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A01128 Certaine miscellany vvorks of the Right Honourable Francis Lo. Verulam, Viscount S. Alban. Published by William Rawley ... Bacon, Francis, 1561-1626.; Rawley, William, 1588?-1667. 1629 (1629) STC 1124; ESTC S100333 51,832 176

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lesse than 50. tall Ships besides 20. Gallies to attend them The Ships were straight waies beaten put to flight with such terrour as the Spaniards in the end were their owne Executioners and fired them all with their owne Hands The Gallies by the benefit of the Shores and Shallowes got away The Towne was a faire strong well built and rich City Famous in Antiquity and now most spoken of for this Disaster It was manned with 4000. Souldiers Foot and some 400. Horse It was sacked and burned though great Clemency was vsed towards the Inhabitants But that which is no lesse strange than the sudden Victory is the great patience of the Spaniards Who though wee staid vpon the place diuers dayes yet neuer offered vs any play then nor euer put vs in suit by any Action of Reuenge or Reparation at any time after In the yeare 1600. was the Battell of Newport in the Low-Countries where the Armies of the Arch-Duke and the States tried it out by a iust Battell This was the only Battell that was fought in those Countries these many yeares For Battels in the French Warres haue beene frequent But in the Warres of Flanders rare as the Nature of a Defensiue requireth The Forces of both Armies were not much vnequall That of the States exceeded somewhat in Number But that againe was recompensed in the Quality of the Souldiers For those of the Spanish Part were of the Flower of all their Forces The Arch-Duke was the Assailant and the Preuenter and had the fruit of his Diligence and Celerity For he had charged certaine Companies of Scottishmen to the Number of eight hundred sent to make good a Passage and thereby seuered from the Body of the Army and cut them all in peeces For they like a braue Infantery when they could make no honourable Retreit and would take no dishonourable Flight made good the place with their Liues This Entrance of the Battell did whet the Courage of the Spaniards though it dulled their Swords So as they came proudly on confident to defeat the whole Armie The Encounter of the Maine Battell which followed was a iust Encounter not hastening to a sudden Rout nor the Fortune of the day resting vpon a few former Ranks but foughten our to the proofe by seuerall Squadrons and not without variety of successe Stat pedi pes densusque viro vir There fell out an Errour in the Dutch Army by the ouerhasty Medly of some of their Men with the Enemies which hindered the Playing of their great Ordnance But the End was that the Spaniards were vtterly defeated and neare 5000. of their Men in the Fight and in the Execution slaine and taken Amongst whom were many of the principall Persons of their Army The Honour of the Day was both by the Enemy and the Dutch themselues ascribed vnto the English Of whom Sir Francis Vere in a priuate Commentary which he wrote of that Seruice leaueth testified That of 1500. in number for they were no more 800. were slaine in the field And which is almost incredible in a day of victory of the remaining 700. two only Men came off vnhurt Amongst the rest Sir Francis Vere himselfe had the principall honour of the seruice vnto whom the Prince of Aurange as is said did transmit the Direction of the Army for that day And in the next place Sir Horace Vere his Brother that now liueth who was the principall in the Actiue part The Seruice also of Sir Edward Cecill Sir Iohn Ogle and diuers other braue Gentlemen was eminent In the yeare 1601. followed the Battell of Kinsale in Ireland By this Spanish Inuasion of Ireland which was in September that yeare a Man may ghesse how long time a Spaniard will liue in Irish Ground which is a matter of a Quarter of a yeare or foure Moneths at the most For they had all the Aduantages in the world And no Man would haue thought considering the small Forces imployed against them that they could haue beene driuen out so soone They obtained without resistance in the end of September the Towne of Kinsale A small Garrison of 150. English leauing the Towne vpon the Spaniards approach and the Townesmen receiuing the Forrainers as Friends The Number of Spaniards that put themselues into Kinsale was 2000. Men Souldiers of old Bands vnder the command of Don Ihuan d' Aquila a Man of good valour The Towne was strong of it selfe Neither wanted there any Industry to fortifie it on all parts and make it tenable according to the Skill and Discipline of Spanish Fortification At that time the Rebels were proud being encouraged vpon former Successes For though the then Deputy the Lord Mountioy and Sir George Carew President of Munster had performed diuers good Seruices to their preiudice Yet the Defeat they had giuen the English at Blacke-water not long before And the Treaty too much to their honour with the Earle of Essex was yet fresh in their memory The Deputy lost no time but made haste to haue recouered the Towne before new Succours came and sate downe before it in October and laid siege to it by the space of three Winter Moneths or more During which time Sallies were made by the Spaniard but they were beaten in with losse In Ianuary came fresh Succours from Spaine to the number of 2000. more vnder the Conduct of Alonzo D' Ocampo Vpon the Comforts of these Succours Tirone and Odonnell drew vp their Forces together to the number of 7000. besides the Spanish Regiments and tooke the field resolued to rescue the Towne and to giue the English battell So here was the Case An Army of English of some 6000 wasted and tired with along Winters Siege Engaged in the middest betweene an Armie of a greater Number than themselues fresh and in vigour on the one side And a Towne strong in Fortification and strong in Men on the other But what was the Euent This in few words That after the Irish and Spanish Forces had come on and shewed themselues in some Brauery they were content to giue the English the honour as to charge them first And when it came to the Charge there appeared no other difference betweene the Valour of the Irish Rebels and the Spaniards but that the one ranne away before they were charged and the other straight after And againe the Spaniards that were in the towne had so good Memories of their losses in their former Sallies as the Confidence of an Army which came for their deliuerance could not draw them forth againe To conclude there succeeded an absolute victory for the English with the slaughter of aboue two thousand of the Enemie The taking of nine Ensignes whereof six Spanish The taking of the Spanish Generall D' Ocampo Prisoner And this with the losse of so few of the English as is scarce credible Being as hath beene rather confidently than credibly reported but of one Man the Cornet of Sir Richard Greame though not a few hurt There
an Historicall Truth no wayes strowted nor made greater by Language This were a fit Speech you will say for a Generall in the Head of an Army when they were going to Battell Yes And it is no lesse fit Speech to bee spoken in the Head of a Counsell vpon a Deliberation of Entrance into a Warre Neither speake I this to disparage the Spanish Nation whom I take to be of the best Souldiers in Europe But that sorteth to our honour if wee still haue had the better hand In the yeare 1578. was that famous Lammas Day which buried the Reputation of Don Ihuan d' Austrià himselfe not suruiuing long after Don Ihuan being superiour in Forces assisted by the Prince of Parma Mondragon Mansell and other the best Commanders of Spaine confident of Victory charged the Army of the States neere Rimenant brauely furiously at the first But after a Fight maintained by the space of a whole day was repulsed and forced to a Retrait with great slaughter of his Men And the Course of his further Enterprizes was wholly arrested And this chiefly by the Prowesse and Vertue of the English and Scottish Troupes vnder the Conduct of Sir Iohn Norris and Sir Robert Stuart Colonels Which Troupes came to the Army but the day before harrased with a long and wearisome march and as it is left for a memorable circumstance in all Stories the Souldiers being more sensible of a little Heat of the Sunne than of any cold Feare of Death cast away their Armour and Garments from them and fought in their Shirts And as it was generally conceiued had it not beene that the Count of Bossu was slacke in charging the Spaniards vpon their Retreit this Fight had sorted to an absolute Defeat But it was enough to chastise Don Ihuan for his insidious Treaty of Peace wherewith he had abused the States at his first comming And the Fortune of the day besides the testimonie of all Stories may be the better ascribed to the Seruice of the English and Scottish by comparison of this Charge neare Rimenant where the English and Scottish in great numbers came in action with the like Charge giuen by Don Ihuan halfe a yeare before at Gemblours where the Successe was contrary There being at that time in the Army but a Handfull of English and Scottish and they put in disarray by the Horsemen of their owne Fellowes The first Dart of Warre which was throwne from Spaine or Rome vpon the Realme of Ireland was in the yeare 1580 For the Designe of Stukeley blew ouer into Africke And the Attempt of Sanders and Fitz-Maurice had a spice of Madnesse In that yeare Ireland was inuaded by Spanish and Italian Forces vnder the Popes Banner and the Conduct of Sant Iosepho to the number of 700. or better which landed at Smerwicke in Kerey A poore Number it was to conquer Ireland to the Popes vse For their Designe was no lesse But withall they brought Armes for 5000. Men aboue their owne company intending to arme so many of the Rebels of Ireland And their purpose was to fortifie in some strong Place of the wilde and Desolate Country and there to nestle till greater Succours came They being hastened vnto this Enterprise vpon a speciall Reason of State not proper to the Enterprise it selfe Which was by the Inuasion of Ireland and the Noyse thereof to trouble the Counsell of England and to make a diuersion of certaine Aids that then were preparing from hence for the Low Countries They chose a place where they erected a Fort which they called the Fort del Or And from thence they bolted like Beasts of the Forrest sometimes into the Woods and Fastnesses and sometimes backe againe to their Den. Soone after Siege was laid to the Fort by the Lord Gray then Deputy with a smaller Number than those were within the Fort Venturously indeed But haste was made to attache them before the Rebels came in to them After the siege of foure dayes only and two or three Sallies with losse on their part they that should haue made good the Fort for some moneths till new Succours came from Spaine or at least from the Rebels of Ireland yeelded vp themselues without conditions at the end of those foure daies And for that there were not in the English Army enough to keepe euery man a Prisoner And for that also the Deputy expected instantly to be assailed by the Rebels And againe there were no Barks to throw them into and send them away by Sea They were all put to the sword With which Queene Elizabeth was afterwards much displeased In the yeare 1582. was that Memorable Retreit of Gaunt Than the which there hath not beene an Exploit of Warre more celebrated For in the true iudgement of Men of Warre honourable Retreits are no wayes inferiour to braue Charges As hauing lesse of Fortune more of Discipline and as much of Valour There were to the number of 300. Horse and as many thousand Foot English commanded by Sir Iohn Norris charged by the Prince of Parma comming vpon them with 7000. Horse Besides that the whole Army of Spaniards was ready to march on Neuerthelesse Sir Iohn Norris maintained a Retreit without Disarray by the space of some miles part of the way champagne vnto the City of Gaunt with lesse losse of Men than the Enemy The D. of Aniou and the Prince of Aurange beholding this noble Action from the Wals of Gaunt as in a Theatre with great Admiration In the yeare 1585. followed the Prosperous Expedition of Drake and Carlile into the West Indies In the which I set a side the Taking of S. Iago and S. Domingo in Hispaniola as Surprises rather than Encounters But that of Catargena where the Spaniards had warning of our comming had put themselues in their full strength was one of the hottest Seruices most dangerous Assaults that hath bin known For the Accesse to the Town was only by a Neck of Land betweene the Sea on the one part and the Harbour Water or Inner Sea on the other Fortified cleane ouer with a strong Rampier and Barracado So as vpon the Ascent of our Men they had both great Ordnance and small Shot that thundred and showred vpon them from the Rampier in front and from the Gallies that lay at Sea in flanke And yet they forced the Passage and wan the Towne being likewise very well manned As for the Expedition of Sir Francis Drake in the yeare 1587. for the destroying of the Spanish Shipping and Prouision vpon their owne Coast As I cannot say that there interuened in that Enterprise any sharpe Fight or Encounter So neuerthelesse it did strangely discouer either that Spaine is very weake at home or very slow to moue When they suffered a small Fleet of English to make an hostile Inuasion or Incursion vpon their Hauens and Roads from Cadez to Capa Sacra and thence to Cascais And to fire sinke and carry away at the least 10000. tonne
of their great Shipping besides 50. or 60. of their smaller Vessels And that in the sight and vnder the Fauour of their Forts And almost vnder the Eye of their great Admirall the best Commander of Spaine by Sea the Marquis de Santa Cruz without euer being disputed with by any fight of importance I remember Drake in the vaunting stile of a Souldier would call this Enterprise The C●ngeing of the King of Spaines Beard The Enterprise of 88. deserueth to bee stood vpon a little more fully being a Miracle of Time There armed from Spaine in the yeare 1588. the greatest Nauy that euer swam vpon the Sea For though there haue beene farre greater Fleets for Number yet for the Bulke and Building of the Ships with the Furniture of great Ordnance and Prouisions neuer the like The Designe was to make not an Inuasion only but an vtter Conquest of this Kingdome The Number of Vessels were 130. whereof Galliasses and Gallions 72 goodly Ships like floating Towers or Castles manned with 30000. Souldiers and Mariners This Nauy was the Preparation of fiue whole yeares at the least It bare it selfe also vpon Diuine Assistance For it receiued speciall Blessing from Pope Zistus and was assigned as an Apostolicall Mission for the reducement of this Kingdome to the obedience of the See of Rome And in further token of this holy Warfare there were amongst the rest of these Ships Twelue called by the names of the Twelue Apostles But it was truly conceiued that this Kingdome of England could neuer be ouer-whelmed except the Land-Waters came in to the Sea-Tides Therefore was there also in readinesse in Flanders a mightie strong Army of Land-Forces to the number of 50000. veterane Souldiers vnder the Conduct of the Duke of Parma the best Commander next the French King Henrie the fourth of his time These were designed to ioyne with the forces at Sea There being prepared a Number of flat bottomed boats to transport the Land-Forces vnder the Wing and Protection of the Great Nauy For they made no account but that the Nauy should be absolutely Master of the Seas Against these Forces there were prepared on our part ●o the number of neare 100. Ships Not so great of Bulke indeed but of a more nimble Motion and more seruiceable Besides a lesse Fleet of 30. Ships for the Custody of the Narrow Seas There were also in readinesse at Land two Armies besides other Forces to the number of 10000 dispersed amongst the Coast Townes in the Southerne Parts The two Armies were appointed One of them consisting of 25000. Horse and Foot for the Repulsing of the Enemy at their landing And the other of 25000. for safeguard and attendance about the Court and the Queenes Person There were also other Dormant Musters of Souldiers thorowout all Parts of the Realme that were put in readinesse but not drawne together The two Armies were assigned to the Leading of two Generals Noble Persons but both of them rather Courtiers and Assured to the State than Martiall Men yet lined and assisted with Subordinate Commanders of great Experience Valour The Fortune of the Warre made this enterprise at first a Play at Base The Spanish Nauy set forth out of the Groyne in May and was dispersed and driuen backe by Weather Our Nauy set forth somewhat later out of Plimouth and bare vp towards the Coast of Spaine to haue fought with the Spanish Nauy And partly by reason of contrary Winds partly vpon aduertisement that the Spaniards were gone backe and vpon some doubt also that they might passe by towards the Coast of England whilest wee were seeking them a farre off returned likewise into Plimouth about the Middle of Iuly At that time came more confident Aduertisement though false not only to the Lord Admirall but to the Court that the Spaniards could not possibly come forward that yeare Whereupon our Nauy was vpon the point of disbanding and many of our Men gone ashore At which very time the Inuincible Armada for so it was called in a Spanish ostentation thorowout Europe was discouered vpon the Westerne Coast It was a kinde of Surprise For that as was said many of our Men were gone to Land and our Ships ready to depart Neuerthelesse the Admirall with such Ships only as could suddenly bee put in readinesse made forth towards them In somuch as of 100. Ships there came scarce thirty to worke Howbeit with them and such as came dayly in we set vpon them and gaue them the chase But the Spaniards for want of Courage which they called Commission declined the Fight casting themselues continually into Roundels their strongest Ships walling in the rest and in that manner they made a flying march towards Callis Our Men by the space of fiue or six dayes followed them close fought with them continually made great Slaughter of their Men tooke two of their great Ships and gaue diuers others of their Ships their Deaths wounds whereof soone after they sanke and perished And in a word distressed them almost in the nature of a Defeat We our selues in the meane time receiuing little or no hurt Neere Callis the Spaniards anchored expecting their Land-forces which came not It was afterwards alledged that the Duke of Parma did artificially delay his Comming But this was but an Inuention and Pretension giuen out by the Spaniards Partly vpon a Spanish Enuie against that Duke being an Italian and his Sonne a Competitor to Portugall But chiefly to saue the Monstrous Scorne and Disreputation which they and their Nation receiued by the Successe of that Enterprise Therefore their Colours and Excuses forsooth were that their Generall by Sea had a limitted Commission not to fight vntill the Land-forces were come in to them And that the Duke of Parma had particular Reaches and Ends of his owne vnderhand to crosse the Designe But it was both a strange Commission and a strange obedience to a Commission for Men in the middest of their owne Bloud and being so furiously assailed to hold their hands contrary to the Lawes of Nature and Necessity And as for the Duke of Parma he was reasonably well tempted to be true to that Enterprise by no lesse Promise than to be made a Feudatary or Beneficiary King of England vnder the Seignorie in chiefe of the Pope and the Protection of the King of Spaine Besides it appeared that the Duke of Parma held his place long after in the Fauour and Trust of the King of Spaine by the great Employments and Seruices that he performed in France And againe it is manifest that the Duke did his best to come downe and to put to Sea The Truth was that the Spanish Nauy vpon those proofes of Fight which they had with the English finding how much hurt they receiued and how little hurt they did by reason of the Actiuity and low building of our Ships and skill of our Sea-men And being also commanded by a Generall of small Courage and Experience And hauing lost
Answer to the Obiection raised touching the Difference of times Not entring into more secret Passages of State But keeping that Character of Stile whereof Seneca speaketh Plus significat quàm loquitur Here I would passe ouer from Matter of Experience were it not that I held it necessary to discouer a wonderfull Erroneous obseruation that walketh about and is commonly receiued contrary to all the true Account of Time and Experience It is that the Spaniard where he once getteth in will seldome or neuer be got out againe But nothing is lesse true than this Not long since they got footing at Brest and some other parts in French Brittaine after quitted them They had Calais Ardes and Amiens and rendred them or were beaten out They had since Verseilles and faire left it They had the other day the Valtoline and now haue put it in deposite What they will doe with Ormus which the Persian hath taken from them we shall see So that to speake truly of later Times they haue rather poched and offered at a Number of Enterprises than maintained any constantly quite contrary to that idle Tradition In more ancient times leauing their Purchases in Affricke which they after abandoned when their great Emperour Charles had clasped Germany almost in his fist he was forced in the end to goe from Isburg and as if it had beene in a Masque by Torch-light and to quit euery foot in Germany round that he had gotten Which I doubt not will be the hereditary Issue of this late Purchase of the Palatinate And so I conclude the Ground that I haue to think that Spain will be no Ouermatch to Great Britaine if his Maiesty shall enter into a Warre out of Experience and the Records of Time For Grounds of Reason they are many I will extract the principall and open them briefly and as it were in the Bud. For Situation I passe it ouer Though it be no small point England Scotland Ireland and our good Confederates the Vnited Prouinces lie al in a plump together not accessible but by Sea or at least by passing of great Riuers which are Naturall Fortifications As for the Dominions of Spaine they are so scattered as it yeeldeth great choice of the scenes of the Warre and promiseth slow Succours vnto such Part as shall bee attempted There be three maine parts of Military Puissance Men Mony and Confederates For Men there are to be considered Valour and Number Of Valour I speake not Take it from the Witnesses that haue beene produced before Yet the old obseruation is not vntrue That the Spaniards Valour lieth in the Eye of the Looker on But the English Valour lieth about the Souldiers Heart A Valour of Glory and a Valour of Naturall Courage are two things But let that passe and let vs speake of Number Spaine is a Nation thin sowne of People Partly by reason of the Sterility of the Soile And partly because their Natiues are exhausted by so many Employments in such vast Territories as they possesse So that it hath beene counted a kind of Miracle to see ten or twelue thousand Natiue Spaniards in an Army And it is certaine as we haue touched it a little before in passage that the Secret of the Power of Spaine consisteth in a Veterane Army compounded of Miscellany Forces of all Nations which for many yeares they haue had on foot vpon one occasion or other And if there should happen the Misfortune of a Battell it would be a long worke to draw on supplies They tell a Tale of a Spanish Ambassadour that was brought to see the Treasury of S. Marke at Venice and still he looked downe to the Ground And being asked why he so looked downe said He was looking to see whether their Treasure had any Root so that if it were spent it would grow againe as his Masters had But howsoeuer it be of their Treasure certainly their Forces haue scarce any Root Or at least such a Root as buddeth forth poorely and slowly It is true they haue the Wallons who are tall Souldiers But that is but a Spot of Ground But on the other side there is not in the world againe such a Spring and Seminary of braue Militar People as is England Scotland Ireland and the Vnited Prouinces So as if Warres should mowe them downe neuer so fast yet they may be suddenly supplyed and come vp againe For Money no doubt it is the principall Part of the Greatnesse of Spaine For by that they maintaine their Veteran Army And Spaine is the only State of Europe that is a Money grower But in this Part of all others is most to be considered the ticklish and brittle State of the Greatnesse of Spaine Their Greatnesse consisteth in their Treasure Their Treasure in their Indies And their Indies if it bee well weighed are indeed but an Accession to such as are Masters by Sea So as this Axeltree whereupon their Greatnesse turneth is soone cut in two by any that shall be stronger than they by Sea Herein therefore I refer me to the Opinions of all Men Enemies or whomsoeuer whether that the Maritime Forces of Great Britaine and the Vnited Prouinces bee not able to beat the Spaniard at Sea For if that bee so the Linkes of that chaine whereby they hold their Greatnesse are dissolued Now if it be said that admit the Case of Spaine bee such as wee haue made it yet wee ought to descend into our owne Case which wee shall finde perhaps not to be in State for Treasure to enter into a Warre with Spaine To which I answer I know no such thing The Mint beateth well And the Pulses of the Peoples Hearts beat well But there is another Point that taketh away quite this Obiection For whereas Warres are generally Causes of Pouerty or Consumption on the contrary part the speciall Nature of this Warre with Spaine if it be made by Sea is like to be a Lucratiue and Restoratiue Warre So that if we goe roundly on at the first the Warre in continuance will finde it selfe And therefore you must make a great difference betweene Hercules Labours by Land and Iasons Voyage by Sea for the Golden Fleece For Confederates I will not take vpon mee the knowledge how the Princes States and Counsels of Europe at this day stand affected towards Spaine For that trencheth into the secret Occurrents of the present Time wherewith in all this Treatise I haue forborne to meddle But to speake of that which lieth open and in view I see much Matter of Quarrell and Iealousie but little of Amity and Trust towards Spaine almost in all other Estates I see France is in competition with them for three noble Portions of their Monarchie Nauarre Naples and Millaine And now freshly in difference with them about the Valtoline I see once in thirty or forty yeares commeth a Pope that casteth his eye vpon the Kingdome of Naples to recouer it to the Church As it was in the mindes
of Iulius 2. Paulus 4. and Zistus 5. As for that great Body of Germanie I see they haue greater reason to confederate themselues with the Kings of France and Great Britaine or Denmarke for the libertie of the Germaine Nation and for the Expulsion of Spanish and forraine Forces than they had in the yeares 1552. and 1553. At which time they contracted a League with Henry the second the French King vpon the same Articles against Charles the fifth who had impatronized himselfe of a great Part of Germany through discord of the German Princes which himselfe had sowen and fomented Which League at that time did the Deed and draue out all the Spaniards out of that part of Germany And re-integrated that Nation in their ancient Liberty and Honour For the West Indies though Spaine hath had yet not much actuall disturbance there except it haue beene from England Yet neuerthelesse I see all Princes lay a kind of claime vnto them Accounting the Title of Spaine but as a Monopolie of those large Countries wherein they haue in great part but an Imaginary Possession For Affrick vpon the West the Moores of Valentia expulsed and their Allies doe yet hang as a Cloud or Storme ouer Spaine Gabor on the East is like an Anniuersary Wind that riseth euery yeare once vpon the Party of Austria And Persia hath entred into Hostility with Spaine and giuen them the first blow by taking of Ormus It is within euery mans Obseruation also that Venice doth thinke their State almost on fire if the Spaniards hold the Valtoline That Sauoy hath learned by fresh experience That Alliance with Spaine is no Security against the Ambition of Spaine And that of Bauaria hath likewise beene taught that Merit and Seruice doth oblige the Spaniard but from day to day Neither doe I say for all this but that Spaine may rectifie much of this ill Bloud by their particular and cunning Negotiations But yet there it is in the Body and may breake out no man knoweth when into ill Accidents But at least it sheweth plainly that which serueth for our purpose That Spain is much destitute of Assured and Confident Confederates And therefore I will conclude this Part with the Speech of a Counsellour of State in Spaine at this day which was not without Salt He said to his Master the King of Spaine that now is vpon occasion Sir I will tell your Maiesty thus much for your comfort Your Maiesty hath but two Enemies Whereof the one is all the World And the other is your owne Ministers And thus I end the Second Maine Part I propounded to speake of which was The Ballancing of the Forces betweene the Kings Maiestie and the King of Spaine if a Warre must follow FINIS AN ADVERTISEMENT TOVCHING AN Holy Warre Written in the yeare 1622. Whereunto the Author prefixed an Epistle to the Bishop of Winchester last deceased LONDON ¶ Printed by IOHN HAVILAND for Humphrey Robinson 1629. TO THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER in God LANCELLOT ANDREWES Lord Bishop of Winchester and Counsellour of Estate to his MAIESTIE My Lord AMongst Consolations it is not the least to represent to a Mans selfe like Examples of Calamitie in others For Examples giue a quicker Jmpression than Arguments And besides they certifie vs that which the Scripture also tendreth for satisfaction That no new Thing is happened vnto vs. This they doe the better by how much the Examples are liker in circumstances to our owne Case And more especially if they fall vpon Persons that are greater and worthier than our selues For as it sauoureth of Vanity to match our selues highly in our owne conceit So on the otherside it is a good sound Conclusion that if our Betters haue sustained the like Euents wee haue the lesse cause to be grieued Jn this kinde of Consolation I haue not beene wanting to my Selfe Though as a Christian I haue tasted through Gods great goodnesse of higher Remedies Hauing therefore through the Varietie of my Reading set before me many Examples both of Ancient and Later Times my Thoughts I confesse haue chiefly stayed vpon three Particulars as the most Eminent and the most Resembling All three Persons that had held chiefe place of Authority in their Countries All three ruined not by Warre or by any other Disaster but by Justice and Sentence as Delinquents and Criminalls All three famous Writers insomuch as the remembrance of their Calamity is now as to Posterity but as a little Picture of Night-worke remaining amongst the faire and excellent Tables of their Acts and Works And all three if that were any thing to the matter fit Examples to quench any Mans Ambition of Rising againe For that they were euery one of them restored with great glory but to their further Ruine and Destruction ending in a violent Death The Men were Demosthenes Cicero and Seneca Persons that J durst not claime Affinity with except the Similitude of our Fortunes had contracted it When I had cast mine Eyes vpon these Examples J was carried on further to obserue how they did beare their Fortunes and principally how they did employ their Times being banished and disabled for Publike Businesse To the end that J might learne by them And that they might be as well my Counsellours as my Comforters Wherupon I happened to note how diuersly their Fortunes wrought vpon them especially in that point at which I did most aime which was the employing of their Times and Pens Jn Cicero I saw that during his Banishment which was almost two yeares he was so softned and deiected as he wrote nothing but a few Womanish Epistles And yet in mine opinion he had least reason of the Three to be discouraged For that although it was iudged and iudged by the highest kinde of Iudgement in forme of a Statute or Law that he should be banished And his whole Estate confiscated and seized And his houses pulled downe And that it should be highly penall for any Man to propound his Repeale Yet his Case euen then had no great Blot of Ignominy but it was thought but a Tempest of Popularitie which ouerthrew him Demosthenes contrariwise though his Case was foule being condemned for Bribery And not simple Bribery but Bribery in the Nature of Treason and Disloyalty yet neuerthelesse tooke so little knowledge of his Fortune as during his Banishment hee did much busie himselfe and entermeddle with matters of State And tooke vpon him to Counsell the State as if he had beene still at the Helme by letters As appeares by some Epistles of his which are extant Seneca indeed who was condemned for many Corruptions and Crimes and banished into a solitary Island kept a Meane And though his penne did not freese yet he abstained from intruding into Matters of Businesse But spent his time in writing Books of excellent Argument and Vse for all Ages Though he might haue made better Choyce sometimes of his Dedications These Examples confirmed mee much in a Resolution whereunto J was