forces with all diligence in soe much that had the Scots but avoyded fighting for the space of one month which with great ease they might have done by the advantagious posts whereof in divers places throwgh which they had marched they Could have had their choise by a good entrenchment which at other tymes was observed they sufficiently understoode the forces of the four Provinces I have named would have in that tyme composed a solid body of an army more considerable for Nomber and in all other regards then that of the Scots amounted to Besides those of the easterne assotiation were fully and unanimously resolved to rife Cornwell Devon Somerset and Dorset the like and wanted only a month or six weeks tyme in sine the whole nation was prepared as to the same end and were in the way towards it when the strange and allmost wonderfull defeat of the Scots army by Cromwells not consisting of halfe their nomber broake all other measures which had been taken upon that fowndation by concert some months before As they had neglected what I have allready mentioned touching encampment soe when they came to fight as if there had been a fatallity both in the conduct and success they neither made use of the great advantages of their nomber their army haveing been soe ranged that the greatest halfe of their troupes never came to fight nor profited themselves of that benefit of the choyse of grownd and other commodities which a defensive army may have against an enemy whoe attacques it which owght allways to be held in cheife consideration by all experienced and Provident soldiers But to cease from all further reflexions that army was unfortunately beaten and soe totally dissipated that it was not believed that 5000. of them ever returned to Scotland this miscarriage and misforture stifled divers great designes abortively upon the point of their production and cut of others which were begun before they Could come to any maturity Haveing been at that tyme privy to all the designes and measures formed and taken in that conjoncture and in those transactions as likewise actively industrious in the contriving and advancing of moste of them which according to humane Judgment I was fully persuaded could not have fayld of the end where unto they were directed of the Kings liberty and happy restauration both for himselfe his porsterity and subjects His late Ma tie was out of the hands of his enemies the King now raigning escaped out of England the Parliaments whole fleet leaving them returned to their obedience to their Souveraigne the Scots entered into ye heart of England with the formed body of an army of twenty thowsand men risings in severall places an universall and well formed resolution throwgh the whole nation to doe the same and upon the very point of being put in execution one great and indeed unreasnable errour and twoe or three others not much less which to avoyd tediousness as well as for other reasons I mention not ruined all and shortly after the whole fabrique of Gouverment causing such a violent and Generall Conflagration as I fear even to this day has never been totally extinguished but as fyer hid in the cavernes of the earth is often subject to make very dangerous irruptions The Scotch army totally defeated Cromwell Marched towards Scotland all other parties in England which had declared for his Ma tie were easily dissipated and all places sudainly reduced the humane cause of this extraordnary and most un apprehended ruine of the Scots forces was attributed to the secret correspondence which was more then believed to have been betwixt some of the dissenting clergy which were much the greatest nomber with other of the nobillity whoe had opposed most violently that expedition into England and Cromwell As likewise to the great influence they had upon a considerable part of that army which was knowne to some and had very convincing appearences to all both from their extraordinary conduct in suffering themselves to be constrained to fight against their wills and contrary to the common interest of the Cause they had in hand and when they engaged soe Improvidently to have ordered the business as not to have browght halfe their army to fight as likewise from the transactions and accord betwixt Cromwell and that partie of the Scotch when he came upon their borders The whole face of things being thus unexpectedly changed the more severe part of the Presbitereans whoe had not long before concurred with the armies partie in both houses to the vote of non adresses to the King apprehending when it was to late the danger of the totall subversion of the antient Gouverment of the three Nations by theise allmost prodigeous successes of the army changed their mindes forsooke the army party and joyning themselves to the moderate Presbitereans whoe in truth and reallity were strong Protestants but no Presbitereans were by much the more numerous in both houses nullified the former resolution of non adresses to the King and agreed to a speedy treaty with him hopeing to have concluded it before Cromwells army Could March southward and joyne with Fairefax soe to have browght his Ma tie with freedome Honour and safety to London to have voted all the Generall officers commissions voyde to have employd others in their charges and at the same tyme to have raysed a niew army in and about London by which means it was hoped all parties would have agreed together whoe were frends to the antient Gouverment and to the lawes of the Nation which were undoubtedly nine parts of ten in all three Kingdomes A day was prefixed for the beginning of the treaty forty days limited for its continuation thowgh that it was belived it would have been concluded in ten throwgh the necessity of the interests on both sides Which had it been I am confident the King had been happily restored and a multitude of Calamities prevented which ensued at and since his death and as may be feared are not yet soe entirely ended as wise and honest men may wish Artickles were drawne up and Commissioners sent away with them to the Isle of wight About which tyme M r. William Moray then of the bedchambre to his Royale Highness whoe was permitted to be about the King during the treaty wrote me word that his Ma tie had commanded him to let me know that if I Could come into England either by permission of the Parliament where the Presbitereans had at that tyme the power or secretly my negotiations at that conjoncture with those whoe had formerly had communication with me about his affaires and my advertisements to him might be of great use As soone as I had received the letter without much ballancing concerning the danger which I exposed my selfe to I repayred to flushing hired a fisher boate of expressly haveing desguised my selfe as much as I could arriving in twoe days at London where I remayned secretly during the treaty Very shortly after haveing spoaken
Generall in the West for the Parlament but after the Battaile of Stratton reduced to the Gouvernment of that Citty 4. The first day wee came before it the Enemy despising our small Number sillied out with a very considerable party but was vigorously repulsed beaten and some of their out worcks and the south subburbs possessed which by reason of our want of Amunition and our few forces wee quitted of our own accord very many of their men where killed and taken prisoners The siege continued about twoe months the Parlement endeavoured twice to succour it once by land from plimouth and Dartmouth which where surprised in their march beaten and totally Dissipated Secondly by sea with the Parlaments fleet commanded by the Earl of Warwich having two thowsand souldiers aboarde which he designed to land at Apsom under the favour of his Cannon but was prevented by our sinking the night before divers vessels with stones in the Channel He endeavoured to land at other places on the strand in his long Botes but was always repulsed with loss one of his ships was fired by us another so raked through by our Cannon that they were Constrayned to fire it themselves not able to bring it of 5. About this time Bristol was taken by the Kings forces Prince Maurits arrived before Exeter with about 3000 Cornish foote and some horse having viewed all the quarters and Approches resolved on an Attaque by the south gate which was Committed to Colonel Chudly and mee with 2000 men the manner left to our selves at the place where wee intended to fall on the enemy had twoe out guards advanced from the southgate the distance of musquet shot of about 3 or 400 men with a line of communication from the port to the out works which wee could perceive was but slightly mand wee resolved with fire locks and Pikemen with pistols by their sydes that light matches should not discover our designe to march silently an hower before break of day to assault the line jointly by way of surprise he on the left hand neat the outguarde I on the right neer the port hopeing thereby if success full to cut of the retreat of the Enemy which wee did by this meanes all in the out work were either killed or taken Whereupon wee Lodged our selves under the wall reasnably wel couvered soe neer the port that they durst not attempt à sally in this condition and consternation they beat a parley desired a treaty sent out hostages Sir Richard Cave and I were employed to treat and had the place rendered even on our owne tearmes 6. Having refreshed the Army twelve or fourteen days the Prince marched to Dartmouth though late in the year to begin a siege before the several Quarters were fully fixed his Highness the Earl of Marborow General of the Artillery c. and Major General Basset fell all three at one time dangerously sick which caused disorder and delay the greatest part of the Officers were inclined to raise the siege and retire the Army into Winter-quarters Sir Richard Cave Colonel Chudley and my selfe opposed it and wrote to My Lord Berkeley who was Gouvernour as well or the Province as of Exeter to come to the Army at whose arrival resolution was taken to attacque the Town in two places Colonel Chudley and my selfe were ordered as at exeter to assault one post in divers places he entered the first beat the Enemy out of some Workes but being unfortunately killed his Troupes were repulsed those I commanded entered likewise drove them from all their outworks which was their chief strenght in that quarter and commanded the Towne which immediately treated and rendered whereof Colonel Seymour was made Gouvernour 7. Towards the end of October the King sent order to my Lord Berckely to dispatch mee with my own Regiment and what other troupes he could spare with all expedition to joyne with my Lord Hoptons Army for the relief of Basing then besieged by Sir William Waller I was immediately sent away with a Brigade of Foot consisting of his Lordships Sir William Courtenays not he of Devonshire but another of the same name Sir John Acklands Colonel Strangeways and my own Regiment with three troupes of Horse I joyned my Lord Hoptons Army Basing was relieved Waller retired incamped advantagiously under Farnham Castel General Hopton followed him presented him Battaile the one would not dislodge nor the other attacque him as he lay the day following a Councel of war was held about the beginning of December where it was resolved that the Amy should separate into four Brigades and retire to Winter-quarters one with my Lord Hopten to Winchester another under Sir Charles Vavasour to Alsford a third commanded by Colonel Boles to Alton the fourth with mee to Petersfield the Horse were divided accordingly a party with every Brigade of Foote whereof I had with mee Sir Edward Stowels Regiment of Cavallery Sir Edward Fords Sir Edward Bishops four Troupes of my Lord Bellasis his Regiment commanded by his Major Bovel with the three Troupes which came with mee out of Devonshire One present at the Councel declared his opinion that it was dangerous to divide the Army into so many open quarters whilest Sir William Wallers remained in one entire Bodie since he could in one night as his custome was to march force any of the neerest to him before the others could be advertised joine and succour the quarter aetacqued this comming from a verry youngman was neglected as of no moment though the consequence ten days after made it appeare as one of Cassandra's predictions which though always true were never believed till accomplished or pastremedy 8. Four of five days after my Lord Berkeley arrived at my quarter from Oxford bringing with him Sir William Butler his Regiment of Horse with the Kings commands to march incontinently towards Arundel to take it if possible I marched all tuesday with the Horse and as many Musquetiers as I could mount being favoured by a great mist without any discovery about four of the clock wednesday morning wee surprised and forced the Towne the greatest part of the Enemie retired into the Castel which was rendered the Saturday following when my foote came up that the Souldiers should goe whither they would leaving all Armes and Amunition both of war and mouth having in three or four days given the necessary orders touching the defence of the Town and Castel I left Sir Edward Ford there with 400. Foote marching all night with the rest at the instances of Sir William Butler whom his Majestie had made Sherif of Kent hoping to have taken Bramber Castel but were prevented by Colonel Morley and Sir Michael Livesie who had possessed themselves of the place and passage over the River with about 2000. Men out of Kent whilest I was seeking another forde where I might pass the River with more conveniencie then in the face of the Enemy my Lord Hopton by an Express sent mee advertisement that the General Waller
at the end of about 14. days his horse broke through Eastward under Lieutenant General Balfourd the Foote disputed their post a while and then capitulated to leave their Arms Collours Artillerie Ammunition and Bagage and to march away with cudgels onely Essex embarqued himself at Foy this blemished his reputation and shortly after lost him the Generalat 15. The King marched towards Oxford in his way thither was forced to the second battaile of Newbury were his Armie was something unfortunate and had been more soe if the jealousies or rather the Diametrally opposite principles and aimes of the Chiefs of the Enemie had not at that time in some kinde favoured his Majestie 16. The Winter following the whole model of the Parliaments Militie was changed the Earles of Manchester Essex and General Waller put out Fairfax made General Cromwel Leutenant General and the officers and souldiers composing the Niew Armie for the most part if not all at Cromwels devotion almost all confiderable persons of the Presbiterean partie put out The King had for the following somer assembled rather a good then a great Armie betwixt which despising the new model and that of the Parliament was fought that fatal battaile of Naesby where his Majestie lost his Armie and as the unfortunate consequence thereof not long after his Crown and Life 17. The King being returned to Oxford the Winter following employ'd me to London Sir John Bamfield haveing procured me a pass to returne thither to penetrate as far as was possible into the designes of the two parties in the Parliament in relation to his Majesties Person and Authoritie I wanted neither means nor assiduitie to performe what I was commanded I found the one very severe in their principles as wel to the Civile as Ecclesiastical Gouvernment the other which was influenced entirely by Cromwel resolved and labouring to change and destroye both I clearly sawe by Joyning with the first the roote of monarchy was to be preserved and did believe the branches would againe growe out to trust the latter I saw no reasnable ground what ever the specious pretences of some amongst them were in their secret Correspondency with persons of great quality and no less credit about the King 18. The Bulke of the party and the leading men as I knew always sayd and writ both to the King himselfe and divers others of the greatest quality some whereof yet live were resolved upon an entire subversion of monarchie and the Establishment of a new Gouernment 19. Having as I thought light sufficient to make these twoe points as Clear as by a Mathematical demonstration I desguised my selfe in my Groomes Clothes and went with the Tame Carrier to that Towne and thence on foote to Oxford where I Entered in the Evening without being knowne to any onely the Captaine of the guard caused me to be brought to Sir Thomas Glemham who was then Gouvernour but I was so disguised that he knew me not I tould him in private that I came from London about some affayres which Concerned his Majestie desiring him to appoint me to some convenient place where I might be private and that he would send one of his servants to M r. Oudart who at that tyme was Under-Secretary to Sir Edward Nicolas principale Secretary of State to come to me which he Immediately did and returned forthwith to acquaint the King with my arival who sent him back with his commands to put the heads of what I had to say to him in wryting that he might have time to consider of it and would speak with me at large the night following in the day it being almost impossible without discovery 20. Accordingly about eight of the clock the next evening I was brought where his Majesty was none being present but M r. Secretary Nicolas the Duke of York came in for a moment to receive his fathers Benediction before his going to his rest The King debated at large Every point and circumstance contained in my memorial being at that tyme fully convinced that he could not exspect any thing but ruine from the Army and there adherents in the Parlament giving me newe instructions concerning divers eminent persons of the Presbiterean party with letters to two of the Chief and to a great and a wise Lady who was in extraordinary credit and had much influence upon the transactions of those tymes His Majestie commanded me to acquaint the Queen from tyme to tyme with all that passed betwixt him and me and of all my transactions concerning his service which I could better doe from London then he from Oxford which I did performe by a constant Correspondence with the Earle of S t. Albans during the space of about three Years untill I was commanded out of England for other services 21. The King having charged me with new Instructions letters and all things expedient for his service dispatched me againe to London when Imediately upon my arrivall I spake with those to whom his Majestie had written two whereof where unwilling to receive their letters but contented to hear them read and after to see the hand and signature which they knew to have been all his owne 22. By these means some where gained by publique others by their owne particular Interests a few who had been his Majesties menial servants and in his favour I thinke repented really what they had done and resolved to efface What had passed by their future fidelity 23. But much the greatest part where brought about through the apprehension that the power of the Army which dayly encreased would overgrow the authorithy of Parliament treading under foote all lawes and constitutions changing the Gouverment and Gouvernours as frequently as the Pretorian Chohorts did that of Rome whereby the publique miseries of the preceding civile war might prove but the prologue to the following tragedy Anarchy usurpation and tyranny which begun was nourished and ended in blood as the whole world has been witness of 24. Not long after I had left the King at Oxford the Army having reduced all the rest of the Nation some few places excepted marched towards that Citty to besiege both his Majestie and it who being resolved not to fall into their hands as long as he could avoyde it was constrained to save himself disguised in an Ecclesiasticall habit which was the most proper he could assume who not long after sacrificed his life for the maintaining of that profession which he was fully convinced was of Apostolical Institution and had sworne at his Coronation to upholde as it had been established by law at the first solid reformation under the Reigne of Queen Elisabeth who though a most Zealous Protestant and the greatest pillar of the reformed Religion throuwghout all Christendome could never be induced upon any consideration to the taking away of the Episcopal function 25. The King haveing for that tyme thus Escaped threw himself upon the Scotish Army which then besieged Newarke and upon the rendering of the Place
COLONEL JOSEPH BAMFEILD'S APOLOGIE Written by himselfe and printed at his desire Facit indignatio versus ANNO 1685. PREFACE ALbeit the unbounded liberty of the press may sufficiently warrant my necessary undertaking and that a modest and needful Apologie free from all passion or unlawful Aymes may hee by an ordinary charity excused if not fully justifyed yet I had not run the hazard of the publique sensure being conscious of my owne incapacity had I not been in need thereunto by some reasonable pressages that the end of my misfortunes which can finde no other period and that of my life neerly approches 1. Neither had this alone prevailed with mee unless constrain'd thereunto by the injust and to any ingenious nature most insupportable injuries and Calomnies of some who are totally ignorant of the truth of my affaires nor have ever had the least provocation on my part to couver the cruelty of their secret practises and obscure proceedings against mee to the endangering of my life even since I came in this Province of Freesland which next the protection of God I thinke has been chiefly preserved by my neglecting it I not being ignorant of my danger nor of the causes thereof which I saw no certaine meanes of preventing but by flight disguise and concealment which I have ever through the whole cours of my great troubles been resolved against chusing rather to dye once if I could not fairly defend my selfe then live in fear of dying always Especially having a long time considered death if not in a dishonourable way as the only end of my calamities which I could reasonably hope for and my most sure azile 2. No less have their sinister and malitious practices contributed to the traversing of my fortune which I am persuaded had not otherwise been thus long desolate and obscure by encreasing the jalousies and indignation of some who I have never willingly offended nor otherwise then through the insupportable necessity of my affaires heeretofore and the indispensable compulsions of honour which would not permit me to doe what I might and most others would have done nor to have left undone what in policy and the general practice of mankind I ought to have avoided as essentially needful to my interests and to the raising me out of this sepulcher wherein I have for some years lain buried alive which peradventure I should not have come short of had I not been secretly calomniated and circumvented by underground darck and unavow'd or rather never to bee avowed mines and traines which in some kind have not a little contributed to the rendring my wounds incureable as well in England as elswhere 3. This being really my case is also the sole cause why I am enforced to expose my discreation to the capritious sensure of critiques rather then to abandone my honour by a womanish modesty timiditie and silence leaving these persons triumphant in their victorie which they have atchived by indirect and most unjust means I am not ignorant what wrongs have been done mee by whom and how but know I shall never be openly accused and by consequence not have any occasion of vindicating my selfe but by this means to which onely I can have recourse and although I am far from all hope of recovering what I have lost yet I shall endeavour to let some see demonstratively how far their credulity has been abused and my innocency wrong'd which I can no otherwise performe then by declaring truly and sincerely what I have done or not done leaving it to the judgment and sentence of all unprejudiced and unpassionate persons to what degree I have been either unfortunate or criminel 4. What my transactions have been in some great conjonctures I shall be as sincere and candid in as if my eternal happiness or misery depended on the truth or falsehood of what I here expose to the common view which I onely make publique for the vindication of my honour though I clearly foresee my interest may suffer by it which weighs soe little with mee that if this adventure meets but with a charitable reception from good men and unpreoccupied I beleeve as far as I know my self I shall not be much troubled if my death should prove immediately after the Epilogue to this tragedy JOS. BAMFIELD AT 17. years of age I began to serve the late King of happy memory Charles the-First being ancient under my Lord Ashley General Major of the Army in the first expedition against the Scots an Accord was made as other agreements in those times of very short continuance for the spring following the war was the second time declared in that expedition I was first Leutenant in the Regiment of Colonel Henry Wentworth brother to the Earl of Cleveland shortly after a Compagnie falling vacant in the same Regiment by the favour of the King I obtain'd it In the space of a year the peace was again made and the Armies disbanded The war betwixt the King and the Parliament followed shortly after I continued in his Majesties interest and service I commanded the Regiment of the late Duke of Somersent at that time Marquess of Hartford Generall for the King in the Westerne Provinces 2. In the first incounter which Arrived betwixt his Majesties and the Parlaments forces I was hurt and taken Prisoner brought so to London by the late Lord Hollis at that tyme Colonel under the Parlament Not long after being at liberty the King honnoured mee with a Commission for a Regiment not being at that tyme full twenty years old having levied it I returned to Oxford where his Majesty held his court Few days after his Hyghness Prince Robbert gave me a Commission which he had procured of the King to be Governour of Malmesbury whereof I knew not any thing before he was pleased to deliver it mee About the month of April following his Majesty sent mee order being pressed for troupes to march with three Regiments of foote and as many Compagnies of horse to Joyne his Army for the relief of Reading besieged by the Earle of Essex and was rendered by Colonel Fielding at the same tyme the King arrived there which might greatly have endangered his Army had the Enemy seen and made use of their advantage 3. In the month of June following his Majestie sent Prince Maurits and the Duke of Somerset with an Army into the west whereof my Regiment was part to Joyne with My Lord Hopton and Lord Berkeley who had beaten the Parlements forces Commanded by the Earle of Stamford not long before in the Province of Cornwell the Conjunction was made the towns of Weymouth whereof the late Earl of Shaffsbury was left Gouvernour Taunton and Bridwater being taken and garrisons placed in them the body of the Army Marched towards Generall Waller haveing first despatched my Lord Berkelay with four Regiments of foote and some few troupes of horse to blocque up Exeter to prevent the Earl of Stamfords raising of forces in Devonshire Who was
as was foreseen and foretold marching all the night from Farnham to Alton had forced that quarter about breake of day killed Colonel Boles who commanded the Brigade and all the soldjers either out of or taken prisonners and totaly dissipated the Earl of Crawfords Brigade of horse which misfortune had soe weakned his Army that he could not hinder the enemies progress which he was persuaded would be for the recovery of Arundel before it could be provided of all things necessary for its defence which he recommended to mee with great earnestness desiring mee to keep what forces I thought needful for the place and to send back Sir William Butler with the rest to join his Army assuring mee that if I were besieged he would relieve mee in eight days exspecting suddainely forces from Oxford 9. I retain'd neer 800 Foote with the four Companies of my Lord Bellasis Regiment of Horse and my own Troupe sending back all I could under the Command of Sir William Butler in less then four and twenty howers after General Wallers Army appeared before the Town which I resolved to defend as long as I could and in case of necessitie to retire to the Castel it was assaulted in three places and no fortifications but the ruines of an old wal and without it at some distance a more ancient Line and Ditch but without Flanque where I judged they might be most useful I placed Major Bovel with his horse and perceiving not far from mee that a considerable bodie of the enemies Foot had passed the Line with eight or ten blew Collours which were of Sir Arthur Haselrigs Regiment commanded by Colonel Birch who I think still lives and began to range themselves in order I desired Major Bovel to charge them with me for if we brake them not the Castle might be lost as well as the town we charg'd routed and drove them back over the Line Colonel Birch was as I remember wounded in the bellie and one Captaine Bedel casting himself amongst the dead bodies as if kill'd was discover'd and taken prisoner my horse was shot with a musket-bullet in the hip and fell with mee I had aparently been killed unless rescued by some Officers of my Lord Bellasis Regiment Another post where Major Fletcher commanded was forced he dangerously wounded and taken prisoner with great difficulty wee retired into the Castel where the Enemie thought to have entered with us but was repulsed 10. In theise conflicts many were kill'd on both sides I found means to advertise the King of the state of the place both as to its strenght Amunition and Victual of the twoe last wee were very ill provided by reason of the suddainess of the siege as soon it was taken I receiv'd assurance from his Majestie that within ten or twelve days I should be succoured if I could defend it so longe which was in some manner endeavoured but succeeded not I held it out five and twenty days to great extremitie it was rendered by the Councel of War upon quarter for life I never signed the Capitulation and might have been deny'd the benefit of the Articles and quarter had General Waller been cruel Of above 900 Officers and Souldiers Horse and Foote which I retain'd before the siege few more then 200 marehed out the rest either killed or dead of the bloody flux and spotted feavour with the first whereof I was my selfe attacqued as soon as recovered I was sent prisoner upon my parolle to London without guards were rendering my selfe I was committed to the Tower remaining there about six months until I had libertie from the Earl of Essex to procure the freedom of Sir Ellis Layton at that time Colonel of horse under the Parliament and of one Whyte Capitain in the same Regiment in Exchange or to return again to the Tower within eight and twenty days 11. The King granted their libertie as soon as I arrived at Oxford where I stayd but two days and went post to Exeter by his Majesties commands having dispatcht my affaires for which I was sent I returned towards Oxford on the way I understood that the Earl of Essex and General Waller were before it the King brake through them with what forces he had and retired to Worchester Waller followed him Essex halted some time at Burford neer which in my way I fell into a small party of stragling Souldjers without any Officer I told them I had the Earl of Essex his pass for 28. days that not more then halfe the time was expired and was therefore free that satisfyed them not I was unwilling to be taken having papers of importance and cyfers in my cloths and sadle I was wounded in my left eye and in danger to have lost it by the blowe of a pistol which had been fyred in vaine I was made prisonner brought to Essex who caused me to be dressed by his Chirurgeon for 2 or 3 days and set me at libertie according to my pass I went to Oxford where I remained till cured and then returned to Exeter 12. Prince Maurits who had allways honoured mee with his favour in whose service I had not been unlucky employed mee in his Army the Earl of Essex marched Westward whereof his Highness being advertised rose from before Plymouth and strengthned with 2000 Cornish men resolved to march to Exester and there encampe under the shelter of the Town and River to keep himself from the necessitie of a Battaile being very inferior in number to the Enemy the same day the Prince marched from Okhampton the Earl in the evening arrived at Tiverton we at Kirton some Quarter-masters of both Armies encountered to make quarters in the same places which was the first advertissement wee had where he was and I believe he knew as little of us upon the allarme the Prince dispatched mee with a thousand Foote and some Horse in the night to possess Exbridg least the enemie should have been before hand I did it and cast up a brest worke His Highness followed with the Armie the Earl persued his march to Pliemouth and thence into Cornwel leaving the Prince which seem'd strange to most I conjectured at his reason and found shortly after that I had not divined amiss but the recite is long and here needless 13. The very same day his Highness received an Express from the King in Cypher whereby he was advertised that his Majesty had beaten Wallers Armie at Croplie Bridg and was on his march to joyne both Armies in the West if possible His Majestie not knowing certainly whither our Armie was come Eastward of Essex or not thus unknown to either things where in as good a posture as if concerted the Prince sent mee immediately to the King with an account of all 14. I met his Majestie in march towards chard being joined his Majestie followed Essex wee would have come to a bataille he not wee encamped neer together wee had dayly scermishes our designe was to streigthen them for victuals
no opposition S r. William Waller fled into Hollande S r. Phillip Stapleton to calais where he died in eight or ten days after and many others retired to several other places divers of both houses as well as of the citty were imprisoned A great part of his army marched throwgh London in triumph he made one of his owne partie Leutenant of the Tower modelled the Militia to his owne pleasure and interest left some Regiments about the Mewes and Whitehall to encourage his frends and terrifye his enemies in Parliament Sect. 77. This thowgh at that tyme a bloodless victory was in effect one of the greatest that ever he gained makeing way to that unbownded power which he after atchieved and waded to throwgh a sea of blood in all the three nations and which was most extraordinary died in peace and declared his successour Sect. 78. This haveing succeeded according to what he had long designed yet hardly hoped for but was resolved to hazard he began to put of the masque where withall he had hithirto desguised himselfe as to what concerned the King thowgh not as to other subsequent and great projections Sect. 79. He quartered part of his army in the adjacent places neer London Conveyed the King further from it the councels of the officers and agitators were assembled at putney t' was now thowght high tyme to breake with his Ma tie and for him with his Mirmidons to appear in their pure naturals Sect. 80. Subjects for desperate and bloody debates touching the King were propownded in their meetings by his and his son in lawes instruments and secret instigations thowgh it was yet unseasnable that the scean of execution showld be exposed Sect. 81. He seemed much concerned for the danger he had plunged the King into and would appear willing to quench a reall fyre which he had kindled nourished and now cheefly administred fuel to with an imaginary water Sect. 82. This danger of his Ma tie was communicated to him both by his frends and enemies but with very different intentions Cromwell would not appear the last nor the least concerned for his security which undoubtedly and visibly was to have it provided for in the Isle of wight To which end he wrote a letter to his Couzin Commissary General Whaly whoe had the guarde of his Ma ties person signifying the desorders of the army with the Kings danger which being communicated to his Ma tie he recalled his word which had been given that he would not endeavour to escape notwithstanding whaly tooke not the least care to prevent it which he undoubtedly would have done had he not foreknowne what arrived very shortly after Peradventure being at that tyme a preacher as most of the officers then were he was likewise a prophet and Could divine that his Ma ties escape would prove but a translation from an ill imprisonment to a worse In short he left Hamton Court I will not say saved himselfe from it few knew what path he had taken thowgh some I am confident did besides those with him till the newes came to the Parliament of his being in the hands of Colonel Hamond in the Isle of wight It not being my business here to enlarge to much or to discant upon other mens alegations for the excuse of Cromwells and Iretons after proceedings as extorted from them throwgh danger and necessity for their owne preservation some whereof being falce others frivolous and childish I shall leave them as they are without further reflexions passing on cursorily to some few matters of weight leading to the fatall event of this most unhappy business The King being in the Isle of wight and not finding his entertainment answerable to his hopes and that the personall security oraculously promised him was to be interpreted in the sence of his enemies tending directly to his stricter and surer confinement and in the extremest danger which could threaten him his escape was become much more difficult if not impossible and being advertised from London means haveing been sudainly fownd out for correspondence with him of those things which most neerly concerned him and particularly that propositions were preparing to be sent him to obviate which that he foresaw would be to his prejudice He wrote a letter to the Parliament confirning what he had offered them in his Message from Holmby some months before with other very considerable additions of the Militias being in their hands during his life together with the chusing the councel and Ministers of State as likewise the payment of the arrears of the army and concerning other things he ernestly pressed that he might with honour and safety have come to a personall treaty at Londen Sect. 83. In answer where unto the Parliament passed four bills to be sent to the King provisionally for his ratification which being returned as acts his Ma tie should be admitted to a personall treaty Theise bills were large and needless to be recited here verbatim the first regarded the Melitia both by sea and land to be entirely in their hands and for the raising mony for the maintainance there of the last by inevitable consequence must have contiued that Parliament to all perpetuity by investing them with full power to prorogue and meet againe at their pleasure By twoe of these acts the King must have devested himselfe and his posterity of the sword and treasury and established them in it And by the last given them such a power as was little less then the legislative which in a short tyme they would undoubtedly have drawne to themselves It is here remarquable that Cromwell and ireton whoe six or seaven months before by an adresse from the army had in a mennacing manner demanded of the Parliament to resolve upon and declare a fixed period to their cession thereby to make roome for a trienniall to be assembled in this occasion were the most violent in pressing theise four acts before his Ma tie were admitted to any personall treaty And when the King had passed all at this tyme demanded and came to a treaty it was in their power whither they would have agreed with him or not from all which considerations and divers others which undoubtedly he had he waved the ratifying of any acts untill all were agreed Sect. 84. Upon this refusall which he foresaw from the very nature of the demands must ensue Ireton after an invective speech tending to the Kings rejection and to the setling the Gouverment without him moved that it might be resolved to make no more adresses to him the debate lasted long and as Ireton began Cromwell ended with bitter reproches against his Ma tie and threatings of the Parliament if they passed it not at length this resolution was forced out not without vigorous opposition of neer the halfe in both houses Sect. 85. First that no further adresses be made to the King Secondly that no application be made to the King by any of his subjects without permistion