neer a moneth in this Port of Zunda where a good number of Portugals were assembled together so soon as the season to go to China was come the three Vessells set sail for Chincheo no more Portugals remaining ashore but only two who went to Siam in a Junck of Patana with their Merchandise I bethought me then to lay hold on this occasion and put my self into their company because they offered to bear my charges in this voyage yea and to lend me some money for to try fortune once more and see whether by the force of importuning her she would not use me bâ—tter then formerly she had done Being departed then from this place in six and twenty daies we arrived at the City of Odiaa the Capitall of this Empire of Sarnau which they of this country do ordinarily call Siam where we were wonderfully well received and intreated by the Portugals which we found there Now having been a moneth and better in this City attending the season for the voyage to China that so I might passe to Iapon in the company of six or seven Portugals who had imbarqued themselves for that purpose I made account to imploy in commodities some hundred duckats which those two with whom I came from Zunda had lent me In the mean time very certain news came to the King of Siam who was at that time with all his Court at the said City of Odiaa that the King of Chiammay allied with the Timocouhos Laaos and Gueos people which on the North East hold the most part of that country above Capimpâ—r and Passilâ—â—o and are all Soveraignes exceeding rich and mighty in Estates had laid siege to the Town of Quiteruan with the death of above thirty thousand men and of Oyaa Capimper Governor and Lievtenant Generall of all that Frontire The King remained so much appalled with this news that without further temporising he passed over the very same day to the other side of the river and never standing to lodge in houses he went and incamped under Tents in the open field thereby to draw others to do the like in imitation of him Withall he caused Proclamation to be made over all the City That all such as were neither old nor lame and so could not be dispensed with for going to this war should be ready to march within twelve daies at the uttermost upon pain of being burned alive with perpetuall infamy for themselves and their descendants and confiscation of their Estates to the Crown To the which he added many other such great and dreadfull penalties as the only recitall of them struck terror not into them of the country but into the very strangers whom the King would not exempt from this war of what Nation soever they vvere for if they would not serve they were very expresly enjoyned to depart out of his Kingdome within three daies In the mean time so rigorous an Edict terrified every one in such sort as they knew not what counsell to take or what resolution to follow As for us Portugals in regard that more respect had alwayes been carried in that country to them then to all other Nations this King sent to desire them that they would accompany him in this voyage wherein they should do him a pleasure because he would trust them onely with the guard of his person as judgiâ—g them more proper for it then any other that he could make choice of and to oblige them the more thereunto the message was accompanied with many fair promises and very great hopes of pensions graces benefits favours and honors but above all with a permission which should be granted them to build Churches in his Kingdome which so obliged us that of an hundred and thirty Portugals which we were there were sixscore of us that agreed together to go to this war The twelve daies limited being past the King put himself into the field with an Army of four hundred thousand men whereof seventy thousand were strangers of divers Nations They imbarqued all in three hundred Sâ—roos Lauleas and Iangâ—s so that on the nineth day of this voyage the King arrived at a Frontire Town named Suropisâ—â— some twelve or thirteen leagues from Quitiruan which the enemies had besieged There he abode above seven daies to attend four thousand Elephants which came to him by Land During that time he was certified that the Town was greatly prest both on the rivers side which the enemies had seized upon with two thousand Vessels as also towards the Land where there were so many men as the number of them was not truly known but as it was judged by conjecture they might be some three hundred thousand whereof forty thousand were horse but no Elephants at all This news made the King hâ—sten the more so that instantly he made a review of his forces and found that he had five hundred thousand men for since his coming forth many had joyned with him by the way as also four thousand Elephants and two hundred carts with field pieces With this Army he parted from Suropisem and drew towards Quitiruan marching not above four or five leagues a day At the end of the the third then he arrived at a valley called Siputay a league and an half from the place where the enemies lay Then all these men of War with the Elephants being set in battell array by the three Masters of the Camp whereof two were Turks by Nation and the third a Portugal named Domingâ—s de Sâ—ixas they proceeded on in their way towards Quitiruan where they arrived before the Sun appeared Now whereas the enemies were already prepared in regard they had been advertised by their Spies of the King of Siaâ—s forces and of the design vvhich he had they attended him resolutely in the plain field relying much on their forty thousand horse As soon as they discovered him they presently advanced and with their vant-guard which were the said forty thousand horse they so charged the King of Siams rearward composed of threescore thousand foot as they defeated them in lesse then a quarter of an hour with the losse of three Princes that were slaine upon the place The King of Siam seeing his men thus routed resolved not to follow the order which he had formerly appointed but to fall on with the whole body of his Army and the four thousand Elephants joyned together With these forces he gave upon the battalion of the enemies with so much impetuosity as at this first shock they were wholly discomfited from whence ensued the death of an infinite company of men for whereas their prinâ—â—s â—ll strength consisted in their horse as soone as the Elephants sustained by the harqueâ—uses and the field pieces fell upon them they were defeated in lesse then an half hour so that after the routing of these same all the rest began instantly to retreat In the meane time the King of Siam following the honor of the victory pursued them to the rivers side
great that it contains along the Coast above three thousand leagues as may easily be seen by the cards and globes of the world if so be their graduation be true Besides if this loss should happen which God of his infinite mercy forbid though we have but two much deserved it for our carelessness and sins we are in danger in like manner to lose the Customs of Mandorim of the City of Goa which is the best thing the King of Portugal hath in the Indiaes for they are Ports and Islands mentioned heretofore whereon depends the greatest part of his Revenue not comprehending the Spices namely the Nutmegs Cloves and Maces which are brought into this Kingdom from those Countries Now to return to my discourse I say that the Tyrant of Achem was advised by his Councel how there was no way in the world to take Malaca if he would assail it by Sea as he had done divers times before when as Dom Stephano de Gama and his Predecessors were Captains of the Fortress but first to make himself Master of the Kingdom of Aaru to the end he might afterwards fortifie himself on the River of Panetican where his Forces might more commodiously and nearly maintain the War he intended to make For then he might have means with less charge to shut up the Straights of Cincapura and Sabaon and so stop our Ships from passing to the Seas of China Sunda Banda and the Molucques whereby he might have the profit of all the Drugs which came from that great Archipelague And verily this counsel was so approved by the Tyrant that he prepared a Navy of an hundred and threescore Sails whereof the most part were Lanchares with oars Galiots Calabuzes of Iaoa and fifteen Ships high built furnished with Munition and Victual In these Vessels he imbarqued seventeen thousand men namely twelve thousand Soldiers the rest Sailers and Pioners Amongst these were four thousand Strangers Turks Abissins Malabares Gusurates and Lusons of the Isle of Borneo Their General was one named Heredin Mahomet Brother-in-law to the Tyrant by marriage with a Sister of his and Governor of the Kingdom of Baarros This Fleet arrived safely at the River of Panetican where the King of Aaru attended them with six thousand of his own natural Subjects and not a forraigner amongst them both in regard he wanted mony for to entertain Soldiers and that also he had a Country unprovided of victual to feed them At their arrival the Enemies found them fortifying of the Trench whereof I spake heretofore Whereupon without any further delay they began to play with their Ordnance and to batter the Town on the Sea side with great fury which lasted six whole days together In the mean time the besieged defended themselves very valiantly so as there was much blood spilt on either side The General of the Achems perceiving he advanced but little caused his Forces to Land and mounting twelve great Pieces he renewed the battery three several times with such impetuosity that it demolished one of the two Forts that commanded the River by means whereof and under the shelter of certain packs of Cotton which the Achems carried before them they one morning assaulted the principal Fortress In this assault an Abissin commanded called Mamedecan who a month or thereabout before was come from Iuda to confirm the new League made by the Bassa of Caire on the behalf of the grand Signior with the Tyrant of Achem whereby he granted him a Custom-house in the Port of Pazem This Abissin rendered himself Master of the Bulwark with threescore Turks forty Ianizaries and some Malabar Mooâ—s who instantly planted five Ensigns on the walls In the mean time the King of Aaru encouraging his people with promises and such words as the time required wrought so effectually that with a valorous resolution they set upon the Enemy and recovered the Bulwark which they had so lately lost so as the Abissin Captain was slain on the place and all those that were there with him The King following his good fortune at the same instant caused the gates of the Trench to be opened and sallying out with a good part of his Forces he combated his Enemies so valiantly as he quite routed them In like manner he took eight of their twelve Pieces of Ordnance and so retreating in safety he fortified himself the best he could for to sustain his Enemies future assaults CHAP. XI The Death of the King of Aaru and the cruel Iustice that was executed on him by his Enemies the going of his Queen to Malaca and her reception there THe General of Achem seeing the bad success which he received in this incounter was more grieved for the death of the Abissin Captain and the loss of those eight Pieces of Ordnance then for all them that were slain besides whereupon he assembled his Councel of War who were all of opinion that the commenced siege was to be continued and the Trench assailed on every side which was so speedâ—ly put in execution that in seventeen days it was assaulted nine several times in so much as by divers sorts of fire-works continually invented by a Turkish Engineer that was in their Camp they demolished the greater part of the Trench Moreover they overthrew two of the principal Forts on the South side together with a great Platform which in the manner of a false-bray defended the entry of the River notwithstanding all the resistance the King of Aaru could make with his people though they behaved themselves so valiantly as the Achems lost above two thousand and five hundred men besides those that were hurt which were far more then the slain whereof the most part dyed shortly after for want of looking to As for the King of Aaru he lost not above four hundred men howbeit for that his people were but few and his Enemies many as also better ordered and better armed in the last assault that was given on the thirteenth day of the Moon the business ended unfortunately by the utter defeat of the King of Aaru's Forces For it was his ill hap that having made a salley forth by the advice of a Cacis of his whom he greatly trusted it fell out that this Traytor suffering himself to be corrupted with a bar of gold weighing about forty thousand duckets which the Achem gave him whereof the King of Aaru being ignorant set couragiously on his Enemies and fought a bloody battel with them wherein the advantage remained on his side in all mens judgment but that Dog the perfidious Cacis whom he had left Commander of the Trench sallied forth with five hundred men under colour of seconding the King in his pursuit of so prosperous a beginning and left the Trench without any manner of defence which perceived by one of the Enemies Captains a Mahometan Malabar named Cutiale Marcaa he presently with six hundred Gusarates and Malabars whom he had led thither for that purpose made himself Master of the Trench
down a pane of the wall and besides those pieces of battery there were above three hundred Falcons that shot incessantly with an intention only to kill those that were in the streets as indeed they made a great havock which was the cause that seeing themselves so ill-intreated and their people slain in that manner they resolved like valiant men as they were to sell their lives as dearly as they could so that one morning having sallied forth by the same breach of the wall which the Canon had made they gave so valiantly upon those of the Camp that in lesse then an hour they almost routed the Bramaas whole Army Now because it began to be day the Savadis thought it fit to re-enter into the Town leaving eight thousand of their enemies dead on the place After this they repaired the breach in a very little time by the means of a rampire of earth which they made up with bavins and other materialls that was strong enough to resist the Canon Hereupon the Chaumigrem seeing the bad successe he had had resolved to make war both upon the places neer about as also upon the frontiers that were furthest off from the Town for which purpose he sent Diosaâ—ay high Treasurer of the Kingdome whose Slaves we Portugals were Colonel of five thousand men to spoil a certain Borough called Valentay which furnished the besieged Town with provisions but this voyage was so infortunate unto him that before his arrivall at the designed place his forces were by two thousand Savadis whom he incountred by the way all cut in pieces in lesse then half an hour not one escaping with life that fell into the enemies hands Neverthelesse it pleased our Lord that amidst this defeat we saved our selves by the favour of the night and without knowing whither we went we took the way of a very craggy mountain where we marched in exceeding great pain three daies and an half at the end whereof we entred into certain Moorish Plains where we could meet with no path or way nor having other company then Tygers Serpents and other savage beasts which put us into a mighty fear But as our God whom incessantly we invoked with tears in our eys is the true guide of travellers he out of his infinite mercy permitted that at length we perceived one evening a certain fire towards the East so that continuing our course towards that place where we saw this light we found our selves the next morning neer to a great Lake where there were some Cottages which in all likelyhood were inhabited by very poor people howbeit not daring to discover our selves as yet we hid us all that day in certain hanging precipices that were very boggy and full of Horsleâ—ches which made us all gore blood As soon as it was night we fell to marching again untill the next morning whenas we arrived neer to a great river all alongst the which we continued going for five daies together At last with much pain we got to another Lake that was far greater then the former upon the bank whereof was a little Temple in the form of an Hermitage and there we found an old Hermite who gave us the best entertainment that possibly he could This old man permitted us to repose our selves two daies with him during which time we demanded many things of him that made for our purpose whereunto he alwaies answered according to the truth and told us that we were still within the Territories of the King of Savady that this Lake was called Oregâ—antâ—r that is to say the opening of the night and the Hermitage the God of succour Whereupon being desirous to know of him the signification of this abuse he laid his hand on an horse of brasse that stood for the Idoll upon the Altar and said that he often read in a book which intreated of the foundation of the Kingdome that some two hundred thirty and seven years before this Lake being a great Town called Oâ—umhaleu a King that was named Avaâ— had taken it in war that in acknowledgement of this victory his Priests by whom he was wholly governed counselled him to sacrifice unto Quiay Guaâ—or the God of war all the young male children which had been made captives and in case he did not so they would when they became men regain the Kingdome from him The King apprehending the event of this threatning caused all these children being fourscore and five thousand in number to be brought all into one place and so upon a day that was kept very solemn amongst them he made them to be put most inhumanely to the edge of the sword with an intent to have them burned the next morning in Sacrifice but the night following there came a great earthquake and such lightning and fire fell from heaven upon the Town as within lesse then half an hour it was quite demolished and all that was in it reduced to nothing so that by this just judgement of God the King together with all his were strucken dead not so much as one escaping and besides them thirty thousand Priests in like manner who ever since during all the New Moons are heard to cry and roar so dreadfully that all the inhabitants thereabouts were ready to go besides themselves with fear by reason whereof the Country was utterly depopulated no other habitation remaining therein save only fourscore and five Hermitages which were erected in memory of the fourscore and five thousand children whom the King had caused to be butchered through the evill counsell of his Priests CHAP. LXIIII. A continuation of the successe which we had in this voyage with my departure from Goa to Zunda and what passed during my abode there WE past two daies in this Hermitage where as I declared before we were very well entertained by the Hermite the third day after betimes in the morning we took our leave of him and departed from thence not a little afflicted with that which we had heard and so all the same day and the night following we continued on our way along by the river the next morning we arrived at a place where were a great many of sugar canes of which we took some for that we had nothing els to nourish us withall In this manner we marched still along by this river which we kept for a guide of our voyage because we judged that how long soever it were yet would it at last ingulfe it self in the Sea where we hoped that our Lord would raise us up some remedy for our miseries The day ensuing we arrived at a village called Pommiseray where we hid our selves in a very thick wood from being descried by passengers and two hours within night we continued our design in following the current of this river being resolved to take our death in good part if it should please God to send it us for to put an end to so many sufferings as we had undergone day and night and without lying
which the enemies perceiving they formed a new Squadron of all those that remained of them wherein there were above an hundred thousand men as well sound as hurt and so past all the same day there joyned together in one entire body of an Army the King not daring to fight with them by reason he saw them fortified with two thousand ships wherein there were great numbers of men Neverthelesse as soon as it was dark night the enemies began to march away with all speed all along by the river wherewith the King was nothing displeased because the most part of his souldiers being hurt they were necessarily to be drest as indeed that was presently executed and the most part of the day and the night following imployed therein After the King of Siam had obtained so happy a victory the first thing that he did was to provide with all diligence for the fortifications of the town and whatsoever els he thought to be necessary for the security thereof After that he commanded a generall muster to be made of all his men of war that he might know how many he had lost in this battell whereupon he found that some fifty thousand were wanting all men of little reckoning whom the rigor of the Kings Edict had compelled to serve in this war ill provided and without defensive arms As for the enemies it was known the next day that an hundred and thirty thousand of them had been slain As soon as the hurt men were recovered the King having put into the principall places of this frontier such guards as seemed requisite to him was counselled by his Lords to make war upon the Kingdom of Guibem which was not above fifteen leagues from thence on the North side to be revenged on the Queen of Guibem for having given free passage thorough her dominions to those of Chiammay in regard whereof he attributed to her the losse of Oyaa Capimper and the thirty thousand men that had been killed with him The King approving of this advice parted from this town with an army of foure hundred thousand men and went and fell upon one of this Queens towns called Fumbacor which was easily taken and all the inhabitants put to the sword not one excepted This done he continued his voyage till he came to Guitor the capitall town of the Kingdom of Guibem where the Queen then was who being a widdow governed the State under the title of Regent during the minority of her son that was about the age of nine years At his arrivall he laid siege to the Town and forasmuch aâ— the Queen found not her self strong enough to resist the King of Siams power she fell to accord with him to pay him an annuall tribute of five thousand Turmes of silver which are threescore thousand Duckats of our money whereof she paid him five years advance in hand Besides that the young Prince her son did him homage as his vassall and the King led him away with him to Siam Hereupon he raised his siege from before the Town and passed on towards the North-East to the Town of Taysiran where he had news that the King of Chiammay was fallen off from the league aforesaid In the mean time whereas he had been six daies march in the enemies territories he sacked as many places as he met withall not permitting the life of any male whatsoever to be saved So proceeding onward he arrived at the Lake of Singipamor which ordinarily is called Chiammay where he stayed six and twenty daies during the which he took twelve goodly places invironed with ditches and bullworks after our fashion all of brick and mortar without any stone or lime in them because in the country it is not the custome to build so but they had no other Artillery then some Faulconets and certain muskets of brasse Now forasmuch as winter began to approach and that it was very rainy weather the King too feeling himself not very well he retired back again to the Town of Quitiruan where he tarried three and twenty daies and better in which space he made an end of fortifying it with walls and many broad and deep ditches so that having put this Town into an estate of being able to defend it self against any attempt he imbarqued his Army in the three thousand vessells which brought him thither and so returned towards Siam Nine daies after he arrived at Odiaa the chiefe City of his whole Kingdome where for the most part he kept his Court. At his arrivall the inhabitants gave him a stately reception wherein they bestowed a 〈◊〉 of money upon divers inventions which were made against his entry Now whereas during the six moneths of the Kings absence the Queen his wife had committed adultery with a Purveyor of her house named Vquuâ—cheâ—iraa and that at the Kings return she found her selfe gone four moneths with-child by him the fear she was in left it should be discovered made her for the saving of her self from the danger that threatned her resolve to poyson the King her husband as indeed without further delaying her pernitious intention she gave him in a messe of milk which wrought that effect as he died of it within five daies after during which time he took order by his Testament for the most important affairs of his Kingdome and discharged himself of the obligation wherein he stood ingaged to the strangers which had served him in this war of Chiammay In this Testament whenas he came to make mention of us Portugals he would needs have this clause added thereunto It is my intent that the sixscore Portugals which have alwayes so faithfully watched upon the guâ—rd â—f my person shall â—eceive for a recompence of their good services half a years tribute which the Queen of Guâ—bem gives me and that in my custome houses their Merchandise shall pay no custome foâ— the space of three years Moreover my intent is that their Priests may throughout all the Townes of my Kingdome publish the Law whereof they mâ—ke profâ—ssion namely of a God made man for the salvation of mankind as they have many times assured me To these things he added many others such like which well deserve to be reported here though I passe them under silence because I hope to make a more ample mention of them hereafter Furthermore he desired all the Grandees of his Court which were present with him that they would give him the consolation before he died to make his eldest Son be declared King which was incontinently executed For which effect after that all the Oyaas Conchalis and Montâ—os which are Soveraign dignities over all the rest of the Kingdome had taken the oath of Allegeance to this young Prince they shewed him out at a window to all the people who were in a great place below and they set upon his head a rich Crovvn of gold in the form of a Miter and put a svvord into his right hand and a pair of balances into
of his Pontifall History the eighteenth Chapter In vita Sexti Quinti Fernand makes a narration of certain men whom he calls Caloges and Fingaos which have their feet râ—und like unto those of Cows and hands all over hairy for the clearing of the truth whereof read Galvan in his discoveries folio 32. and 72. Gaspar de la Cruz the sâ—venth Chapter Touching the tryumphant Arches which they have in their streets together with their manner of accommoâ—ating and inriching them when as they solemnised certain Feasts read de la Cruz the seventh chapter Of the Universities which they have in China see Trigault in the third and fifth Chapters of his first Book De Artibus apud Sinas liberalibus ac Scientiis c. And in another entituled De Artibus apud Sinas mechanicis For a Confirmation of that which our Author says of the strange Ceremonies and Complements used by them at their saluting one another when they meet together by chance in the streets and in their visits read Mafeus in the sixth Book of his Indian History folio 134. beginning with these words Salutandi ritus miter plebeios c. And Mendoza in divers places of his Book declares the same Trigault in the seventh Chapter of his first Book at the title De Sinarum ritibus non nullis describes their manner of Salutations Babia in the third Part of his Pontifical History in the life of Gregory the thirteenth The History of the King of Bramaa together with his Victories and Conquests may be found in the Relations of Boterus De la Cruz in the second and fourth Chapters Mafeus and S t Romain Of the entrance of the Tartars into China and their besieging of Pequin Boterus in his Relations De la Cruz the fourth Chapter Paulus Jovius Antonius Armenius and Mathias de Micuy discourse at large That which is written of the subversion of the Provinces of Cuy and Sansii and of the dâ—leful and dreadful events ensuing thereupon Gaspar de la Cruz hath spoken of sufficiently in the 29 th Chapter of his Book As for that which Fernand says of their Gods Fatoquis Amida Xaca Gizon and Canom as also of the fooleries dreams and leasings which they recount of them and of their original and the respests and reverences they bear unto them it may be all seen in the twelfth Book of Mafeus his Indian History and in the first and fourth Chapters of his Epistles Trigault in his first and second Book Boterus in his Relaâ—ions S t Romain and many others By all this now is my Author throughly vindicated from all aspersions of falshood that may be cast upon this his Work which were it otherwise and meerly devised yet is it so full of variety and of such strange both Comick and Tragick Events as cannot chuse but delight far more then any Romance or other of that kind But being accompanyed with the truth as I have sufficiently proved it will no doubt give all the satisfaction and content that can be desired of the Reader The Contents CHAP. I. IN what manner I past my youth in the Kingdom of Portugal until my going to the Indiaes Fol. 1. CHAP. II. My Departure from Portugal for the East-Idiaes and my imbarquing there for the Straight of Mecqua 3 CHAP. III. Our travelling from Mazua by Land to the Mother of Prester John as also our re-imbarquing at the Port of Arquico and that which befell us by the encounter of three Turkish Vessels 5 CHAP. IV. A Mutiny happening in the Town of Mocaa the occasion thereof that which befell thereupon and by what means I was carryed to Ormuz as also my sailing from thence to Goa and what success I had in that Voyage 8. CHAP. V. Goncalo vas Coâ—inhoes Treaty with the Queen of Onor his assaulting of a Turkish 〈◊〉 and that which happened unto us as we were upon our return to Goa 11 CHAP. VI. What passed till such time as Pedro de Faria arrived at Malaca his receiving an Embassador from the King of Batas with his sending me to that King and that which arrived unto me in that Voyage 14 CHAP. VII What happened to me at Panaiu with the King of Batas expedition against the Tyrant of Achem and what he did after his Victory over him 18 CHAP. VIII That which past between the King of Batas and me until such time as I imbarqued for Malaca my arrival in the Kingdom of Queda and my return from thence to Malaca 21 CHAP. IX The arrival of an Embassador at the Fortress of Malaca from the King of Aaru to the Captain thereof his sending me to the said King my coming to Aaru and that which happened unto me after my departure from thence 26 CHAP. X. By what means I was carryed to the Town of Siaca and that which befell me there my going to Malaca with a Mahometan Merchant and the Tyrant of Achems Army marching against the King of Aaru CHAP. XI The death of the King of Aaru and the cruel justice that was executed on him by his Enemies the going of his Queen to Malaca and her reception there 33 CHAP. XII The Queen of Aaru's departure from Malaca her going to the King of Jantana his summoning the Tyrant of Achem to restore the Kingdom of Aaru and that which past between them thereupon 36 CHAP. XIII My departure to go to Pan that which fortuned after my arrival there with the murther of the King of Pan and the cause thereof 39 CHAP. XIV The misfortune that befell us at our entry into the River of Lugor our hiding our selves in a Wood with that which happened unto us afterwards and our return unto Malaca 42 CHAP. XV. Antonio de Faria his setting forth for the Isle of Anyan his arrival at the River of Tinacoreu and that which befell us in this Voyage 46 CHAP. XVI Antonio de Faria's arrival at the Bay of Camoy where was the fishing of Pearls for the King of China the relation made to him of the Isle of Aynan with that which happened to him by the means of a renegado Pirate and other ways 52 CHAP. XVII The information that Antonio de Faria had of the Country some passages betwixt him and the Nautarel of the Town his going to the River of Madel with his encountering a Pirate there and that which passed between them 58 CHAP. XVIII What Antonio de Faria did with the Captain of the Pirates Iunck that which past between him and the people of the Country with our casting away upon the Island of Thieves 61 CHAP. XIX In what sort we escaped miraculously out of this Island our passage from thence to the River of Xingrau our encountering with a Chinese Pirate and the agreement we made with him 65 CHAP. XX. Our encounter at Sea with eight Portugals very sorely hurt and Antonio de Faria's meeting and fighting with Coia Acem the Pirate 69 CHAP. XXI What Antonio de Faria did after his Victory his departure
mighty Army we gave them a great peal of Ordnance putting forth all our fights beating our Dâ—ums and sounding our Trumpets to the end that by these exterior demonstrations they might conclude we regarded not the Turks awhit CHAP. V. Gonçallo vaz Coutinho's Treaty with the Queen of Onor his assaulting of a Turkish Galley and that which hapned unto us as we were upon our return to Goa OUâ— Fleet making a stand upon the discharging of our peal of Ordnance the General Gonçallo vaz Coutinho sent Bento Castanho a very discreet and eloquent man to the Queen of Onor to present her with a Letter from the Vice-roy and to tell her that he was come to complain of her for that she had sworn a peace and amity with the King of Portugal and yet suffered the Turks mortal enemies to the Portugals to abide in her Ports Hereunto she returned this answer That both himself and his company were very welcome that she greatly esteemed of them because they were Vassals to the King of Portugal and as touching that he said of the peace which she had with the King and his Governors it was most true and that she desired to maintain it as long as she lived For that which he said of the Turks she took her God to witness how much against her will she had received and suffered them in her Ports but that finding her self too weak for to resist such powerful enemies she was constrained to dissemble which she would never have done had she been furnished with sufficient forces furthermore to clear her self the better unto them she offered both her power and people for to râ—pâ—l them out of her Ports and whereas he had brought men enough to chace them thence she requested him to do it wherein she would assist him all that possibly she could which she confirmed with oaths swearing by the golden Sandals of the Soveraign God whom she adored To this speech she added that she should be as well pleased if God would give him the victory over them as if the King of Narsinguâ— whose slave she was should set her at the table with his wife Gonçallo vaz Coutinho having received this Embassage and other complements from the Quâ—en though he had little hope of any performance on her part yet did he wisely dissemble it Afterwards being fully informed by the people of the Country of the Turks intention of the place where they were and what they did at that instant he called a Councel thereupon and having throughly debated and considered all things it was unanimously concluded that both for the King of Portugal their Masters honor and his own it was expedient to set upon this Galley either for to take or fire it wherein it was hoped that God for whose glory we â—ought would be assisting to us against those enemies of his holy Faith This resolution being made and signed by us all he entered some two faulcons shot within the River where he had sâ—â—rcâ— anchored when as a little Boat which they call an Almadia came aboard us with a Brachman that spake very good Portuguâ—ze This man delivered a message from the Queen unto our Captain whereby she earnestly desired him that for the Vice-roys sake he would desiâ—â— from the enterprize he had undertaken and not to assault the Turks any manner of way wâ—ich said she could not be done without great disadvantage for that she had been advertised by her Spies that they had fortified themselves with a good Trench which they had cast up near the place where they had moored their Galley in regard whereof it seemed to her almost impossible for him with no more Forces then he had to be able to prevail in so great an attempt wherefore she took her God to witness how much she was troubled with the fear she was in lest some mis-fortune should betide him Hereunto our Captain returned an answer full of wisdom and courâ—â—sie saying that he kissed her Highness hands for the extraordinary favor she did him in giving him so good advice but as for his Combat with the Turks he could not follow her counsel and therefore would proceed in his determination it being always the custom of the Portugals not to enquire whether their Enemies were few or many since the more they were the more should be their loss and the greater his profit and honor Thus was the Brachman dismissed our Captain bestowing on him a piece of green Chamlet and an Hat liâ—ed with red Sattin wherewith he returned very well contented The Brachman dismist Gonçallo vaz Coutinho resolved to fight with the Turks but before hâ— proceeded any further he was advertised by Spies what stratagems the Enemy would use against us and that the precedent night by the favor of the Queen they had moored up the Galley and by it raised up a platform whereupon they had flanked five and twenty Pieces of Ordnance but all that stayed him not from advancing towards the Enemy Seeing himself then within a Cannon shot of them he went out of his Foist and with fourscore men only landed the rest which he had brought with him from Goa for this enterprize being but an hundred more he left for the guard of the Foists So after he had set his men in Battel array he marched couragiously against his adversaries who perceiving us making towards them valiantly resolved to defend themselves to which end they sallied some five and twenty or thirty paces out of their Trenches where the fight began on either side with such fury that in less then a quarter of an hour five and forty lay dead in the place amongst the which there was not above eight of ours Hereupon our General not contented with this first charge gave them a second by means whereof iâ— pleased God to make them turn their backs in such sort that they retired pell-â—ell as men routed and in fear of death Mean while we pursued them to their very Trenâ—hes where they turned upon us and mâ—de head anew in the heat hereof we were so far engaged and intangled together that we knocked one another with the pummels of our swords Mean while our Foists arrived which were come along by the shore to succor us and accordingly they discharged all their Ordnance upon our Enemies to such good purpose as they killed eleven or twelve of the valiantest Ianizaries which wore green Turbants as a mark of their Nobility The death of these so terrified the rest that they presently forsook the field by means whereof we had leasure to set the Galley on fire upon the express command of our General Gonçallo so that having cast into her five pots of powder the fire took hold on her with such violence as it was apparant it could not be long before she were utterly consumed for the mast and sail yards were all of a flame had not the Turks knowing the danger she was in most couragiously quenched the fire but we laboâ—ed
them CHAP. VII What happened to me at Penaiu with the King of Batas expedition against the Tyrant of Achem and what he did after his Victory over him BY that time we had sailed seven or eight leagues up the River at the end we arrived at a little Town named Botterrendan not above a quarter of a mile distant from Panaiu where the King of Batas was at that time making preparation for the War he had undertaken against the Tyrant of Achem. This King understanding that I had brought him a Letter and a Present from the Captain of Malaca caused me to be entertained by the Xabandar who is he that with absolute power governs all the affairs of the Army This General accompanied with five Lanchares and twelve Ballons came to me to the Port where I rode at anchor Then with a great noise of Drums Bells and popular acclamations he brought me to a certain Key of the Town called Campalator There the Bendara Governor of the Kingdom stayed for me in great solemnity attended by many Ourâ—balons and Amborraias which are the noblest persons of his Court the most part of whom for all that were but poor and base both in their habit and manner of living whereby I knew that the Country was not so rich as it was thought to be in Malaca When I was come to the Kings Palace and had past through the first Court at the entrance of the second I found an old woman accompanied with other persons far nobler and better apparelled then those that marched before me who beckoning mâ— with her hand as if she had commanded me to enter Man of Malaca said she unto me Thy arrival in the King my Masters Land is as agreeable unto him as a sâ—owre of rain is to a crop of Rice in dry and hot weather Wherefore enter boldly and be afraid of nothing for the people which by the goodness of God thou seest here are no other then those of thine own Country since the hope which we have in the same God makes us believe that he will maintain us all together unto the end of the world Having said so she carried me where the King was unto whom I did obeysance according to the man-of the Country then I delivered him the Letter and the Present I had brought him which he graciously accepted of and asked me what occasion drew me thither Whereunto I answered as I had in commission that I was come to serve his Highness in the Wars where I hoped to 〈◊〉 the honor to attend on him and not to leave him till such time as he returned Conqueror of his Enemies Hereunto I likewise added that I desired to see the City of Achem as also the scituation and fortifications of it and what depth the River was of whereby I might know whether it would bear great Vessels and Gallions because the Captain of Malaca had a design to come and succor his Higness as soon as his men were returned from the Indiaes and to dâ—liver his mortal Enemy the Tyrant of Achem into his hands This poor King presently believed all that I said to be true and so much the rather for that it was conformable to his desire in such sort that rising out of his Thâ—one where he was set I saw him go and fall on his knees before the carcass of a Cows head set up against the wall whose horns were guilt and crowned with flowers Then lifting up his hands and eyes O thou said he that not constrained by any material love whereâ—nto Nature hath obliged thee dost continually make glad all those that desire thy milk as the own mother doth him whom she hath brought into the world without participating either of the miseries or pains which ordinarily she suffers from whom we take our Being be favorable unto the prayer which now with all my heart I offer up unto thee and it is no other but this that in the meadows of the Sun where with the payment and recompence which thou receivest thou art contented with the good that thou dost here below thou wilt be pleased to conserve me in the new amity of this good Captain to the end he may put in execution all that this man here hath told me At these words all the Courtiers which were likewise on their knees said three times as it were in answer How happy were he that could see that and then dye incontinently Whereupon the King arose and wiping his eyes which were all beblubbered with the tears that proceeded from the zeal of the prayer he had made he questioned me about many particular things of the Indiaes and Malaca Having spent some time therein he very courteously dismissed me with a promise to cause the Merchandise which the Mahometan had brought in the Captain of Malaâ—a's name to be well and profitably put off which indeed was the thing I most desired Now for as much as the King at my arrival was making his preparations for to march against the Tyrant of Achem and had taken order for all things necessary for that his Voyage after I had remained nine days in Panaiu the Capital City of the Kingdom of Batas he departed with some Troops towards a place named Turban some five leagues of where he arrived an hour before Sun-set without any manner of reception or shew of joy in regard of the grief he was in for the death of his children which was such as he never appeared in publique but with great demonstrations of sorrow The next morning the King of Batas marched from Turban towards the Kingdom of Achem being eighteen leagues thither He carried with him fifteen thousand men of War whereof eight thousand were Bataes and the rest Menancabes Lusons Andraguires Iambes and Bournees whom the Princes his neighbors had assisted him with as also forty Elephants and twelve Carts with small Ordnance namely Faulcons Bases and other field Pieces amongst the which there were three that had the Arms of France and were taken in the year 1526. at such time as Lopo Vaz dâ— Sampayo governed the State of the Indiaes Now the King of Batas marching five leagues a day came to a River called Quilem There by some of the Tyrants Spies which he had taken he learnt that his Enemy waited for him at Tondacur two leagues from Achem with a purpose to fight with him and that he had great store of strangers in his Army namely Turks Cambayans and Malabars Whereupon the King of Batas assembling his Councel of War and falling into consultation of this affair it was concluded as most expedient to set upon the Enemy before he grew more strong With this resolution having quit the River he marched somewhat faster then ordinary and arrived about ten of the clock in the night at the foot of a Mountain half a league from the Enemies Camp where after he had reposed himself a matter of three hours he marched on in very good order for which effect having
divided his Army into four Squadrons and passing along by a little hill when he came to the end thereof he discovered a great Plain sowed with Rice where the Enemy stood ranged in two Battalions As soon as the two Armies descryed one another and that at the sound of their Trumpets Drums and Bells the Soldiers had set up a terrible cry they encountred very valiantly together and after the discharge of their shot on both sides they came to fight hand to hand with such courage that I trembled with fear to behold their fury The Battel continued in this manner above an hour and yet could it not possibly be discerned which party had the better At last the Tyrant foreseeing that if he persisted in the fight he should lose the day because he perceived his men to grow faint and weary he retreated to a rising ground that lay South of the Bataes and about a Faulcons shot distant from them There his intention was to fortifie himself in certain Trenches which before he had caused to be cast up against a Rock in form of a garden or tilth of Rice But a brother to the King of Andraguire interrupted his design for stepping before him with two thousand men he cut off his way and stopt him from passing further in so much that the medly grew to be the same it was before and the fight was renewed between them with such fury as cruelly wounding one another they testified sufficiently how they came but little short of other Nations in courage By this means the Tyrant before he could recover his Trenches lost fifteen hundred of his men of which number were the hundred and threescore Turks that a little before were come to him from the Straight of Mecqua with two hundred Sarrazins Malabars and some Abissins which were the best men he had Now because it was about mid-day and therefore very hot the King of Batas retired towards the Mountain where he spent the rest of the day in causing those that were wounded to be looked unto and the dead to be buried Hereupon not being well resolved what to do in regard he was altogether ignorant of the Enemies design he took care to have good watch kept all that night in every part The next morning no sooner began the Sun to appear but he perceived the Valley wherein the Achems had been the day before to be quite abandoned and not one of them to be seen there which made him think the Enemy was defeated In this opinion the better to pursue the first point of his Victory he dismissed all the hurt men as being unfit for service and followed the Tyrant to the City where arriving two hours before Sun-set to shew that he had strength and courage enough to combat his Enemies he resolved to give them proof of it by some remarkable action before he would encamp himself To which effect he fired two of the Suburbs of the Town as also four Ships and two Gallions which were drawn on Land and were those that had brought the Turks from the Straight of Mecqua And indeed the fire took with such violence on those six Vessels as they were quite consumed in a very little time the Enemy not daring to issue forth for to quench it After this the King of Batas seeing himself favored by Fortune to lose no opportunity began to assault a Fort called Penacao which with twelve Pieces of Ordnance defended the entry of the River to the Scalado of this he went in person his whole Army looking on and having caused some seventy or eighty ladders to be planted he behaved himself so well that with the loss only of seven and thirty men he entred the place and put all to the sword that he found in it to the number of seven hundred persons without sparing so much as one of them Thus did he on the day of his arrival perform three memorable things whereby his Soldiers were so heartned as they would fain have assaulted the City the very same night if he would have permitted them but in regard it was very dark and his men weary he gave thanks to God and contented himself with that which he had done The King of Batas held the City besieged by the space of three and twenty days during the which two sallies were made wherein nothing past of any reckoning for there were but ten men slain on either part Now as victories and good success in War do ordinarily encourage the victorious so oftentimes it happens that the weak become strong and cowards so hardy as laying aside all fear they dare undertake most difficile and dangerous things whence also it as often falls out that the one prospers and the other is ruined which appeared but too evidently in that which I observed of these two Princes For the King of Batas seeing that the Tyrant had shut himself up in his City thereby as it were confessing that he was vanquished grew to such an height of confidence that both he and his people beleeving it was impossible for them to be resisted and trusting in this vain opinion that blinded them were twice in hazard to be lost by the rash and inconsiderate actions which they entred into In the third sally made by the inhabitants the King of Batas people encountred them very lustily in two places which those of Achem perceiving they made as though they were the weaker and so retreated to the same Fort that was taken from them by the Bataes the first day of their arrival being closely followed by one of the Kings Captains who taking hold of the opportunity entred pell-mell with the Achems being perswaded that the Victory was sure his own But when they were all together in the Trenches the Achems turned about and making head afresh defended themselves very couragiously At length in the heat of their medley the one side endeavoring to go on and the other to withstand them those of Achem gave fire to a Myne they had made which wrought so effectually as it blew up the Captain of the Bataes and above three hundred of his Soldiers with so great a noise and so thick a smoak as the place seemed to be the very portraiture of Hell In the mean time the Enemies giving a great shout the Tyrant sallied forth in person accompanied with five thousand resolute men and charged the Bataes very furiously Now for that neither of them could see one another by reason of the smoak proceeding from the Myne there was a most confused and cruel conflict between them but to speak the truth I am not able to deliver the manner of it sufficeth it that in a quarter of an hours space the time this fight endured four thousand were slain in the place on both sides whereof the King of Batas lost the better part which made him retire with the remainder of his Army to a Rock called Minacaleu where causing his hurt men to be drest he found them
to be two thousand in number besides those that were killed which because they could not be so suddenly buried were thrown into the current of the River Hereupon the two Kings continued quiet for four days after at the end whereof one morning when nothing was less thought of there appeared in the midst of the River on Penaticans side a Fleet of fourscore and six Sails with a great noise of musick and acclamations of joy At first this object much amazed the Bataes because they knew not what it was howbeit the night before their scouts had taken five fishermen who put to torture confessed that this was the Army which the Tyrant had sent some two months before to Tevassery in regard he had War with the Sornau King of Siam and it was said that this Army was composed of five thousand Lussons and Sornes all choyce men having to their General a Turk named Hametecam Nephew to the Bassa of Cairo Whereupon the King of Batas making use of these fishermens confession resolved to retire himself in any sort whatsoever well considering that the time would not permit him to make an hours stay as well because his Enemies Forces were far greater then his as for that every minute they expected succors from Pedir and Pazen whence as it was reported for certain there were twelve ships full of strangers coming No sooner was the King fortified in this resolution but the night ensuing he departed very sad and ill contented for the bad suâ—cess of his enterprize wherein he had lost above three thousand and five hundred men not comprising the wounded which were more in number nor those that were burnt with the fire of the Mynâ— Five days after his departure he arrived at Panaiu where he dismissed all his Forces both his own subjects and strangers That done he imbarqued himself in a small Lanchara and went up the River without any other company then two or three of his Favorites With this small retinue he betook himself to a place called Pachissaru where he shuâ— himself up for fourteen days by way of pennance in a Pagod of an Idol named Giâ—nasserâ—d which signifies the God of Sadness At his return to Panaiu he sent for me and the Mahometan that brought Pedro de Faria's Merchandise The first thing that he did was to enquire particularly of him whether he made a good sale of it adding withall that if any thing were still owing to him he would command it to be presently satisfied Hereunto the Mahometan and I answered that through his Highness favor all our business had received a very good dispatch and that we were well payd for that we had sold in regard whereof the Captain of Malaca would not fail to acknowledg that courtesie by sending him succor for to be revenged on his Enemy the Tyrant of Achem whom he would inforce to restore all the places which he had unjustly usurped upon him The King hearing me speak in this manner stood a while musing with himself and then in answer to my speech Aâ— Portugal said he since thou constrainest me to tell thee freely what I think beleeve me not hereafter to be so ignorant as that thou mayst be able to perswade me or that I can be capable to imagine that he which in thirty years space could not revenge himself is of power to succor me at this present in so short a time or if yet thou thinkest I deceive my self tell me I pre thee now whence comes it that thy King and his Governors could not hinder this cruel King of Achem from gaining from you the Fort of Pazem and the Galley which went to the Moluâ—quaes as also three Ships in Queda and the Gallion of Malaca at such time as Garcia was Captain there besides the four Foists that were taken since at Salengor with the two Ships that came from Bengalâ— or Lopâ— Chanocâ— 's Iounk and Ship as likewise many other Vessels which I cannot now remember 〈◊〉 the which as I have been assured this Inhumane hâ—th put to death above a thousand Portugals and gotten an extream rich boâ—ty Wherefore if this Tyrant should happen to come once more against me how canst thou have me rely upon their word which have been so often overcome I must of necessity then continue as I am with three of my children murdered and the greatest part of my Kingdom destroyed seeing you your selves are not much more assured in your Fortress of Malaca I must needs confess that this answer made with so much resentment rendred me so ashamed knowing he spake nothing but truth that I durst not talk to him afterwards of any succor nor for our honor reiterate the promises which I had formerly made him CHAP. VIII What past between the King of Batas and me until such time as I imbarqued for Malaca my Arrival in the Kingdom of Queda and my return from thence to Malaca THe Mahometan and I returning to our lodging departed not in four days after employing that time in shipping an hundred Bars of Tin and thirty of Benjamin which were still on Land Then being fully satisfied by our Merchants and ready to go I went to wait upon the King at his Passeiran which was a great place before the Palace where those of the Country kept their most solemn Fairs There I gave him to understand that now we had nothing more to do but to depart if it would please his Majesty to permit us The entertainment that he gave me then was very gracious and for answer he said to me I am very glad for that Hermon Xabandar who was chief General of the Wars assured me yesterday that your Captains commodities were well sold but it may be that that which he told me was not so and that he delivered not the truth for to please me and to accommodate himself to the desire he knew I had to have it so wherefore continued he I pre-thee declare unto me freely whether he dealt truly with me and whether the Mahometan that brought them be fully satisfied for I would not that to my dishonor those of Malaca should have cause to complain of the Merchants of Panaiu saying that they are not men of their word and that there is not a King there who can constrain them to pay their debts and I swear to thee by the faith of Pagan that this affront would be no less insupportable to my condition then if I should chance to make peace with that Tyrant and perjured Enemy of mine the King of Achem. Whereunto having replyed that we had dispatched all our affairs and that there was nothing due to us in his Country Verily said he I am very well pleased to hear that it is so wherefore since thou hast nothing else to do here I hold it requisite that without any further delay thou shouldst go for the â—â—me is now fit to set sail and to avoyd the great heats that ordinarily are endured in passing the Gulph which is
without turning our backs as they beleeved and as it may be they desired we would doe they closed themselves into one body and so in very ill order they made a stand without advancing on But then our Captain seeing them in this posture caused all his Muskettiers to discharge at one instant who till that time had not stirred which succeeded with such effect as it pleased God that he most part of this goodly Cavalry fell to the ground with feare we taking this for a good presage ran and lustily pursued them invoking to our aid the name of Jesus whose good pleasure it was though his divine mercy to make our enemies slye before us so amazed and in such disorder as they tumbled pell mell one upon another in which manner arriving at a bridge that crost the town ditch they were so pestered together as they could neither go forward nor backward in the mean time our forces coming up to them discharged their shot to such purpose amongst them that we laid three hundred of them on the earth which in truth was a pittifull sight to behold because there was not one of them that had the heart so much as to draw a sword whereupon hotly pursuing the first point of this victory we ran to the gâ—te where we found the Mandarin in the front of six hundred men mounted upon a good Horse having on â— cuirasse lined with purple Velvet which had belonged as we knew afterwards to a Portugal named Tome Perez whom King Don Emanoel of glorious memory had sent as Ambassador to China in Fernando Perez his ship at such time as Lopo Suarez d' Albergaria governed the Indies At the entrance into the gate the Mandarin and his people made head against us so that there was a shrewd bickering between us this enemy shewing another manner of courage then we had met with on the bridge but by good hap it fortuned that one of our servant hit the Mandarin just in the breast with an Harquebusse shot and overthrew him dead from his Horse wherewith all the Chinesses were so terrified as they presently turned their backs and in great disorder retired within the gate not one of them having the wit to shut it after them so that we chased them before us with our Lances as if they had been a drove of cattell In this sort they fled pell mell together quite through a great street and issued out at another gate which was on the lands from whence they got all away not so much as one remaining behind Thereupon Antonio de Faria assembling his men into one body for fear of some disorder marched with them directly to the prison where our companions lay who seeing us coming gave a great cry saying Lord have mercy upon us straightway the doors and iron grates were broken up and our poor fellows irons knocked off their legs which being done and they set at liberty all our company had leave to make what purchase they could to the end that without speaking afterwards of partition every one might be Master of what he had gotten Howbeit Antonio de Faria desired them to perform it suddenly and therefore he gave them but half an houres time for it whereunto they all condescended very willingly and so â—ell to ransacking the houses In the mean space Antonio de Faria went to that of the Mandarin which he took for his part where he met with eight thousand Taeis in silver together with eight great vessels full of Muske and that he caused to be reserved for himself the rest he left to the servants that were with him who moreover found there a great deal of raw Silke Sattin Damask and fine Pourcellain whereof every one took as much as he could carry so as the four Barques and the three Champanaes that brought our men on shore were four several times laden and unladen aboard the Juncks insomuch that the meanest Marriner amongst us spake not of this booty but by whole cases besides what each one concealed in his particular But when Antonio de Faria perceived that an hour and half had been spent in pillaging he commanded a surcease thereof but his company were so hot upon the spoil that by no means they would be drawn from it wherein the persons of qualitie were most saulty in which regard our Captain fearing least some disaster might happen by reason the night approached he caused the Town to be set on fire in eleven or twelve places Now for that most of it was built of Firr and other wood it was in such a flame within a quarter of an hour as to see it burn so one would have taken it for a pourtraiture of Hell This done and all our company retired Antonio de Faria embarqued without any impediment every man being well satisfied and contented onely it was great pittie to behold a number of handsome maids lead away tied four and four and five and five together with the matches of their Muskets weeping and lamenting whilst our people did nothing but laugh and sing CHAP. XXIII Antonio de Faria's Navigation till he came to the Port of Liampoo his arrival and gallant reception there by the Portugals AFter that Antonio de Faria had embarqued his men the first thing he did was â—o give order for the dressing of those that were hurt which were in number fiftie whereof eight of them were Portugals and the rest slaves and Mariners He also took care for the burial of the dead that were not above nine of which onely one was a Portugal All that night we kept good watch and placed Sentinels in sundry parts for fear of the Junks that were upon the River The next morning as soon as it was day our Captain went to a little Town that was on the other side of the water where he met not with any Inhabitant they being all fled howbeit he found a great deal of Merchandise in their houses together with good store of Victuals wherewith he had laded the Junks fearing leaâ—t that which he had done in this place should be the occasion of barring him from being furnished with any in the Ports where he should happen to arrive Furthermore by the advice of his company he resolved to go and winter during the three moneths he had yet to make his voyage in at a certain desart Island distant some fifteen leagues from the Sea of Liampoo called Pullo Hinhor where there was a good road and good water whereunto he was chiefly induced because he thought that going directly to Liampoo his voyage thither might bring some prejudice to the traffique of the Portugals who wintered there peaceably with their goods And indeed this advice was so approved of every one as it was generally applauded Being departed then from Nouday after we had sailed five dayes between the Isles of Comolem and the continent we were set upon on Saturday about noon by a Pirate named Premata Gundel a sworn enemy to the
I have now of the favour and succour of some Christians for becâ—use I am a Christian as they are a Mahometan slave of mine about four months ago reduced me to that extremity wherein I behold my self at this instant being not able in the state I am in to do any other then cast up mine eyes to Heaven and lament my misfortune with much sorrow and little remedy And I assure thee by the verity of that holy and new Law whereof I now make profession that only for being a Christian and a friend to the Portugals I am persecuted in this sort Now for that being alone as thou art it is not possible for thee to assist me I beseech thee Signior to take me along with thee to the end that this Soul which God hath put into me may not perish and in recompence thereof I promise to serve thee as a slave all the dayes of my life Lo this is that which this poor King said with so many tears as it was great pity to behold it in the mean time the Necoda who was of a good disposition and charitably inclined was very much moved with the disaster of this unfortunate King so that he gave him a little Rice and some linnen to cover himself withall for he was so ragged that one might see his naked skin every where about him After he had informed himself from him of certain particulars the knowledge whereof concerned him he demanded him where his enemy was and what forcâ—s he had Whereunto he answered That he was a quarter of a league from thence in a Cabbin covered with straw having not above thirty fisher-men with him who were most of them without Arms. Hereupon the Necoda cast his eye upon me and seeing me sad for that I was not able of my self to succour this poor Christian thinking withall that he should much oblige me thereby Signior said he unto me if thou werâ— now Captain of this Iunck as I am what remedy wouldst thou give to the tears of this poor man wherewith also thy eyes do participate I knew not what reply to make him for that I was greatly moved to behold my Neighbour a Christian like my self to suffer in that manner which the Necoda's son perceiving who was as I have said â— young man of a good spirit and brought up amongst the Portugals and guessing at the shame and sorrow I was in he desired his father to lend him twenty Mariners of his Junck that by their means he might re-establish this poor King and chase the Thief out of the Island To this the Necoda answered That if I would demand so much of him he would do it very willingly whereupon casting my self at his feet and embracing him which is the humblest complement used amongst them I told him with tears in my eyes that if he would do me this favour I would be his slave whilest I lived and that both he and his children should find how ready I would be always to acknowledg the same He presently granted my request so that causing the Junck to approach near the shoaâ— he prepared himself in three Boats with one Faulcon three Bases and threescore Men Iaos and Lesons all well armed for thirty of them carried Haâ—quebuses the rest Lances and Bows and Arrows besides Grenadoes and other such like Fireworks as we thought were convenient for our design It was about two of the clock in the afternoon when we landed and so we went directly to the Trench where the Enemies were The Necoda's son led the Vauntgard consisting of forty men whereof twenty were armed with Harquebuses and the rest with Bows and Arrows The Necoda himself brought on the Rere wherein were thirty Soldiers carrying a Banner which Pedro de Faria had given him at his parting from Malaca with a cross painted in it â—o the end he might be known for a Vassal to our King in case he should encounter any of our Ships Marching in this order by the guiding of this petty King we arrived where the Rebel was with his men set in order who by their shouting and cries seemed in shew not to make any reckoning of us They were in numbâ—r about fifty but weak unarmed and utterly destituâ—e of all things necessary for their defence having for all their Arms but Staves ten or eleven Lances and one Harquebuse As soon as we had discovered them we gave fire to the Faulcon and Bases discharging withall twenty Harquebuses whereupon the Theeves betook themselves presently to flight being in great disorder and most of them hurt We pursued them then so close that we overtook them on the top of a little hill where they were defeated in the space of two credoes not one of them escaping with life save only three whom we spared for that they said they were Christians That done we went to a Village where there were not above twenty poor low Cabbins covered with straw in it we found some threescore and four women with a many of little children who no sooner perceived us but all of them with tears fell a cryed out Christian Christian Iesus Iesus At these words being fully perswaded that they were Christians I desired the Necoda that he would cause his son to retire and not suffer any of them to be killed because they were not Gentiles which he presently yielded unto and yet for all that he could not keep the Cabbins from sacking though in them all there was not found the value of five Duckets For the people of this Island are so poor that scarce one of them is worth a groat they feed on nothing but a little fish which they take with angling and eat it broiled on the coals without salt yet are they so vain and presumptuous that not one almost amongst them but terms himself a King of some vile piece of ground whereon there is little more then one poor Cabbin besides neither the men nor the women have wherewithall to cover their nakedness After the slaughter of the rebellious Sarrazin and his followers and the re-establishment of the poor Christian King putting him in possession of his wife and children whom his Enemy had made slaves together with above threescore and three Christian Souls we ordeined a kind of Church amongst them for the instruction of those that were newly converted And then returning to our Junck we presently set sail and continued our course towards Tanauçarim where I was perswaded I should find Lancerote Guerreyra and his companions for to treat with them about the business whereof I have formerly spoken But for as much as in the Letter which the petty King shewed me the Portugals made mention of a Victory which God had given them against the Turks and Achems of this Coast I hold it not amiss to relate here how that hapned as well for the content the Reader may take therein as to shew that there is no enterprize which valiant Soldiers at a need may not bring
receive him who brought along with him an hundred and threescore Calaluzes and ninety Lanchares full of Luffons from the Isle of Borneo With all this company he arrived where the King of Zunda was who entertained him very courteously and with a great deal of honor Fourteen daies after our coming to this Town of Iapara the King of Demaa went and imbarqued himself for the Kingdome of Passarâ—an in a Fleet of two thousand and seven hundred sails amongst the which were a thousand high-built Juncks and all the rest were Vessells with oars The eleventh of February he arrived at the river of Hicandurea which is at the entrance of the bar and because the King of Panaruca Admirall of the Fleet perceived that the great Vessells could not passe unto the Port which was two leagues off by reason of certaine shelves of sand that were in divers parts of the river he caused all those that were in them to be disimbarqued and the other Vâ—ssells with oars to go and anchor in the road before the Town with an intention to burn the Ships that were in the Port which indeed was accordingly executed In this Army was the Emperor Panguâ—yran in person accompanied with all the grandeâ—s of the Kingdome the King of Zunda his brother-in-law who was Generall of the Army went by land with a great part of the forces and being all arrived at the place where they meant to pitch their Camp they took care in the first place for the fortifying thereof and for placing the Canon in the most commodious places to batter the Town in which labour they bestowed the most part of the day As for the night ensuing it was spent in rejoycings and keeping good watch untill such time as it was day whenas each Captain applied himself to that whereunto his duty obliged him all in generall imploying themselves according to the ingineers directions so that by the second day the whole Town was invironed with high Pallisadoes and their Platformes fortified with great beames whereupon they planted divers great pieces of Ordnance amongst the which were Eagles and Lions of metall that the Acheâ—s and Turks had cast by the invention of a certain Renegado born in the Kingdome of Algarâ—es appertaining to the Crown of Portugal and by reason this wicked wretch had changed his belief he called himself Coia Geinal for as for the name which he had before when he was a Christian I am contented to passe it over in silence for the honor of his Family being indeed of no mean extraction In the mean time the besieged having taken notice how ill-advised they had been in suffering the enemies to labour two whole daies together peaceably in fortifying of their Camp without any impeachment of theirs and taking the same for a great affront they desired their King to permit them to fal upon them the night following alledging how it was probable that men vvearied vvith labour could not make any great use of their arms nor be able to resist this first impetuosity The King who at that time commanded the Kingdom of Passaruan was young indued with many excellent qualities vvhich made him to be exeeedingly beloved of all his subjects for as it was reported of him he was very liberal no manner of Tyrant exceedingly affable to the common people a friend to the poor and so charitable towards Widovvs that if they acquainted him vvith their necessities he relieved them instantly and did them more good then they asked of him Besides these perfections that vvere so recommendable he possessed some others so conforâ—able to mens desires as there vvas not any one that vvould not have exposed his life a thousand times for his service if need â—ad been Furthermore he had none but choice men vvith him even the flovver of all his Kingdome besides many strangers upon vvhom he conferred much vvealth honor and many graces which he accompanied vvith good vvords that being indeed the means vvhereby the minds both of great and small are so strongly gained that they make them Lions of sheep vvhereas carrying ones self other vvayes of generous Lions they are made fearfull hares This King then examining the request vvhâ—ch his people made unto him and referring himself to the advice of the antientest and most prudent Councellors of his State vvhich vvere vvith him there vvas a great contention about the successe that the affairs might have but in the end by the counsell of all in generall it vvas concluded That in case â—ortune should be altogether adverse unto them in this sally which they mâ—ant to make against their enemies yet would it be a much lesse evill and lesse considerâ—ble affront then to see the King so besieged by vile people who against all reason would reduce them by force to quit their beliefe wâ—erein they had been bred by their Fathers to imbrace another new one by the suscitation of the Farazes who place their salvation in washing their parts behind in not eating of swines flesh and marâ—ying of seven wives whereby the best advised may easily judge that God was so much their enemy as he would not assist them in any thing seeing that with so great offence they would under pretext of Religion and with reasons so full of contradiction compell their King to become a Mahometan and render himself tributary to them To these reasons they added many others which the King and they that were with him found to be so good as they all with one common consent agreed thereunto which is en evident mark that it is a thing no lesse naturall for a good Subject to expose his life for his King then for a vertuous wife to conserve her chastity for the husband which God hath given her This being so said they a matter of so great importance was no longer to be deferred but we all in generall and each one in particular are by this sally to make demonstration of the extreme affection which we bear to our good King who we are assured will never be unmindfull of them that shall fight best for his defence which is all the inheritance we desire to leave to our children Whereupon it was resolved that the night following they should make a sally upon their enemies Whereas the joy which this designed sally brought to all the inhabitants of the Town was generall they never stayed till they were called but two hours after midnight and before the time which the King had appointed they assembled all in a great place which was not far from the Royall Palace and where they of the country had accustomed to keep their Fairs and to solemnize their most remarkable feasts on those principall dayes which were destined to the invocation of their Pagodâ—s The King in the mean time wonderfully content to see such heat of courage in them of seventy thousand inhabitants which were in the Town drew out twelve thousand only for this enterprise and divided them into four companies each
that were upon it this matter was no sooner resolved upon but was presently put in execution and for the better incouragement of them the King himselfe would be their Captaine albeit this whole enterprise was governed by the four Panariâ—ons which had formerly commanded in the first sally Having put themselves into the field then with the rising of the Sun they fought so valiantly without any fear at all of the dreadfull Ordnance which were planted on the Platform as in lesse then two Credoes they got to the top of it and there setting on the enemies who were thirty thousand in number they defeated them all in a very short time The Pangueyran of Pate seeing his forces thus routed ran thither in person with twenty thousand choice souldiers intending to beat the Passeruans from the place which they had gained but they defended it so couragiously as is not possible to expresse it in words This bloudy battell having indured till evening the Passeruan who had lost the most part of his men made his retreat into the Towne by the gate that was next to the Platforme whereunto having first set fire in six or seven places it took hold of some barrells of powder whereof there was great store there which inflamed it so terribly in severall parts as it was not possible to approach unto it by the space of a flight shoot this accident was very favourable to the besieged because the enemies were thereby kept from joyning together and so the Towne was for this time preserved from the great danger wherewithall it was threatned howbeit the Passeruans scap't not so scot-free but that of the ten thousand Volunteers imployed in this service six thousand remained dead on the top of the Platforme True it is that in the Pangueyran part there vvas above forty thousand killed amongst the vvhhich vvere three thousand strangers of divers Nations the most part Achems Turks and Malabares as also twelve Pates or Dukes five Kings with many other Commanders and men of quality All this night was spent on both sides in lamentations and complaints as also in dressing the vvounded and casting the dead into the river The next morning as soone as it was day the Pangueyran of Pata seeing the bad successe which his enterprise had had untill that present could not for all that be dravvn to desist from it so that he caused all his souldiers to prepare themselves for a nevv assaulting of the Tovvne being persvvaded that the besieged had no great force lefâ— to defend them vvithall considering their vvalls vvere overthrovvn in many places their ammunition spent the most part of their people slaine and their King dangerously hurt at leastvvise it vvas so reported Novv the better to be assured thereof he caused some of his forces to be laid in ambush in certain avenues by vvhich he had been advertised that divers of the frontizing inhabitants vvould passe to bring unto the Tovvne Eggs Pullaine and other such like things necessary for the recovery of sick persons Novv they vvhom he had sent for that purpose arrived at the Camp a little before day and brought nine prisoners with them amongst the which there was one Portugal After then that they had racked and tortured the other eight were come to do as much to the Portugal who was the last he imagined that it may be they would shew him some favour if he declared unto them what he was so that upon the first torment he cried out That he was a Portugal he not knowing hitherto any thing of us nor we of him Our King of Zunda no sooner heard this Declaration of his but he commanded him to be taken from the rack and instantly sent for us to know whether that which this wretch delivered was true whereupon six of us that were the least hurt went unto him and at the first sight we judged him by his countenance to be a Portugal so that prostrating our selves before the King we besought him to give us this man representing unto him that in regard he was of our Nation we were bound to make this suit for him which he very willingly granted us and so we in way of thankfullnesse kissed his feet After we had received him we carried him to the place where our companions lay wounded and then we would needs understand of him whether he were a Portugal indeed because he looked so strangely as we could not well know him no not by his speech but after he was a little come to himselfe and that he had shed a many of teares My Masters said he unto us I assure you that I am a Christian and a Portugal both by father and mother although as you see I do not weare the habit of one my country is Penamocor and my name Nuno Rodriguez Taborda I went out of Portugal in the year one thousand five hundred and thirteen after I had inrolled my self in the Marshalls Army and in the Ship called the S. Joano whereof Ruy Diaz Pereyra was Captaine Now because in those first beginnings I shewed my self in all occasions a worthy man Alphonso d'Albuquerque made me Captain of the four brigandines which he had in the Indiaes at that time afterwards I was present with him at the taking of Goa and Malaca withall I laboured in the foundations of Ormuz and Calecut never failing in any of the services performed in those times by that famous Commander to whom so many different Nations do at this day give the title of Great I continued the same proof of my courage during the Governments of Lopo Suarez of Diego Lopez de Siqueyra and of other Governors of the Indiaes even unto Don Anâ—iaque de Menesez who succeeded to that charge by the death of the Vice Roy Vasco de Gama who at the entrance into his Government made Francisco de Sa Generall of a Fleet of twelve Vessells wherein were three hundred men which he was to make use of for the building of a Fort at Zunda in regard of the feare they were then in of the Spaniards who at that time went to the Moluccaâ—s by the new way which Magellan â—ad discovered unto them in this Fleet I was made Captain of a Brigandine called the S. Jorge where I commanded over six and twenty very couragious and valiant men We departed then from the bar of Bintan whenas Pedro de Mascarenhas destroyed it but when we arrived at the Isle of Lingua we were beaten with so furious a tempest that unable to resist it we were forced to make towards Jaoa where of seven rowing Vessells that we were six were lost and my sins would have it that mine was one of that number besides for my greater infortune the tempest cast my Brigandine upon the coast of this Country where I have now remained these three and twenty years not one of all that were in the Vessell escaping save three of my companions who are every one dead but my self and would to God
not be applied to his wound but because he was hurt just in the heart there was no hope of recovery so that he died within a very short time after Presently they seized on the Page whom they put to torture by reason of some suspitions which they had upon this accident but he never confessed any thing and said nought els save That he had done it of his own free will and to be revenged of the blow which the King had given him on his head by way of contempt as if he had struck some dog that was barking up and down the streets in the night without considering that he was the son of the Pate Pondan Lord of Surebayaa The Page then was impaled alive with a good big stake which was thrust in at his Fundament and came out at the nape of his neck As much was done to his Father to three of his brothers and to threescore and twelve of his kinsmen so that his whole Race was exterminated upon which so cruell and rigorous an execution many great troubles ensued afterwards in all the country of Iaoa and in all the Islands of â—ale Tymor and Madura which are very great and whereof the Governors are Soveraigns by their Lawes and from all antiquity After the end of this execution question was made what should be done with the Kings body whereupon there were many different opinions amongst them for some said that to bury him in that place was as much as to leave him in the power of the Passeruans and others that if he were transported to Demaa where his Tomb was it was not possible but that it would be corrupted before it arrived there whereunto was added that if they interred him so putrified and corrupted his soul could not be received into Paradisâ— according to the Law of the country which is that of Mahomet wherein he died After many contestations thereupon in the end they followed the counsell which one of our Portugals gave them that was so profitable to him afterwards as it was worth him above ten thousand duckats wherewith the Lords rewarded him as it were in vye of one another for a recompence of the good service which he did then to the deceased This counsell was that they should put the body into a Coffin full of Lime and Camphire and so bury it in a Junck also full of earth so that albeit the thing was not so marvellous of it self yet left it not to be very profitable to the Portugals because they all found it very good and well invented as indeed the successe of it was such as by means thereof the Kings body was carried to Demaa without any kind of corruption or ill savour As soon as the Kings body was put into the Iunck appointed for it the King of Zunda Generall of the Army caused the great Ordinance and the ammunition to be imbarqued and with the least noyse that might be committed to safe custody the most precious things the King had together with all the treasures of the Tents But whatsoever care and silence was used therein the enemy could not be kept from having some inkling of it and from understanding how things went in the Camp so that instantly the King marched out of the Town in person with only three thousand souldiers of the past confederacy who by a solemn vow caused themselves to be annoynted with the oyle which they call Minhamundi as men resolved and that had vowed themselves to death Thus fully determined as they vvere they went and fell upon the enemies whom finding busie in trussing up their baggage they intreated so ill as in lesse then half an hours space for no longer lasted the heat of the fight they cut twelve thousand of them in pieces Withall they took two Kings and five Pates or Dukes prisoners together with above three hundred Turks Abyssines and Achems yea and their Caâ—ismoubana the Soveraign dignity amongst the Mahometans by whose counsell the Pangueyran was come thither There vvere also four hundred ships burnt vvherein vvere the hurt men so that by this means all the Camp vvas neer lost After this the King retreated into the Tovvn vvith his men vvhereof he lost but four hundred In the mean time the King of Zunda having caused the remainder of the Army to be re-imbarqued vvith all speed the same day being the nineth of March they set saile directly for the City of Demaa bringing along with them the body of the Pangueyran vvhich upon the arrivall thereof vvas received by the people vvith great cries and strange demonstrations of a universall mourning The day after a revievv vvas taken of all the men of vvar for to knovv hovv many vvere dead and there vvas found missing an hundred and thirty thousand vvhereas the Passeruans according to report had lost but five and tvventy thousand but be it as it vvill and let fortune make the best market that she can of these things yet they never arrive but the field is died vvith the bloud of the vanquishers and by a stronger reason vvith that of the vanguished to vvhom these events do alvvayes cost far dearer then to the others The same day there vvas question of creating a nevv Pangueyran vvho as I have said heretofore is Emperor over all the Pates and Kings of that great Archipelago vvhich the Chineses Tartar Iapon and Lequio Historians are vvont to call Raterra Vendau that is to say the eye-lid of the world as one may see in the Card if the elevation of the heights prove true Novv because that after the death of the Pangueyran there vvas not a lavvfull successor to be found that might inherit this Crovvn it vvas resolved that one should be made by election for vvhich effect by the common consent of all eight men vvere chosen as heads of all the people to create a Pangueyran These same assembled then together in a house and after order had been taken for the pacifying of all things in the City they continued seven vvhole daies together vvithout being able to come to any agreement about this election for vvhereas there vvere eight pretendents of the principall Lords of the Kingdome there vvere found amongst these Electors many different opinions vvhich proceeded from this that the most part or all of them vvere meerly allied to these â—ight or to their kinsmen so that each one laboured to make him Pangueyran vvhich vvas most to his mind Whereupon the inhabitants of the City and the souldiers of the Army making use of this delay to their advantage as men vvho imagined that this affair vvould never be terminated and that there vvould be no chastisement for them they began shamelessly to break out into all kind of actions full of insolency and malice And forasmuch as there vvas a great number of Merchants Ships in the Port they got aboard them and fell pell-mell to rifling both of strangers and those of the country vvith so much licentiousnesse as it vvas said
delay This done he parted the day following with a small train from the City of Pegu to give example to others to do the like and wept and lodged at a Town called Mouchan with an intention to tarry there those fifteen days he had limited the Lords to come unto him Now whenas six or seven of them were already past he was advertised that Xemin de Satan Governor of a Town so named had secretly sent a great sum of gold to the Zemindoo and had withall done him homage for the same Town where he commanded This news somewhat troubled the King of Bramaa who devising with himself of the means which he might use to meet with the mischief that threatned him he sent for Xemin de Satan who was then in the said Town of his Government with a purpose to cut off his head but he betaking himself to his bed and making shew of being sick answered that he would wait upon the King as soon as he was able to rise Now in regard he found himself to be guilty and misdoubting the cause wherefore he was sent for he communicated this affair to a dozen of his kinsmen that were there present with him who all of them concluded together how since there was no better way to save himself then in killing the King that without further delay it was to be put in execution so that all of them offering secretly to assist him in this enterprise they speedily assembled all their Confidents without declaring unto them at first the occasion wherefore they did it and withall drawing others unto them with many fair promises they made up of all being joyned together a company of six hundred men Whereupon being informed that the King was lodged in a certain Pagode they fell upon it with great violence and fortune was so favourable unto them that finding him almost alone in his chamber they slew him without incurring any danger That done they retired into an outward Court where the Kings Guard having had some notice of this treason set upon them and the conflict was so hot between them that in half an hours space or thereabout eight hundred men lay dead in the place whereof the most part were Bramaaes After this Xemin de Satan making away with four hundred of his followers went to a place of a large extent called Poutel whither all those of the country round about resorted unto him who being advertised of the death of the King of Bramaa whom they mortally hated made up a body of five thousand men and went to seek out the three thousand Bramaaes which the King had brought thither vvith him And forasmuch as these same vvere dispersed in severall places they vvere all of them easily slain not scarce so much as one escaping With them also vvere killed fourscore of three hundred Portugals that Diego Suarez had with him vvho together vvith all the rest vvhich remained vvith their lives saved rendred themselves upon composition and vvere received to mercy upon condition that for the future they should faithfully serve Xemin de Satan as their proper King vvhich they easily promised to do Nine days after this mutiny the Rebell seeing himself favoured by fortune and such a multitude of people at his devotion which were come to him out of this Province to the number of thirty thousand men caused himself to be declared King of Pegu promising great recompences to such as should follow and accompany him untill he had wholly gained the Kingdome and driven the Bramaaes out of the country With this design he retired to a fortresse called Tagalaa and resolved to fortifie himself there out of the feare he was in of the forces vvhich vvere to come to the succour of the deceased King thinking to find him alive having been advertised that many vvere already set forth from the City of Pegu for that purpose Now of those Bramaaes which Xemin de Satan had slain one by chance escaped and cast himself all woundeâ— as he vvas into the river and swimming over never left travelling all that night and the day follovving for fear of the Pegues untill he arrived at a place called Coutasarem where he incountred with the Chaumigrem the deceased Kings Foster-brother vvho vvas incamped there vvith an army of an hundred and â—ourscore thousand men vvhereof there vvere but only thirty thousand Bramaaes all the rest Pegues finding him then upon the point of parting from thence in regard of the heat that vvould be vvithin tvvo hours after he acquainted him vvith the death of the King and all that had past besides Now though this news greatly troubled the Chaumigrem yet he dissembled it for the present with so much courage and prudence as not one of his followers perceived any alteration in him But contrarily putting on a rich habit of Carnation Sattin imbroidered with gold and a chain of precious stones about his neck he caused all the Lords and Commanders of his Army to assemble before him and then speaking to them with the semblance of a joyfull man Gentlemen said he this fellow which you saw come to me but now in such hast hath brought me this Letter which I have here in my hand from the King my Lord and yours and although by the contents thereof he seemeth to blame us for our carelessâ—ness in lingering thus yet I hope e're long to render him such an accompt of it as his Highnesse shall give us all thanks for the service we have done him By this letter too he certifies me that he hath very certaine intelligence how the Zemindoo hath raised an army with an intent to fall upon the Towns of Cosmin and Dalâ—â— and to gain all along the rivers of Digon and Meâ—doo the whole Province of Danaplâ—â— even to Ansedaa wherefore he hath expresly enjoyned me that as soon as possibly I may I put into those places as the most important such forces as shall be able to resist the enemy and that I take heed nothing be lost through my nâ—gligence because in that case â—e will admit of no excuse This being so it seems to me very importanâ— and necessary for his service that you my Lord Xemiâ—brum go instantly without all delay and put your self with your forces into the Town of Dâ—laa and your brother-in-law Baâ—â—haa Quem into that of Digon with his fifteen thousand men as for Colonel Gipray and Monpocasser they shall go with their thirty thousand souldiers into Ansedaa and Danapluu and Ciguamcan with twenty thousand men shall march along to Xaraa and so to Mâ—lacou moreoâ—er Quiay Brazagaran with his brethren and kinsmen shall go for Generall of the Frontier with an Army of fifty thousand men to the end that assisted with those forces he may in person give order wheresoever need shall be Behold what the King hath written to me whereof I pray you let us make an agreement and all sign it together for it is no reason that my head should answer for your
foaming with poyson make horrible cries and be delivered into the burning jawes of the dragon of discord whom the true Lord of all the Gods hath cursed for ever whereas contrarily to those that shall be so happy as to obey this Proclamation as his holy brethren and allies shall be granted in this life a perpetuall peace accompanied with a great deale of wealth and riches and after their death their souls shall be no lesse pure and agreeable to God then those of the Saints which goe dancing amidst the beams of the Sun in the celestiall repose of the Lord Almighty This publication made the musick began to play again with a great noise as before which made such an impression in the hearts of them that heard it as in seven nights that it continâ—ed above threescore thousand persons went and rendred themselves to the Xemindoo for most of them which heard those words gave as much credit thereunto as if an Angell from heaven had spoken them In the meane time the besieged Tyrant seeing that these secret Proclamations of the enemy were so prejudiciall unto him as they could not chuse but turn to his utter ruine brake the truce at twelve dayes end and deliberated with his Councell what he should do who advised him by no means to suffer h mself to remaine any longer besieged for feare left the inhabitants should mutinie and fall from him to the enemy and that the best and surest way was to fight with the Xemindoo in the open field before he grew to any further strength This resolution being approved of by Zenim de Satan he prepared himself for the execution of it to which effect he two dayes after before it was day sallied out at five gates of the city with fourscore thousand men which then he had and charged the enemies with strange fury They then in the meane time who alwayes stood upon their guard received them with a great deale of courage whereupon insued so cruell a conflict between them that in lesse then halfe an houre for so long lasted the heat of the fight there fell on both sides above forty thousand men but at the end of that time the new King Zenim was born from his Elephant by an harquebuze shot discharged at him by a Portugall named Gonçalo Nâ—to which caused all the rest to render themselves and the city likewise upon condition that the inhabitants should have their goods and lives saved By this means the Xemindoo entred peaceably into it and the very same day which was a Saturday the three and twentieth of February a thousand five hundred fifty and one he caused himself to be crowned King of Pegu in the greatest Temple of the city As for Gonçalo Nâ—to he gave him in recompence for killing the Tyrant twenty Bisses of gold which are ten thousand Duckats and to the other Portugalls being eighty in number he gave five thousand Duckats besides the honors and prsviledges which they had in the country he also exempted them for three years from paying any custome for their merchandize which was afterwards very exactly observed CHAP. LXXIII That which the Xemindoo did after he was Crowned King of Pegu with the Chaumigrems the King of Bramaaes Foster-Brothers coming against him with a great Army and divers other memorable things THe Xemindoo seeing himself Crowned King of Pegu and peaceable Lord of all the kingdome began to have thoughts far different from those which Xemin de Satan had had being raised to the same dignity of King for the first and principal thing wherein he imployed himself with all his endeavour was to maintain his Kingdome in peace and to cause Justice to flourish as indeed he established it with so much integritie as no man how great so ever he was durst wrong a lesser then himself withall in that which concerned the government of the Kingdome he proceeded with so much vertue and equity as it filled the strangers that were there with admiration so that one could not without marvel consider the peace the quiet and union of the wills of the people during the happy and peaceable estate of this Kingdome which continued the space of a year and better at the end whereof the Chaumigrem foster-brother to the same King of Bramaa whom Xemin de Satan had slaine as I have before declared having received advertisement that by reason of the rebellions and warres which since his departure from thence had happened in the Kingdome of Pegu the principall men of the State there had lost their lives and the Xemindoo who then raigned was unprovided of all things necessary for his defence he resolved once again to adventure upon the same enterprise which had formerly been undertaken by his late King With this design he entertained into his pay a mighty Army of strangers unto whom he gave a Tincall of gold by the month which is five dackets of our mony when as he had prepared all things in a readinesse he departed from Tanguu the place of his birth On the ninth day of March a thousand five hundred fifty and two with an Army of three hundred thousand men whereof only fifty thousand were Bramaas and all the rest Mons Chaleus Calaminhams Sauâ—nis Pamâ—rus and Auaas In the mean time the Xemindoo the new King of Pegu having certain intelligence of these great forces which were coming to fall upon him made preparation to go and meet them with a design to give them battle for which effect he assembled in the same City where he was a huge Army of nine hundred thousand men which were all Pegues by nation and consequently of a weake constitution and lesse warlick then all the others whereof I have spoken and on Tueseday the fourth of April about noone having received advice that the enemies Army was incamped all along the river of Meleytay some twelve leagues from thence he used such expedition as the same day and the next night all his Souldiers were put into battle array for whereas they had prepared every thing long before and had also been trayned by their Capt. there needed no great ado to bring them into order The day ensueing all these men of warre begun about nine of the clock in the morning to march at the sound of an infinite company of warlick instruments and went and lodged that night some two leagues from thence neer to the river Potarâ—u The next day an hour before Sun-set the Bramaa Chaumigrem appeared with so great a body of men as it took up the extent of a league and an half of ground his Army being composed of seaventy thousand horse of two hundred and thirty thousand foot and six thousand fighting elephants besides as many more which carried the baggage and victuals and in regard it was almost night he thought fit to lodge himself all along by the mountain that he might be in the greater safety Thus the night past with a good guard and a strange noise that was made on
either part The day following which was a Saturday the seventh of Aprill in the year one thousand five hundred fifty and three about five of the clock in the morning these two Armies began to move but with different intentions for the designe of the Bramaa was to passe the foard and recover an advantageous peece of ground which lay neer to another river and the Xemindoo had a desire to keep him from it and to stop his passage upon this contention some skirmishes ensued which continued most part of the day and wherein about five hundred men on the one side and the other were slain howbeit the advantage remained with the Chaumigrem because he gained the place whereunto he pretented and passed all the night there in banquetting and making great bonfires for this good successe The next day betimes in the morning the Xemindoo King of Pegu presented the battail to his enemyes who did not refuse it so that they incountred one another with all the fury that a cruel hatred is accustomed to kindle in such like cases the two vantgards then vvho vvere the best Soldiers amongst them fell so lustily unto it that in lesse then half an hour all the Field was covered with dead bodies and the Pegues began to lack courage Wherupon the Xemindoo seeing his men give ground came to succor them with a body of three thousand elephants wherewith he set upon the seventy thousand horse so couragiously and to the purpose as the Bramaaes lost all that they had gained which perceived by the Chaumigrem who was better experienced in matters of Warre knowing full well what he was to doe to recover all again made shew of retyring as if he had been vanquished the Xemindoo thereupon who understood not this stratagem and that thought of nothing but the victory pursued his enemie about a quarter of a league but incontinently the Bramaa facing about with all his forces fell upon his enemy with such violence and horrible cryes as not only men but even the very earth and all the other elements seemed to tremble at it By this meanes the conflict renewed in such sort as in a little time the ayre was seen all on fire and the ground watered all over with bloud for the Pegu Lords and Commanders beholding their King so farre ingaged in the battle and likely to lose the day ran instantly to his succor the like did the Panonsaray the Bramaaes brother on his side with fourty thousand men and two thousand elephants so that there ensued betwixt them so bloudy and dreadfull a fight as words are not able to expresse the truth of it wherefore I shall say no more but that half an hour or there about before Sun-set the Army of nine hundred thousand Pegues was utterly discomfited and as it was said four hundred thousand of them were left dead on the place and all the rest or the most part of them grievously wounded which the Xemindoo seeing fled out of the field and so escaped Thus did the victory remain unto the Chaumigrem who thereupon caused himself to be crowned King of Pegu with the same royal Ensignes magnificence and triumph as the other King of Bramaa whom Xemin de Satan slew had formerly been And in regard it was already night they bestowed the time in no other thing but in dressing the hurt men and keeping good watch in the Camp The next day as soon as it was light all the victorious souldiers as wel wounded as unwounded â—an to the spoil of the dead bodies wherewith divers amongst them were mightily enriched for they found there great store of Gold and Jewels by reason the custome of those Gentiles is as I think I have heretofore delivered to carry all their wealth about them to the War The souldiers being well satisfied in this particular the new King of this miserable Kingdome parted forthwith from the place where he had gotten the Victory and marched towards the Citie of Pegu distant soâ—â— three leagues from thence Now forasmuch as hee would not that day enter into it for certain considerations which I will relate hereafter hee set himself down in the view of it about half a league off in a Plain called Sunday Patir and after he had thus encamped his Army hee gave order for the guard of the four and twenty gates thereof by placing at each of them a Bramaa Commander with five thousand Horse In this manner hee remained there five dayes without being able to resolve to enter into the Citie out of the fear he was in lest the strangers should require of him the pillage of it as indeed he was obliged to grant it to them by the promise which he had made them for it at Tanguu Now the custom of men of War who live but upon their pay being to have regard to nothing but their interests these six Nations seeing the King thus defer his entry into the Citie which they could not brook began to mutinie and this by the instigation of a Portugal named Christonano Surnento a man of a turbulent spirit but otherwise a good and valiant Commander and this mutinie proceeded so far as the King of Bramaa for his own safety was constrained to retire into a Pagode where he fortified himself with his Bramaaes untill that the next morning about nine of the clock hee came to a truce with them and causing them to assemble together from the top of a wall he spake to them in this sort My worthy Friends and valiant Commanders I have caused you to come to this holy resting place of the dead to the end that with a solemn Oath I may discover unto you my intentions whereof with my knees on the ground and my eyes lift up unto heaven I take to witness Quiay Nivandel the God of Battel of the field Vitau beseeching him to be Iudg of this between you and me and to strike me dumb if I do not tell you the truth I very well remember the promise I made you at Tanguu which was to give you the pillage of this tumultuous Citie as well because I believed your valor would be as it were the minister of my revenge as in some sort to satisfie your avarice whereunto I know you are naturally very much inclined Now having given you this promise for a gage of my faith I acknowledg that I am altogether obliged not to break my word with you But when on the other side I come to consider the great inconveniences which may accrue to me thereby and the strict account which I shall one day render for it before the equitable and rigorous justice of the Lord above I must confesse unto you that I am very much affraid of charging my self with so heavie a burthen wherefore Reason advises me to render my self â—aulty towards men rather then to fall into the displeasure of God Besides it is not reasonable that the innocent should pay for the guilty and of whom I am sufficiently