons Assembled in former Parliaments And that being granted it followeth that any one of the aforementioned Statutes whereby the Lords and Commons declare That by the Law of the Land the power of the Militia is in the King is so much the more weighty and so much more to be relyed upon in this point of the Militia then the opinion of these Members by how much more persons are competent to determine a question concerning another then to judge their own case or when they resolve for or against themselves But these Members setting aside their owne Votes in this their own case for their own advantage cannot make their pretence to the Militia good by any one Authority Opinion Practise or President But this not all These Westminster men themselves even this Parliament have both in their Ordinances as they call them and Petitions acknowledged the Militia to be the
when the Law is only declared by Act of Parliament If the King and the two Houses declare that it is not by the Common Law of England Treason to kill or to attempt to kill the King the Queen or Prince or that it is not felony to steale or the like such declarations are of no effect they ought not they do not they cannot conclude the Judges And as every Statute may be judged by them whether it be binding or void so the meaning of the words thereof must be by the Judges expounded too It is the true sense which is the Law not the bare letter and this exposition is likewise the office of the Judges as is said before For example by a Statute made 1 Eliz. it is enacted that all leases made afterwards by any Bishop of his Church-lands exceeding 21. years or three lives shall to all intents and purposes be judged void and yet it hath been adjudged both in the Kings Bench and in the Common Pleas that a lease for an hundred years is not void against that Bishop himselfe who was lessor wherein the Judges expound the meaning of the Law-makers to be thus that their intent was onely for the benefit of the Successours not to releive any man against his owne Act therefore such leases made after the Statute exceeding twenty one years or three lives are voidable only by the successours if they please and adjudged not void against the lessour himselfe contrary to the expresse words of the Statute And in like manner are other infinite Acts of Parliament expounded by the Judges wherein it is a maxime in Law that their exposition of Statutes ought to be according to the rules of the Common Law by which it appears the Members are not the interpreters for they know not the rules of the Law Besides the Parliament cannot be the finall expounders of Statutes for these reasons 1. It appears before that it is not the bare letter but the true sence and meaning of the words which is the Law And the King and the two Houses cannot declare the meaning of those words but by Act of Parliament they cannot saith our Law otherwise speake what ever they Act or doe in any other way is extrajudiciall if the King and both Houses unanimously deliver an opinion without reducing it to an Act of Parliament concerning the meaning of a former Statute it is of no more nor greater force or effect then for the Judges of a Court of judicature to give their opinions in a point of Law in a case not judicially depending before them such an opinion binds not nor is pleadable in a Court of Justice And besides the absurd inconvenience and the impossibility to have an Act of Parliament to determine every question arising upon Statutes it may so happen as that the King and the two Houses can never give an end to one controversie For example suppose an Act be made to explaine the meaning of former Statute ambiguously penned the words of this Act must have a meaning too and may admit of severall interpretations as well as the former Act did and severall persons as they are therein concerned may differ in the exposition thereof and so irreconcileable as not to be ended without the authority of a Judge and this may fall out upon every Act of explanation upon explanation in infinitum and consequently by that way there cannot to the end of the world be a finall determination of the difference 2. The validity of every Statute and the exposition thereof at the will of every person concerned may regularly be brought before the Judges of the Law but cannot judicially depend before the Parliament For example every Statute is binding or void if binding it concerns the Subject in his person or estate and when it is put in execution the ministers or actors therein may at the will of him interrupted thereby be sued in the Court of Common Pleas or in some other Court of Justice by an action of trespasse by which suite what ever the Act of Parliament is both the validity of the Statute and the meaning of the words thereof is submitted to the Judges of that Court and to their judgement As suppose this case to arise upon the foresaid Statute of 23 H. 6. that one who hath continued Sheriff above one year by vertue of a Writ directed to the Sheriff of the same County doth arrest the body of A. who for this brings his action of trespasse in the Common Pleas in which the Sheriff justifies by vertue of the Writ A. replies pleads the Statute and shewes that the year was ended before the arrest upon which the Sheriff demurs in Law by these pleadings the whole fact is confessed on both sides the Sheriff doth acknowledge his year was out before the arrest and A. confesseth the arrest was by vertue of the Kings Writ directed to the Sheriff and so the question being matter of Law it is to be determined by the Judges of that Court wherein the sole doubt is whether that Statute be binding or void for if binding judgement ought to be given for the plaintife A. because the Statute being good the defendant was not Sheriff after his year ended when he made the arrest and so had no authority if void it ought to be given for the Sheriff for then the Law is not by it altered and so he was Sheriff at the time of the arrest although his year was out Now in this case no man can deny but that the Judges must give judgement else the Court of Common Pleas which were absurd to imagine hath not power to determine an action of trespasse and judgement being given as in this case it ought to be for the Sheriff because it is already resolved and received for a knowne truth that the foresaid Statute binds not the King this duty of the Subject to serve the King in person saith the booke being due by the Law of nature cannot be severed by Act of Parliament it is finall And so if it were enacted that a Member of the Commons House or any other subject by name should not be condemned or punished for murder who afterwards commits the fact for which being arraigned at the Kings Bench bar he pleades the Statute the Judges even against the expresse words and intent of that Act ought to give sentence of death And contrariwise if by Act of Parliament it were enacted that all Pardons for felony to be granted by the King should be judged void after which a subject commits felony obtaines the Kings pardon for it is arraigned at the bar and pleads this pardon it ought to be allowed being duely pleaded and the Justices in such case ought not to condemne but to acquit the prisoner And these judgements as to any appeale to the Parliament are finall they cannot be brought before the King and the two Houses by any suite or action at Law They cannot judicially determine any
Kings right Besides it is resolved in our books of Law that if all the people of England should break a League with a forraign Prince without the Kings consent the League were not broken And consequently by the Judgement of the Law the sole power of the Militia is in the King And with this agrees all the Authorities both of our Books of Law and History It was never for the space of 1700. yeares past questioned or disputed untill now by these Vsurpers injuriously wrested from the Crowne But the Members in the name of the Lords and Commons upon serious consideration have lately Voted to this effect That the Militia hath been long debated in black and red letters and that God hath now given his Verdict on their sides That however the English men please themselves with their Magna Charta and because their Lives and Estates are not at the Kings Will and for that He cannot make Lawes or raise money without consent in Parliament All this say they signifies nothing if the Militia be in the King for by that say the Members He may destroy the People For say the Members if there be a true intention to leave unto the People their knowne rights that no Law be made or Money levied to maintaine the Militia without their consent in Parliament It cannot inable Him to do the Kingdom effectually any good alone But may serve to make Him capable alone to do them hurt Answer Every man may be satisfied these men have spoke what they can to maintaine this their pretended Right yet these their Votes being duely examined every indifferent person will thereby rather think that the Devill himself who hath long owed them a shame hath now paid that debt then by these Votes be drawn to believe the Members Doctrine First for their supposed Verdict to be given by God himself Their Argument therein is sutable to that of the Jewes and Turks whose examples and presidents I presume they follow The Jewes even to this day audaciously scoffe and taunt us Christians for receiving Christ Jesus for our Messias because upon the Crosse he being required by them to manifest his authority by saving himself and thereupon then offering to believe his Doctrine which he did not Therefore the wicked Jewes concluded they could not And the Turkes for the space of 1000. yeares past to make good their Doctrine of Mahomet and their claime to be the only Monarch of the World much insult upon the Christians for their Victories obtained against them whereby we cannot deny but they doe possesse amongst infinite other Kingdomes and Countries wrested from Christian Kings the places both of the Birth and Passion of our Saviour And upon this the Turks infer that God hath Judged the cause for them against the Christians Now that difference which is to be found between the Arguments of the Jews and Turks and these of the Zelots at Westminster renders the latter to be the greater Blasphemous They althoughly wickedly protesting against Christ pursued their Conscience Neither Turk nor Jew for any thing appeares did know or believe Christ to be the Saviour of the World These hypocritically make use of the name of God himself and to establish themselves in their usurped possessions with insolent boldnesse call him to testifie nay affirme that God in this point of the Militia hath given his Verdict for them and against the King which themselves doe not only know but have acknowledged to be the Kings Right And having with this semblance of sanctity prepared the People with this forged Verdict Then they Vote reasons to perswade the vulgar That for the King to have the Militia tends to their destruction but that Authority being placed in the Members the people are if we may believe them secured from harme But of their owne shewing the expresse contrary Appeares First they tell us as the truth is that by the Laws of England the King hath not power by himself alone to tax or impose payments of money upon the Subject therefore say they mark this consequence so long as the Law is therein observed the Kings having of the Militia is not effectuall to the Kingdome Hence it followeth by the Members own Argument that if the King had an Arbitrary power then the Militia were his own So that by the Members Doctrine none but Tyrants have title to the power of the Sword which I confesse is a foundation aptly laid for their own structure All the world will witnesse for them that in point of Tyranny the malice of man with the advise and assistance of all the devils in hell cannot out-strip them Let the Members search Histories and Stories Presidents and Examples from the first Creation untill this Parliament and not onely of this Nation but throughout the face of the whole Earth and I defie the most vigilant amongst them to finde one Tyrannicall act which these Members since their usurpation upon the King have not done or audatiously claimed by the Law of the Land to have power to execute Thus appeares the different condition of the people concerning the Militia under the Kings Government and this under the Members By that under the King whilst the people submit unto their lawfull Superiors and obey the just Sentence of Law there is no need of the power of the Sword for the King neither hath nor claimes Authority by the Militia to force his Subjects to make payment of money or to doe any one thing more or otherwise then the known Law commands We are not Governed by the Will of the King but under Him according as the Law of the Land directs And the use of the Militia is no other then to preserve the Law And therefore in case of disobedience to compell submission thereunto wherein the power of the Sword that is the Militia is as necessary as the Law it self for as the people cannot be protected in their persons lives or estates without the Law so that Law is fruitlesse where there wants power to put it in execution Hence it followeth even by reason it selfe that he who hath the Soveraign power of Government hath as an incident inseperable unto it the power of the Sword And by our Law the King hath the Soveraignty From him as before appeares is due to the people protection of their persons and Estates That by the Lawes of England is implyed in the word King And so the word Subject implies a duty in the people to assist their King And as this duty is reciprocall between King and Subject so the performance thereof is equally beneficiall to both And if either faile in their duty both King and People are destroyed Therefore to deny our King the Militia of the Realme is no lesse an absurdity then to appoint a Generall of an Army with commands to fight an approaching Enemy and to deny that Generall use of Armes and power to command his Souldiers But on the other side to give
name of King and Parliament and all such as have acted therein or adhered thereunto are guilty of Treason p. 100. CHAP. X. That the Subjects of this Nation are not only commanded from doing violence to the Kings Person or prejudice to His authority but are obliged with their lives and fortunes to assist and preserve His person and just rights from the fury of His enemies both forraigne and domestick p. 112. CHAP. XI That those persons at Westminster who call themselves The Parliament of England are not the two Houses nor Members of the Parliament p. 113. CHAP. XII Results upon the premises That the people of England under the government of the King according to the Laws of the Realme are a free Subject p. 125. CHAP. XIII That the people of England under the government claimed by the Members of the two Houses are absolute slaves p. 128. CHAP. XIV How the Subjects of England were brought into this slavery p. 132. CHAP. XV. The way how to restore the people unto their former Liberty p. 135. The Preamble or Introduction to the insuing Discourse wherein are contained the Motives which induced the Authour to take up Armes for the KING against the Forces raised by command of the Members of the two Houses of PARLIAMENT WHen the unhappy difference between His Majesty and the two Houses began to appear I endeavoured to satisfie my self of the cause thereof which I found to be thus The Members formed a 〈◊〉 concerning the Militia of the Kingdome to this effect viz. That certain persons by them therein named shall have power to Call together Muster and Arme all the people of the Kingdome and Conduct them into any part of the Realme to suppresse rebellious Insurrections or Invasions in such sort as the Members without the King shal signifie this power to continue so Long and no longer then those Members please and disobedience therein to be punished by the Members and none else This being presented to the King He refused to confirm it with His Royall Assent The Members thereupon stiling it An Ordinance of Parliament without the King declared it a Law By which in words not onely the Militia of the Kingdome and the Government of the Realm was taken from the Crowne and removed to the Members but an Arbitrary power usurped by them to signifie and declare what Facts were Rebellion and what not and accordingly by pretext and colour thereof caused the people to be Arrayed Armed and Mustered And so in effect the Kings Sword and Scepter wrested out of His hands by His owne Subjects And further the Members pretending the King not consenting to that Law was Evil-counselled by like Ordinances raised Armies appointed the Earl of Essex their Generall authorized them by War to Kill and slay their fellow Subjects and to remove from the King those pretended bad Counsellours The King by His Proclamation inhibited all Persons from adhering unto them and required His Subjects obedience unto Him their King Hereupon I seriously bethought my self whether I was obliged herein to obey the King or the Members and resolved the Laws of England ought to be my guide which I found to be thus That this Nation is governed by a known Law that Law expounded by the Judges of the Realme Those Judges appointed and authorized by the King our only Supream Governor unto whom alone all the people of England are obliged in point of Soveraignty and Government to submit themselves Then I considered in whom the power of the Militia was before the making of the aforesaid Ordinances Secondly 〈◊〉 ●●…teration those Ordinances made For the first I found that the Militia of the Kingdome by the known Law was inherently in the King For the latter that no New Law can be made or the Old changed but by the King with the assent of the two Houses of Parliament And finding the King therein to dis-assent I did without scruple resolve the law was not altered therefore the Militia still in the Crown and consequently that it was my duty herein to obey the Kings Command not the Members Then I considered what was the offence of a Subject to joyne with those Forces raised by the Members which I found to be the crime of High Treason And lastly it being the duty of every Subject not onely to decline opposing his Soveraigne but to assist Him against all disloyall actions I took up Armes for Him and in His defence in this War Since which I have met with some Objections against these my proceedings which with my Answers to them I have set down in this ensuing Discourse And first concerning the grounds of the Law CHAP. I. That the Lawes of England consist in generall customes particular Customes and Acts of Parliament MOst evident it is that from the subduing of this Nation by the Romans which is about 1700 years agoe the people of this Realme have been governed by a Monarchicall power first under the Roman Emperours then under the Saxons awhile under the Danes again under the Saxons and lastly under the Norman Conquerour and his Progeny untill this day yet by what particular Laws those former Kings governed no authentick Author beyond the time of William the Conquerour doth make it appear But certain it is after that Conquerour had in a Battle slaine Harold and vanquished his Army which is neer 600 years since the people of this Nation submitted unto him as King of England who being in possession of the Crown agreed to Govern by known Laws Now whether those were new Laws introduced or the old continued as to this purpose is not materiall But by that very same Law as by severall Acts of Parliament it appeareth divers of his Successours Kings calling unto them for their advice such of their Subjects as they thought fit by Acts of Parliament made new Laws and changed the old but succeeding Kings since that have herein limited themselves insomuch as by the Constitutions of the Realme as now it is setled the Law of England consists in these three particulars 1. Generall Customes as thus the eldest Son to Inherit his Fathers Land the Wife to enjoy a Third part of her Husbands Inheritance for her Dower these and such like are generally Law throughout the Kingdome therefore called the Common Law 2. Particular Customes as thus in some places the yongest Son in other places all Equally Inherit their Fathers Land these and such like are particular Customes being fixed to particular places and by antient constant and frequent use is become Law there although not generally throughout the Kingdome 3. Acts of Parliament made by the King with the assent of the two Houses All which together that is to say The Common Law particular Customes and Acts of Parliament make the Law of England By this Law all men are protected in their Persons and Estates wherein there is no difference between King and People for neither King nor Subject hath or can justly
Prince 2. To violate the Queen the Kings eldest daughter unmarried or his eldest sons wife 3. To leavy War against the King or to adhere unto His enemies giving them aid or comforts in this Realme or elsewhere 4. To counterfeit the Kings Great Seale the Privy Seale or His money 5. To bring false money into this Realme counterfeit to the money of England 6. To slay the Chancellor Treasurer or the Judges of either Bench the Justices of Eyre of Assize and all other Justices assigned to hear and determine in their places doing their office And then it is enacted in the negative that no other thing shall be judged Treason untill it be declared by the King and His Parliament And accordingly by severall Acts of Parliament some other things have been made Treason viz. 7. To deny the King to be our onely Supreame Governour and so in some other particulars The Members Law herein both Affirmatively and Negatively follow thus 1. That it is not Treason to imagine the death of the King the Queen or Prince 2. That it is not Treason to Levy War against the King to adhere unto His Enemies or to give aide or comforts to them in England or elsewhere 3. That it is not Treason to Counterfeit the Kings Great Seal or His Money 4. That it is not Treason to deny the King to be the Supreame Governour Then for their Doctrine in their Affirmative it followeth thus 1. That it is Treason to endeavour the preservation of the Kings Person from violence 2. That it is Treason for a Subject to aide the King against His Rebellious Subjects Levying War against Him 3. That it is Treason to maintain or affirme that the King is the onely Supreame Governour 4. That it is Treason for any Man to deny the Members their fellow Subjects to have the Soveraigne power of Government 5. That it is Treason for a Subject without leave of the Members to recide or dwell in London But it is not possible to instance in all the particulars of the new Treasons therefore in general the people must know that whatever the Members shall say is Treason They must beleeve it to be Treason Now for the poofs The foresaid Statute doth clearly demonstrate what the known Law is And therewith agrees all the Authorities Judgements and Resolutions of the Law But for the Members their Law is so new as that they cannot look beyond the beginning of this Parliament nor produce any one Judgement Resolution or Opinion to make good any one of their Doctrines And consequently their own fictions Let them speak out and all that they can say for themselves is but thus viz. We have gotten possession of the Kings Revenue we have besides that setled unto our selves a yearly Revenue amounting to at least thrice treble the profits of the Crown of England and which is still more sweet we have the dominion over King and People we have a power unlimited to impose taxes and payments upon whom we please and what summes we thinke fit their persons we have in vassalage and can take away their lives when and for what cause we please for the obtaining whereof we did Levy War against the King we did in that Warre attempt to kill the King the Queen and Prince we did adhere unto His Enemies and gave unto them relief and comforts we have counterfeited the Kings Great Seal and His Money we have and yet doe most barbarously imprison the Kings Person we have subverted both Law and Religion Now for us to confesse the known Law and submit our selves thereunto were no other then to put our necks into the halter Therefore we must of necessity deny the old and forge new Lawes These things considered I suppose every one not particeps criminis in this odious Rebellion will judge it more absolutely necessary for him to endeavour his infranchisement from His slavery then it was for the Members to commit this foul Treason and Rebellion whereby the people are brought to this Vassalage Upon the whole matter clear it is that all those Members of either House of Parliament who consented to the making of any Order or Ordinance for the promoting of this War pretended for King and Parliament and all other persons who have acted therein consented or adhered thereunto are guilty of High Treason CHAP. X. That the Subjects of this Nation are not onely commanded from doing violence to the Kings Person or prejudice to His Authority but are obliged with their lives and fortunes to assist and preserve His Person and Just Rights from the fury of His enemies both forraigne and domestick ALL the people of this Nation are divided thus viz. King and Subject which of it self is proof sufficient to make this good The word King as before appears implies a duty in the King to protect His people and the word Subject a duty in them to assist Him By the Laws of England for a servant to kill his Master is an offence of a higher nature and the punishment for it more severe then for the meanest Subject without such relation of service to kill the greatest Peere for besides the Subordination between them a trust is implyed the breach whereof by an act of that nature by the Lawes of England is petty Treason Besides the Law expects from the servant a personall assistance to preserve his Master from violence or hurt and in that regard the Master being assaulted the servant by the Lawes of England may justifie to resist the assailant in defence of his Masters person And between the King and His Subjects the Subordination and Subjection is of a far higher nature The trust reposed in the Subject and his duty to the King is far more transcendent the King being head of the weal publick By violating his person saith our Law every Member of the Common-wealth suffers Therefore in assisting Him we doe defend our selves He is Pater Patriae we are His naturall born Subjects and so by the Law of nature obliged to preserve Him from injury Now the person of my Soveraigne Leige Lord the King by an unnaturall Warre raised and prosecuted by His owne Subjects being assaulted and Warre made against His Crowne and Dignity And the King having by His Proclamations summoned His Loyall Subjects to assist him upon serious consideration thereof I found that nothing was more clear or pregnant both by Authorities of the books of Law and severall Acts of Parliament by which it is abundantly declared to be our bounden duty to serve the King in His Wars both against forrain invasions domestick insurrections and rebellions Then that I was obliged in duty by the Lawes of this Realm by the Law of Nature by the Law of Reason and by the Law of God even by that precept of Saint Paul in these words viz. Let ' every soul be subject to the higher powers to assist Him against these assaults And upon these grounds I took up Armes for Him and
in His defence against the forces raised by command of the foresaid Members of the two Houses of Parliament CHAP. XI That the persons at Westminster who call themselves the Parliament of England are not the two Houses nor Members of the Parliament IN my foresaid Treatise I have by way of admittance granted these men at Westminster to be the two Houses of Parliament The Houses from their first Assembling to have been compleatly full To have unanimously concurred in Votes and every Member to have consented unto all those horrid things acted in the name of the Parliament And in case it had so fallen out still the Law in every particular before mentioned had been the same That concurrence of the Members had nothing altered the case Therefore sure without dishonouring the two Houses of Parliament injuring in a manner the whole Peereage and the far greater number of the Members duly elected of the Commons House I cannot omit First to expresse the cause of these my admittances Secondly to shew that these men at Westminster who now assume the name and power thereof are so far from being the Parliament of England as that they are neither the two Houses of Parliament nor Members of them For the first had I at the beginning fallen upon these questions whether Members or not Members Houses or no Houses I had thereby barred all further progresse in that my Treatise For if no Houses of Parliament then no dispute can arise what votes or proceedings of the Members are valid and which voide Therefore to introduce these questions viz. what is a Parliament the Authority and use thereof The proper office of either House singly and of both Houses joyntly without the King I granted but that I say only by way of admittance the foresaid persons to be the two Houses of Parliament and to have all powers and authorities due unto those Assemblies Then for the second viz. that these men at Westminster are neither the two Houses nor Members of them is proved thus 1. First clear it is that the essency of a House of Parliament doth not consist meerely in the legall assembling of the Members thereof Besides that it is necessarily required that every Member have liberty to repaire unto the place of sitting And there freely according to his conscience to Vote and deliver his opinion in all things agitated For example a Commission is granted to twenty with power to them or any five or more of them to execute the same Here although five if no more appear have full power Yet if all be present and consenting to act no five nor lesse then the whole twenty have authority So that if nineteen of them injuriously exclude one the proceedings of the nineteen are void which stands with great reason for if nineteen may exclude one eighteen may exclude another And in like manner one by one they may expell each other untill reduced to the last man Besides frequent it is in every Assembly consisting of many where the major part determineth the question For the businesse in dispute of what nature or moment soever to be carried on either side by one voice Therefore injuriously to exclude one single person from Voting is as destructive to Justice as to reject Two Three or more Yet herein let not me be mistaken I grant that either House of Parliament frequently doth and may legally proceede although not compleatly full And that each Assembly hath authority in some cases to suspend particular Members from sitting But I say that whilst either House without lawfull cause wrongfully hinders any one of their fellow Members to sit or freely to Vote with them according to his conscience The rest of the Members of that Assembly what number soever have not Parliamentary authority to proceed in any thing Therefore when a competent number of either House is Assembled all those so met and no lesse I meane without expelling them or any of them or forcing any ones conscience have power to performe the office of that House And the same it is if any one legally returned shall by his fellow-Members be hindered to repaire unto the House Those disturbers do thereby disable themselves to act in that Assembly Now for application to these men at Westminster It cannot be forgotten But that within few dayes after the first meeting of the two Houses the election of many Knights and Burgesses knowne to be honest moderate men were questioned Their persons instantly suspended from sitting but unto this day whether rightfully or wrongfully elected notwithstanding all possible endeavours to obtaine it not suffered to be determined Therefore manifest it is that to be rid of those Members out of the House was the onely cause of such questions and suspensions But that more cleerely appears by the progresse of the businesse For not long after those suspensions by Order of the Commons House every Member of that Assembly whose name had been used in any Patent of Monopoly or acted therein was in words disabled to sit or Vote there And by colour of this Order divers Members were expelled and forced to quit the House For no other cause but for that their names were used in some Patents or grants of the King which grants these Members before and without any legall triall judgement or determination thereof Voted to be void Yet which is a remarkable signe of their injustice their owne babes of grace such of them I meane as the faction could confide in although within the expresse words of that Order and at least as guilty of that fact as any other have ever since been and still are principall Voters there Now if these Members expelled by the foresaid Order were wrongfully expulsed it followeth that the whole Assemby did therby suspend it selfe from acting as the House of Commons And that they were wrongfully expulsed and injuriously debarred sitting or voting there is thus proved No person duly elected and returned of the House of Commons can be lawfully expulsed that House but for such cause as by the Law of the Land he is disabled to sit or Vote there But the cause mentioned in that Order by which those Members were expulsed doth not by the Law of the Land disable any man to sit or Vote in the House of Commons Ergo. To deny the major cannot enter into the heart of any honest English-man That is no lesse then to give unto the greater part of that Assembly at all times an arbytrary power without lawfull cause to expell thence although equally trusted and authorized by King and people with themselves their fellow Members which being admitted unto them it followeth that the peoples power of electing is in effect taken away and consequently no representatives in that House For although it be admitted that after such expulsion the inhabitants shall elect againe The people cannot expect an end of choosing untill returne be made of such as the present prevalent faction likes of And we see almost