Book reports that the Carthaginians and Syracusians besieg'd Messina and that the Romans who cross'd the Sea to their Assistance made a Sally out of the Town but were repulsed with great Slaughter of their People That soon after they made a second Sally upon the Carthaginians when they were not only beaten and forc'd to retire but lost the greatest part of their Army taken Prisoners by the Enemy He likewise tells us That after this Hieron was seiz'd with a panick fear and so violent an apprehension of danger that he deserted his Camp by Night and march'd away to Syracuse not only setting fire on his Tents but withdrawing his Garrisons from all such places as he held in the Neighbourhood of the Mamertines That the Carthaginians in like manner quitted their Camp soon after this Defeat of the Romans and dispersing quarter'd themselves in the Towns round about without attempting to take the Field or daring so much as to defend whatsoever they had without their Works and that this Consternation seizing the Carthaginian Souldiers disheartned their Officers from giving Battel to the Romans That the Romans keeping in their Rear did not only spoil and pillage the Country round about but laid Siege even to Syracuse These in my Judgment are Absurdities too gross to be examin'd For what is more inconsistent than to make those who but now besieg'd Messina and were in all things victorious to fly without any apparent cause and to consent to be themselves besieg'd And as to the other Party which he tells us was besieg'd and vanquish'd he gives them the Lawrel makes them Masters of the Field pursuing the Enemy and leads them at length to the Siege of Syracuse What Consistency now can be found in this Relation We must determine therefore that what he first delivers is false or the sequel cannot be true But the latter is true for the Carthaginians and Syracusians were beaten and forc'd within their Works and Syracuse and Echetla were both at one and the same time besieg'd by the Romans as Philinus confesseth the latter being a Town on their Frontiers We cannot help concluding then that this his first Account was untrue and the Defeat he mentions a Falshood of his own coining since he allows the Romans to have remain'd superiour to the Enemy in those Encounters before Messina But in short we shall find both Fabius and Philinus to be the same Men throughout as we shall have occasion to observe in the pursuit of our Story to which after this Digression let us now return and with the best Connexion we can labour briefly and truly to relate the Adventures and Issue of this War Upon the News at Rome of the Success of Appius and the Legions in Sicily M. Octacilius and M. Valerius being chosen Consuls it was decreed they should both go with all the Legions to prosecute that War The Romans over and above the Supplies drawn from their Allies had at that time a Standing Force of Four Legions out of which they form'd their yearly Levies each Legion consisting of Four Thousand Foot and Three Hundred Horse Upon the arrival of the Consuls most of the Towns and Places that had submitted to the Syracusians and Carthaginians gave themselves up to the Romans insomuch that Hieron observing the Terror that was spread through the whole Island on the one hand and on the other the Bravery and Number of the Legionaries began to discern that the Designs and Hopes of the Romans were founded on better Measures than those of the Carthaginians which after he had maturely weigh'd he determin'd to endeavour to be reconcil'd to the Romans Accordingly he dispatch'd Embassadors to treat with the Consuls about an Alliance who without difficulty embrac'd the Overture to which they were the more willingly dispos'd on account of the great difficulty they were under with their Convoys being justly apprehensive lest the Carthaginians who were Masters at Sea would be able totally to debar them of all Supplies of Provision and this Jealousie was so much the more reasonable by how much their Troops the last Year were driven to great Straits The Romans then promising themselves good Fruit of this Alliance readily yielded and frankly embrac'd a Friendship with Hieron on condition that all the Roman Prisoners should be releas'd without Ransom and that the King should pay them down a Hundred Talents in Silver on which Stipulations the Syracusians should be held as Friends and Confederates of the People of Rome Thus Hieron secur'd by this Treaty continu'd ever after a firm and profitable Friend to the Romans and pass'd the rest of his Days in a peaceful enjoyment of the Soveraignty of that Kingdom in very great esteem among the Greeks and in a word according to my Opinion was one of the most Eminent and Illustrious Princes that had ever held that Scepter and few will be found to have reap'd a larger share of Felicity acquir'd by his own Vertue whether we consider him in his Domestick or Publick Affairs This Treaty being sent to Rome and ratify'd by an Ordinance of the People it was now thought advisable to abate of the Number of their Troops in that Service and to send only two Legions making account that by this Alliance they should be eas'd of a great part of the Burthen of the War and that their Army through Hieron's Friendship would now live in plenty of all things necessary As to the Carthaginians they considering that Hieron of a Friend was become their Enemy and that the Romans engag'd every day farther and farther in the Affairs of Sicily and that they were become Superiour to them in Strength deliberated about providing a greater Force to oppose them and to preserve their own Acquisitions in Sicily Accordingly they rais'd a great number of Mercenary Troops in the Transmarine Nations their Friends as the Genoves Gauls and principally the Spaniards and judging that Agrigentum was the most commodiously situate for their purpose which being besides the most eminent of all the Cities of their Dominion they made it the Rendezvous of their Armies resolving it should be a place of Arms and their chief Magazine The Roman Consuls who had concluded the Treaty with Hieron were now return'd to Rome and the new ones L. Posthumius and Q. Mamilius arriv'd with the Legions who after they had been well instructed in the Designs of the Carthaginians and of the Preparations they were making at Agrigentum were resolv'd to prosecute the War with all their might and without taking any other Affair in hand forthwith march'd with their whole Army and invested that place and incamping about eight Furlongs off totally block'd up the Carthaginians This happen'd about the time of Harvest and the Siege being in all probability likely to last the Souldiers on both sides were wont to disperse themselves carelesly abroad farther than they ought to Forage and gather in their Corn. This the Carthaginians observing and beholding the Fields full of Roman
were no sooner gone and that Hannibal began to ascend the Mountains when they drew together in great numbers and possess'd themselves of the Posts where Hannibal must unavoidably March and most assuredly had they but kept themselves longer conceal'd the Carthaginian Army had run a mighty hazard but being discover'd by Hannibal tho' they did him some Mischief they were requited with equal loss For Hannibal was no sooner inform'd that the Barbarians were Masters of the Passes when he made his Army halt and take their Quarters that Night among the Rocks and Fastnesses In the mean while he dispatch'd a Party of Gauls who serv'd him for Guides to discover the Posture of the Enemy and learn what they could of their purpose And having understood that they kept Guard in those places only by Day but that in the Night they retir'd to a Town not far off he found this Expedient to obviate the present Inconvenience He decamp'd in broad Day and by slow Motions advanc'd with his Army till arriving not far from the Streights he then encamp'd not far from the Enemy and causing Fires to be made in the Camp about the first Watch of the Night where he left the greatest part of his Troops himself in the mean while with a Detachment of his best Men pass'd the Streights in the Night and while the Enemy was retir'd to the Town according to their Custom took possession of those Posts where they were wont before to keep their Guard When Day discover'd to the Enemy what had pass'd they did not presently determine what to do but when they observ'd the great quantity of Baggage that appear'd and perceiv'd that the Horse could afford them no succour which by reason of the narrow stony and broken ways could not march but in defiles they then resolv'd on the Attack And now as the Barbarians thus fell on them from all Quarters at once the Way it self being almost as terrible as the Enemy the Carthaginians receiv'd great loss especially in their Horses and Beasts of Carriage for the Way being streight stony and broken the Beasts of Burden were easily thrown down and disorder'd falling into Precipices But the Horses that were wounded gave them the greatest trouble for falling by their Wounds among the other Beasts and labouring to rise and recover their Feet in so narrow a Way so crowded they cast down others by their striving to save themselves which was the occasion of great Labour and Tumult This being observ'd and consider'd by Hannibal who well knew the Army could not subsist without their Beasts of Burthen which carry'd their Necessaries he immediately left the Posts he had taken and came to the relief of those who were thus hard press'd in their passage when falling on the Enemy from higher Ground he did not fail of doing them great Damage But the evil was that his own People were thereby equal Sufferers for the fear encreasing every-where by this new Tumult many miscarry'd and were lost in the Crowd but in the end most of the Allobroges were slain on the place and the rest sav'd themselves by Flight And now their Horses and other Beasts after some time of rest were led with great trouble and difficulty through the Streight but Hannibal after he had escap'd this Danger march'd himself with a good Detachment against the Town that had harbour'd the Enemy which he took without resistance finding it almost quite deserted the Inhabitants being all gone out in hopes of Booty This adventure prov'd very useful to his Affairs both with respect to the present and the future For he here recover'd many both Men and Horses and other Beasts which had fallen into the Enemy's hands and Cattel and Corn sufficient to sustain the Army for three Days But above all the Terror he had given by this success to the circumjacent places was such that none of the Gauls inhabiting the Towns near which he was to pass gave him the least molestation in his Passage In this Town Hannibal took up his Quarters where he remain'd a Day to rest and refresh his Army and then prosecuted his Journey For three Days together he march'd without Trouble or Alarm but the fourth he fell into much danger The People inhabiting in the Towns on the way he was to pass having secretly conspir'd against him met him however with Olive-branches and Garlands of Flowers Signs among the Barbarians of Peace and Friendship as the Caduceus is among the Greeks Hannibal who had now learn'd how far he was to trust these People endeavour'd by Questions to inform himself of their Purposes They told him That they had receiv'd notice of his Success against the Town and of the loss and defeat of those who had attack'd him in his march but as to themselves they came to give him assurance That they were resolv'd to do him no Injury nor suffer any to be done to him by others And that they were ready to give him Hostages for their Fidelity Hannibal remain'd long undetermin'd what to do having no great Opinion of their Sincerity but in the end weighing that to make a show of believing them might work on their Good-nature and by degrees win them to his Friendship if he seem'd to accept their Tenders and that in case of refusal they might presently become his Enemies he feign'd to consent to their Proposal and seem'd as they did dispos'd to enter into terms of Friendship with them In short after these Barbarians had given him security for their peaceable Behaviour supply'd his Army with Provisions and that they convers'd among the Carthaginians with all manner of freedom and confidence Hannibal began to have a better Opinion of their Sincerity and accepted their Service for his Guides through the many remaining difficult Ways by which they were to pass Howbeit after they had thus conducted the Army for two Days together they assembled at length all into one Body and attack'd the Rear at a Defile or streight Passage as they were marching in a Valley full of Rocks and broken Ground Great likelihood there was that the Carthaginian Army had here run the hazard of being entirely destroy'd had not their General who reserv'd a secret doubt of the well-meaning of this People obviated the mischief of this treasonable Purpose of theirs by ordering his Horse and Baggage to march in the Van of the Army and his choicest Foot to sustain the Rear But having dispos'd matters after this manner his loss became less grievous for his Foot in the Arrear-guard prov'd sufficient to put a stop to the violence of the Attempt Nevertheless they were not without great loss both of Men and Horses and the Enemy who was possess'd of the Ground above them brought such terror into the Army by rowling down mighty Stones and Rocks from the Precipices upon them and showring Vollies of Stones on their Heads that Hannibal was compell'd to take up his Quarters for that Night on the top of an Eminence expos'd
their Harvest-work while he with the other two thirds advanc'd toward the Enemy posting himself on an Eminence about two Miles distant from Gerunium to try if he could from thence awe them and also to be in a better Post to succour his Foragers in case they should chance to be press'd But there happening to be a piece of high Ground between the two Armies which commanded near the Roman Camp he sent thither in the Night two Thousand of his light-arm'd Troops to take possession thereof This being observ'd in the Morning by Minutius he immediately order'd out his light-arm'd Soldiers likewise against them who attack'd them in their Post The Dispute was very warm for a while but in the end the Romans prevail'd and dislodging the Enemy came and posted themselves there Hannibal after this remain'd quiet in his Camp for some Days with all his Troops for that they had the Romans now so near Neighbours but after a while he was necessitated to send abroad for Forage for his Horse and to fetch in Corn for the supply of his Camp for that he was unwilling not only to spend out of the Store they had laid up but sollicitous to add to what they had already gather'd to the end they might live in plenty during Winter both Horse and Man placing his greatest hopes of success in the Service of his Horse In the mean time Minutius being inform'd that the Enemy was abroad in great numbers dispers'd here and there about the Country for the Services above-mention'd order'd his Troops to march at an Hour he thought most proper and being not far from the Enemies Camp drew up his Army in Battalia and ordering his Horse and light-arm'd Troops to be drawn up in Parties and small Divisions commanded them to march and attack the Foragers and to give no Quarter This Action did not a little perplex Hannibal who had not then Strength enough at hand to make head against the Enemy nor to succour those who were scatter'd stragling about the Country Those of the Romans who were commanded out against the Foragers kill'd many as they found them wand'ring to and again and those who stood drawn up in Battalia began so to contemn the Carthaginians that not satisfy'd to confine them to their Camp they were hardly with-held from attempting their Works insomuch that Hannibal seem'd to be greatly streightâ—ed Yet albeit he was reduc'd to that extremity that it was all he could do to keep his Ground and defend the Camp yet he deserted not his Post In short Asdrubal receiving those into the Camp under the Walls of Gerunium that had escap'd thither from the Enemy march'd at the head of four Thousand Men to the relief of Hannibal who being now in some sort reinsorc'd advanc'd against the Romans and stood some time in Battalia not far distant from their Camp so that in the end he came fairly off of the Danger that threaten'd him tho' with difficulty enough but in a word he came off Minutius having slain many of the Enemy in this Rencounter and more of the Foragers retir'd to his Camp full of assurance of future Success and on the Morrow upon the Carthaginians marching out of their Works he follow'd them and took possession of their Camp For Hannibal fearful lest the Romans should by surprize in the Night attempt and assault his Camp at Gerunium which was not in a very good state of Defence and might thereby become Masters of their Baggage their Plunder and all the Stores they had there laid up was therefore determin'd to return and abide in those Quarters In the mean time the Carthaginians forag'd for the furture with more caution and the Romans manifested less apprehension of the Enemy The news of this Action being brought to Rome and publish'd with more Vanity than Truth there was great Joy in the City For after the Consternation they had been in they reckon'd it a Change greatly for the better and as an Omen of their future good Fortune and that if their Armies had not of a long time perform'd any thing to the purpose it was not at least through the Cowardice of the Soldiers but the pusillanimity of the Dictator who apprehended every thing So that all the World began now to reproach Fabius and blame his Conduct for having lost so many fair occasions plainly through want of Resolution But they heap'd so many Praises on Minutius that in the end they decreed him an Honour that was without any example in the Republick For they invested him with absolute Authority imagining that by that act they should put it in his Power to give a speedy Period to the War and now by this Decree they came to have two Dictators at one and the same time to Conduct their Affairs which never happen'd at any time before among the Romans When Minutius came to understand how highly he was exalted in the Opinion of the People and that they had given him full Power he grew more determin'd and forward to attempt every thing how hazardous soever In the mean time Fabius returns to the Army without any change of Judgment through the Injuries which had been done him but rather more confirm'd in the Rules he had laid down to himself and observing that Minutius was now become insolent and uneasie to him by his new Authority and Successes and that he oppos'd him in every thing through a kind of Jealousie he had conceiv'd and that he was likely to push Matters to a decisive Battel he therefore put it to his choice whether they should command the Army by Days alternately or divide the Army and command the distinct Bodies apart and have two separate Camps and act as each of them saw good Minutius thereupon inclin'd to divide the Army whereupon the Legions were divided and encamp'd a-part about a Mile and an half asunder Hannibal as well by the Prisoners he had taken as by their Proceedings had now learn'd there was an ill understanding between the two Generals and well knew too the Mind of Minutius wherefore rightly judging that this posture of their Affairs would in the end work more Mischief to them than to him he began to contrive how to lay Baits for Minutius that he might a little restrain his Insolence and confound his Designs And observing a small rising Ground between his and Minutius's Camp by which either might incommode the other Hannibal therefore resolv'd to possess it and for that he was well assur'd the Roman embolden'd by his late Success would oppose him he therefore devis'd this Stratagem The Country round about near this piece of Ground was in truth plain and Champaign no part thereof seeming in any wise capable of Ambushes but forasmuch as in the plainest Countries there are little insensible Risings and Fallings Turnings and Windings Rocks and Caverns where Men may be conceal'd as here there was wherefore in these places he hid five Hundred Horse and five Thousand Foot divided into
are not far from Hyrcania It extends towards the South to Mesopotamia and the Territory of the Apolloniates Nor is it remote from Persia being cover'd on that side by the Mountain Zagros which hath an ascent of above twelve Miles And whereas this Mountain is divided and broken into many Parts and Eminencies it comes to pass that there are divers Vallies and deep Descents which are inhabited by the Cossoei Corbrenoe and Carchi and other Barbarous Nations who are generally given to War Towards the West they approach the Country of Atropatii who are not far from those People whose Dominion extends as far as the Euxine Sea The Frontiers of Media towards the North are in the Neighbourhood of the Elymaei Ariaracoe Cadducoei Matiani and in short overlook those Countries on the Pontic Sea that join the Palus Moeotis The Country is also parted into sundry Divisions by Mountains which run through it from East to West between which there are Plains abounding with Cities and Peopled Places As soon as Molon had made himself Master of this Country the most proper of all others wherein to establish the Seat of his Dominion over and above that he was become formidable as was noted by the Power he had acquir'd he grew likewise into such Reputation that the People of Asia believ'd he was not to be resisted especially when they saw the King's Army had been forc'd to Retreat into Towns for safety which they took for granted was no other than yielding up the Field This Success greatly augmented the Courage and Expectations of his Army Wherefore he resolv'd to pass the Tigris and march to the Seige of Seleucia But being prevented in that Design by Zeuxes who had seiz'd on the Vessels of Transportation he retir'd to a Place call'd Ctesiphon where he made plentiful Provision of all Necessaries for the Wintering of his Army When the King came to understand that Molon Advanc'd and that his own Army retir'd he then resolv'd to go at the Head of his Forces and to respite for a while his Expedition against Ptolomy But Hermias continu'd firm to his Purpose and prevail'd to divert him so Xenoetas an Achaian was sent with an Army having as absolute Authority as if the King had been there in Person Hermias demonstrating that 't was enough for Princes to make War against Rebels by their Lieutenants but that Kings ought to oppose themselves only to their Equals where Glory and Empire is the Subject in Dispute Thus having the young Prince intirely in his Possession he prevail'd to carry on his first Design so they went to Apamea where they Assembled the Troops From thence the King lead his Army to Laodicea then marching through the Desart they came to the Valley of Marsya between the Mountains Libanus and Anti-Libanus a Place very streight and inclos'd by those Mountains which come almost to touch and there where it is narrowest it is full of low and watery Ground where they gather Odoriferous Dew The Castle of Brochi Commands on the one side of the Streight on the other that of Gerra there being only a narrow way between them After some time had been spent in their March through this Vale and the taking in some Neighbouring Towns the King approached Gerra but both the one and the other Fortress being in the Hands of Theodotus the Aetolian who had likewise well Fortify'd the Defilée about the low Grounds and Posted Troops Commodiously for Defence the King resolv'd to force his Passage But when he had well consider'd that by Seiges he should Harrass his Army and be more a Sufferer himself than the Enemy and having some Reasons to believe that Theodotus would shortly be wrought over to his Service he forbore to Prosecute that Enterprize so that having no present Prospect of succeeding here and receiving notice of the Defeat of Xenoetas and that Molon Victorious had subdu'd many Provinces he resolv'd to relinquish all other Designs and deliberate on those Affairs which more nearly concern'd him For Xenoetas as we noted being sent with an Authority full and absolute could not well bear that Degree of Greatness which he had never hop'd to attain but grew insolent towards his Friends and acted inconsiderately against the Enemy For taking his march towards Seleucia having Diogenes Governour of Susiana and Pythias with him who brought his Troops from the Coast of the Red-Sea under his Command he came and encamp'd in view of the Enemy being cover'd on that side by the Tigris In the mean time many Deserters from Molon's Army swimming the River came over to Xenoetas who gave him assurance that in case he pass'd the River with his Army the greatest part of the Enemies Troops would revolt to him many of the Leaders being disoblig'd by Molon and that the Soldiers in general were dispos'd to return to their Duty Xenoetas incourag'd by these Reports resolv'd to pass over the Army and shew'd a purpose to make a Bridge at a certain place where by the force of the Stream the Earth is cast up in form of an Island but he did not prosecute that Design Whereupon Molon made a Jest of his Project Nevertheless Xenoetas in the mean time caus'd Boats to be built and seiz'd on others where they could be sound to put in execution what he had purpos'd Then picking out a Body of the best Troops of the Army both Horse and Foot and leaving Zeuxes and Pythias with the rest to guard the Camp he wasted over his Men by Night marching and encamping about Ten Miles above the Enemy where he made choice of a commodious and well-defended piece of Ground to encamp in for the River inviron'd it almost quite round and the rest was secur'd by a Moor and deep boggy Ground Molon upon knowledge hereof detach'd a Body of Horse with Command to march towards the Enemy partly to prevent the passing of those that remain'd behind and partly to attack those who were already got over But on their approach to Xenoetas's Camp there was no need of the Swords of an Enemy to defeat them for being it seems unacquainted with the Ground and Country about it they chanc'd to fall among the Bogs and watery places whereby not only their Design miscarried but most of the Party were lost Wherefore Xenoetas now persuaded that if he drew nearer to the Enemies Camp the greatest part of the Army would desert to him took his march along the River and came and Encamp'd close by them Whereupon Molon either out of Stratagem or some real doubt of the Soldiers Disposition left his Camp by Night with all his Baggage seeming to take his march towards Media Xenoetas now believing that Molon had forsaken his Camp through â—ear upon his approach or through distrust of his own Troops took possession thereof where he quarter'd his Army giving his Orders that the Horse and Baggage of Zeuxes Camp should forthwith pass over and joyn him Then assembling the Soldiers he incourag'd them
slew about seven hundred Mysians of his Party and compell'd the rest to retire After this repulse Achoeus and Garsyeres return'd to the Camp while the Selgâ—ans doubting danger from a Sedition within the Town the Enemy being still at hand sent out some of their gravest Inhabitants to treat with Achoeus who at length accorded them Peace on the following Conditions That they should pay down presently four hundred Talents That the Pednelissâ—an Pris'ners should be enlarg'd and that within a certain space they should pay further three hundred Talents Thus the Selgians being reduc'd to manifest danger of losing their Country by the Treachery of Logbasis had the good Fortune to rescue it by their Resolution without staining their Liberty or violating the Alliance in which they were engag'd with the Lacedoemonians Achoeus having reduc'd the Country of Milyas to his Dominion and part of Pamphylia march'd to Sardis where he wag'd War with Attalus menacing also Prusias becoming formidable to all the Asians inhabiting on this side Mount Taurus But while he was diverted by the War with the Selgians Attalus having with him the Gauls Aegosages or Tectosages led his Army to the Towns of Aeolia and others in that Neighbourhood who out of fear had submitted to Achoeus The greatest part of which Towns yielded themselves up whom he receiv'd with gentleness willing them to understand it in effect of his Grace and Goodness nor were there many which exercis'd his Arms to reduce them The principal Places that submitted were Cuma Smyrna Phocoea and in short the Aegoeans and the Lemnites terrify'd at his arrival submitted The Teii and Colophonii also apply'd to him by their Ambassadors and put themselves and Towns under his Protection After he had receiv'd these People according to the Conditions of the ancient League and had likewise receiv'd their Hostages he entertain'd the Smyrnian Ambassadors with singular Benignity for indeed that People had above all others distinguish'd themselves by a generous Fidelity towards him From thence he continu'd his march and having past the River Lycus he came to the Towns inhabited by the Mysians and so proceeded to the Country of the Carsenses and in short spread so much Fear among them that the Garrison of Didyma-Tiche where Themistocles had been left Governour by Achoeus deliver'd up the Two Castles From thence he march'd and spoil'd the Lands of Apioe and passing the Mountain Pelecas he came and encamp'd near the River Megistus Here there happening an Eclipse of the Moon the Gauls who could no longer bear the Toils of so tedious a March for they went with their Wives and Children travelling in Waggons along with them conceiving the Eclipse to be ominous came to a Resolution to march no further Whereupon tho' they were a People of no use in Attacks and had all along during their march encamp'd by themselves being subject to no Discipline and were a proud and refractory Nation Nevertheless the King was in pain what to resolve about them for he was doubtful if he should dismiss them leâ—t they should take Arms under Achoeus and that to punish their Insolence by destroying them would redound to his discredit they having pass'd over into Asia out of respect to him wherefore he took that occasion for his return after he had promis'd to conduct them safe to the place from whence they came and assur'd them of Lands wherein to plant and that he would at no time refuse to comply with any of their reasonable Demands but do them all the good Offices in his Power so after he had led his Gauls to the Hellespont and treated those of Lampsacus the Alexandrians and Illians with great Respect they having continu'd firm in their Fidelity he return'd with his Army to Pergamus It was now early in the Spring when Antiochus and Ptolomy having made all necessary Provisions for the War were arriv'd at the conjuncture of deciding their Controversie by Battel Ptolomy march'd from Alexandria with an Army of seventy thousand Foot five thousand Horse and seventy three Elephants while Antiochus receiving intelligence of the Enemies advancing assembled also his Troops His Army consisted of Daoeans Carmanians and Cilicians who were light-arm'd these were commanded by Byttachus the Macedonian Theodotus the Aetolian who had deserted and betray'd the Affairs of Ptolomy was plac'd at the head of twenty thousand Men arm'd after the Macedonian manner chosen Troops and carrying for the most part silver'd Bucklers The Phalanx was compos'd of about twenty thousand which was conducted by Nicarchus and Theodotus surnam'd Hemiolius Menedemus the Alabandine led two thousand Archers and Slingers with whom were mingled a thousand Thracians There were likewise Medes Cyssians Caddusians and Caramanians to the number of five thousand who were order'd to obey Aspasianus the Median The Arabians and others of the Neighbour-Nations compos'd a Body of above ten thousand whose Chief was Zabdiphilus The Greek Mercenaries amounted to five thousand and at the head of these was plac'd Hippolochus the Thessalian Antiochus had likewise five hundred Candiots commanded by Eurylochus and a thousand new-rais'd Men of the same Country whose Leader was Zebes the Gortynian there were also five hundred Lydian Slingers and a thousand Cardaceans who had over them Lysimachus the Gaul The Horse consisted of about six thousand four thousand of which obey'd Antipater the King's Nephew the rest were led by Themison In conclusion the Army of Antiochus consisted of seventy two thousand Foot the Horse above-noted and a hundred and two Elephants Ptolomy first march'd to Pelusium where he encamp'd and as soon as the Reer was come up and he had distributed Bread to the Army he prosecuted his march through a Country destitute of Water along the Mountain Casius passing by a place call'd Barathra When he arriv'd at Gaza he drew out a Detachment with which he march'd and advanc'd before the Army without any apprehension of Impediment The fifth Day he came to a Place where he purpos'd to halt encamping about fifty Furlongs from Raphia This is the first City of the Lower Syria after Rhinocorura that lies in the way from Aegypt into that Country Antiochus at the same time advanc'd with his Army and passing by Raphia he encamp'd by Night about ten Furlongs from the Enemy For a while their Camps stood at this distance one from another But shortly after Antiochus decamp'd and came and lodg'd nearer the Enemy as well to better the Conveniences of his Army's abode as to hearten the Soldiers so that there was not now above five Furlongs space between their two Camps insomuch that those who went to Water and march'd out to Forrage had frequent Rencounters and often by Parties both Horse and Foot pickeer'd between their Camps Here Theodotus gave an instance of Aetolian Resolution and indeed worthy of a truly fearless Man For having resided heretofore in Ptolomy's Court and being well acquainted with the Ways and Manners of that Prince he got a little before Day-break into
Souldiers dispers'd in a disorderly manner made a Sally upon them as they were then busie in their Harvest and having scatter'd them one Party attempted the pillaging the Camp and another attack'd their Guards But here the Excellency of the Roman Discipline was eminently seen as it hath appear'd on many occasions to their great Honour and the Benefit of their Affairs For as it is a most unpardonable fault to desert their Post or abandon their Corps of Guard those who had thus carelesly neglected their Duty resolv'd to repair their Fault by some remarkable Behaviour accordingly they rally'd and bravely sustain'd the shock of the Enemy tho' superior in number and albeit some of the Romans fell the loss on the Enemies side was much greater In short they surrounded the Carthaginians who had well-nigh forc'd their Retrenchment and making a great slaughter among them compell'd them at length to retreat to their Works After this Action the Carthaginians were more cautious in their Sallies and the Romans became more wary in their Foraging And now seeing the Carthaginians made no more such adventurous Sallies and their Fighting was reduc'd to Skirmishing and Picquering in small Parties the Consuls thought it best to divide their Army into two Bodies with one they possess'd the Ground where the Temple of Aesculapius stands facing the Town and with the other that on the side towards Heraclea in which two places they encamp'd and fortify'd their Leaguer with Lines of Circumvallation and Contravallation to prevent Attempts from the Town and hinder Supplies and Correspondence from without and to secure themselves from Surprises And in the Space between their two Lines they appointed strong Guards plac'd at convenient distances Their Provisions and all Necessaries were plentifully supply'd and brought by their Allies to Erbessa and from that Town which was not far from their Camp their Convoys pass'd without impediment Affairs continu'd in this posture for five Months neither Party gaining upon the other any advantage that might augment eithers hopes their Engagements being for the most part in slight Skirmishes But to be brief there being not less than Fifty Thousand Souls in Agrigentum this mighty Number soon reduc'd them to great straits for Provision and a Famine thereupon ensu'd In the mean time Hannibal who commanded in chief foreseeing he should not be able long to sustain the Siege dispatch'd frequent Advices to Carthage remonstrating their ill Condition and demanding speedy Succours The Carthaginians thereupon took Order for the embarking Elephants and all the Souldiers and Succours they could put on Board their Fleet consigning them to Hanno their other General in Sicily Who assembling his Forces at Heraclea march'd with all his Strength towards Erbessa which place he surpris'd being put into his Hands by Treachery and by this Success having depriv'd the Enemy of all manner of Relief the Romans who were but now the Besiegers became themselves besieg'd and in a word were reduc'd to such Straits of all kinds that they often deliberated about raising the Siege and had put it in execution had not Hieron afforded them what Help he was able which with great Parsimony sustain'd them Hanno having Intelligence of the evil state of the Roman Army that they were enfeebl'd by Want and diminish'd by Diseases the Plague being got among them took Assurance to think he might be now a Match for them He chose therefore about Fifty Elephants and march'd with all his Troops in great haste from Heraclea sending his Numidian-Horse before who had Orders to charge up to the Enemies Retrenchments with shew as if they would Engage them and to Retreat towards the Army in case the Romans Sallied out upon them This Service they punctually perform'd attacking one of the Roman Camps who march'd out with their Horse against them whilst they pursuant to the Orders they had receiv'd retreated to the Army and joyn'd Hanno then the whole Army facing about attack'd the Roman Horse encompassing them round and doing great Execution pursu'd them to their Camp Soon after Hanno seiz'd on an Eminence call'd Mount Torus distant from the Romans about Ten Furlongs and there Encamp'd his Army Where two Months pass'd without any remarkable Action he being unwilling yet to come to a pitch'd Battel and entertaining the Enemy only with flight Rencounters in small Parties But now Hannibal giving notice as well by Signs from the Town as by Expresses That they were no longer able to sustain the Wants they were under and that many were by Famine compell'd to Desert and go over to the Romans Hanno was at length drawn to come to a Decision to which the Romans were equally dispos'd for the Reasons already noted So the two Armies were drawn out on the Ground between their two Camps where they Fought and the Success was long doubtful till the Romans forc'd the Mercenaries who had the Vanguard to give back who as they retreated falling in among the Elephants those Animals being disorder'd broke the Line that sustain'd their Rear which Accident discompos'd the whole Army Whereupon the Carthaginians were put to flight the Romans making great slaughter among them Many were Slain and but a few got into Heraclea the Conquerours taking most of the Elephants and all the Cathaginian Baggage But what with the Joy of the Victory and Weariness of the Souldiers after the Battel the Roman Guards the following Night were not kept with their Customary Vigilance which being perceiv'd by Hannibal who now despairing of Safety in the Town took this Negligence of the Romans as an Invitation to him to attempt his Escape he therefore about Midnight with the Forreign Troops that were in the Town took his March and filling the Roman Trenches with Faggots pass'd over their Works and escap'd unhurt and unseen The Romans who saw not their Error till the Morning contented themselves with a short Pursuit Attacking them in the Rear and at the same time possess'd themselves of the Town without Resistance Where they took many Slaves and an inestimable Booty of all sorts of Riches There was great Joy at Rome on the News of the taking of Agrigentum every-body was pleas'd and each Man's Courage and Hopes were rais'd and they resolv'd to prosecute the Success of these their first Enterprises They thought it not now enough to have Rescu'd Messina and Enrich'd themselves by the War but elevated their Purposes and Expectations to the entire expelling the Carthaginians out of Sicily and exalting the Roman Name and Power for indeed that was the true Mark towards which all their Aims were levell'd To proceed it was now evident that the Romans were Superiour by Land and that their Hopes were not ill grounded that L. Valerius and L. Octacilius the New Consuls Successours to those who took Agrigentum would be able to go through with the Conquest of Sicily But still the Carthaginians were Masters at Sea and this Regard preserv'd them yet in equal Terms and Hopes with their Enemy It is
of the Top about this was a sort of Parapet Knee high which was defended with upright Bars of Iron sharpen'd at the ends towards the top whereof there was a Ring This Machine resembling in some sort our fashion'd Mills To be short it was slung by those Rings which by the help of the Pully was hoisted and lower'd at pleasure And with this they attack'd the Enemies Vessels sometimes on their Bow and sometimes on the Broadside as occasion best serv'd So when ever they grappel'd the Enemy with those Engines if they happen'd to swing Broadside to Broadside then they enter'd from all parts but in case they attack'd them on the Bow they enter'd two and two by the help of this Engine the foremost defending the forepart and those that follow'd the Flancks keeping the Boss of their Bucklers level with the top of the Parapet In this posture the Romans prepar'd for the Battel As soon as Caius Duilius had notice of the Adventure of their General by Sea he left the land-Land-Army to the Conduct of the several Colonels and hasten'd himself to the Fleet where upon his arrival receiving Advice that the Enemy ravag'd the Country on the Coast of Mylas he made the best of his way with the whole Fleet to Encounter them The Carthaginians on their side greatly rejoic'd when they descried the Romans and forthwith detach'd a Squadron of an Hundred and Thirty of their Ships and stood off to Sea towards them whom they held in so great Contempt that they advanc'd with their Prows directly upon them careless of any Order of Battel dreaming of nothing but certain Victory and the Pillage of the Enemy He who commanded the Carthaginian Fleet was the same Hannibal who defended and made his escape with the Army by Night from Agrigentum His own Vessel was a Galley of Seven Banks of Oars belonging formerly to Pyrrhus King of Epyrus But as they approach'd the Carthaginians became greatly surpris'd at the sight of those Engines we before mention'd and stood sometime in suspence at the Novelty never having before seen the like Howbeit this did not diminish their Contempt of the Enemy and the headmost by the boldness of their attack made it appear how little they valu'd them But the Romans grappling with them by the help of their Engines entring by them with ease came to fight hand to hand with them upon Deck as on firm Ground Some of the Carthaginians were slain others yielded upon Quarter frighted at the extraordinary effect of this new and wonderful Invention They lost in the Fight of those that came first to engage Thirty Ships with their whole Company of which number Hannibal's Gally we mention'd was one who escap'd himself in a small Boat when he was by all given for lost after having perform'd the Duty of a gallant and able Leader At length the rest of the Fleet came up but when they perceiv'd the Defeat of their first Squadron they held it safer to shun tempting their Fortune too far and were surpris'd too at the sight of those new Engines They therefore having greatly the Advantage in the lightness of their Vessels us'd their best skill by nimbly rowing round them to attack them with most safety but when they observ'd that which way soever they approach'd those Machines were still travers'd and oppos'd to them they were at length compell'd to yield the Honour of the Day to the Romans retiring with the lost of Fifty of their Ships But the Romans Hopes were rais'd by this Success who having against the Judgment of all the World prov'd a Match for the Carthaginians at Sea resolv'd to prosecute the War with greater Application and forthwith landing their Forces on the Island march'd to the Relief of Aegesta which was straitly press'd by the Enemy where they rais'd the Siege and from thence in a breath march'd to the Attack of Macella which they took by Assault After these Successes Hamilcar the Carthaginian General by Land who was then at Palermo receiving Intelligence of a Sedition in the Roman Army occasion'd by a Dispute between the Legions and Auxiliaries of the Allies about Precedency which came to a Separation of the Army the Strangers retiring from the Romans and being about to Encamp by themselves between Paropus and Thermas the Carthaginians surpris'd them and slew to the number of Four Thousand Hannibal upon his defeat at Sea return'd with the remainder of the Fleet to Carthage and being reinforc'd with more Ships and able Officers he put to Sea again for Sardinia where he no sooner arriv'd when he was surpriz'd in Harbour by the Romans who took many of his Ships These Misfortunes begat a Mutiny in the remainder of the Army who seiz'd on his Person and Crucify'd him And here in may be noted that the Romans as soon as they saw themselves Masters at Sea form'd Designs likewise on Sardinia The following Year produc'd little or nothing Memorable in Sicily But on the creating their new Consuls Aulus Atilius and C. Sulpitius these on their arrival march'd with the Army directly towards Palermo which at that time was the Carthaginians Winter-Quarter where as soon as they had posted themselves the Confuls drew out the Army in Battel but the Enemy lay quiet within the Town whereupon they march'd to Hippona which they carry'd by assault They likewise took Mytistratus a strong place which cost them Time and Trouble to reduce and formally besieg'd Camarina and attack'd it by Works and Engines and in the end retook it that place having before deserted their Party and after having taken Enna and several other places of less importance belonging to the Carthaginians they prepar'd to sit down before Lipara The following Year the Roman Consul C. Atilius being with the Fleet at Tyndaris desery'd the Carthaginian Fleet standing along the Coast in a confus'd and careless manner whereupon he order'd a Squadron of Ten Gallies to give them chace But the Carthaginians observing them to Embark their Men and that some were already put off and got out of the Port and that the headmost were a good distance from the reft they thereupon tack'd and standing toward them quickly surrounded them and sank and destroy'd the greatest part of that Squadron where the Admiral-Gally was in great danger of being taken and only by her lightness and the force of her Oars escap'd after she was given for lost But the other part of the Roman Fleet that was order'd to follow after they were got together and had rang'd themselves into order of Battel engag'd the Enemy taking Ten of their Vessels with their Equipage and sinking Eight Whereupon the Carthaginians retir'd with the remainder of their Fleet to the Islands of Lipara But for as much as the Success of this Baâ—tel stood doubtful and either thought he had the better of the other in the Conflict they therefore set themselves to work with all their might upon their Naval Preparations to prosecute their Contention for
Conquest of that part of their Dominions lying about Hecatompolis They levy'd Soldiers likewise from all Parts and commanded all their Citizens who were able to bear Arms to be Muster'd they exercis'd the Horse also that belong'd to the City and repair'd their decay'd Ships and order'd the Building of new ones In the mean time Matho and Spendius who had Seventy Thousand Africans in their Army besieg'd Vtica and Hippona at one and the same time being without any Apprehension of the Enemy for they kept Guard in their Camp near Tunes by which means the Carthaginians were debarr'd all Commerce and Communication with Africa For Carthage is situate on a Peninsula which runs far out into the Sea and is bounded by that on the one side and the other by Marish and unpassable Grounds so that the Isthmus that joins it to the Continent is not three Miles broad Vtica stands not far from that Part of Carthage which regards the Sea and Tunes on the side of the Marish Ground So that the Enemy being incamp'd in those two Places did in effect not only block up the Carthaginians from the Continent but even alarm'd the City itself marching sometimes by Night some times by Day to their very Walls filling the Inhabitants with great Fear and Disorder Neverthelsss Hanno omitted no part of his Charge making all Provision possible for the War wherein he was very capable being well practis'd in Affairs of that Nature but he was found no able Soldier whensoever he march'd against the Enemy for he knew not how to improve Occasions of Advantage and not only manifested his Want of Judgment but of Courage too when it came to the Tryal For marching to the Relief of Vtica when he had terrify'd and disorder'd the Enemy by the help of his Elephants whereof he had an Hundred in his Army and Victory had already declar'd for him yet through his Default not only the Army but the Town it self was in great hazard of being lost for having brought from Carthage all sorts of Machines Engines and Equipage of War proper for the Attack of Towns and incamping near Vtica he assaulted the Enemies Works who not able to stand the Force of the Elephants were forc'd to quit their Camp Many were slain by those Animals and such as escap'd retir'd to a neighbouring Mountain for Safety which being strong by Situation and over-grown with Wood they thought themselves there secure enough While Hanno who had been accustom'd to make War with the Africans and Numidians who upon any Defeat are wont to Retreat as far from Danger as they are able often slying for Two or Three Days together thought himself secure of the Victory and that the Enemy had been totally defeated insomuch that he neglected the Guard of his Camp left his Soldiers at Liberty and retiring into the Town there made good Cheer and thought of nothing but his Ease In the mean time the Enemy who had been well train'd in War and had learn'd of their Leader Hamilcar in Sicily how to sustain such Shocks and Rencounters laid hold on this occasion for being us'd to fly before an Enemy and to Face again and Attack in one and the same Day those who had pursu'd them and receiving Intelligence that Hanno was retir'd into the Town and that the Soldiers confident of their Victory neglected their Duty in Guarding the Camp they march'd forthwith down and attack'd their Retrenchments kill'd a great number and constrain'd the rest shamefully to Retreat into the Town taking all their Baggage Engines and Equipage of War Nor was this the only Occasion wherein Hanno had given Marks of his Insufficiency for this Disaster was follow'd by another soon after near a Town call'd Gorza For notwithstanding he lay incamp'd in the Face of the Enemy and had it in his power totally to have subdu'd them after having twice worsted them in Battel nevertheless by his Imprudence the Opportunity was lost Wherefore the Carthaginians dissatisfy'd with the Conduct of Hanno gave the Command of their Army once again to Hamilcar Barcas and dispatch'd him to the Field with Seventy Elephants and all the Forreigners they could get together with the Militia of the City both Horse and Foot amounting in all to about ten thousand Men. With this Army he marched against the Enemy whom he surpris'd in such manner that they were constrain'd to remove their Camp and raise their Siege from before Vtica for which Action alone he was judg'd worthy of the great Character he had obtain'd in the World and confirm'd the Hopes they had conceiv'd of his Success and here we have an occasion to make recital of his Adventures during this Expedition On the narrow or slip of Land and that joins Carthage to the Continent stand two Mountains almost inaccessible on the side that looks towards the Country in those two Mountains there are two Ways or Passes made by Art which lead into the Champaign These Mountains were posses'd by Matho who had plac'd Guards in every needful place Furthermore the River Macar hinders all passage from Carthage into the Country on that side which is so deep as to be no where fordable over which River there is but one Bridge near which there stands a Village which Matho possess'd likewise and guarded with great Vigilance by this means not only an Army could not pass but even a single Man could hardly get passage undiscover'd of the Enemy This was well consider'd by Hamilcar who having a watchful Eye every-where lights at length on a Stratagem which afforded him the only means to get his Passage He had remark'd that upon the blowing of certain Winds the Mouth of the River us'd to be choak'd up with Sand which was wont to bank up in nature of a Bar and afforded a kind of watery Passage over the River he therefore march'd his Army to the River's Mouth where he halted without communicating the reason to any Body till those favourable Winds we mention'd should blow which no sooner happen'd but he marcheth his Army by Night over the River without giving the least Suspicion to the Enemy This Action wherein he perform'd great Service and thought to be impossible was matter of great Astonishment both to the Carthaginians and the Enemy and now Hamilcar gets into the Plains and marcheth towards those that guarded the Bridge Spendius receiving Advice of what had pass'd gets before him and marches on the one side with a Body of above Ten Thousand Men which he drew out of the Town near the Bridge and on the other were at least Fifteen Thousand which he order'd from the Camp before Vtica with purpose by that manner of proceeding to surround and hem Hamilcar's Army in under which hopes the Soldiers became so attentive that they punctually obey'd the Orders they receiv'd and mutually animated each other to do their Duty as they ought In the mean time Hamilcar advances with the Elephants in his Front then the Cavalry with the
was no Injustice to award him the same Measure he had dealt to others we rather ought to conclude it would have been Injustice if his Death should have happen'd without some sence of Torment after he had acted so many criminal Parts It will not therefore be found a just Imputation of Cruelty in Antigonus or Aratus if being taken in the heat of War Aristomachus was condemn'd to die by Torments if in times of Peace he deserv'd no less and that those who should have compass'd his Death would have merited Applause and Rewards from every honest Man But over and above what we have observ'd having violated his Faith and broken his Trust with the Achaians what Punishment could they think too great In short Aristomachus a little before the Death of Demetrius being in great Danger and reduc'd to the utmost Extremity forlorn and despoil'd of his Dominion found an Asylum among the Achaians who receiv'd him with all possible Gentleness They not only forgot and forgave the Crimes and Outrages of his Tyranny but admitted him to a Share of the Administration of the State and conferr'd on him the Trust of Commanding and Conducting their Army and did him other great Honours while he notwithstanding all this upon the first Shadow of Advantage tender'd him by Cleomenes forgot all these Obligations and Deserting the Achaians at a time of their greatest Distress joyn'd with their Enemies So that falling at last into their Hands what hard Measure would it have been to carry him to Cenchrea and there to put him privately to Death and in the Night as our Author reports when in Justice he should have been led through all the Country of Peloponnesus and after he had been made a Spectacle to the World he ought to have been publickly tormented to Death to rendeâ— him the greater Example Tho' in a word the severest Treatment that befel this vile Man was no other than to be cast into the Sea for certain Barbarities committed by him at Cenchrea Furthermore Philarchus exaggerates with Passion the Calamities of the Mantinoeans as if he thought it the Business of an Historian to pick out and enlarge most on the Subject of our Vices but is silent when he should have Recorded the Memorable and Glorious Behaviour of the Megalopolitans which occurr'd at the same time falsely conceiving that to Register the Flaws and Frailties of Human Nature were more Eligible than to Publish the Merit of Noble and Generous Actions while who knows not that the Fame and Glory of Noble Deeds doth more urge us to Vertue and reform our Manners better than the Recital of Criminal Adventures Our Author indeed labouring to set forth the Courage of Cleomenes and his Gentleness to his Enemies tells us how he took Megalopolis and preserv'd it from Destruction till he had sent to Messene whither the Inhabitants were retir'd to invite them back to their Habitations and take part with him nor doth he omit to tell us that the Megalopolitans had hardly the Patience to hear his Letters read after they knew the Subject and that they were with difficulty restrain'd from stoneing the Messengers to Death But he totally neglects to publish what in Justice and according to the Rules of History should not have been omitted namely to Celebrate the Praises of their Vertue and the generous Resolution they had taken which he might fairly have done For if we reckon those Men of Honour and Vertue who Succour and Defend their Friends and Confederates in Distress both in Word and Deed and if we think it not only Praise-worthy but the Subject of great Rewards and Concessions of remarkable Priviledges to those who suffer on that Score to yield to be spoil'd in their Fortunes to abide the Calamities of Sieges and endure all the wastful Effects of Hostility what may be then said to be due to the Megalopolitans Shall we not reckon them Men of Honour Can we praise them too much First they indur'd with unspeakable Constancy to behold Cleomenes Burning and Ravaging all their Territory abroad then they chose to abandon their Native City and Soil rather than their Friendship and the Tyes of Honour they were under to the Achaians In a word tho' contrary to their Hopes Overtures were made them to return to their Possessions they could better brook to be depriv'd of their Fortunes their Sepulchres their Temples their Country their whole Sudstance and in short to lose all that was valuable and dear to them than to Violate their Faith to their Confederates Could any Man do more or is it in the Power of any Mortal at any time to acquire a more Glorious and Illustrious Character When if not here could an Historian hope to find a Theme fit to Charm the Attention of the Reader And what more noble Example could be inculcated to Mankind to excite them to Constancy and Fidelity to their Treaties and Alliances with their Neighbouring States Nevertheless Philarchus has committed all this to Oblivion and therefore I think one may safely accuse him of Stupidity and want of Judgment in the Choice of such Matter as became the Dignity of History since he could neglect the Recording Occurrences of that importance that lay so plainly in his View We are farther told by our Author That the Lacedemonians took in Booty from the Megalopolitans to the value of six thousand Talents whereof two thousand according to ancient Custom fell to the share of Cleomenes Now who doth not perceive the remarkable Ignorance of this Man touching the Strength and Possessions of the Greek Towns which is a matter wherein of all things an Historian ought to be most punctually instructed while I will be bold to aver without Exaggeration That it would have been impossible to find the amount of that Sum in all Peloponnesus setting the Slaves only aside nor do I assert it from the Poverty of the Country that had been rob'd and ruin'd by the Macedonian Kings and more by the mighty Devastations of their own Civil Dissentions but I am bold to descend to the Times wherein we now behold it flourishing in Union and rais'd to the greatest height of Prosperity In a word it may be calculated by what I am about to say whether what I undertake to prove be without-book or no. There is scarce any Man so ignorant that doth not know that when the Achaians and Thebans join'd in War against the Lacedemonians and form'd a Land-army of ten thousand Men and a Naval one of one hundred Vessels they came to a Resolution each one to contribute to the Charge of the War in proportion to his Riches and Possessions and that thereupon an Estimate and Valuation was made of all that was appraisable throughout the Attick Territory comprehending Lands Buildings Goods Treasure c. and upon that Calculation the whole Value amounted to two hundred and fifty Talents short of six Thousand from whence it may be inferr'd whether we have reason or no to say what
that Province being such as was before related and as we but now deliver'd Early in the Spring the Roman Consuls having made due provision of all things necessary to put their Purposes in execution embark'd for their respective Governments Publius steering towards Spain with sixty Vessels and Tiberius Sempronius with a Fleet of one hundred and sixty whose Mind was so inflam'd with desire of Action and exalted with the provision he had made at Lilybaeum that he thought on nothing more than laying siege forthwith to Carthage it self Publius kept along the Coast of Liguria and in six Days arriv'd from Pisa at Marseilles and coming to the hither mouth of the River Rhosne which they call the Marseillian he began to land his Troops and notwithstanding he had receiv'd notice of Hannibal's having pass'd the Pyrenaeans he concluded however that he could not be so near as he was the difficulties of the Way and the many divers Nations of the Gauls by whom the Enemy was to make his Passage made him of that Judgment But Hannibal had surmounted all these Difficulties having bought his passage of some and won it by force of Arms from others and was now got with his Army to the Pass over the Rhosne having the Sea of Sardinia on his right When Publius receiv'd the news of the Enemy's approach he did not at first believe it as seeming to him incredible that he should be able to perform so difficult a march in so short a space Nevertheless he thought it advisable to endeavour after such intelligence as he might rely upon accordingly while his Army lay to refresh themselves and recover from the Toils of their Voyage consulting with his Officers what Posts would be most proper to possess and what way to take that he might get before the Enemy he commanded out three hundred choice Horse to discover to whom for their Guides and farther to sustain them he appointed the Gauls to be join'd who were in pay to those of Marseilles Hannibal being now on the Banks of the Rhosne within four Days march of the Sea at a certain place where the Channel of that River was not very large determin'd speedily to pass his Army after he had bought the Good-will of the People of the Country and purchas'd all their Canoes and Boats whereof there were great numbers forasmuch as those who live on that River Trassick on the Sea Furthermore he amass'd great quantities of Materials proper for the making of Floats whereof the Soldiers in the space of two Days had made abundant provision every one labouring his utmost to excuse the necessity of other Aid being resolv'd to owe their passage over the River to their own single Industry In the mean time the Barbarians on the opposite side assembled in great numbers to oppose their Landing which Hannibal no sooner perceiv'd but he concluded it impossible to compass his Intent by force having so numerous an Enemy to oppose him and that he could no longer remain where he was without danger of being encompass'd by the Enemy unless he speedily attempted something Whereupon after three Days debate about the first Watch of the Night he detach'd a Party of his Army with the Gauls of the Country for their Guides under the leading of Hanno the Son of Bomilcar After these had march'd about five and twenty Miles up the River they came to a place where the Water makes a small Island and there halted In this place they fell'd great quantities of Timber in the neighbouring Woods and in a short time made a sufficient number of Floats to wast them and so got a safe passage over the Rhosne none appearing to oppose them And having gain'd a piece of Ground whose situation fortify'd it self they there repos'd that Day not only to refresh themselves after so toilsome an Expedition but likewise to prepare for the farther prosecution of what had been given them in Orders In the mean while Hannibal essay'd by all means possible to pass over the River with that part of the Army that remain'd with him and nothing now so much troubled him as how to imbark his Elephants which were to the number of forty eight The fifth Night after the Detachment had pass'd the River they drew near the Barbarians who were assembled to oppose Hannibal's Landing who at the same time having his Troops in readiness order'd his Horse to imbark in the great Vessels and the best of his Foot in small Boat prepar'd to pass over But to the end his Floats and small Boats might go with more security he order'd the greater Vessels to keep above the Stream thereby to check the Current of the River Another invention they had likewise to transport their Horses they did not imbark them but swam in a Tow after their small Boats one Man holding three or four by the Bridle on each side the Boat Thus many were carry'd over at the first essay The Barbarians beholding all this Preparation ran in haste and disorder out of their Camp conceiving they should have no great difficulty to repulse the Carthaginians But as soon as Hannibal perceiv'd the Party on the other side to approach for according to the Orders Hanno had receiv'd they made the signs of their drawing near by Smoak in several places as they march'd he order'd his People to move the great Vessels to keep above with Directions to those that govern'd them to stem the Current keeping the Vessels with their bow upon the Stream the better to cover the others from danger So each one animating his Companion with auspicious Words Labour'd with incredible Industry to stem the violence of the Current In the mean time the Enemy on the other side gave them to understand by their Cries not unlike to Howlings that they expected them with resolution insomuch that the prospect every where was terrible and held the Spectators in great perplexity The Enemy having now wholly abandon'd their Tents those with Hanno fell in pell-mell among them unperceiv'd Some attack and set fire on their Camp while the greatest part march to charge those that guarded the Passage The Barbarians thus surpriz'd some hasten'd to preserve their Tents others remain'd to make head and sustain the 〈◊〉 Hannibal now perceiving the Success to â—â—swer his Design rang'd and drew his People up in Battalia as they Landed and incouraging them in few words they soon came to Blows with the Enemy who fighting in disorder by reason of the surprize were soon vanquish'd and dispers'd The Carthaginians having thus at once gain'd the Victory and their Passage us'd all possible dispatch in the transporting what was yet remaining on the other side the River and when that Work was over they encamp'd that Night on the Bank The next Morning having receiv'd Intelligence that the Roman Army with their Fleet was arriv'd at the mouth of the Rhosne Hannibal detach'd five hundred Numidian Horse with order to discover and bring an account of the Enemy
And directed those who best understood that Affair to take care for the transporting the Elephants while he assembled the Army where he produc'd Magilus who was come to visit him from the Countries that lie about the Po accompanied with other Princes of the Gauls making known to them by an Interpreter the Resolution that People had taken but what most animated the Soldiers was the Presents which those Princes had brought with them the tender of their Service and offers to ingage with them as their Companions in the War against the Romans In short after Magilus had assur'd them he would be their Conductor through all those Passages by which they were to march and that they should shortly arrive in safety in Italy and want for nothing in their Journey they thought it reasonable to yield entire belief to what he said they were likewise greatly encourag'd by what they heard of the abundance and fertility of the Country they were to invade and with the chearful and frank Behaviour of those who were to joyn with them in their Conflicts with the Romans The Gauls being now retir'd out of the Assembly Hannibal return'd where he represented to his People first the important Actions they had already atchiev'd how many notable Services by his Counsel and Leading they had already perform'd how many hazardous Adventures they had gone through whereof not any Man there had cause to repent Then he exhorted them to continue firm in their Resolutions inasmuch as they were of themselves convinc'd that the most difficult part of the Work was now pass'd their Passage over the River succeeding to their own Wishes nor could there be any remaining doubt of the Fidelity and Good-will of their Allies he requir'd in short that they would entertain no anxious Thoughts about the future but rely firmly on his Care and Circumspection telling them that by an entire resignation to his Conduct and Commands they would give the best and surest Marks of their Resolution and ascertain their Title to the Glory they had already won And now after the Soldiers by their Words and Actions had unanimously signify'd their approbation and readiness to obey him and their willingness to engage in all Dangers Hannibal praising their forwardness and imploring the assistance of the Gods for their Preservation commanded them to retire to their repose and to be in a readiness to march for that he determin'd to decamp the next Day so they departed The Assembly was no sooner dismiss'd when the Numidians return'd who had been sent abroad to discover of whom a great part were cut off and those who escap'd had sav'd themselves by slight For having incountred it seems not far from the Camp with certain Horse-men of the Romans whom Publius had sent abroad on the same Errand they had ingag'd so roughly that on the part of the Romans and Gauls an hundred and fifty were kill'd on the spot and of the Numidians above two hundred the Romans pursuing the rest to their Camp by which means they got knowledge of what had pass'd with the Carthaginians and so retir'd to their own Army with all the expedition they were able to assure the Consul of the Enemies arrival Whereupon the Romans decamp'd imbarking all their Baggage on board the Fleet and eagerly wishing to come to action with the Enemy they took their march up the River The Day after Hannibal had made his Oration to the Army he order'd all the Horse to move and march toward the Sea-Coast to intercept any sudden Danger that might threaten from that Quarter then he commanded the Foot to follow while himself attended the coming of the Elephants and those whom he had left to conduct them And here it will not be amiss that we give an account how they imbark'd those mighty Beasts They made many Floats of Timber whereof they joyn'd two and two together these Floats were fifty Foot long each and were plac'd pointing out into the River their inmost ends resting on the Bank and all well united together then they fasten'd others to the ends of those reaching yet farther out into the River these Machines so fram'd resembling in some sort a Bridge were well sustain'd and fasten'd with Cordage on all parts and defended from the violence of the Stream They moor'd or fasten'd this Platform to the Trees which grew on the Bank whereof there were good store after having inlarg'd and run out this Work to about two hundred Foot in length they joyn'd to the end thereof two other large substantial Floats well fasten'd together which they so joyn'd to the six'd Platform with Ropes as to be able easily to disjoyn them from the other to these moveable Floats they fasten'd Ropes whereby to tow and draw them with Boats appointed for that purpose to the other side the River and to hold them up against the Current that it might not drive down the Stream when the Machine should be loosen'd from the fix'd Stage then they cover'd the surface of it with Earth to make it appear firm Ground like that on the Bank for the Elephants were taught an exact Obedience to their Governors and were so in all things passing over the Water only excepted whereof they stood in great fear Wherefore the better to prevail on the rest they led two gentle Female Elephants foremost the others following They being brought to the outermost moveable Floats they then unty'd the Ropes by which they were fasten'd and tow'd the said Float with the Cargo of Elephants to the other side The Beasts were terrify'd at first and ran from one side to the other of the Float but beholding nothing but Water on all sides their sear then kept them in order Thus by several Voyages they wafted over all their Elephants some few excepted which leap'd through fear into the Water when they were in the middle of the Stream but these were likewise preserv'd tho' their Guides perish'd for by the help of their great Trunks which they held above Water they thereby discharg'd their Stomachs of the Water they had taken in and breath'd with freedom By this Artifice they transported their Elephants to the other side the River And now Hannibal posting his Horse and his Elephants in the Rear of the Army continu'd his march down the Stream towards the East The source or head of the Rhosne is situate far up in the Country above the Gulf of the Adriatick-Sea towards the West in those parts of the Alpes which regard the North tending in its passage towards the Southwest and discharging it self into the Sardinian-Sea In short this River for the most part makes its passage through a Champaign Country environ'd on both sides with Mountains whose North-side is inhabited by the Gauls-Ardienses the other is bounded by the North-side of the Alpes That part of the Alpes which runs from Marseilles to the bottom of the Adriatick separates the plain Country in the neighbourhood of the Po whereof we have
never before done and that each Legion should consist of five Thousand over and above the Succours of the Confederates For as we have hitherto observ'd the Roman Custom was to march out every Year with four Legions each containing four Thousand Foot and two Hundred Horse but now that they were thus threaten'd they thought sit to compose their Legions of five Thousand Foot and three Hundred Horse to which was added an equal number of Latin Auxiliary Foot and for the most part thrice the number of Horse It was the custom to assign to each Consul the one half of these Auxiliary Troops with two Legions when they march'd on any Expedition but they seldom employ'd more than one of their Consuls to manage any one War with two Legions and the Auxiliaries as we have observ'd and but very rarely it happen'd that the Romans were driven to employ all their Forces to finish any one War Nevertheless they were now so terrify'd that they conceiv'd eight Legions to be little enough After the Senate then had exhorted Aemilius to comport himself in that occasion as became the Majesty of the Common-wealth and had remonstrated to him of what mighty importance a Battel at that conjuncture was they dismiss'd him As soon as the Consuls arriv'd at their Camp they caus'd the Army to be drawn together imparting to them the Pleasure of the Senate and exhorting them to behave themselves as became them It was Aemilius who spoke to them whose Discourse principally tended to Apologize for past Failures for the Soldiers had been so dispirited by so many calamitous Adventures that they stood in need enough of good Admonition He therefore did his best to persuade them That if they had been vanquish'd in former Occasions it was not one or two but manifold Reasons that might be render'd for their Misfortunes but that now if they had the Hearts of Romans there was not one which he could foresee that might debarr them of Victory and triumphing over their Enemy That their two Consuls never were join'd before to conduct their Affairs with their joint Legions all assembled in one Body That the Soldiers till now were not fit for Service the State being serv'd by an Army of Novices raw and untrain'd to their Business and unus'd to the Toils and Perils of War and what was of greater moment tâ—ey had to do with a strange Enemy whom they had hardly ever seen before they came to engage with him That in short those who had been defeated near the River Trebia were hurry'd to a Battel within two Days after their arrival from a wearisome Voyage from Sicily That the others who lost the Day in Tuscany did not so much as see the Enemy that beat them not only before the Battel but during the Action it self the Mist and Darkness so hid them but that now at this time there was not room to alledge one of these Reasons For first they had with them both the Consuls who were not only themselves equally expos'd to the Dangers with them but they had so prevail'd that the last Year's Consuls themselves whose Magistracy was now expir'd did not refuse to stay and partake the Fortune of the Battel That as to the Soldiers they had now had time to acquaint themselves with the Enemy their Arms Order Numbers and manner of Fighting it having been near two Years that they had been in continual action against them so that Circumstances being totally chang'd from what they were they ought likewise to expect a change of Fortune And further That it was not to be doubted nor scarce possible to come to pass that having vanquish'd the Enemy in so many late Combats and Rencounters without any odds in their numbers they should fail of Victory in a Battel while they were to fight with an Army surmounting the Carthaginians by at least one half In a word Fellow-Soldiers says the Consul since every thing seems to promise Victory it only rests that you should carry your Hearts with you into the Field and a Determination to Vanquish and yet when I have said all it is not you that stand in need of Exhortation such Methods are only proper for Mercenaries who sight meerly for Pay or Allies who are constrain'd by Stipulations to hazard themselves for their Confederates and without any prospect of bettering their Fortune let the Success happen which way it will But you who come not into the Field to sight a foreign Cause but for your selves your Country your Wives and Children who are at present in a doubtful case through the many Dangers that threaten them and whose Condition the Success of a Battel will greatly change You I say need but only to be minded not admonish'd of these things For who is he among you who had not rather vanquish by Fighting or otherwise die in the Dispute than lead a wretched Life beholding these dearest Pledges I nam'd a Prey to a merciless Enemy In a word then resolve without Incitements from any thing I can utter and take Counsel from your own Reflections of the difference between the Vanquish'd and the Victor what Recompences you are to hope and what Calamities to fear And draw your Swords inspir'd with such Thoughts and bear in mind that you sight not now only for the Honour and Preservation of an Army but for your Country and the Roman Empire and in such case what use can there be of Persuasions If you sight unsuccessfully and chance to be Vanquish'd your Country will be left wholly without Succour she hath deposited all her Strength in your hands all her Power all her Hopes of Safety you will do well therefore Fellow-Soldiers to determine not to violate so great a Trust in an Occasion of such mighty moment act then correspondent to such an Obligation and express your Gratitude as becomes you In a word behave your selves so that it may appear to the whole World that if heretofore the Common-wealth hath sustain'd Damage and Reproach it was not because the Roman Vertue gave place to the Carthaginian but meerly to be attributed to the Inexperience of our Armies in those times unlucky Conjunctures and ill choice of Ground to fight in After this Discourse and others of the like Contents to animate the Soldiers he dismiss'd the Assembly The next Day the Consuls march'd the Army toward the Enemy and the Day after came within six Miles of their Camp Aemilius who observ'd the Country to be all plain and champaign Ground declar'd his Opinion against coming there to a Battel forasmuch as the Enemy much over-match'd them in Horse and that it therefore concern'd them to draw the Carthaginians if possible into such Ground as gave the advantage to Foot but in regard Terentius who knew no better would not be won to his Opinion it came to pass which seldom fails in Military Affairs that the two Leaders sell at variance The next Day then when Terentius had the Command for it is the
Custom of the People of Rome for the Consuls to Command in their turns decamp'd the Army much against Aemilius's liking and advanc'd toward the Enemy Whereupon Hannibal seeing them approach mov'd toward them with his light-arm'd Troops and his Horse and boldly attack'd them But the Romans sustain'd the first shock by mingling some of their heavy-arm'd Troops among their light-arm'd Soldiers and re-inforc'd these with their Archers and their Horse and in the end had the better of the Dispute The reason whereof was that the Body of the Carthaginian Troops did little or nothing to sustain those that fought while the Romans had mingled I say certain Cohorts with their light-arm'd Soldiers who fought at the same time In short the Night parted them but in truth with other Success than what the Carthaginian expected when he engag'd And the next Day Aemilius who approv'd not the Resolution of coming then to a Battel and saw he could not now retreat from the Ground where he was without great Hazard intrench'd himself near the River Aufidus with about two third parts of the Army This River only of all the rest in Italy takes its course through the Apennines for all the other Italian Rivers are dispers'd some emptying themselves into the Sea of Tuscany others toward the Adriatick Sea but the Aufidus which crosseth the Apennines hath its source in that part of Italy that borders on the Tuscan-Sea and runs into the Adriatick Aemilius then posted the rest of his Army on the other side the River toward that part that is Fordable somewhat more than a Miles distance from his other Camp and a further space from the Enemies in this place he order'd them to intrench to the end he might be the better able to succour and sustain his Foragers that went from either Camp and to attack with more ease the Enemies whensoever they ventur'd abroad on the same Errand And now Hannibal perceiving the time of Battel to approach and fearing lest his ill Success in the last Ingagement should have blunted the Mettle of his Soldiers thought it therefore advisable to speak to the Army and thereupon Orders them to be drawn together to that purpose and when they were assembled â—he bid them behold and survey the Country round about and then demanded what they could wish more if the Gods themselves had left them at liberty to chuse a place to fight in than that wherein they now stood surpassing as they did the Enemy so much in Horse We ought first then says he to acknowledge it a Blessing from Heaven that in order to Victory hath conducted the Enemy hither In the next place you are to allow me a share of your Thanks by whose management they are at length driven to a necessity of giving us Battel for they cannot chuse now but fight in a place which of all others they would refuse were it left to their choice In short I see no necessity to entertain you with many Words to animate you to go on chearfully I might perhaps speak to you on that Subject and labour to incite you to do Gallantly were you now to learn what the Romans can do for then indeed it might concern us to endeavour both by Words and Examples to inspire you with Thoughts worthy of you but at this time of Day after we have thrice vanquish'd them in three successive pitch'd Battels what Speech or what Eloquence can so well perswade you as the Success of your own Actions By the Battels you have already won you have subdu'd the Country and by that means reap'd the Harvest of plenty of every good and needful thing and my Promise to you therein made good and the Effects have prov'd that I meant what I said It now only remains that we make our selves Masters of their Cities and Towns and the Riches and Treasure they contain If we compass that Italy it self is ours This single Battel will finish all our Labours and by giving us the Empire and all that the Romans call theirs we become Masters and Lords of the Vniverse There is no need then of Language but of Hearts and Hands and I trust by the Favour of the Gods you will soon see the happy accomplishment of all I have promis'd you After Hannibal had thus spoken and the Army had given evidence both by their Voice and their Actions that they approv'd what he had said he remanded them to their Posts having first prais'd their Forwardness and the Resolution they had manifested and presently march'd and encamp'd on the other side the River where the gross of the Roman Army lay The next Day after having order'd the Army to take their repast he bid them prepare for Action and the Day following drawing up his Troops along the River he presented Battel to the Romans But Aemilius not liking the Ground and believing that want of Provision would soon constrain Hannibal to decamp he therefore mov'd not but took care only to have the two Camps well fortify'd Whereupon Hannibal march'd back to his own after having stood a while drawn up in Battalia in expectation of the Enemy After this he sent out his Numidians to molest those of the lesser Camp as they came to their watering place but Terentius not induring they should thus dare him so near his Works and hinder his Soldiers from supplying their Necessities became the more provok'd by such Bravado's to come to blows nor were the Soldiers less impatient so true it is that no time seems so tedious as the space between Resolving and Executing when once we have determin'd to abide the Dangers and Difficulties that lie in the way to our Purposes When the News came to Rome that the Armies drew near each other and that they were daily Pickeering and Ingaging by Parties the People were every where in great fear and suspence and the memory of so many late Defeats terrify'd them with the apprehension of the issue of the approaching Battel it being easie to foresee the deplorable state of the Republick in case of a Defeat Nothing was talk'd of in Rome but menaces out of their Sibyl's Books and scarce any thing was seen in Temples and Houses but Spectres and ill-boding Prodigies so that all their time was spent in Vows Sacrifices and Supplications For 't is a Custom among the Romans in any Extremities or Streights in their Affairs to omit nothing that they conceive may be of use to avert the Anger or Danger that threatens them either from the Gods or Men and in a word there is nothing on such occasions done or said among them that is held either Superstitious or unbecoming the Dignity of the Government The Day being now come when Terentius had the Authority he took the Fasces and the Sun was hardly risen when he order'd the Army to move out of their Camps ranging those in the greater Camp in order of Battel as they march'd out those of the lesser Camp he drew up in
had liv'd to act in every thing the part of an able and vertuous Citizen and especially in this occasion The Romans resisted yet a while but as their Men fell their Ground by degrees became more and more streightned till at length they were so huddled up that they had not space to move and weild their Arms so they were all put to the Sword The two Consuls of the preceding Year likewise fell in this occasion Men of great Reputation for their Wisdom and Probity and who in this Action gave noble Proofs of the power and extent of Roman Vertue While matters pass'd thus here the Numidians who went in pursuit of the Roman Horse kill'd the greatest part of them and took some Prisoners A few got into Venusia and among these the Consul Terentius Varro a Person every way unworthy and who was chosen into the Magistracy for a Curse to his Country This issue had the Field of Cannae famous for the number of illustrious Men there present on both sides as well on the part of the Vanquish'd as the Victors And certainly the Action it self witnesseth its own Greatness for of six Thousand Roman Horse there escap'd no more than Seventy who got with the Consul into Venusia and about three Hundred of the Allies some by one means some by another As to the Foot ten Thousand were made Prisoners who were not in the Action Of the rest not above three Thousand escap'd all the rest dying bravely with their Swords in their Hands to the number of Seventy Thousand In a word the great advantage the Enemy had in Horse mainly contributed to their Success and prositable Instruction may be gather'd by remarking from hence That it is more safe to Fight with one hals the number of Foot less while you exceed the Enercy in Horse than to have both sides equal in Foot and Horse in a Battel But this Victory came not cheap to the Carthaginians for there dy'd in Battel on their part four Thousand Gauls fifteen Hundred Spaniards and Africans and about two Hundred of their Horse The Romans who were taken Prisoners were not in the Battel for Aemilius had left then in the Camp with Orders to march and attack that of the Enemy after the Battel should begin thereby to become Masters of their Stores and Ammunition in case Hannibal should chance to leave his Camp without a good Guard and in case he did he was sure to find his Army thereby diminish'd and the Romans with less business on their hands These then were taken much after this manner Tho' Hannibal left not his Camp without a good Guard nevertheless as soon as the Battel began the Romans pursuant to their Orders march'd to the Attack the Carthaginians for a while gallantly opposing them but at length when they were on the point of yielding to the superiour force of the Enemy Hannibal who was by that time Master of the Field came in to their Relief and routing the Romans forc'd them to take Refuge in their own Camp of these were kill'd about two Thousand the rest were taken alive Such as were scatter'd and dispers'd about the Country and had got into Fortify'd Places shar'd no better Fortune for the Numidians attack'd them where-ever they went taking to the number of two Thousand of their Horse Prisoners as we before noted The issue of this Battel prov'd in effect what either Party foresaw for the Carthaginians thereby became soon possess'd in a manner at least of all that part of Italy call'd the Ancient Province and Magna-Graecia Those of Tarentum the Arpinates and some Capuans putting themselves presently into their hands and all the rest giving manifest signs of their good Inclinations toward them Nor was Hannibal in doubt but that Rome it self would be his on the first Attempt while the Romans became now desperate after this Defeat of preserving their Dominion of Italy And under these Agitations terrify'd at once at their own and Countries Danger expected every moment to see Hannibal at their Gates And as if Fortune had a mind to make them drink the Dreggs of this bitter Cup they receiv'd news shortly after while the City was sinking under the weight of their Adversity that their Praetor whom they had sent to the Cisalpine Gauls was himself with his whole Army routed and cut off by an Ambush they had laid in his way Howbeit the Senate deserted not their Duty in this exigent They call'd on the Inhabitants to strengthen the Works of the City and gave all those needful Orders which their Circumstances would permit as by the success soon appear'd And tho' in truth the whole World was now witness that the Romans at this time were vanquish'd and gave place in Military Reputation to their Enemy nevertheless it will also be confess'd That what by their Constancy of Mind and the Wisdom of their Counsels they overcame at length these their Conquerors and not only rescu'd their Country but added not long after to their recovery of Italy the Conquest of the World Here then we have thought it proper to sinish this Book which contains so many memorable Tranfactions as well in Spain as Italy during the hundred and fortieth Olympiad And when we shall have spoken of the Occurrences of Greece during the same Olympiad we shall then return to Rome and discourse at large on the subject of that Common-wealth being persuaded that such Remarks as may be thence collected will not only be found worthy the Pen of an Historian but of excellent use both to those who would improve their Minds in such Contemplations as others who are actually in the Ministry of Publick Affairs as well for the correcting the Errors of present Governments as the forming and founding of new Common-wealths The End of the First Volume A Catalogue of BOOKS Printed for Rich. Wellington at the Lute in St. Paul's Church-yard and Sam. Briscoe near Covent-garden THE Italian Voyage or a compleat Journey through Italy In two Parts being an exact Character of the People and a Description of the chief Towns Churches Monasteries Tombs Libraries Pallaces Villa's Gardens Pictures Statues Antiquities as also of the Interest Government Rules Force c. of all the Princes By Richard Laswell Gent the second Edition with large Additions by a modern Name A Discourse of the Nature and Faculties of Man in several Essays with some Considerations on the Occurrences of Humane Life By Tim. Nourse Gent. Familiar Letters Written by John late Earl of Rochester to the Honourable Henry Savile Esq and several other Persons of Quality with Love-letters writ by the ingenuous Mr. Otway with several other Letters writ by his Grace the Duke of Buckingham Sir George Etheridge and Mr. Tho Brown In 2 Vol. Each may be had singly The Histories and Novels of the late ingenuous Mrs. Anne Behn Vol. I. viz. Oroonoko or the Royal Slave The fair Gilt or Prince Tarquin Agnes de Castro or the Force of generous Love The Lovers
countenance his march posting himself with the Buckler-men and light-arm'd Troops to cover those also who carry'd heavy Arms during their passage by that streight piece of Ground along by the foot of the Hills In the mean time those who were drawn up nearest the Town attack'd the Horse who were posted to cover the march of the rest In which occasion the Dispute was very obstinate where the Buckler-men perform'd excellent Service But in conclusion the King had the better here likewise and pursuing the Enemies Horse to the Gates of the City pass'd the River without difficulty and joyn'd the Phalanx But Night now approaching he found it behoveful to hasten his Retreat and was oblig'd to Encamp on a piece of Ground just without the Streight or Defilée It so chanc'd that the Guides themselves had pitch'd on that very place wherein to Encamp being so advantageous a Spot that whosoever would make Incursions into Laconia 't is impossible to choose a more commodious Post For it lies in the way to Tegaea and the Inland parts of the Country on the Banks of the River commanding the entrance of the Defilée distant about a quarter of a Mile from Sparta that side which looks toward the Town being cover'd by the Brow of an inaccessible Hill It lies I say just under the Rocks and Precipices thereof being a level piece of Ground plentifully supply'd with Water insomuch as it seems dâ—stin'd by Nature to ensure to the Soldier a safâ— entrance and retreat where being once Encamp'd and Masters of the Eminence they may with assurance say they are both safe and possess'd of a most pleasant Post which commands the Passage in and out of the Streight Here Philip having pass'd the Night without any Alarm in the Morning caus'd his Baggage first to march and leading the Army into the Plains he there drew up in Battalia in view of the City of Sparta where he remain'd a while to see if the Enemy were dispos'd to further Action Then making a short turn took his way toward Tegaea and coming to the Ground where the Battel had been heretofore fought between Antigonus and Cleomenes he there Encamp'd And the next Day after he had well observ'd every thing and sacrific'd on the top of either Mountain the one being call'd Olympia the other Eva securing his Rear-guard he prosecuted his march to Tegaea where he commanded the Booty to be sold and then return'd by Argoâ— to Corinth with the whole Army There he was met by Ambassadors from Rhodes and Chios who were dispatch'd to him on the subject of a Pacification The King gave them Audience and made semblance of an Inclination to a Peace with the Aetolians with whom he wish'd them to conferr and deliberate by what means it might be brought to pass So dismissing the Ambassadors he went to Lechoeum purposing to Embark from thence in order to a Descent on the Lands of the Phocians where he had meditated some Enterprize of great importance About this time Leontius Megaleas and Ptolomy being not yet totally out of hopes of giving some apprehension to King Philip endeavour'd so to cover their old Crimes to foment a murmuring among the Buckler-men and the King's Guards and they themselves instill'd the like seditious Opinions that they who were first in all Hazards and secur'd the rest of the Army from Danger were not treated according to their Merit and were not only not consider'd and distinguish'd by any particular Reward for their Service but even such Booty as fell into their hands was taken from them notwithstanding the constant custom in the like cases to the contrary After this manner they had so inflam'd them that assembling in Parties they attempted and rifled the Quarters of the King 's chief Friends and Favourites insomuch that their insolence grew to that height that they forbore not at length the King 's own Lodgings breaking the Roof thereof This Mutiny spread so great Terror and Disturbance about the City that the King having notice thereof came with all possible expedition from Lechoeum and immediately assembling the Macedonians partly by Remonstrances partly by Menaces appeas'd the Tumult But forasmuch as on such occasions Men are of divers Minds some advising to find out and seize on the Authors of the Sedition to make them Examples others that it were better to reduce things to Order and pacifie the Tumult without any further Process or Inquisition wherefore the King hiding his Purpose for the present and seeming well satisfy'd with what he had already done exhorted them only to Union and better Obedience and so dismiss'd the Assembly Not but that he was well aware who had been the prime Movers and Instigators of the Sedition but thought it Wisdom at that time to seem less knowing than he was But these stirs were soon over and King Philip's Phâ—cian Expedition likewise at that time for certain Reasons respited And now Leontius coming to perceive the vanity of his guilty Projects and the dangerous state he had contracted had recourse to Apelles soliciting his return from Chalcis and giving him frequent intimations of the many difficulties he met with and that the King grew into greater dislike of him in every thing Now 't is to be noted That during Apelleâ— residence at Chalcis his Deportment was more like a Sovereign Prince than a Subject governing all things with an Arbitrary Authority and labouring to be thought singular in his Sufficiency and Power and that the King acted nothing but by his Counsels by which means he disposed absolutely of every thing Wherefore all who were in the Magistracy and had charge of the Affairs in Macedon and Thessaly ever apply'd to him and took his directions in all their Consultations And iâ— short when at any time any of the Greâ—â— Towns had occasion to publish any new Law or Ordinances or to confer Honours or Prâ—ferments there was hardly any mention madâ— of the King but of Apelles Wherefore when Philip came to be rightlâ— inform'd of all these things he grew justlâ— sensible of the Outrage that had been donâ— him Nor was Aratus wanting to warm hiâ— Indignation howbeit he carry'd his Resentments so close that none were privy to his Purpose or knew any thing of his Mind Apelles therefore far from suspecting the least coldness from the King was persuaded that he should be receiv'd at Court after his wonted manner and soon dispose of the King's Mind at his pleasure wherefore he left Chalcis to come to the Aid of Leontius And now as he drew near to Corinth Ptolomy Leontius and Megaleas who commanded the Buckler-men and had prime Authority in the Army so wrought that the Flower of the King's Troops went out to meet and accompany him Insomuch that what with Officers and Soldiers they compos'd a pompons Train with which he made his entrance into the Town and so went directly to wait on the King But while he attempted according to his manner heretofore to enter into
by giving them hopes of a good issue of the War for that Molon had already thought it his safest course to sly before them so commanding them to refresh and repose themselves he order'd them to be in a readiness to march by break of Day in pursuit of the Enemy And now the Army of Xenoetas full of Assurance and being possess'd of so great plenty of all things fell to Feasting and making Merry Drinking to excess and acting in every thing the parts of careless dissolute People While Molon when he thought he was got far enough made an halt and taking some space to refresh his People fac'd about and march'd directly back by the way he came and advancing to the Camp found the Enemy negligently scatter'd here and there plung'd in Sleep and Wine Wherefore attacking them at Day-break Xenoetas astonish'd at the surprize and not able to awaken and draw his Troops together to make head against the Enemy lost his Life gallantly fighting The greatest part of the Army were cut off in their Tents the rest casting themselves into the River hop'd to gain the Camp on the other side but very few escap'd over Here might be seen the divers Scenes of Tumult and Confusion in the Army for all had their share of Terror at an Attempt so unlook'd for And while they view'd their Camp on the other Bank of the River without regard to the violence of the Stream or the difficulty and danger of the Passage such was their Passion to escape the Swords of the Enemy their fear I say had so blinded their Judgment that to save themselves from the hands of those that pursu'd them they committed themselves to the Waters making their Horses Baggage and all attempt to pass the River as if they thought some special Providence had commanded the Flood to yield them succour and waft them safe to the other Shore so that it was a lamenble sight to behold at once Men Horses Arms Baggage the Dead and Living floating and mingled together in confusion Molon becoming Master of Xenoetas's Camp afterwards pass'd the River without impediment none withstanding him for Zeuxes who might have hinder'd him was fled wherefore he took possession likewise of the other Camp Then upon this Success he march'd speedily to Seleucia which soon fell into his hands for that Zeuxes and Diomedon who was Governour of the Place had deserted it Then reducing the upper Provinces to his Obedience where he found none to oppose him he march'd on and subdu'd the whole Country of Babylon and all the Territory extending as far as the Red-Sea From thence he march'd to Susa which was taken by Assault as other Places had been but he in vain attempted the Fortress of that Place for that Diogenes the Governour had made timely provision for his Defence Wherefore he forbore to use force but leaving Troops to block it up took his march back to Seleucia where he refresh'd and recruited his Army and then after he had well encourag'd them he proceeded on further Enterprizes Thus Molon reduc'd all the Country to the City Europus and all Mesopotamia as far as Dura When Antiochus came to be well inform'd of these Occurrences he quitted the barren Country of the Lower-Syria as we have noted and turn'd his Thoughts wholly on this War Wherefore assembling his Council once again to deliberate about it and requiring every one to deliver his Opinion plainly touching the War of Molon Epigenes again first gave his Judgment saying That it had been well for the King's Service if they had follow'd his first Advice without any delay or loss of time for the Enemy had made so great a progress that he was confirm'd in his former Opinion namely That it was most necessary the King should march with the Army and manage the War in Person But Hermias thereupon renew'd his Indignation against Epigenes charging and blaming him as heretofore and came to exaggerate his own Praises to that degree that every body despis'd him and contesting with the King himself labour'd all he could to make him persevere in his Syrian Expedition insomuch that great Offence was taken by Antiochus himself who notwithstanding interpos'd his Authority in vain to reconcile them Hermias being by no means to be wrought from his Aversion to Epigenes Howbeit his Advice at length prevail'd as being the most safe and profitable which Hermias not being able now longer to hinder seem'd on the sudden to accord entirely to what he cou'd not prevent and becoming as one may say another Man resolv'd that laying aside all other Affairs the War with Molon ought to be vigorously prosecuted Wherefore he apply'd himself with great diligence and turn'd all his Thoughts to make preparation for carrying it on And now when the King's Troops were assembl'd at Apamea there grew a Mutiny in the Army about the Arrears of Pay Whereupon Hermias perceiving the King to be surpriz'd and to seek what to do made an Offer to him proposing to satisfie the Soldiers Arrears out of his own private Fortune provided he would yield that Epigences might not be employ'd in that Expedition pretending that the Differences which had happen'd between them would be the occasion of Disputes that would greatly hinder him in the management of his Affairs The King in truth lent a very unwilling Ear to the Proposal believing it to be for his Service to take Epigenes with him who was well seen in Military Matters and in every thing an able Counsellor but won by the Artifices of Hermias who had gain'd likewise those about him he was not Master of his own Resolutions Wherefore yielding to present Necessity he comply'd with the Demand of Hermias Whereupon Epigenes retir'd to Apamea pursuant to the Orders he receiv'd from the King All of the King's Council were ill satisfy'd with this Resolution while on the other hand the Soldiers who had receiv'd satisfaction of their Demands express'd great Affection towards Hermias by whose means they had obtain'd their Arrears Nor was there any remaining Stirs saving among the Cyrrhestae of whom there revolted from the King's Service to the number of Six Thousand who for a while gave him some Trouble but being pursu'd and attack'd they were defeated by those that were sent against them the greatest part being cut off and the remainder returning to their Obedience And now Hermias having subdu'd those about the King by his Authority and gain'd the Good-will of the Soldiers by his Bounty departed with Antiochus and the Army but forgot not by means of Alexis who was Governour of the Citadel of Apamea to form this Design for the Destruction of Epigenes He forg'd a Letter from Molon to Epigenes and having corrupted one of his Servants by Promises of a great Reward gives him the Letter with Orders to lay it among the rest of his Master's Papers Whereupon Alexis comes to Epigenes and demands of him if he had not receiv'd Letters from Molon To which Epigenes
the Enemies Camp with two Men only in his company It was not easie to know him by his Face it being not yet Day nor by his Habit for that the Army consisted of great diversity of Garbs He having before observ'd where the King's Tent stood for that they had frequently pickeer'd near that place approach'd undiscover'd and entring the Tent where the King us'd to Eat and give Audience he search'd every-where for him but found him not Ptolomy it seems having lain that Night elsewhere Wherefore wounding only two Persons and killing Androeas the King's Physician he retir'd in safety having executed his Design if we rightly weigh the Hazard but fail'd only through want of information where the King was lodg'd After these two Princes had remain'd five Days thus near each other they agreed to come to a decision Ptolomy first march'd out and soon after Antiochus appear'd in Battel Their Bodies were compos'd of their Phalanxes and chosen Troops arm'd after the Macedonian manner who were oppos'd one to another their Wings were thus order'd in Ptolomy's Polycrates commanded the Left with the Horse that were under his Command and betwixt these and the Phalanx first march'd the Candiots next to the Horse These were follow'd by the Regiment of Guards call'd Agema after these march'd the Buckler-men led by Socrates then the Libyans arm'd like Macedonians The Right was led by Echecrates the Thessalian with the Horse who were under his Command on the Left next Echecrates march'd the Gauls and Thracians then Phoxidas with his Greek Mercenaries after these march'd the Aegyptian Phalanx They plac'd forty Elephants to cover the Left-Wing where the King was to be and the other thirty three stood on the Right to cover the Mercenary Horse Antiochus thus order'd his Battel On his Right he plac'd sixty Elephants to cover the extremities of that Wing where he himself propos'd to stand oppos'd to Ptolomy giving the Conduct to Philip his Foster-Brother in the Rear of these were posted two thousand Horse led by Antipater next these were the like number drawn up in form of a Tenaile after the Horse stood the Candiots in front then the Greek Mercenaries betwixt these stood the five thousand Men that were arm'd like Macedonians under the Command of Byttacus the Macedonian His Left-Wing consisted of two thousand Horse led by Themison After these were the Cardaces the Lydian Slingers and next those three thousand light-arm'd who were under Menedemus The Cyssians Medes and Caramanians follow'd and to these succeeded the Arabs and their Neighbour-People which clos'd up to the Phalanx The Right-point of the Battel was cover'd by the rest of the Elephants which were conducted by Myiscus who had been the King's Page In this order of Battel were the two Armies drawn up while the two Kings attended by their Officers and Favourites went from Rank to Rank to animate their Troops But forasmuch as they had plac'd their greatest Confidence in their Phalanxes which may be call'd Legionaries to these therefore they were more earnest in their Exhortations wherein Sosibius and Arsinoe seconded Ptolomy and Theodotus and Nicarchus Antiochus who were Chiefs of the Legionaries of the one and the other Army In short it may be concluded that the Speeches of these two Princes were near the same whereby to encourage their Troops neither being furnish'd with stronger Reasons than the other for they were but young Kings and had never yet done any thing very memorable out of which to collect Matter for their Exhortations wherefore they labour'd to hearten them to the Battel by laying before them the Prize of Glory that was to be won and the Reputation of their Ancestors and above all made large Promises of Rewards to the Officers in particular and the Soldiers in general to oblige them to their best performance in that occasion Thus then the two Kings animated their Armies partly by themselves and partly by their Interpreters As soon as Ptolomy and his Sister Arsinoe were come to the Left-Wing and Antiochus to the Right of their two Armies attended by their Guards they sounded to the Charge and the Battel began with their Elephants Some of those Beasts on Ptolomy's part came at first boldly on to the Attack and the Men who fought from the Turrets behav'd themselves well fighting from thence with their Pikes but the shock between the Elephants themselves was more remarkable those Animals attempting one the other with an impetuosity hardly to be represented for they fight after this manner They first make proof of their Strength by engaging with their Teeth and with a firm foot keeping their Ground press one against another with their utmost strength till by this contention one of them prevails and compels the other to yield ground to his superiour Strength whereby the Trunk being turn'd aside he is forc'd by endeavouring to disengage himself to expose his Side and Flank to his Enemy who fails not to hit him there goring him with his Tooth as Bulls do with their Horns But it came to pass that Ptolomy's Elephants for the most part wanted Courage to stand the Shock and as the Elephants of Libya who can neither endure the Smell nor Braying of those of India so these frighted at the Strength and Size of the others turn'd their backs before they came near them putting Ptolomy's Regiment of Guards into disorder who were drawn up behind them upon whom they fell In the interim Antiochus leading about his Battalion of Guards and getting before the Elephants charg'd Polycrates at the head of the Horse and at the same time the Mercenary Greeks who were posted near the Phalanx advanc'd against Ptolomy's Buckler-men whose Order had been already broken by the Elephants The Left-Wing of Ptolomy's Army being by this means worsted turn'd their backs and betook them to flight but Echecrates who commanded in the Right and stood waiting to see the issue of the Dispute between the two Points whereof we have been speaking observing a thick Cloud of Dust drive towards him and perceiving their Elephants would do nothing commanded Phoxidas who led the Greek Mercenaries to advance and charge those that were oppos'd to him while he led the Horse about and charge those that were posted behind the Elephants and were cover'd by those Animals whereupon attacking the Enemies Horse in Flank and Reer they put them to flight Nor was Phoxidas and those with him less fortunate who falling on the Medes and Arabs had the like success Thus the Right-Wing of Antiochus beat and the Left was beaten and now albeit the Phalanxes on either side were depriv'd of their Points they remain'd however entire and held their Order attending betwixt Hope and Fear the Event Antiochus we observ'd where he fought on the Right had the better but Ptolomy retiring into the Phalanx and appearing in view of both the Armies much discourag'd the Enemy and gave new Heart to his own People to prosecute the Battel insomuch that Andromachus and
afterwards King of Syracuse he was then indeed but young howbeit Nature had given him all the good Qualities to be wish'd in a Prince He was no sooner advanc'd to this Power but by the secret Practices and Address of some of his Friends he got possession of the City where he soon suppress'd those of the contrary Faction but proceeding in all things with so much Gentleness and Humanity that tho' the Syracusians would not approve the Election made by the Army he was nevertheless received as Praetor without the least Contest From the very beginning by the manner of his Administration of that Authority it plainly appear'd to those who could best discern that he was Born to something yet greater than the Praetorship For having rightly inform'd himself of the Humours and Manners of the Syracusians that they were Seditious and no sooner in Arms but they fell into Factious and Mutinous Practices and farther observing that Leptines one of the prime Citizens Superiour to the rest both in Credit and Interest and in great Reputation with the People for his Justice and Probity would be very useful to him with him he made an Alliance by taking his Daughter to Wife and proposing to lodge the Authority in the City with him during his Expeditions with the Army abroad Having compass'd these things and observing the old Mercenary Souldiers to have lost their Discipline to be quite spoil'd with Idleness and Debauchery and to be over and above not very well affected to him but were bandying and meditating some new Commotions he therefore forms a pretence of an Expedition against the Barbarians who were possess'd of Messina and having march'd out his Forces he Incamp'd near Centuripa in sight of the Enemy where drawing up to ingage them not far from the River Cyamosoros he so ordered his Battel that keeping his own Horse and Foot near himself with shew of attacking the Enemy elsewhere he by that means designedly expos'd the Mercenaries to the entire shock of the Mamertines where they were all cut off and while the Enemy were busied in the Execution withdrew his own People in safety to Syracuse By this Artifice he punish'd his Mercenaries and got rid of the disorderly and seditious part of his Army In brief having form'd an Army to his own Mind he govern'd and preserv'd his Authority in great Peace and Security and observing the Enemy to be grown Inrolent by their late Success and that they made Inroads and spoil'd the neighbouring Country he march'd out of the City with his new Army which he had now well Disciplin'd and meeting them in the Plains of Mylaeus near the River Longanus he obtain'd an entire Victory routing their Army and taking their principal Officers Prisoners By which Success they were so humbled that they lost all Courage for the future Having perform'd these things against the Barbarians he return'd with his Army to Syracuse where he was proclaim'd King by the Souldiers As to the Mamertines they being now depriv'd of their wonted Succours from Rhegium and their own strength being greatly diminish'd by their late losses one Party apply'd to the Carthaginians and deliver'd the Citadel into their Hands another sent Ambassadours to the Romans praying their Assistance and offering them the possession of the City imploring their Protection on the account of their Alliance and common Original The Romans were long debating what to determine herein nor indeed could they honestly resolve to assist them it being apparent how great a blemish it would be to their Honour who while they animadverted on the Treachery of their own Citizens at Rhegium should be found abetting and supporting the Mamertines eminently guilty of the like Crime But they saw too that the Carthaginians had not only subdu'd Africa but had made themselves Masters of many places in Spain and that Sardinia and all the adjacent Islands on the Coast of Italy were already in their possession these Reflections were weigh'd with apprehension enough for the Romans already look'd on the Carthaginian Neighbourhood with an Eye of Jealousie being as it were now surrounded by them and knowing that they had designs on Italy it self they foresaw how formidable they would grow by the Accession of all Sicily to their State and perceiv'd too that this Island unless they interpos'd to prevent it by assisting the Mamertines would certainly fall into their Hands For Messina would soon be theirs and Syracuse would not then be long able to withstand them the Territory of which two places contain'd a principal part of the Island All this they clearly understood and knew it would not be fafe for them to abandon those of Messina and permit the Carthaginians to be Masters of a Post that might prove as it were a Bridge to conduct them into Italy These Points were long and solemnly debated and yet the Senate could not be drawn to determine without mighty difficulty foreseeing that the Reproach in assisting the Mamertines would be greater than the Benefit But the People who had been greatly impoverish'd by their late Wars and each Man propounding to himself some way or other to repair his own particular damage decreed to carry on the Enterprise and the rather for that those who were to have Command of the Armies manifested how profitable an Undertaking it wou'd be both for the State in general and each Man in particular The Decree therefore pass'd and was confirm'd by an Ordinance of the People and Appius Claudius one of the Consuls was ordered to conduct an Army forthwith into Sicily to the Relief of Messina To him the Mamertines deliver'd up the City after either by Art or Force they had got rid of the Carthaginian Officer who commanded in the Citadel But the Carthaginians suspecting Treachery or Cowardise ordered the said Governour to be Crucified At the same time they directed their Fleet to make towards Pelorus and encamp'd with their Land-Army near a Town called Senes and besieg'd Messina with all their Forces Hieron conceiving he saw now a fair prospect of exterminating the Barbarians Possessors of Messina out of Sicily enters into a Confederacy with the Carthaginians and forthwith marches with an Army from Syracuse towards Messina and encamp'd along the Mountain Chalcidicus to cut off all Correspondence with the besieg'd on that side But Appius Claudius with unspeakable Bravery passing the Streight by Night got at length into Messina Howbeit perceiving the Besiegers resolute and the Town straitly press'd on both sides and the Army superior by Sea and Land and apprehending both Danger and Dishonour in the Enterprise he dispatch'd Ambassadours to the Carthaginians and Hieron to treat about an Accommodation and obtain Peace for the Mamertines But the Negotiation not taking effect and finding there was now no Remedy but Fighting he resolv'd first to attack the Syracusians Accordingly he march'd out against Hieron who oppos'd him with great Readiness and Gallantry but after a long and very sharp Conflict the Romans had the day beating
and pursuing the Enemy into their Camp and so Appius return'd Victorious into Messina loaded with the Spoils of the Enemy And Hieron who perceiv'd he had made a wrong Judgment touching the Issue of the War march'd away immediately towards Syracuse Claudius receiving next Morning Intelligence of his Retreat and being now full of assurance by his late Success resolv'd to lose no time but forthwith to Attack likewise the Carthaginians Pursuant to which Resolution he order'd his Army to take their repast betimes and to be under their Arms earlier than ordinary and sallying out by break of Day he surpriz'd the Enemy and routed them with great Slaughter those who escap'd being broken and scatter'd securing themselves in the Neighbouring Towns Having obtain'd these Victories and rais'd the Siege from before Messina he began now to make Inroads here and there upon the Neighbouring Country and proceeded without impediment to plunder as far as the Territory of the Syracusians and their Confederates whither at length-he march'd with his Army and sate down before Syracusa Thus have I related the Motives and given the History of the Romans first Expidition out of Italy And for as much as we have judg'd and chosen this Conjuncture as the most proper and sure Basis whereon to superstruct our whole Design we have therefore concluded that we cannot better prepare the Mind of the Reader for what follows than by setting out from hence Tho' we have look'd yet a little farther back the better to open and explain the Reasons of Things to the end there may not remain the least doubt For in my Judgment whosoever would attain a right Knowledge of the present Greatness of the Roman State should first be inform'd when and how Fortune began to Espouse their Cause for they had once lost their Country and farther to be well instructed in the Means by which and the time when they had intirely reduc'd Italy under their Dominion they began to form Designs of their remoter Conquests It will not therefore be thought strange if when we are to Treat of Great States and Mighty People we should labour to unfold the remotest Accounts of Antiquity and draw our Supplies from as near the Spring-head as may be which is the course we have taken that we might be sure to build on sound and unshaken Principles so that whatsoever People shall be the Subject of our Story we shall endeavour to shew how and when they began and the Steps that conducted them to that degree of Power and Greatness wherein we shall behold them And this is the Method we have been already pursuing touching the Affairs of the Romans But we will forbear farther Digressions and proceed to our History after we have lightly touch'd on some Preliminary Matters and what falls in order principally to be noted is the Transactions between the Romans and the Carthaginians during their Contention about Sicily next will be the War in Africk To which is annex'd the War the Carthaginians wag'd in Spain mannag'd first by Hamilcar and after him by Asdrubal about which time the Romans invaded Illiria and other remote Countries of Europe then shall be handled the War they made on the Gauls inhabiting Italy and in course we shall mention that in Greece call'd the Cleomenick War which gives a period to our Second Book Of these in order with some necessary Remarks for better light into our History for we have not conceived it necessary or in any manner profitable to be over particular in those things it not being our purpose to write their History but so to touch them as may suffice the better to guide the Reader into what we purpose to relate In a word it will be easily perceiv'd by the Thread of our Discourse how necessary it was to make some recital of what others have said before so as to let in the Mind of the inquisitive by an easier passage to subsequent Occurrences But above all it behoves us to be punctual in setting down the Revolutions in Sicily during the War there between the Romans and Carthaginians than which for duration there is hardly any Example of the like in History nor of the Provisions that were made to Prosecute it nor for the Greatness of Action or importance and hazard of Enterprises number of Battels and extraordinary Adventures For in short those two States had liv'd hitherto under an exact observance of their Laws their Diicipline was pure and unshaken their Wealth not burthensome and their Strength equal Whosoever therefore shall carefully consider the Form and Power of those two States respectively will be better able to collect Matter whereby to make a juster Comparison by this War only than by any subsequent Transactions whatsoever between them And now we have but one weighty Impediment to stay the Course of our History which is that Philinus and Fabius the Historians who have the repute of excelling all others in their Exactness and Fidelity in delivering this Story have not nevertheless been so just in their Relations as became them And yet when I consider their manner of Life I cannot well tell-how to charge them with design'd Falshood I am therefore inclin'd to think it hath happen'd to them as it often does to Lovers Philinus's Affection for the Carthaginians hath brib'd his Belief in favour of their great Conduct Wisdom and Generosity in all their Actions and Deliberations and perverted his Judgment on the other hand touching the Romans As to Fabius he acts the same part for his Country-men nor would it be blam'd in the other Deportments of his Private Life it being but just that a Man of Honour should bear Affection towards his Country and his Friends and that he shew Aversion to their Enemies and Love to their Friends But when once a Man hath taken upon him the Character of an Historian his Affections are no more his own and he is to divest himself of every Passion For how often falls it out to bâ— the Duty of a Writer to applaud the Merits of an Enemy and blame the Conduct of a Friend when their Faults and Follies so require For as a Horse that is become blind is render'd almost useless so History if Truth be once wanting ceaseth to be of any use or instruction We are therefore to make no difficulty to detect the Errors of a Friend and to do right to the Vertues of an Enemy Nor must we scruple sometimes to blame those who but now had as just a Title to our Applause It being impossible that such who have the Authority and Administration of Publick Affairs should not sometimes miscarry or that those who often err should not be now and then in the right We are not therefore to weigh the Rank or Fortune of those who are in Authority but to be careful that our Writings speak the Truth of their Actions And that this is a just Observation will appear by what follows Philinus in the beginning of his Second
the Dominion of the Sea In the mean while their Troops perform little by Land ingaging in no Action of importance but having increas'd their Naval Power on both sides they put to Sea the following Summer The Romans arriv'd at Messina with a Fleet of Three Hundred and Thirty Vessels as well long as cover'd from whence they stood along the Coast of Sicily to the Right-hand and having doubl'd the Cape of Pachin they stood towards Eâ—nome where their Land-Forces then were The Carthaginians arriv'd first at Lilibaeum their Fleet consisting of Three Hundred and Fifty Sail fitted for Service from thence they went to Heraclea Minoa where they remain'd at Anchor The Romans had now form'd a Design to Transport the War into Africk to the end the Carthaginians might find Employment in the Defence and Preservation of their own Country while they were sollicitous to contest for the Mastery in Sicily but the Carthaginians who knew full well how easie it was for an Army to march to Carthage and that it would be no difficulty for an Enemy who had once got footing in their Country to make what Spoil he pleas'd made appear by their eagerness to come to a Battel that they were resolv'd to oppose this Design of the Romans with their utmost Power so that the one Party having determin'd to Defend and the other to Assault it was not difficult to foresee by the Obstinacy that appear'd in either that they would soon come to a Battel The Romans then took care so to provide themselves of all things necessary as to be in a Posture and Condition either to make a Descent on the Enemies Coast or to give them Battel by Sea To this end after they had first selected all the prime Men of their Land-Forces they divided the Army into four Divisions to each of which they gave two Names the first they call'd the First Legion and the First Fleet observing the like order in the rest saving that the fourth Division had no other Name than Triarians after the manner of their Land-Army In this Fleet there were a Hundred and Forty Thousand Men that bore Arms each Gally had Three Hundred Rowers and One Hundred and Twenty Souldiers As to the Carthaginians who were most bent on a Sea-Ingagement their Naval Preparations were greater than that of the Romans and as they exceeded them in the Number of their Ships so their Army was proportionably greater consisting of One Hundred and Fifty Thousand Fighting Men. And who now could contemplate the mighty Hazard to which those two contending States were expos'd and but hear the Account of the Preparations of such Fleets and Armies without Astonishment and taking part in the Peril with which they threaten'd each other The Romans had resolv'd to keep the Sea as concluding it to be their safest Course the Carthaginians having the Advantage of them in the nimbleness and ready working of their Gallies wherefore they endeavour'd above all things so to draw up and form their Fleet that by the good Order and Disposition of their Battel the Enemy might be the more cautious how they approach'd to attack them which was in a word after this manner The two Consuls M. Atilius Regulus and L. Manlius were in the two Admiral-Gallies in the Front of their two distinct Squadrons each of them just a-head of their own Divisions and a-breast of each other the First Fleet being posted on the Right the Second on the Left making two long Files or Lines of Battel and whereas it was necessary to give a due space between each Gally to ply their Oars and keep clear one of another and to have their Heads or Prows looking somewhat outwards this manner of drawing up did therefore naturally form an Angle the point whereof was at the two Admiral-Gallies which were near together and as their two Lines were prolong'd so the distance grew consequently wider and wider towards the Rear in this manner was the First and Second Fleet dispos'd The Third Legion was drawn up Frontways in the Rear of the First and Second and so stretching along from Point to Point compos'd a Triangle whereof this Third Line was the Base Their Vessels of Burden that carried their Horses and Baggage were in the Rear of these and were by the help of small Boats provided for that purpose towed or drawn after them In the Rear of all was the Fourth Fleet call'd the Triarians drawn up likewise in Rank or Frontways parallel to the Third but these made a longer Line by which means the Extreamities stretch'd out and extended beyond the two Angles at the Base The several Divisions of the Army being thus dispos'd form'd as is said a Triangle the Area within was void but the Base contain'd what we have already mention'd In a word the Roman Fleet being form'd into this Figure was dispos'd for all that could happen nor would it have been an easie matter to have broken them The Carthaginian Generals in the mean time animated their Souldiers all they could in few words letting them know That if they overcame the Romans in this Battel the War would then be prosecuted in Sicily only but if they should be beaten they would then be driven to fight for the Preservation of their Native Country their own Inheritance and their Wives and Children In short they gave order for the speedy imbarking their People which the Souldiers chearfully obey'd every one reflected on what their Officers had remonstrated so they drew out of their Port full of Hopes and Resolution When the Carthaginians had observ'd how the Roman Army was drawn up they then determin'd after what manner to form their Battel Accordingly they dispos'd their Fleet into four Squadrons or Divisions and drew it out into one long File that part to the Right of this Line stretch'd a great way out into the Sea as if their Purpose had been to inclose and surround the Romans their Prows pointing directly upon them the Fourth Squadron which was the Left of the Line kept close under the Shoar dispos'd in manner of a Tenail Hanno one of the Generals he who had succeeded so ill at Agrigentum was on the Right with the First Squadron having with him all the nimble and best rowing Vessels of the Fleet being such as were proper to Attack and Retreat and for their lightness could row round the Romans Hamilcar the same that fought near Tindaris commanded the Left-wing who after they came to Engage devis'd a Stratagem which shew'd him an Officer of Experience The Romans having observ'd that the Carthaginians by stretching their Battel to so great a length were by that means but thinly drawn up they therefore attack'd them in the middle of their Line where the Battel began but the Carthaginians pursuant to the Orders they had receiv'd immediately retreated with purpose to seperate and put the Romans in disorder to pursue them who accordingly press'd warmly after them The First and Second Fleets were those who
all expedition Accordingly he taking with him Five Thousand Foot and Five Hundred Horse came forthwith to Carthage where being chosen their Third General he and Asdrubal fell to consult about the present posture of their Affairs and concluded That above all things they ought to Succour the Province and not endure that the Romans should make their Incursions and such Spoil upon the Country In the mean while M. Atilius Regulus proceeds and in a short space makes a mighty Progress all such Towns as he attack'd that had no Walls he carry'd at the first Assault and such as were fortify'd he Besieg'd and coming to Adda which was a Place of Importance he incamp'd not far from the Walls and sat down before it But the Carthaginians knowing the usefulness of that Place and being resolv'd to defend the Country march'd out forthwith against him where arriving with their Army they posted themselves on an Eminence which albeit it gave them an Advantage against the Romans was nevertheless very incommodious to themselves in all Respects for as their greatest Strength and Hopes were in their Horse and Elephants so abandoning the plain and proper Country and marching and inclosing themselves in rough and inaccessible Places they pointed out as it were to the Enemy the Methods of their own Destruction And so in effect it prov'd for the Roman Commanders who were Men of Experience saw well enough that the main Strength and most formidable Part of the Carthaginian Army was render'd useless by their thus keeping the Mountains they therefore wisely manag'd this Error of of the Enemy and not delaying till they should be better advis'd improv'd the Occasion and accordingly march'd at break of Day and surrounded the Hill where they were thus incamp'd when now there could be nothing more useless to them than their Horse and Elephants In this Occasion the Mercenaries of the Carthaginians behav'd themselves gallantly and ingaging with the first Legion forc'd them to retreat howbeit being attack'd in the Rear by another Party marching about the Hill they were at length forc'd to give ground and retire and now being hard press'd they forsook their Camp with their Horse and Elephants and gaining the plain Country sav'd themselves the Romans pursuing their Foot for some space so they took their Camp and proceeded as before to make Inroads taking of Towns and spoiling the Country round about without any Impediment Then they march'd to Tunes and becoming Masters of that Place they lodg'd within the Walls which they chose to do in regard the Situation was proper for the Purpose they had in hand and was of all Places the most useful to incommode and distress Carthage itself and the Country round about it The Carthaginians who had so unfortunately manag'd their Affairs both by Sea and Land not so much thro' the Cowardise oâ— their Armies as the Insufficiency of their Chiefs began now to despair For over and above the Calamities we have related the Numidians taking the advantage of these their Troubles had made Inroads upon them and did them as much hurt as the Roman and in some parts of the Country under their Dominion a great deal more Insomuch that the People were compell'd to retire and save themselves in the City whither they brought both Fear and Famine a mighty Multitude of all sorts flocking at once thâ—ther And now Regulus having weigh'd that they had been too hard for the Carthaginianâ— both by Sea and Land and that Carthage itselâ— was not likely to be able long to hold out admonish'd them to treat about an Accomodation fearing least his Successor that was expected from Rome should if he made not a Peace deprive him of the Glory of putting an End to that War The Carthaginians on their part gladly listen'd to the Proposal and accordingly dispatch'd to Regulus some of their principal Citizens who after some time of Conference were so far from yielding to the Propositions that they had not Patience so much as to hear them repeated they were so Infamous For Regulus as if he had made a compleat Conquest would have had them esteem it as a singular Grace and Benifit to accord them a Peace upon whatsoever Conditions he should think fit to propound But the Carthaginians were of a different Mind and reckon'd that nothing could befal them more shameful and calamitous than what was demanded and that it could not be worse with them to be entirely conquer'd and brought under the Roman Yoke So they return'd not only full of Shame to be so treated but of Indignation at the intollerable Insolence of Regulus The Senate likewise after they had heard the Terms of Peace repeated which the Romans propos'd withstood it with so much Courage and Greatness of Mind that albeit they were at the brink of Despair the determin'd rather to abide any Adversity their worst Fortune could bring on them than stain the Nobility of their Name and Actions by so shameful a Treaty About this time there was return'd out of Greece a Carthaginian who had been sent thither to raise Souldiers in those parts for the Service of the State who brought a considerable number of Recruits with him and among the rest a certain Lacedemonian call'd Xantippus who had been educated according to the Spartan Discipline and was a Person well seen in Military Affairs he informing himself of the late Defeat of the Carthaginians and after having been thoroughly instructed in their Strength and the Provision they had made for the War their number of Horse and of their Elephants he concluded upon the whole Matter and so publish'd among his Friends That it was not the Enemy that had vanquish'd the Carthaginians but the Ignorance of their Leaders This Discourse of Xantippus was quickly spread among the People and came at length to the knowledge oâ— of the Magistrates who forthwith commanded he should be brought before them when he reason'd the whole matter to them and did endeavour to Demonstrate that if by taking his Advice they would alter their manner of Fighting and descending from thâ— Hills incamp and deal with the Enemy iâ— the Champain Country he assur'd them no only of Safety but of Victory The Souldiers who were edify'd by these Reasons concurr'd entirely with Xantippus to whom thereupon the Conduct of the Army was forthwith given and indeed this Advice of his was no sooner understood in the Army but they took Heart and conceiv'd new Hopes And as soon as they were march'd out of the Town and disciplin'd and form'd according to his Rules the Abilities of this their new Leader and the Ignorance of their former Captains became so visible that the Army express'd their Joy by loud and general Acclamations and a mighty Forwardness to be let against the Enemy having conceiv'd a firm Assurance that they could not miscarry under the Conduct of Xantippus In a word the Officers observing this Change in the Minds of the Souldiers incourag'd them with their Exhortations to
behave themselves bravely and shortly after they march'd to find the Enemy their Forces consisting of Twelve Thousand Foot and Four Thousand Horse and about an Hundred Elephants The Romans were a little surpris'd at the Novelty to see their Enemy thus to change their manner of proceeding by marching down and incamping in the plain Country but being assur'd of the Event they march'd toward them with all Expedition and incamp'd within Twelve Hundred and Fifty Paces of the Carthaginian Army who the next Morning held a Council of War how they should proceed while the Souldiers assembling in great numbers and proclaiming every-where the Name of Xantippus demanded with great earnestness to be led against the Enemy The Officers observing this their Willingness and being urg'd and conjur'd by Xantippus not to let this their Ardour cool without Action the Army was directed to prepare for the Battel and the Order and Manner of their drawing up intirely committed to Xantippus who proceeded after this manner He drew up all the Elephants in Front advanc'd some distance beyond the Line of Battel In the Rear of these at a good distance he appointed the Carthaginian Battalions in the Right Wing was dispos'd part of the Mercenaries and some chosen out of them were mix'd with the Horse advanc'd before the two points of the Battel The Romans seeing the Enemy now ranging into Battalia lost no time but readily advanc'd against them with their usual Courage Nevertheless in regard they had a just Apprehension of the Force of their Elephants they appointed their light arm'd Souldiers to march advanc'd in the Front of their Battel and to sustain them were plac'd good Troops in firm and close order Their Horse were drawn up on the Wings not extending in length so far as their manner usually was which was recompens'd by the addition of Depth whereby they justly computed that they should be the better able to sustain the shock of the Elephants but they were entirely in the wrong touching their Horse those of the Enemy much out-numbring them In short both Armies being drawn up according to the Design of their respective Leaders they remain'd some time in suspence attending the Signal to ingage And now Xantippus commanded the Guides of the Elephants to advance and attempt the breaking of the Romans Order and to the Cavalry which out-wing'd them to surround and attack them in the Flank And the Romans after clashing their Arms and giving a Shout as their manner is began the Battel but their Horse perceiving themselves out-numbred by those of the Enemy soon abandon'd their Post in the Wings and the Foot in the Left-point of their Battel partly out of fear of the Elephants and partly beleiving they should find less to do against the Mercenaries attack'd them on the Right and put them to flight pursuing them to their Retrenchments But it far'd otherwise with those who were oppos'd to the Elephants they being disorder'd by those Animals broken kill'd and trodden under foot True it is that the Body of that Battalian by reason of its great depth and firm order was not presently shaken but when the Rear which yet sustain'd them perceiv'd the Enimies Horse in their Flank and that they were in danger to be surrounded they were forc'd to face about to receive them On the other hand such of the Roman Army as had charg'd though the Elephants were no sooner escap'd that danger but they encounter'd with the Battalion of Carthaginians fresh and in good order who charging them cut them all off And now the Romans being attack'd and worsted on all sides many were destroy'd by the rage and force of those mighty Animals the Elephants many were kill'd on the spot by the Cavalry and very few attempted to fly those who did were most of them by reason it was an open Country slain by the Hourse and the Elephants Five hundred who follow'd Regulus in his flight fell with him alive into the Enemies Hands Of the Carthaginians were kill'd about Eight Hundred most of them Mercenaries who were oppos'd to the Left Wing of the Romans 〈◊〉 whose Army there did not escape above Two Thousand and those were of the Party thâ—â— broke and pursu'd the Carthaginians whâ—â— the Battel first began as was observ'd thâ—â— rest were all slain saving the Consul M. Aâ—lius Regulus and those taken with him an the Cohorts that remain'd escap'd as by Mâ—â—racle to Aspis As for the Carthaginians 〈◊〉 soon as they had pillag'd the Dead thâ—â—â—arch'd back to their City full of Glory anâ— Triumph leading the Consul with them among the rest of the Prisoners Certainly whosoever weighs with Judgment the Success of this Adventure may collect matter of much benefit for reforming the Errors of Mankind For what is more easie to determine in this case of Regulus than that the flatteries of Fortune are of all others the most vain and trustless and we may behold him who but Yesterstay was triumphing in the Pride of his Success refusing the Compassion due to a miserable People to Day seeing himself a Captive and in a state to implore that Grace which he refus'd them In short the Event of this Action confirms that excellent saying of Euripides That one wise Head is more worth than many strong Hands For it is manifest in the Case now before us that the Counsel and Abilities of one single Person subdu'd the Roman Legions who by their Experience and Bravery were esteem'd Invincible rescu'd a sinking and despairing Common-wealth and restor'd Courage to a beaten and spiritless Army grown stupid by their Misfortunes Let it not therefore be thought superfluous that we add these our Reflections while those who shall read what we have written may chance to be edify'd and improve their Minds in that laudable Vertue of Moderation for as there are two ways to correct Men's manners namely by their own Misfortunes and the Example of those of others so tho' the one be more sensible the other is more safe It is therefore the wisest way by shunning the Perils and Difficulties of the one when without toil or hazard we may safely contemplate the other and take out Lessons for our Instruction at other Men's Experience So that in sum it will be found that there is no Doctrine or Method more likely to improve us in the Conduct of our Life than the Experience we may extract from the Study of History which fairly and candidly reports to us the Transactions of Times past for by this means alone it is that we attain Wisdom and Experience for the bare asking which at all Times and in all Events will be found most preferable but so much by way of Refiection The Carthaginians whose Affairs had prosper'd to their Wish express'd their Joy with all possible Piety towards the Gods and mutual Congratulations and Festivals among themselves As to Xantippus who had so happy a share in the Advancement and Prosperity of their Affairs he shortly after an admirable
Engines of Battery by which a Tower or Work standing near the Sea was quickly and without much trouble demolish'd at which Breach the Souldiers enter'd and took by Assault and kept Possession of that Quarter of the City call'd the New Town whereby the place itself was put into manifest danger but the Inhabitants coming seasonably in to the Relief they advanc'd no farther so the Consuls after they had put a good Garrison into the place they had taken return'd back to Rome Early the next Summer the new Consuls C. Servilius and C. Sempronius sail'd over to Sicily with all their Naval Power and from thence soon after stood for the Coast of Africk where they made several Descents but perform'd nothing of moment at length arriving at the Island of the Letophagy which is likewise call'd Meninx not far distant from the Lesser Syrtis or Flats here being unacquainted with the Coast their Fleet fell among the Sands where their Vessels grounded and stuck fast as if they had been a-shoar and there remain'd till the Flood fetch'd them off when with great difficulty and hazard throwing their Lumber over-board they made a shift to escape From thence like People flying from an Enemy they stood away for the Coast of Sicily and after they had doubl'd the Cape of Lilybaeum they got into the Port of Palermo But from thence steering their Course homeward a Storm took them in the Phare of Messina where by a blind Obstinacy they were imbay'd which Storm attack'd them with such violence that above an Hundred and Fifty of their Ships miscarry'd Things happening thus adverse to them by Sea tho' the Senate and People could not subdue their Thirst of Glory and Empire nevertheless these Losses and Calamities and the Straits to which they were now reduc'd prevail'd with them to quit all farther Attemps of trying their Fortune by Sea so they now totally abandon'd all thoughts of Naval Preparations And determining to rely solely on their Land Armies they dispatch'd the Consuls L. Caecilius and Cn. Furius to Sicily with the Legions alotting them only about Threescore Vessels whereon securely to embark and waft over the Army their Baggage and Ammunition These Misfortunes of the Romans much augmented the Carthaginian Glory and Fame in the World and gave a new face to their Affairs In a word as the Romans had now yielded them up the Dominion of the Sea it was no difficulty for them to be entirely Masters there nor were they without hopes of succeeding in their Affairs by Land nor did they reckon very wide of the matter for from the time of the Defeat of the Roman Army by the Assistance of the Elephants which discompos'd and broke their Ranks in the Battel fought in Africk where those Animals made such Destruction of their People the Soldiers became so terribly aw'd that tho' they had been on several occasions drawn up in Battalia to ingage within five or six Furlongs of the Carthaginian Army sometimes in the Territory of Selinunce sometimes about Lilybaeum yet for the space of Two Years together they wanted Resolution to ingage them or to adventure to abide in the Champain Country so great a Dread they had conceiv'd of the Fury and Shock of those stupendous Beasts So that little or no Progress was made in their Affairs during all that space saving the taking of Lipary and Thermes the Army continuing coop'd up in the Mountains and inaccessible Places Wherefore the Romans observing this Terrour among their Legions took a Resolution once more to tempt their Fortune by Sea Accordingly upon the Creation of C. Atelius and L. Manlius Consuls they order'd the Building of Fifty Vessels and Levies of Men for that Service and now they had a Navy once again establish'd Asdrubal having observ'd this Dread that possess'd the Roman Army when ever he presented them Battel and having Intelligence that one of the Consuls was now return'd back to Rome and one half of the Army with him and that Caecilius with the rest of the Troops was at Palermo assisting their Allies in gathering their Harvest their Corn being now ripe he march'd out of Lilybaeum with his Troops and came and encamp'd on the Borders of the Territory of Palermo Caecilius observing this weak Proceeding of the Carthaginian kept his People within the Walls of the Town thereby to ingage him to Advance nearer which Asdrubal accordingly did perswaded thereto by the shew of Fear the Romans were under and imagining that Caecilius had not Resolution to appear in the Field he rashly adventur'd his Army into a narrow Straight and albeit he wasted the Country to the very Walls of Palermo Caecilius nevertheless held his first Determination not to move till the Enemy had pass'd the River that runs close by the Town When in short after the Elephants and the whole Army had got over he order'd some of his light arm'd Souldiers to advance out against them to Pickeer and draw them the more boldly on And observing all things to succeed as he had projected he posted a Body of select and skilful Soldiers on the Counterscarp of the Town with Orders that if the Elephants advanc'd upon them to Attack them with Darts and missive Weapons and in case they should be press'd by those Animals that they should then retire into the Ditch and from thence gall and molest them all they could He order'd the Towns People at the same time to furnish themselves with great quantities of Darts and post themselves without the Town at the Foot of the Walls and there abide in a Posture of Defence Caecilius himself with all his Troops remain'd in readiness at a certain Gate of the Town that was oppos'd to the Right Wing of the Enemy from whence he sustain'd the Troops with fresh Supplies of Men who were already ingaged In a word the Battel began now to grow warm and the Leaders of the Elephants being resolv'd to be Sharers with Asdrubal in the Honour of the Day proceeding as if they design'd the Victory should be wholly owing to them advanc'd all in order upon the Romans whom they soon forc'd to give Ground and retire into the Ditch But now the Elephants smarting with the Wounds they had receiv'd and vex'd with the Darts wherewith they were gall'd both from the Ditch and the Walls of the Town began to grow unruly fell upon their own People and destroy'd many and put their Troops in disorder This being observ'd by Caecilius he forthwith sally'd out with his Troops fresh and in good order and attacking the Enemy in Flank who were already in Confusion flew many and put the rest of the Army to flight Ten Elephants were then taken with the Indians their Guides and others who had lost their Leaders fell likewise into their Hands after the Battel The happy Issue of this Action goâ— Caecilius the Reputation every-where of having restor'd the Roman Courage by Land to attempt incamping in the open and plaiâ— Country and to
know how to behave themselves well again out of their Retrenchments There was great Joy at Rome on the arrival of the News of this Defeat not so much on account of the Elephants which had been taken tho' it was a very sensible Blow to the Enemy but because the taking of those Animals and the Victory obtain'd against them had restor'd the Soldiers Resolution Wherefore they determin'd once again as had been propos'd to the end they might at any rate put a Period to this War to dispatch the Consuls away with a new Navy And when all things were in readiness for the Expedition they departed for Scicily with a Fleet of Two Hundred Sail it being now the Fourteenth Year of the first Punic War And being arriv'd on the Coast of Lilybaeum and their Troops already in Sicily being assembled thereabout they resolv'd to sit down before that City concluding that the possession of such a Post would greatly facilitate the transporting the War into Africk The Carthaginians were of the same Opinion with the Romans in that Point they therefore Postponing all other matters for the present employ'd their utmost Counsels and Endeavours to succour and secure that Place leaving nothing undone whereby to compass it Foreseeing that should it once fall into the Enemies Hands the Island being now entirely theirs Depranum only excepted the Carthaginians would be without any Stake or Footing whereby to sustain or carry on the War But that I may not talk obscurely to those who are not acquainted with the Geography of Sicily I will here endeavour first to give some light into the Situation of that Island The whole Island of Sicily is situate with respect to the extream Parts of Italy in a manner as Pelopennesus is to Greece and the Frontiers thereof with this difference only that this latter is a Peninsula In brief one may arrive at Pelopennesus by Land by means of the Isthmus but to Sicily we cannot go but by Sea Sicily bears the form of a Triangle at each Corner whereof is a certain Cape or Promontory That which looks Southward and runs out into the Sea of Sicily is call'd Cape Pachine That which regards the North is call'd Pelorus where the Sea is almost shut out the Island being there not above Fifteen Hundred Paces distant from the Continent The third Cape which looks toward Africa is call'd the Cape of Lilybaeum This Island is commodiously situate to Navigate from any of these Head-lands to Carthage which hath been already noted being distant about an Hundred and Twenty Five Miles the Wester-most Coast winds somewhat with a Compass and parts the African and Sardinian Seas There is a City near this foremention'd Cape bearing likewise the same Name being that which we have already mention'd which the Romans besieg'd it was begirt a strong Wall and inviron'd with a good Ditch which was fill'd with Water from the Sea from whence likewise one might go to the Haven which was extream difficult of access unless to such who by long Practice were perfectly acquainted with the way This Town then the Romans besieg'd making their Attacks in two several places investing it with their two Camps which held Communication by means of a Retrenchment fortify'd with a Ditch a Rampart and a Wall They made their first Approaches against a Tower or Work standing by the Sea-side which looks towards Africk and by their Diligence and incessant Application adding something every Day they soon demolish'd that and Six other Towers standing near it and then they made way to approach with their Ram to batter the other Works And having now demolish'd a great part of the Wall and many of their Towers being shaken and some laid level with the Ground the Besieg'd began to be hard press'd the Enemy having made a Lodgment even within their Works Insomuch that tho' they had a Garrison in the Town of Ten Thousand Men Besides the Inhabitants they could not conceal the Terrour they were under Nevertheless Hamilcar the Governour perform'd the part of a Diligent and Able Officer by Fortyfying and Rebuilding such Works as the Enemy had demolish'd by making Countermines where it was found needful and in a word by endeavouring to find Work enough for the Besiegers where-ever they press'd him His Diligence was such as it might be said He was present every-where he was watchful of all Occasions of molesting the Enemy sometimes by burning their Engines sometimes to the end to divert them Day and Night he would make hazardous Sallies insomuch that it might be said They lost more Men than if they had fought rang'd Battles in the Field While Affairs stood in this Posture a piece of Treachery was discover'd Certain Officers of a principal Rank among the Mercenaries who serv'd in the Town confiding in the Soldiers readiness to follow them conspir'd to deliver up the Place and by Night went over to the Roman Camp to Negotiate their Purpose with the Consul but it happen'd that a certain Achaian Alexo by Name one who had done the like grateful piece of Service in the Preservation of Agrigentum which the Mercenaries would have likewise betray'd to the Syracusians discover'd this Conspiracy to Hamilcar who immediately thereupon assembled the Commanders of those Mercinaries that remain'd in the Town to whom he imparted the Treason conjuring them with Promises of great Rewards and Preferments to preserve their Fidelity and not to be Partakers in the Villany wherein those who were now absent were engag'd Whereupon having frankly assur'd him of their Faith he dispatch'd them to deal likewise with their Soldiers He likewise employ'd Hannibal to the Gauls whom they both knew and lov'd having serv'd among them observing by the way that this Hannibal was Son of Him of the same Name who was murder'd in Sardinia He likewise sent Alexo to the other Foreigners who was in great Esteem among them and in whom they had great Confidence In short the Persons thus employ'd having summon'd the several Nations with which they were to Treat and Exhorting and Conjuring them to continue firm in their Obedience and promising them ample Rewards from their General they were easily won to give them sincere assurances of their Faith insomuch that when their Agents were return'd from the Roman Camp to render an Account of their Negotiation they were so far from consenting or listening to them that they drave them away with Darts and Stones Thus by the Infidility of their Mercenaries the Carthaginians had been reduc'd to great Straits and their Enterprises defeated had not Alexo who had already by his singular Virtue preserv'd Agrigentum both the Town and Country their Laws and Liberties perform'd now the like eminent piece of Service for them in detecting so dangerous a Conspiracy Altho' at Carthage they were yet without any account of the Pressure of Lilybaeum they were not nevertheless unmindful of the Necessities they concluded they must needs be in who had undergone so long and strait a Siege
Naval Army In short the Design being generally approv'd the Seamen old and new Comers were forthwith order'd to Embark and out of the Legions the choicest best known and willingest Men were pick'd to Embark in this Expedition which they concluded would be but short and the Profit they should reap being as it were certain Orders being now accordingly given and obey'd without giving the least Jealousie to the Enemy the Army departed about Midnight the Men stowing close and mingling promiscuosly a-board keeping the Coast on their Right-hand As soon as Day broke and the headmost of the Fleet were descry'd from Drepanum Adherbal became much surpris'd at this unlook'd for Danger but soon recollecting his Mind and beholding the Enemy now at hand he determin'd to perform all that was possible for him to execute and ingage in any Hazard rather than endure a Siege which by the Preparations he saw threatned him He therefore assembled all the Seamen and Souldiers belonging to the Fleet upon the Shoar and order'd by sound of Trumpet the Mercenary Troops to march out of the Town and joyn them with whom being now assembled he declar'd to them in few words That he was well assur'd they should be too hard for the Romans if they would resolve to oppose them resolutely On the contrary if they through Fear behav'd themselves Ill the Consequence would be to endure all the Sufferings and Calamities incident to a Siege Hereupon the Army unanimously declar'd their forwardness to Engage and requir'd with one Voice to be led forthwith a-board Adherbal after he had let them know that their Behaviour pleas'd him and applauded this their Forwardness made them Embark and leading himself the Van directed the Fleet to follow and do as he did so putting out to Sea he drew up near the Rocks that lye on the Coast facing the Enemy who was now entring into the Haven The Consul Publius observing the Enemy contrary to his Opinion to make this Stand and that this his sudden Attempt did not only afright them but that on the contrary he beheld them in a posture ready to give him Battel order'd the Fleet to tack and stand back again whereof the headmost were now enter'd into the Port some were in the Haven's Mouth and others not far off But while those in the Van who had receiv'd their Orders were hasting back they encounter'd the others who were yet standing in by which means falling fowl one of another many both Ships and Men were in great danger of perishing But in short they drew out as they were able and as they got clear and obtain'd Sea-room they put themselves in order of Battel along the Shoar with their Prows pointing towards the Enemy Publius who brought up the Rear of his Fleet stood off to Sea and posted himself on the Left of his Line But Adherbal having pass'd the Right-wing of the Romans at the head of five Gallies with arm'd Beaks turning the Prow of his own Vessel upon the Enemy and making a Signal for the rest that follow'd him to do the same and being now drawn up in Front he puts out his Sign for the Attack and so in good order they advanc'd against the Romans who as was observ'd were drawn up along or under the Shoar attending the arrival of their Vessels which were not all yet got out of the Port which was the cause of their Fighting greatly to their Disadvantage so near the Land The two Fleets being now near and the Flags of Defiance on both sides put abroad the Battle began where for a while the Conflict seem'd to be equal both Fleets having on Board the hardiest Men they could pick out of their respective Land-armies But in the end Victory began by degrees to declare for the Carthaginians who from the beginning had in many points the Advantage of the Romans In short they surpass'd them in the nimbleness of their Ships which were every way of a better Built and Contrivance their Seamen were likewise more experienc'd and abler Men they were posted also greatly to their advantage having Sea-room wherein to work their Vessels as occasion requir'd so that at any time when press'd by the Enemy they could draw off spread themselves or draw close together at pleasure wherein the lightness of their Vessels very much avail'd Furthermore if at any time the Enemy had given Chace to any of their Gallies and were seperated any distance from their Fleet they would then tack upon them and intercepting them who by reason of their heavy working and the unskilfulness of the Roman Marriners could not disengage themselves so rowing round them and coming on their Flank with their Prows they Sunk many of them on the other hand when any of the Carthaginian Vessels chanc'd to be hard press'd they could come with expedition up to their Relief and Succour them without Hazard But we may say of the Romans that all those Benefits which their Enemy enjoy'd were wanting to them If they chanc'd to be chac'd they were not able to retire for the Shoar under which they sought insomuch that when they were hard driven and were forc'd to give back they were either run aground on the Sands or lost against the Rocks Furthermore the Romans were bereft of one principal Benefit which much conduces to Success in Naval Ingagements namely that through of the sluggishness of their Vessels and the insufficiency of their Marriners they were not able to come up and attack the Enemy in Flank as occasion offer'd nor come and fall on them in the Rear who were already engag'd In a word those who were a-stern were not able to come up the Assistance of those who were press'd at a distance a-head being obstructed by the Neighbourhood of the Shoar wanting void Space wherein to move and bring their Succours where it was needful The Consul observing at length the Distress of his Fleet that some were a-ground on the Sands and others lost against the Rocks himself and about Thirty Vessels that follow'd him stood away to the Left and retir'd out of the Battel leaving Ninety Three of his Gallies taken by the Carthaginians very few of the Men belonging to those that were lost against the Shoar escaping This was a glorious Action for Adherbal to whom the Carthaginians did very great Honour attributing the Success purely to his single Vertue and Bravery While the Romans treated their Consul with grievous Reproaches laying the whole Disaster and the Danger to which his Country was thereby reduc'd to his sole Folly and Temerity formally calling him to his Tryal and loading him with a very rigorous Sentence nevertheless they abated nothing of their Resolution upon these Misfortunes which did not in any wise slacken their Purpose to stretch their utmost strength to recover new Forces for prosecute the War such was the Contention between those two People who should remain Superior And now one of the two new chosen Consuls L. Junius was dispatch'd over
to Cicily with Orders speedily to succour and supply the Camp at Lilybaeum with Provisions and all things necessary for the safe convoy whereof they appointed a Squadron of Sixty Men of War Junius having joyn'd the Fleet at Messina that had been rendezvous'd there by the Army and diligence of the Islanders shap'd his course towards Syracuse his Fleet consisting of One Hundred and Twenty Ships of Burthen and Eight Hundred other Vessels laden with Provisions and other Stores of War From thence he dispatc'd his Questors with Orders to take care speedily to supply the Legions with all things of which they might stand in need allotting them for that Service part of his Ships of Burthen and some of his Vessels of War while the Consul himself remain'd at Syracuse attending the arrival of that part of his Fleet which was yet behind and could not keep him company in his Voyage from Messina as likewise to receive the Corn the Islanders had provided for his Army Adherbal about the same time dispatch'd to Carthage the Prisoners and Ships that were taken in the Battel Afterwards he sent Carthalo with a Fleet of about an Hundred Sail adding Thirty of his own Vessels to the Squadron he had brought with him to surprise and attack the Roman Fleet riding at Anchor before the Port of Lilybaeum with orders to take and bring away as many as he could get off and what he could not those to burn and destroy Carthalo pursuant to his Orders falls upon the Romans about the fourth Watch of the Night and while some of their Vessels were burning and others towing off the Surprise gave great terrour to the Enemy the danger being much augmented by the cries and tumult of the People on so unlook'd for an Adventure for the Romans hasting promiscuously in the dark to succour and defend their Vessels the noise and clamour of the Soldiers gave alarm to Hamilcar Governour of the Town who soon perceiving what was doing prepar'd for a Sally and as soon as it was Day and that he could discern how matters went he orders the Mercenary Troops to march out against the Romans who being thus attack'd on all sides were reduc'd to very great straits which much abated their Resolution but Carthalo after having taken and tow'd off some of their Vessels and destroy'd others stood to Sea again and made the best of his way towards Heraclea in order to the obstructing what in him lay the Succours that were coming to the Army and receiving Advice by his Scouts that they had discover'd a great Fleet of all sorts of Vessels and that they were not far off he having the Romans in great Contempt since their last Defeat forthwith puts to Sea with an ardent desire to come to blows with them but some of the smaller Vessels of the Roman Fleet who were advanc'd a-head of the rest having given notice to the Quaestors that the Carthaginians were at hand they not conceiving themselves of sufficient strength to deal with them presently took order for the safety of their Fleet endeavouring to secure them under the Potection of a Town on the Coast belonging to the Romans but there being there no safe Harbour only Coves and small Retreats among the Rocks which gave them some shelter within them the Quaestors therefore landing their People apply'd themselves to make all Possible provision for the Defence of their Fleet bringing out of the Town all their Engines and Machines for casting of Stones and shooting of Arrows and in a Posture of Defence expected when the Enemy should Attack them But the Chrthaginians being of Opinion that the apprehension of the danger they were in would soon drive the Soldiers to retire and seek Sanctuary in the Town resolv'd not presently to attempt them but only to Block them up in expectation they should shortly be Masters of the Vessels without much contest But having some time in vain expected the Issue and finding that contrary to their hopes the Romans appear'd resolute in the defence of their Fleet they contented themselves with surprising only some of their Victuallers and the Station where they were being incommodious retir'd to a Harbour in a Neighbouring River where coming to an Anchor they there continu'd keeping a vigilent Eye on the motions of the Roman Fleet. After the Consul had dispatch'd those Affairs which had detain'd him at Syracuse he departed and doubling the Cape of Pachine shap'd his course for Lilybaeum totally ignorant of what had happen'd to that part of the Fleet which he had sent before But the Carthaginian Scouts discovering them gave notice to their General who immediately weigh'd Anchor out of the Port with determination to give them Battel before they should be able to join the other part of their Fleet. But Junius observing the Carthaginian Fleet to be now near and taking them to be too strong and numerous for him to deal with was compell'd to seek Sanctuary likewise in such Places as were next at hand tho' never so dangerous or incommodious there being no Havens thereabout that could yield them shelter Making account that he ought to run any hazard rather than expose by the loss of the Fleet their Army by Land to the mercy of the Enemy When the Carthaginians had observ'd the Romans purpose by their working they forbore to Attack them in so dangerous a Post but retiring to a place between the Two Fleets kept that Station carefully observing their motions While things stood thus a strong Gale of Wind came up which by the agitation of the Sea threaten'd a Tempest at hand Whereupon the Carthaginian Pilots who were well skill'd in the Weather and the Coast foreseeing the approaching Danger gave notice thereof to their Officers and advis'd Carthalo by all means to weigh Anchor and get about the Cape of Pachine thereby to be cover'd from the Tempest that threaten'd them Carthalo readily followed this Advice and with great difficulty doubled the Cape and secur'd his Ships While the two Roman Fleets remaining on an open harbourless Coast were so violently assaulted by the Storm that not a Ship escap'd nor so much as a whole Plank of all their Navy After this Disaster the Carthaginians began to respire and conceive new Hopes and take fresh Courage while the Romans whose former Losses had much impair'd their Naval Strength were by this Misfortune quite ruin'd and began now to dispair to Cope with the Carthaginians by Sea and resolv'd to content themselves to hold the Possession of the Inland Towns In the mean time as the Carthaginians were become Masters at Sea so they would not renounce their Hopes of succeeding in their Affairs by Land And albeit the Condition of the Romans was deplorable enough and their Army before Lilybaeum driven to very hard shifts by these Disappointments nevertheless they held firm to their Purpose of continuing the Siege Accordingly without delay Order was taken to have them supply'd by Land with whatsoever they stood in
need of the Army resolutely determining to abide the utmost Extremity As to Junius the Consul he after this dreadful Shipwreck speeds away to the Army full of Anxity and meditating on nothing more than how by some new and remarkable Service he might repair this cruel shock of Fortune Wherefore he undertook on a very slight motive to surprize Erix which together with the Town and Temple of Venus he got into his possession Erix is a Mountain standing on the Coast of Sicily that looks towards Italy scituate between Depranum and Palarmo the most difficult and inaccessible part thereof being on that side which regards Drepanum This is the highest Mountain in the whole Island Mount Aetna excepted On the top whereof there is a Plain where the Temple of Venus Ericina the most noble and richly Adorn'd without dispute and the most celebrated for Devotion in Sicily The Town likewise stands on the same Ground the Access to it being long straight and difficult Junius placeth on the top of this Mountain a Garrison on the side towards Drepanum with Orders that they should keep a strict Watch both ways for he was unwilling to treat the People with violence unless they gave him occasion concluding that by that means he should hold both the Town and the Mountain in safe possession During these Transactions the Carthaginians made choice of Hamilcar Barcas for their General giving him the Command of their Fleet in the Eighteenth Year of the War With this Fleet as soon as he had receiv'd his Orders he departed to the Coast of Italy with Design to make Descents and Inroads on the Country accordingly he fell on the Locrians and the Brutians and shortly after comes with his whole Fleet towards Palermo near which Place not far from the Sea-side betwixt Palermo and Erix he took possession of a Place which he chose for the Commodity of its Situation where an Army might Incamp with safety and be constantly and easily supply'd with all necessaries In short it was an Eminence steep on all sides and hard of Access on the top whereof there was a Plain or Level of at least Twelve Miles in compass the Ground yields both very good Pasture and is proper for the Plow it is cover'd from all the bad Weather that blows from the Sea where there are no Serpents or noxious Animals furthermore the Situation is so secur'd by Rocks and Precipices both to the Land and Seawards that to guard the Passes either way a very little Fortification sufficeth In the middle of the foresaid Plain or Level there riseth another Eminence so dispos'd by Nature as if it were design'd as a Citadel to the rest from whence there is a Prospect into all the Country round about here is likewise a good Port of great use to such as Navigate from Drepanum or Lilybaeum to Italy The Accesses to this Place are only Four and those very difficult Two from the Sea and Two from the Landward Here Hamilcar incamp'd his Army fortifying himself with a Resolution little short of Temerity having no Friend or Confederate near him and without hopes of any for the future surrounded by and as it were abandon'd to the Mercy of the the Enemy Howbeit he here found Work enough for the Romans and often put their Affairs in great danger For Sailing out of the Port he pillag'd and wasted the Coast of Italy as far as Cuma and afterwards notwithstanding the Romans were incamp'd within Eight Hundred Paces of Palermo he led his Army thither In a Word this Place was as it were for almost Three Years together the Stage of so many various Disputes and Rencounters that it would be very hard to relate the particular Adventures In brief the Behaviour of the respective Captains and Leaders themselves may not be unfitly compar'd to the Bravery of those who voluntarily mingle themselves with the Gladiators and expose themselves to fight for the Prize in Publick Spectacles For they were in perpetual Action and giving and receiving Wounds at every turn wherein both their Strength Bravery and Dexterity was seen so many several ways that it would be difficult for the Soldiers themselves to recount the various Passages much less for the Spectators to remember and relate them or to make a Judgment otherwise than in general to determine by the remarkableness of the Actions the Courage and Experience of the Actors For in brief whosoever should attempt to set down the many Plots and Ambushes mutually contriv'd one aganist the other how sometimes those who laid the Snare fell themselves in their own Toiles if I say one should think to recount the many Attacks Surprises and Rencounters that occur'd and the various Scenes of Action that pass'd the Historian would never have done nor indeed would the Relation be either pleasant or profitable to the Reader Let us therefore make a Judgment of the Vertue of the Commanders by a general Relation of their Performances and the Issue and Sequel of so many great and hazardous Enterprises tho' it shall be our Care however to pass by nothing that may become an Historian to relate neither their Stratagems nor any extraordinary Inventions which Necessity or Occasion might suggest to put in Practice nor any singular or remarkable Action that required more than ordinary Talents of Bravery to execute And here it is observable that it was not possible for them to come to a pitch'd Battel for sundry Reasons First their Forces on both sides were equal their Camps likewise were by Nature difficult of Access and by the help of Art render'd Impregnable so that each being assur'd of their Safety in their Works they prosecuted their Contention by Parties and daily Rencounters neither seeming inclin'd to put an Issue to the War by a decisive Battel So that at length it became as it were a Custom between them to divide and keep the Success of their Enterprizes as it were in Balance assigning Victory to him to Day who was to lose on the Morrow Fortune presiding as a sage Judge in the Lists and appointing at her Pleasure now one place now another to be the Scene of Action diversifying the nature of their Disputes and changing the Place as she pleas'd from one sort of Ground to another from Places more open to others more streight and inclos'd While the Romans kept Guard both on the top and at the foot of the Mountain Erix as hath been observ'd Hamilcar surpriz'd the Town which stands between on the skirt of the Hill notwithstanding the Roman Solers within it So that the Romans who were in Garrison on the top became by that means besieg'd by the Enemy who were by them before shut up where they endur'd all the Hardships and were expos'd to all the Dangers imaginable which they suffer'd however with unspeakable Constancy The Carthaginians likewise oppos'd the Enemy with an obstinate Bravery who press'd them hard on all sides depriving them of all means of Subsistance saving by the
Avenue that lay towards the Sea whereby their Provision was not obtain'd but with great difficulty And now albeit they attempted one another with all the Art and Address that is practis'd in Sieges and Attacks after they had equally felt all sorts of Violence were pinch'd with extremity of Famine and had experimented whatsoever Hardships are done or suffer'd in the most calamitous Adventures incident to a Siege they may nevertheless be said to have been mutually crown'd with Victory but not as it is represented by Fabius who reports them to have been Vanquish'd by the Miseries they underwent but Triumphing over all that could be put in practice to subdue each other For before it could be seen who was likely to have the better tho' it was a Dispute on one single Spot of two whole Years duration yet the War at length determin'd after another manner Thus have I recounted the Occurrences of Erix and the Actions of the Land-armies those two States being fitly resembled to Birds which in Fight shew more Courage than Strength where it often happens that their Anger remains when their Power is lost and so retireing by Consent leave it doubtful who had the Advantage In like manner may it be said to have far'd with the Romans and Carthaginians who weaken'd by so long a War and wasted by the expence of so many Years Dispute were reduc'd on both sides to the last Extremity Nevertheless the Romans maintain'd a certain Inflexibility of Resolution not to be express'd for altho' for the space of five Years they had totally desisted from all Naval Preparations discourag'd by the many Misfortunes which attended their Navigations proposing they should be able to put a period to this long and dagerous War with their Land-forces alone yet at length perceiving that the great Abilities of Hamilcar were likely to frustrate that Expectation they determin'd now the third time to place their Hopes in a Fleet concluding it to be the only Means whereby to put a happy Issue to the Dispute if Fortune would but in any sort favour their Beginning and the Sequel prov'd they did not reckon amiss They forsook the Sea the first time by reason of the Shipwrecks they had sustain'd and the second time they were compell'd by the loss of their Fleet in a Battel near Drepanum And yet they wanted not Assurance to attempt Fortune a third time how averse soever she had hitherto been And now having cut off all the means of Subsistance from the Carthaginians in Erix they by that means subdu'd them and put an end to the Strife But let us observe by the way that this Undertaking of the Romans was owing more to their Vertue than to any other Cause whatsoever For their Treasure was exhausted to so low an Ebb that there appear'd no sort of Fond whereby to enable them to pursue their Design but their Greatness of Mind and the Generosity of those who were in the Government surmounted all Impediments And it so sell out that means were at length found more than sufficient to effect this great Determination for every one voluntarily contributed in proportion to his private Fortune and undertook as they were able among themselves some two some more joining their Stock to build and equip a Vessel for their share on no other Condition than to be reimburs'd by the Publick at the end of the War So that in a short space a Fleet of Two Hundred Sail was Built and put to Sea all contriv'd according to the Model of the Rhodian Vessel we have else-where mention'd the Command of this Fleet was given to the Consul C. Lutatius who departing early in the Spring arriv'd in Sicily when he was least look'd for the Carthaginian Fleet being retir'd He presently possess'd himself of the Port of Drepanum and all the Harbours in the Neighbourhood of Lilybaeum then he made Preparations for laying Siege to the Town of Drepanum but he proceeded therein with such Caution as betoken'd his Forsight that the Carthaginian Fleet might speedily arrive and bearing in Mind what had been concluded in their Deliberations at their first setting out namely that nothing could put a Period to the War but a Naval Battel he therefore pursuant to that Result lost no occasion of Exercising and Disciplining his Soldiers and Seamen in all Points wherein they might be render'd serviceable to his Design And as he was careful to preserve good Order among them so they soon became expert and knowing in their Business and his Soldiers ready and capable of pursuing any Orders they should receive The Carthaginians very much surpris'd at the News of a Roman Navy dispatch'd away a Fleet with all expedition against them sending at the same time a good relief of Provision of Victuals and all sorts of Stores of War But their chief care was that those who were straiten'd in Erix might be supply'd with whatever they wanted Hanno therefore who Commanded the Carthaginian Fleet shap'd his Course first towards Hieronnesus with design to touch at Erix before the Romans should have any account of his Motions determining after he had supply'd them and lighten'd his Vessels to re-inforce his Troops from thence with the choice of the Mercenaries that were there and that then joining with Barcas he should be in a condition to give the Enemy Battel But Lutatius who had got Advice of Hanno's Arrival and suspected indeed his Design took on board the choice of his Land-forces and sail'd away for the Island of Aegusa commonly call'd Aegates which lies just against the Port of Lilybaeum where after an Exhortation to the Army suiting the Time and the Occasion he notify'd to the Commanders of his Vessels that he purpos'd the next Day to give the Enemy Battel but when in the Morning he observ'd the Wind to blow in favour of the Enemy and consequently not fair for them and further that the Sea began to swell and threaten foul Weather he then became undetermin'd how to proceed But after he had well weigh'd the matter and consider'd that by engaging them tho' the Weather were not favourable he should however have to do with Hanno alone and the Troops only that Embark'd with him that over and above he should deal with a Fleet loaden and incumber'd with the Stores and Provisions which they had taken on Board and that on the other hand if he delay'd out of fear of the foul Weather and by that means gave the Enemy the opportunity of passing by and joining their Forces he must then fight not only with a Fleet light and discharg'd of all their Lumber but with an Army strengthen'd with the choice of their Land-Forces and what was yet more formidable he must engage against the known Gallantry of Hamilcar Wherefore he resolv'd not to lose the occasion that offer'd And now it was not long before they descry'd the Enemy coming with a flown Sheet whereupon he stood out of the Port and drawing up in a Line of
Soldiers are of different Languages and Manners and by that means likewise that Soldiers are preserv'd in better Obedience to their Superiors But if it arrive once to a general Defection and that the Sedition spreads throughout the Army the Disease then becomes incurable it being impossible to reduce them to their Duty and the Instance now before us convinc'd the Carthaginians of the Defect of their Politicks in that Custom For whensoever it happens that Armies so compos'd conceive a general Distast or Hatred the Effects extend beyond the common measures of Outrage and Inhumanity and Men exceed in savage Cruelty wild Beasts themselves This Calamity then befel the Carthaginians whose Army consisted of Spaniards Gauls Lygurians Baleareans and Greeks among whom were many fugitive Slaves who were most of them Africans so that it was impossible to speak to them all at once or in one place or indeed to contrive any means to do it for one Officer alone could not perform it tho' he were qualify'd to speak in all their Languages it would have been likewise equally difficult to assemble and speak to them at one and the same time by different Interpreters who would never be able to render the same Sence equally intelligible to four or five different Nations at once Their best course then was to instruct the Commanders to deal with and harangue their several Troops when they had any thing to command or perswade the Soldiers Hanno accordingly gave out his Orders to them as he was able while those who were to execute them had themselves but an imperfect understanding of what was order'd others tho' they understood what was directed them to say yet reported quite the contrary to the Soldiers so that what through Ignorance what through Treachery Distrusts and Jealousies daily increas'd the Soldiers Complaints not duly heard and the Conspiracy and Disaffection grew stronger and stronger The Army thought themselves outrag'd that instead of sending to them Officers under whom they had serv'd in Sicily who knew their Merits and who had so often assur'd them of Rewards the Carthaginians had sent them one who knew them not and had no manner of knowledge of their Services In short as they slighted and contemn'd Hanno so they began to distrust their own Officers and thus inrag'd as they were with their Arms in their hands they march'd Twenty Thousand of them towards Carthage and incamp'd near Tunes about Fiften Miles from the City And now the Carthaginians became convinc'd of their Weakness when it was too late and no present Remedy could be had for it was a mighty Fault in them to permit such a Body of Strangers to Assemble all in one Place while at the same time they well knew that in case any Disorder should arise they had not Strength sufficient at home to appear in their own Defence Another great Error they committed in permitting their Wives Children and their Equipage to go out of the City which like so many Hostages would have serv'd not only to have preserv'd them in their Duty but would have gone far towards composing the Differences that were arisen between them In a word the Carthaginians affrighted to behold such an Army as one may say of Enemies at their Gates labour'd all they could to win them to Obedience and good Order They sent them supplies of Provision which they bought at their own Rates they dispatch'd Deputies to them likewise out of the Body of the Senate who assur'd them of all they should demand that was in the Power of the State to perform But these Mutineers sound something new to require every day and the Fear they perceiv'd the Carthaginians to be in added to their Insolence who having serv'd against the Romans in Sicily they took for granted that neither the Carthaginians nor any other People whatsoever would have Courage to oppose them or offer them Battel in the Field No sooner therefore had they adjusted their Demands of Pay but they proceeded to further Exactions they requir'd payment for the Horses they had lost in the Service when that was agreed to they demanded payment for the Corn that had been deliver'd them short of their Allowance for many Years past and they would be paid too at the Rate that it had at any time been sold at in the utmost Extremity of the War In brief as there were many Mutinous and Seditious Persons in the Army so those propagated new Exorbitances and every day found fresh occasion of Complaint and prevented their Agreement by impossible Proposals Nevertheless the Carthaginians were resolv'd to agree to every thing and now the Mutiny began to be appeas'd when they understood that an Officer should be sent them under whom they had serv'd in Sicily who should have Power to Agree and Adjust with them all their Pretences They were not pleas'd with Hamilcar Barcas under whom they had born Arms believing he had been the occasion of the ill Treatment they had found because he never came near them and they believ'd too that he had quitted his Command of his own Motion On the other hand they had an Affection to Gesco who had likewise commanded them in Sicily and who had appear'd their Friend and Advocate in many Occasions especially in the matter of their Transportation so they determin'd to chuse him as Arbitrator in the Matters depending He therefore embarks taking Money with him and upon his Arrival at Tunes first calls an Assembly of their Principal Officers and then he Summons them separately Nation by Nation Where after he had gently reprov'd them for their past Behaviour he Remonstrates to them the present State of Affairs and above all labours to perswade them to continue their Affection and Duty to a Government under which they had so long Serv'd and taken Pay and in short exhorted them to be content with the Remainder of their Pay as it appear'd due Among the Mutineers there happen'd to be one Spendius a Campanian who had been a Slave to the Romans and had harbour'd himself among the Carthaginians He was strong of Body and in all occasions of Danger very forward this Fellow fearing to fall into the hands of his Master for by the Custom of Rome his Fault was punish'd with Death labour'd both with Words and Actions to trouble and perplex the Treaty they were upon and to hinder by all means possible their Agreement with the Carthaginians Another there was whose Name was Matho who was an African of free condition and a Soldier among them having been an active Stirrer in this Conspiracy and out of fear of Punishment join'd with Spendius to obstruct the Accomodation possessing the Africans That as soon as the Strangers should be paid and dispatch'd to their Country it would be their lot to Pay for all and that the Carthaginians would take such Revenge on them for the Injuries which had been done them that all Africa should tremble at it The Soldiers grew hereupon inrag'd a-new and
the greatest are the Injuries and Avarice of Magistrates and Men in Authority whereof we have a bloody Example now before us the truth of which was made manifest as well in the Soldiers as their Officers Hamilcar greatly provok'd at these Barbarities order'd Hanno to join him concluding that by uniting all their Troops into one Body they should soon put a Period to the War And now contrary to his Custom he put all of the Enemy to death who fell into his hands and if at any time Prisoners were brought into the Army he ordered them without Mercy to be devoured of wild Beasts being at length convinc'd that the only Remedy to the Evils under which they suffer'd was to extend no Compassion to the Offenders but to diminish and utterly destroy them by all means possible But while the Carthaginians were in these fair hopes when Success every-where attended their Arms and they had reason to expect a favourable Issue of the War behold a Caprice of Fortune who changing Face turn'd the Tide of their Affairs The two Generals had no sooner united their Armies but they fell at Difference between themselves which bred such evil Effects that by that means not only many fair Occasions were lost of molesting the Enemy but Opportunities given to them to damnifie the Carthaginians which being observ'd and weigh'd by the State one of them was directed to quit his Command and who should remain in Authority to be left to the Election of the Army Another Misfortune likewise befel them about that time a Convoy of theirs coming from a City call'd Emporium wherein they had great Reliance for Supplies as well of Provisions as other Stores for the Army was lost by Tempest at Sea As to Sardinia which had ever yielded them great Relief in their straits that as we have already noted was totally lost But to fill the Measure of their Adversity the two Cities of Hippona and Vtica who alone of all the Towns of Africa had till that time preserv'd their Fidelity and not only during this War but in the time of Agathocles and even when the Romans made their Descent on Africa had continu'd faithful and never manifested the least Inclination of Revolt now abandon'd them and were not content barely to take part with the Africans without any apparent Motive but link'd themselves to their Fortunes in a League of fast Friendship and Alliance and grew into mortal Hatred against the Carthaginians which they witness'd by Murdering five Hundred of their Soldiers with their Officers who were sent to their Relief after they had receiv'd them into their Towns and afterwards cast their dead Bodies over the Walls In short those two Places gave themselves up entirely to the Africans expressing so great an Aversion to the Carthaginians that when they sent Ambassadours to them for leave to Bury their Dead they refus'd them So that now Matho and Spendius exalted with the Accession of so much good Fortune form'd a Design of laying Siege to Carthage it self During these things the Carthaginians dispatch'd Hannibal to the Army after they had maturely deliberated about the matter of Difference that had happen'd between the two Generals and had declar'd it was expedient that Hanno should relinquish his Authority Then Hamilcar with Hannibal and Naravasus made Inroads into the Country and cut off all the Enemies means of Susistance in which Service Naravasus was eminently useful as he did in every thing greatly serve them And this was the State of their Troops that kept the Field In the mean time Carthage itself being block'd up and inclos'd on all sides they were driven to have recourse for Succours to their Friends and Confederates Hiero King of Siracuse who was their fast Friend and having diligently suppli'd them with whatever they demanded during the whole War gave them now in their greatest Straits the best Evidence of his Friendship and this he wisely saw to be his safest Course as conducing to the better Support of his Power in Sicily and the Conservation of his Alliance with the People of Rome foreseeing that if Carthage were not preserv'd in a State to give them Jealousie it might be his Lot one Day to lye at their Mercy without any Prospect of Redress Herein I say Hiero did without question proceed like a prudent Prince it being in no wise safe to let a little Mischief grow to a head but to prevent by all means possible the exorbitant Increase of a Neighbouring Prince's Power lest when it shall be too late you find it past your Ability to withstand him when your own proper Interest shall come to be Contested On the other hand the Romans pursuant to the Treaty of Peace were not wanting in any thing to the Carthaginians though there soon happen'd a Difference between those two States In brief the Carthaginians at the beginning of this War had seiz'd and made Prize of all Vessels that traded from Italy to the Coast of Africa who for Lucre suppli'd their Enemies with whatsoever they wanted And now having in their Custody at least Five Hundred Prisoners of that Nation the Romans stomach'd it and began to give evidence of their Indignation thereat But this Point was soon compos'd for as soon as they signifi'd their Resentment by their Ambassadours the Carthaginians restor'd the said Prisoners in so frank a Manner that they on their side not to be behind hand in Curtesie forthwith enlarg'd without Ransom all the Carthaginian Prisoners which yet remain'd of those who had been taken during the Sicilian War Furthermore the Romans readily granted them whatsoever Assistance they demanded they permitted their Merchants to supply Carthage with every thing they stood in need of and Prohibited all manner of Commerce with their Enemies Moreover they rejected the Overtures made by the Ambassadours of those who had revolted from the Carthaginians in Sardinia and were in Possession of the Island though they offer'd to put it into their hands and to give farther Evidence of their Sincerity they refus'd the Tender the People of Vtica made them who would have freely given them their City so that the Carthaginians thus aided bore the Hardships of the Siege the more chearfully In the mean time Matho and Spendius both besiege and are besieg'd being reduc'd to so great straits for Provision and all other Stores and Necessaries by the good management of Hamilcar that in the end they were constrain'd to rise from before the City and selecting out Fifty Thousand of the choicest Men in their Armies with whom there join'd a Man of note call'd Zarxas at the Head of his own People with which Army they march'd to incounter the Enemy and observe the Motions of Hamilcar keeping however the Skirts of the Hills out of fear of the Elephants and the Horse of Naravasus still using their utmost Industry to keep Possession of those Fastnesses and tho' in Courage and Hardiness they were equal to the Carthaginians nevertheless they were worsted and
came by the loss in all their Rencounters as being under worse Discipline and led by Commanders inferior in Skill and Sufficiency And it was here demonstrated how much the Wisdom and Knowledge of a great General weighs against Strength and Number for Hamilcar like an Artful Gamester first draws them in to Pickeer and ingage in small Parties and so by degrees diminish'd them and whenever they came to a Battel what by his Skill in laying and contriving Ambushes and otherwise he cut off great numbers of them Furthermore he never permitted them to be at rest but allarm'd them Night and Day and ever contriv'd it when they least expected it And such as fell alive into his Hands he gave to be devour'd by wild Beasts At length surprising them in a place where they were greatly incommoded and where he could lie at his ease there he besieg'd them in their Camp at a time when they thought themselves most secure where he so straiten'd them and brought them to such Extremity that they came both to want Resolution to give him Battel and were without all possible means to get out of his Hands to such Hardships were they driven that they came to devour one another an Instance of the Divine Justice to chastise the Inhumanity they themselves had practis'd They were afraid to come to a Battel knowing that whosoever fell into their Enemies Hands was sure to suffer Death by the most exquisite Torments and they despair'd of any Terms by Treaty conscious of the Guilt of so many abominable Crimes they therefore determin'd to abide the utmost Extremity and to exercise that Cruelty one among another which they had heretofore practis'd on their Neighbours and so to attend the Arrival of those Succours which they had been made to hope were coming to them from Tunes But when they had spent all their Prisoners with whose Bodies they had been sustain'd and their Slaves were likewise almost consum'd in the like horrid Repast and receiving no News from Tunes and the Army subdu'd by the Sharpness of their Sufferings beginning to look with an angry Eye on their Leaders Spendius Autaritas and Zarxas began to form Designs of yielding themselves up and so to enter upon Treaty with Hamilcar whereupon demanding by a Trumpet a Passport for Persons to be sent on a Treaty they themselves among others went and put themselves into the Hands of the Carthaginians to whom Hamilcar propos'd the following Conditions That the Carthaginians should make choice of Ten Persons out of the Enemies Army of what Condition soever and that the rest of the Army should be disarm'd and dismiss'd in their Shirts These Conditions being agreed to Hamilcar then declar'd That pursuant to the Articles of Agreement he made choice of those there present so the Number was compos'd of Autaritas Spendius and the rest of their chief Officers But when the Army was given to understand that their Commanders were detain'd knowing nothing of the Agreement that was accorded between them they took for granted they had been betray'd Whereupon in a tumultuous manner they ran to their Arms. But Hamilcar being before-hand with them drew out his Elephants and with them and the rest of the Army surrounding them fell upon them and cut them in pieces to the number of Forty Thousand The place where this bloody Service was perform'd was call'd Prion which signifieth a Saw forasmuch as it bore resemblance to that kind of Instrument After this famous Defeat of their Enemies the Carthaginians who were driven almost to Despair began to take Heart while Hamilcar with Hannibal and Naravasus forrag'd and scour'd the Country and the News of the Victory being dispers'd dispos'd many of the Africans to come into the Carthaginian Army and most of the Towns round about to return to their Obedience After this they take their March towards Tunes where they besieg'd Matho Hannibal's Quarter was on that part that regards Carthage and Hamilcar's on the opposite side As soon as their Army was incamp'd they led out Spendius and the rest of the Prisoners and bringing them near the Walls of the Town they there crucify'd them in view of the Enemy But Matho having observ'd that Hannibal did not keep so good a Guard in his Camp as he ought sally'd out and attack'd his Quarters where killing many of his People he put the rest to flight pillag'd his Camp and taking Hannibal himself Prisoner forthwith order'd Spendius to be taken from the Cross and Hannibal to be six'd alive in his place where he executed him with unspeakable Torments then they chose out Thirty Carthaginian Prisoners of the Noblest they could find and placing them about the Body of Spendius put them to death as if Fortune had made a Compact with these two People to give them Occasions of thus mutually exercising their Cruelty one on the other Hamilcar's Post was so remote from Hannibal's that the matter was past remedy before he knew any thing of it and tho' he should have receiv'd earlier Notice the Difficulty of the Ground and Situation of the Place would have afforded him but little hopes to relieve them Whereupon he decamp'd from where he was and came and posted himself along the Sea-side near the Mouth of the River Macheta The Carthaginians affrighted at this unlook'd for Loss began to fall from their late Hopes nevertheless they omitted nothing that might evidence their Care for the Publick Wherefore they dispatch'd Thirty of the Body of their Senate together with Hanno who had already commanded in this War to Hamilcar furthermore they supply'd him with a Re-inforcement to his Army with all they could pick up that could bear Arms in the City The Senators were instructed above all things to labour an Accomodation between Hamilcar and Hanno and to dispose them to such an Accord that the Commonwealth might not be sacrifie'd to their Differences Whereupon bringing them together after long Conference and Debate Hamilcar and Hanno became Friends and pass'd their Words to agree in all things for the common Good and accordingly afterwards their Affairs were successfully manag'd to the full Satisfaction of their Fellow-citizens So that Matho was now often reduc'd to Despair sometimes by Ambushes sometimes by Surprizes which frequently happen'd as on an occasion near Leptis and others where in all Parties and Rencounters they still came by the worst At length they determin'd to come to a Battel to which the Carthaginians on their part willingly agreed The Friends and Confederates of of both Parties were drawn together and their Garrisons were drawn out to augment their Armies for deciding the Dispute and when all things were in a readiness the Battel was fought on the Day appointed wherein the Carthaginians had the Day and the greatest part of the African Army slain on the place some few that escap'd got into a neighbouring Town which soon submitted where Matho was taken alive Upon this Success all the Towns in Africa that had been under
Africk but we shall have occasion else-where to speak more particularly thereof and the Benefit accruing thereby to both those Countries When the Romans came to understand that the Carthaginians had acquir'd so great a Reputation in that Country as to become formidable to the Spaniards they resolv'd to attempt something likewise on that side and concluding that the Growth of the Carthaginian Greatness was principally owing to their Negligence who by a profound Carelessness had as it were slept away their Jealousie they therefore determin'd to repair that Error by their future Care and Vigilance They did not dare however for the present to exact any thing of the Carthaginians that might appear hard and severe nor declare a War with them from the Apprehensions they were under of the Gauls who at that time as it was bruited were preparing an Army to march against Rome They resolv'd therefore for the present to sooth and amuse Asdrubal by Art that they might have the more leisure to deal with the Gauls For they rightly judg'd that while they should have that Enemy at their backs it would be not only impossible for them to become entire Masters of Italy but their City itself would not be out of Danger Wherefore after they had concluded a Treaty with Asdrubal by their Ambassadours by which the Carthaginians were oblig'd not to advance their Arms beyond the River Eber without making mention of any other Countries of Spain they prepar'd to attack the Gauls that inhabited Italy But before we come to speak of that War we have thought it not improper to say something of the Nation of the Gauls whereby to Conduct the Reader to a right Knowledge of those Matters which we purpose to deliver It will also beget a better Connexion of the Parts of our History to shew the Time when that People first planted themselves in Italy In short we have not only judg'd their Actions worthy Recording and that they ought to be deliver'd to Posterity but have concluded it necessary to our Purpose so to do For we shall learn by that means what sort of People it was that serv'd under Hannibal and with what kind of Aids he sustain'd his great Design of Subverting the Roman Government But it seems fit first to make mention of the Country to the end that by being instructed in the Nature and Situation of their Towns we may give a clearer Insight into the principal Parts of our History Italy then is in Form of a Triangle that part which regards the East is terminated by the Ionian Sea and Adriatick Gulf The Western and Southern Parts are bounded by the Tuscane and Sicilian Seas and where these two Lines meet is one Part of the Triangle here is a Promontory looking towards the South which is call'd Cothinthus which separates the Sicilian and Ionian Seas The part which regards the North and joins it to the Continent is bounded by the Alpes which take their beginning about Marseilles and the Places bordering on the Sardinian Sea stretching and extending from thence to the bottom of the Adriatick Gulf if they do not reach quite as far as Adria beneath these Mountains which Line makes the Base of the Triangle there are spacious and fertile Plains ranging North and South which terminate the Continent of Italy These Plains which have likewise a triangular Form whereof the joining of the Alpes and Appennine Hills near Marseilles make one Point exceed in Fertility all other Parts of Europe On the North they are bounded by the Alpes extending above two hundred and sixty Miles in length but the Bounds thereof towards the South are made by the Appennines containing in length about four hundred and sixty Miles towards the Sea where the Coast of the Adriatick made another side of the Triangle is computed from Senagallia to the bottom of the Gulf in length about three hundred Miles So that this Plain or Champaign Country contains in Circuit little less than eleven hundred Miles Now touching the Fertility of Italy it is hardly possible to set it forth It abounds so much in Bread-corn that very often and even in our Days the Sicilian Bushel of Wheat hath been sold for four Oboli and Barly at two and a Metreta of Wine at the same price They have Plenty likewise of Millet and all other Grain beyond expression It may be judg'd also that they abound in Oak-mast insomuch as the Italians breed infinite numbers of Swine which are spent in their Sacrifices and common Uses and carry'd in Heards with their Armies In a word it will be seen by what follows how plentifully this Country is stor'd with all things necessary to Human Life those who travel in these parts never cheapen any thing in their Inn but demand only how much they are to pay by the Head where you shall be very well treated for a quarter of an Obolus and it is seldom or never that they demand more Their People are numerous their Men proper and well-propotion'd and by their Actions they make appear that they are no less qualify'd for War The Gauls who are call'd Trans-Alpine inhabit on the North side of the Alpes about the River Rhone the Tauricks the Agonians and many other Barbarous Nations live on the Skirts of the Plains we have been speaking of Those Gauls differ nothing from the others but because they inhabit on the other side of the Alpes the Italians have given them that Appellation The very Tops of these Mountains are not habitable by reason of the Difficulty of Access and the perpetual Snow that covers them The Ligurians live on the Appennines and those Mountains towards Marseilles that join with the Alpes possessing likewise the other two sides that regard the Tuscane Sea and the great Plains but towards the West they spread themselves as far as Pisa which is the first Town in Tuscany and on the Inland-side as far as Arrezzo Then we come to the Tuscans and Ombrians their Borderers who dwell on both sides the Mountains we have mention'd From thence the Appennines which are there distant from the Adriatick Sea at least Sixty Miles leaving the Plains turn away to the Right-hand and dividing Italy as it were in the midst run stretching along as far as the Sicilian Sea As to the Plains but now nam'd where the Appennines turn off they extend to the Sea and advance as far as Sienna The River Po so much celibrated by the Poets who have given it the Name of Erydanus hath its Source in the Alpes about that part which makes one Point of the Triangle This River runs first towards the South watering the Country lying under those Hills and from thence falling into a level Country it takes its Course towards the East and by two Out-lets runs into the Adriatick It is the noblest and most useful River of the whole Continent of Italy for the Waters that fall either from the Alpes or Appennines run thither And as it is the
greatest so it is the most beautiful its Streams swelling to their greatest height about the Month of July when the Snows by the excessive Heats are melted and dissolve from the Mountains Vessels navigate up this River from the Sea by the Out-let call'd Olana from whence they sail at least two hundred and fifty Miles into the Country This River for many Miles together preserves its Water in one Chanel but as it approaches towards the Sea by the accession of many other Rivers it becomes divided into two Streams and from the Country of the Trigaboles it forms two Chanels bearing two different Names that of Padua the other of Olana where it makes the safest and most beautiful Port in all the Adriatick The People of the Country call this River Bodencus Other fabulous things spoken of it by the Greeks namely that Phaeton receiv'd his Fall into these Waters of the Weeping Poplars of the People going perpetually in Black who inhabit thereabout to Commemorate the loss of Phaeton And in a word the many other Stories that have been invented are too Poetical and in no wise useful to our present Purpose Howbeit we may have occasion to make Recital of them else-where to be able thereby the better to prove that Timaeus was not sufficiently instructed in the History of this Country The Tuscans then heretofore possess'd all the Champaign Country and at the same time were Masters of that which was call'd Phlaegria bordering on Capua and Nola. And as that People had with great Resolution withstood those who Invaded them they grew to have a mighty Name among Strangers and acquir'd much Reputation for their Courage and Vertue Hence it comes to pass that those who read the History of the Tyrrhenians are to be cautious how they judge concerning that People by their present Possessions and the Country they now Inhabit but are to consider them by the Rule of those Times of which we now speak and by the Authority and Power of which they were then Masters The Gauls liv'd in their Neighbourhood by which means they had Commerce together but in process of Time beholding so beautiful a Country with an avaricious and envious Eye taking slight Occasion for their Motive they rais'd a numerous Army and attacking the Tuscans by Surprize forc'd them to abandon all that Country bordering on the Po and peopl'd it themselves The Laians and Lebecians and those who border on the Insubrians which at that time compos'd a mighty Nation were the first that inhabited that part of the River towards the East The Cenomans live likewise on the Banks of this River and all beyond as far as the Adriatick was possess'd by an ancient People call'd the Veneti who spoke a different Language from the Gauls but much resembl'd them in their Habit and Manners The Tragick Poets have said many fabulous things touching this People Beyond the Po near the Apennines inhabit first the Anians then the Bojans after these towards Adria dwell the Aegones and lastly the Senones living near the Sea-coast In a word these we have recounted were the principal Nations that possess'd the Country we have describ'd they dwelt in Villages open and without any Walls they had few or no Moveables they slept without Beds they eat Flesh and their chief Employments were Husbandry and War being totally ignorant of all other Arts and Sciences their Substance consisted chiefly in Cattel and Gold two Commodities that they could easily carry with them whensoever by any Accident they should be necessitated to remove They understand making their Court and the Art of acquiring Friends which they greatly covet for he among them who hath most Friends is most honour'd and he who is most honour'd is most fear'd and hath most Power Furthermore they were not only Masters of this Country but compell'd the neighbouring Nations aw'd by the Fame of their Valour to pay them Obedience At length they made War on the Romans whom after they had vanquish'd in Battel together with those that took part with them they pursu'd three Days together and took at last the City of Rome itself all but the Capitol But it happening that some new Adventures calling them home the Veneti having march'd into their Country with an Army they Accorded a Peace to the Romans and restoring their City departed Then they fell into Civil Dissentions those of them who inhabited the foot of the Mountains beholding the Prosperity of these with an Eye of Envy join'd to make War on them In the mean time the Romans recover'd strength and enter'd into Alliance with the Latins Thirty Years after the Taking of Rome the Gauls made a second Expedition marching with their Army as far as Alba but forasmuch as the Romans were surpris'd by those sudden Motions of the Enemy and had not leisure to receive Aids from their Allies they did not adventure to march against them Twelve Years after this the Gauls with a powerful Army attack'd them again but the Romans having now timely notice of their Purposes and leisure to summon there Allies to their Assistance march'd out to meet them and offer them Battel when the Gauls out of Countenance at this their Bravery began to waver in their Resolution and grew at length to apprehend the Issue and did not only not adventure to ingage the Romans but secretly by Night rais'd their Camp and fled as if they had lost a Battel Then they lay quiet for the space of thirteen Years when observing the Romans Power daily to augment they at length came to an Agreement with them and enter'd into Articles of Peace After thirty Years of Repose the Trans-Alpine Gauls took Arms again but fearing the Success of the War they compos'd the Difference by Address and great Presents and remonstrating the Evil of making War among themselves who were of one and the same Nation a Pacification thereupon ensu'd and they now labour'd to turn the joint Edge of their Courage against the Romans They march'd their Armies therefore in one entire Body through Tuscany those in that Country having taken part with them and after having ravag'd the Roman Territories and taken much Booty they retir'd home without Molestation where they were no sooner arriv'd but they fell into Feuds about the Partition of their Plunder which went so far that it cost them the loss of the greatest part both of their Booty and their Army And this is a frequent Folly of that People upon any Success especially if they happen to have Disputes when they have drank Wine Four Years after this the Gauls and Samnites join'd their Arms and made War on the Romans giving them Battel in the Country of the Clusians who are likewise call'd Camartines where they made great slaughter of them But soon after this the Romans inrag'd as it were by their Misfortunes march'd against them with a fresh Army and fighting with the same Enemy having all their Legions in the Field in the Country of the
Sentinates they got a memorable Victory destroying the greatest part of their Army putting the rest to flight who retir'd back to their Country Ten Years were hardly past when the Gauls besieg'd Arrezzo with a mighty Force whither the Romans came to the Relief and fought them in View of the Town but were worsted and retreated Lucius the Consul was slain and Manlius succeeding sent Ambassadours to the Gauls to treat about the Redemption of ther Prisoners which Ambassadours were by them barbarously slain This base Action of the Gauls greatly provok'd the Romans who forthwith march'd with another Army against them giving Battel to the Senones who had the Assurance to encounter them singly but the Romans had the better killing many of the Enemy and compelling the rest totally to abandon the Country so they took possession of the Territory of the Senones and this was the first Colony they planted in Gaul It is call'd Sena-gallia from the name of those Gauls who before had held it Of this Country we have already spoken and shewn that it lies near Adria on the Skirts of the Plains that are water'd by the Po. The Bojans seeing the Senones expell'd their Country and becoming apprehensive of the like measure betook themselves to Arms exempting none who were able to march and having drawn the Tuscanes to their Party they march'd against the Romans And when their Troops on both sides were drawn together near the Lake of Vadimon a pitch'd Battel was fought wherein the greatest part of the Tuscans fell on the place and but few of the Bojans escap'd by flight Nevertheless the Mind of this People was not subdu'd who making a new League united all their Forces and arming all the Gauls compos'd a fresh Army with which they gave Battel again to the Romans but they were entirely defeated and dispers'd and thus humbl'd they now send their Ambassadours to the Romans and had Conditions granted them These Adventures preceeded Pyrrhus's Invasion of Italy about four Years and happen'd five Years before the Destruction of the Gauls at Delphos as if some fatal Influence charg'd with a Commission of Mortallity against this People only had then reign'd so severely were they persecuted from all Quarters of the World As for the Romans they reap'd by the Contests they had with them two mighty Benefits namely first by a long Exercise of Arms in the many Conflicts they had with that People wherein it was hardly possible for them to see or suffer more then befel them they became admirably instructed in the Art of War and this they made plainly to appear in the ensuing Hostilities with King Pyrrhus Furthermore having thus tam'd and reduc'd this Savage Nation they had the more leisure to attend their Affairs with that Prince having nothing then to divert their Counsels or Forces and in conclusion they contested by that means afterwards with more Assurance for the Dominion of Sicily with the Carthaginians The Gauls after having suffer'd so many Losses and Calamities remain'd quiet for the space of five and forty Years preserving the Peace unbroken which they made with the Romans but after the old Men and that Generation were extinct that had tasted the Hardships and felt the Sufferings of former Wars the young Men that succeeded them who knew nothing of Danger and fear'd nothing from Fortune had a mind to exercise their Courage and with a generous kind of Assurance took to their Arms and renew'd the War against the Romans upon a very slender Motive drawing their Allies into the Confederacy This Design was first form'd and conceiv'd among their principal Men who assembled and consulted thereon without imparting it to the People insomuch that when the Army of the Trans-alpine Gauls had march'd as far almost as Rimini the Bojans who were not well assur'd of their Sincerity mutiny'd against their Officers and attack'd the Army that had come thus far to join them and having first kill'd their two Kings Ates and Gallatus they at length came to a Battel wherein they mutually destroy'd each other In the mean time the Romans who were surpris'd and astonish'd at the News of this new Eruption of the Gauls took the Field with their Armies and when they came to understand that the Enemy were defeated by their own Swords they proceeded no farther but march'd home Five Years after this Adventure during the Consulship of M. Lepidus the Romans made Division of the Lands taken from the Senones in Cis-alpine Gaul for Caius Flaminius to make his Court to the People had propos'd that Law and had it receiv'd But it may with good reason be averr'd That 't was this that first corrupted the Peoples Manners and was the Cause afterwards of Civil Dessention among them In short many of the Gauls and principally the Bojans who had most cause of Fear as being nearest Neighbours to the Romans perceiving now that their Designs were not so much for Glory and Empire as to subdue and entirely exterminate their Nation and possess their Country readily enter'd into the League that was now forming against the them The Bojans and Insubrians who were the two greatest People on that side pursuant to their Design sent Ambassadours by common Consent to the rest of their Nation inhabiting on the other side the Alp about the Rhine these People are call'd Goesates from their serving in the War for Pay for so that word properly imports and prevailing on their two Kings Concolitanus and Aneroestus by means of great Sums of Mony and by the hopes they gave them of rich Booty that would be shar'd by this Enterprize if they succeeded ingag'd them to join in a War against the Romans giving them their Faith to assist and abide firmly by them but the Goesates were not hard to be perswaded And now farther to incite them they reminded them of the Glory of their Ancestors who had not only vanquish'd the Romans in Battel upon the like Expedition but subdu'd and became Masters of their City itself and that being Lords of all the Romans held kept their City seven Months in their Possession and at length freely and of their own meer Motive restor'd it to that conquer'd People as an Effect of their Generosity and afterwards return'd to their Country inrich'd with infinite Booty without any Danger Damage or Impediment These Discourses so animated the Leaders of the Goesates and incited them so powerfully to the War that it may be said so great an Army never march'd out from among that Nation nor braver and more war-like Men. In the mean time the Romans who were not without Intelligence of what was agitated among the Gauls saw their Danger and perceiv'd it at hand and justly fearing the Consequence apply'd themselves to the levying of Troops and making Provision of all things necessary for the War and march'd with their Armies to defend their Frontiers believing them already invaded when the Enemy had not yet mov'd from their Quarters These Traverses
greatly avail'd the Carthaginians in the prosecuting their Design in Spain for as we have already observ'd the Romans who were resolv'd to put first a Period to their Disputes with the Gauls were constrained to yield to their Fears of an Enemy whom they thought now in their Neighbourhood and to postpone their Consideration of Spain and their Affairs on that side till they should have first compos'd and setled those at home and secur'd and establish'd the Commonwealth against the Danger that then threaten'd Accordingly the Treaty being ratify'd which they made with Asdrubal their Thoughts were entirely taken up with the present Enemy where it was agreed by all that the safest course was to come speedily to a Battel In the mean time the Goesates having pass'd the Alpes with a magnificent Army furnish'd with all sorts of Arms came and joyn'd the Cis-alpine Gauls making their Rendezvous on the Banks of the Po. The other Gauls also came in after they had pass'd the Country that heretofore belong'd to the Senones the Insubrians likewise and Bojans who continued in the same Opinion of prosecuting the War joyn'd them but the Veneti and Cenomani refus'd to be of the Confederacy to whom the Romans had sent their Ambassadours prevailing with them to prefer their Alliance with them to that of the Gauls so that the Bordering Princes of that People were forc'd by that means to leave part of their Forces to secure their Frontiers and with an Army of fifty Thousand Foot twenty Thousand Horse and as many Chariots they began their March towards Tuscany The Romans having now Intelligence that the Celtae had pass'd the Alpes dispatch'd with all Expedition the Consul L. Emilius with the Legions to Rimini there to make head against the Enemy if they should chance to Attack them on that side They likewise sent one of their Praetors towards Tuscany for the other Consul C. Atilius was gone at that time to Sardinia with part of their Troops But do what they could their Fears were great at Rome where they had Reason to conclude their City was in Danger enough and indeed none will wonder at their Doubts and Apprehensions who consider what Reason they had to bear in Mind the Calamities they had heretofore sustain'd by the Invasions of this Enemy They drew together therefore their Armies and levy'd new Forces directed their Allies to have their Succours in a readiness and order'd Muster-rolls to be brought from all parts to the Senate of all the young Men capable of serving to the End they might take a certain Measure of their Strength likewise they fill'd up their Legions with chosen Men and order'd them forthwith to March Furthermore they made so great Provision of Arms and all things necessary for the War that there was no Record of the like Preparation in any Age past in a word every one did his utmost to prosecute and advance so necessary a Work For the People of Italy terrify'd at this Approach of the Gaules did not Act at this time as meer Allies of the Romans to aid and further their Designs of Dominion and Glory but thought of nothing now but of Fighting for their own proper Safety their Families and Fortunes so that they receiv'd with Chearfulness the Orders that were sent them from Rome And here it will not be amiss to make an Estimate of the Power and Forces of that Commonwealth which Hannibal shortly after had the Boldness to attempt and what an Empire it was that he made the Object of his Ambition and wherein he succeeded so far as to Reduce the Romans to the last Gaspe and Extremity of Fortune Let us I say make a Computation of the Provision they made toward this War whereby we shall perceive how far they had improv'd their Forces With the Consuls there march'd four Legions in each Legion were five thousand two hundred Foot and three hundred Horse with them likewise march'd the Succours of the Allies amounting together to thirty thousand Foot and two thousand Horse Furthermore there joyn'd them of Sabins and Tuscans above fifty thousand Foot and about four thousand Horse these were all conducted to the Frontiers under the Command of a Praetor to oppose the Enemy there From the Vmbrians and Sarcinates who inhabitit the Appennines there came in to the Number of twenty thousand the Veneti and Cenomanei sent the intire Number they were order'd to the utmost Borders of the Gaules Territories to make Inroads on the Country of the Bojans and to force those who were already departed to retire yet farther and keep them from joining with the rest In this manner they had dispos'd their Armies on the Frontiers But at Rome they kept a Reserve of Citizens alwais ready to move consisting of thirty thousand Foot and fifteen hundred Horse with a Surplus of Troops of their Allies of thirty thousand Foot and two thousand Horse In the General Muster-rolls that were brought into the Senate were found fourscore thousand Foot of the Latins and five thousand Horse of the Samnites seventy thousand Foot and seven thousand Horse The Japyges and Messapyges who had likewise joyn'd with the Romans sent to their Aid in this War fifty thousand Foot and sixteen thousand Horse The Lucans supplied them with thirty thousand Foot and three thousand Horse The Marsians Marrucians Ferentines and Vestines sent twenty thousand Foot and four thousand Horse Furthermore they had two Legions in Sicily and Tarentum consisting of four thousand two hundred Foot and two hundred Horse each and over and above all these the ordinary People being muster'd in Rome and Campania amounted to two hundred and fifty thousand Foot and three and twenty thousand Horse so that the Troops which depended immediately on the Senate and were destin'd to the Guard and Preservation of the City amounted to an hundred and fifty thousand Foot and six thousand Horse or thereabouts But the whole Body of their Srength consisted in no less than seven hundred thousand Foot and seventy thousand Horse and tho' Hannibal began with an Army of hardly twenty thousend Men he had nevertheless the Assurance to Invade and March into Italy against this stupendous Force of the Romans But this Point will be better clear'd when we come to Treat of those Occurrences Upon the Arrival of the Gauls in Tuscany they ravag'd and plunder'd the Country without Controul and from thence determin'd to prosecute their Design on Rome and were now advanc'd near Clusium a Town but three Days March from the City when News came that the Roman Army that had been posted on the Frontiers of Tuscany was approaching and was almost got up with their Rear Whereupon they fac'd about and march'd to meet them full of Resolution to come to a Battel And now towards the Evening the two Armies drew so near that they were forc'd to incamp on the Ground where they were leaving but a very strait Space between their Camps But when Night was shut in the Gauls
lighting their Fires in their Camp departed Leaving their Horse behind with Orders to follow them the same way they took with command at break of Day to shew themselves to the Enemy In the mean time they take their March silently towards Faesula where they halted to attend the coming up of their Horse and to Attack the Enemy by Surprize if they should advance after them In the Morning the Romans perceiving they were Retreated and had left only their Horse eagerly went on the Pursuit taking for granted that this Motion of the Enemy was a sort of Flight But they were no sooner advanc'd within distance when the Gauls who lay in ambush began to appear and a very sharp Conflict ensu'd wherein the Boldness and Number of the Gauls prevail'd Of the Romans there fell six thousand on the spot the greatest part of the rest making good their Retreat to a rising piece of Ground well situate for Defence where they abode the Gauls resolv'd presently to besiege them but being now weary with Marching and harrass'd with the Service of the preceeding Day they only left for that time a Party of their Horse on the Guard at the Foot of the Hill where the Romans were intrench'd and retir'd to refresh and repose themselves with Resolution the next Morning to attack and take them by Force if they refused Conditions In the mean while L. Aemilius who had been sent to Rimini to Guard the Coast of the Adriatick seasonably arriv'd Who having receiv'd Intelligence that the Enemy had enter'd Tuscany and farther that they were advanc'd towards the City he immediately march'd to join the other Army And now approaching those who were intrench'd on the Hill discover'd them at a distance by their Fires wherefore taking Courage and disguising some of their People they sent them privately through the Woods to give them an Account of the present Posture of their Affairs The Consul Aemilius having not now leasure for much Consultation order'd the Tribunes to march with the Foot by break of Day while himself at the head of the Horse speeds away directly towords the Hill but the Principal Officers of the Gauls who judg'd by the Fires they had seen over Night that the Romans were arriv'd held a Counsel to debate and determine how they ought to proceed When the King Aneroestus advis'd them to consider with Caution what they did he said the Plunder they had taken was already very great their Prisoners and the Cattel and other Booty of all sorts was beyond all Computation that on this Consideration it seem'd to him that their best course was not to hazard a Battel which might prove the total Ruine of their Affairs that the safest Counsel they could take was now to retreat and march back to their Country while they might do it with safety where when they had disencumber'd themselves of their Plunder they might with ease return and ingage the Romans if it were concluded reasonable So this Opinion of Aneroestus was approv'd and follow'd and the Gauls decamp'd the same Night taking their march along the Coast towards the Frontiers of Tuscany Aemilius having receiv'd into his Army those Troops that were incamp'd on the Hill after the Defeat of the Romans did not think it safe to give the Enemy Battel but determin'd to keep in their Rear and vigilantly take occasions of advantage upon them and attempt to recover at least part of their Plunder But behold at this very time the other Consul C. Atilius being return'd with the Army out of Sardinia was leading them along the Sea-coast towards Rome who utterly ignorant of what had pass'd happening to take the same way the Gauls did and was marching not far before them The Enemy was now arriv'd near Telamena a Promontory of Tuscany when some of their Forragers fell into Atilius's hands who gave him Intelligence of all that had pass'd assuring him that both the one and the other Army were not far off that the Gauls were at hand and that Aemilius was hard at their Rear The Consul was a little perplex'd at the News nevertheless assur'd of Victory by thus surprising the Enemy and inclosing them between their two Armies he order'd the Tribunes to draw up in Order of Battel and to inlarge their Front as wide as the Ground would possibly permit and now having observ'd an Eminence which commanded the Way by which the Enemy must necessarily pass he goes himself at the Head of the Horse and takes Possession of that Post designing from thence to give the first Attack conceiving that the Honour of the Victory would thereby be in a great degree ascrib'd to him but the Gauls who knew nothing of the Arrival of Atilius believing that Aemilius's Horse had got before them in the Night and had possess'd those advantagious Posts commanded their Horse and some choice Men of their Foot to march and beat them from that Ground but receiving Intelligence by certain Prisoners that Atilius was there they form'd their Battel of Foot in such manner as to be able to receive the Enemies Charge in Front and Rear for they were assur'd the one Army pursu'd them and the other would not fail to Attack them in Front This at least they strongly conjectur'd both by the Intelligence they had receiv'd and by the Countenance and Actions of the Enemy The Consul Aemilius had been inform'd that the Legions were landed at Pisa but he could not hope they were arriv'd so near but as soon as he perceiv'd the Dispute upon the Hill he took for granted his Collegue was now at hand whereupon he sent a Party of Horse to sustain them and after having form'd their Foot according to the Roman Discipline they mov'd toward the Enemy The Gauls plac'd the Goesates in their Rear believing that Aemilius would find them Work there next to them were posted the Insubrians in the Front were the Taurisques and those that inhabit beyond the Po. Thus the two Bodies being drawn up Rear to Rear they fac'd likewise toward Atilius to receive his Charge All their Chariots and Baggage were dispos'd on the Wings Their Plunder they had carried to a neigbouring Hill where they left it under a good Guard So the Army of the Gauls being drawn up I say facing two ways was not only terrible to behold but were in effect form'd in the most proper manner to receive the Attack The Insubrians and Bojans ingag'd cloath'd only in thin and light Garments But the Goesates such was their Fool-hardiness and Opinion of their Strength stripping themselves naked march'd in that manner in the Front of the Battel brandishing their Swords conceiving that in that Equipage they should not be only able to use their Arms with more freedom but being eas'd of their Garments they should find less Impediment from the Bushes and Briers that might molest them in time of Action The first Dispute was on the Hill we mention'd where great Bodies of Horse fought and attack'd each
other mingling and fighting without any Order Here Atilius the Consul ingaging too far was slain whose Head was immediately carried to the Gaulish King But this did not at all dishearten the Roman Horse who maintain'd their Post and repuls'd the Enemy And now the Foot came to join Battel where the manner of the Encounter was not only violent and terrible to those who were ingag'd but also will alwais appear so to such as shall hear the Relation and to whose View the Pen of the Historian shall Describe it In a word where three Armies were thus ingag'd who will not conclude but the Spectacle of such a Battel and the Fashion of the Contest was wholly new and surprizing Furthermore who would not at this Day judge or who would not then have concluded that the Manner and Order wherein the Gauls were drawn up would not either prove fatal to them as being to receive an Enemy in Front and Rear or that it ought to contribute to the Victory as having two Armies to deal with they had order'd it so that dividing their Army one part thereof sustain'd the other whereby the Enemy could never attack their Rear Over and above all Temptations of Flight were by that means taken away for they could neither go forward nor retire and in case they should happen to be vanquish'd they were bereft of all means of Escape which is an advantage only to be found when an Army is so form'd fronting two several ways The Romans were not however without their Reasons to expect Success who had their Enemy surrounded and hemm'd in on all sides while on the other hand the formidable Appearance and the tumultuous Noise of the Gallick Army gave them Terrour enough For besides the mighty Sound of their Instruments and other Martial Instruments wherein they abound the Shouts and Clamours of their Soldiers was so great that not only their Instruments and their Men but the adjacent Hills that environ'd them seem'd to eccho and resound the Noise Moreover the Countenance and Behaviour of those who march'd naked at the Head of their Army was a Sight entirely new those Gyant-like Men strong and well fashion'd in the prime and strength of their Age where you beheld none in their first Ranks who were not adorn'd with Chains Collers and Bracelets of Gold In a word as this extraordinary Spectacle could not but give the Romans Terror so the hope of such a Booty lent them Assurance also When the light arm'd Troops were advanc'd after the Roman manner a good distance before the Army had begun the Battel by a shower of Weapons they cast at the Enemy the Garments of the Gauls who were in the second Ranks did in some sort defend their Bodies But it far'd otherwise with the Goesates who fought naked in the Van for these finding their Entertainment quite contrary to what they expected knew not how to behave themselves or what course to take for the Gauls Bucklers being small never cover their Bodies entirely at best so that these Men who were of the largest Size were by that means the less defended insomuch that few Darts were cast at them without effect and now being thus gall'd and not able to defend their Bodies against those who at a distance attack'd them they grew at length inrag'd and desperaâ—e of their Safety some threw themselves headlong on the Enemy where they found present Death Others retiring by little and little as they were able manifested their Fear by their Retreat troubling and disordering the Ranks in their Rear So the Roman Javelins were too hard for the Goesates Courage and abated that vain Confidence of theirs which was indeed the best part of their Soldiership But now the Roman Cohorts advanc'd after they had order'd their light arm'd Parties to retire into the Intervals and soon came to the Swords point with the Insubrians Tauriscans and Bojans who fought it out with great Resolution and tho' they were press'd hard and the Dispute was very bloody nevertheless they sustain'd the Shock and kept their Post and may be truly said to be inferior to the Romans only in their Arms which were not by much so serviceable in Battel as the others For the Roman Bucklers are made so as to cover their whole Body and their Swords much more proper for Service while those of the Gauls were only barely for cutting At length the Roman Horse that had been ingag'd on the Hill came down and attack'd the Gauls in Flank wherein they perform'd singular Service in short the Gauls were beaten forty thousand slain and ten thousond taken Prisoners among whom was Concolitanus one of their Kings Aneroestus the other King with a small Party escap'd by Flight to a certain Village where soon after he kill'd himself as did the rest who were with him The Consul Aemilius order'd the Spoils of the Enemy to be secur'd which were sent to Rome but whatsoever had been taken from the Country he order'd to be restor'd Then he march'd the Army along the Confines of Tuscany and fell on the Lands of the Bojans where after he had glutted the Soldiers with Plunder he led the whole Army back to Rome where he adorn'd the Capitol with the Ensigns he had taken and hung up their Collars and Bracelets and Chains of Gold reserving the rest of the Spoils and the great number of Prisoners to adorn his Triumph when he should make his Entry into the City Behold now the Success of this mighty Expedition which had threaten'd the People of Italy especially the Romans with so dreadful a Storm After this Victory the Romans began to be in hopes they should be able to force the Gauls out of all the Country bordering on the Po. The two succeeding Consuls Q. Fulvius and Titus Manlius marching against them with an Army well provided of all things necessary whereupon the Bojans on their first Attempt were affrighted into Submission putting themselves under the Roman Protection But it happen'd to be a Season of great Rains and the Plague likewise having infected their Army nothing afterwards memorable was perform'd in that Expedition The Consuls who succeeded them P. Furius and C. Flaminius march'd with their Armies into the Territories of the Gauls by the Frontiers of the Anamures a People who inhabit not far from Marseilles by whose Friendship which they had gain'd the Consuls had liberty to pass against the Insubrians on that part where the River Ada runs into the Po where being attack'd by the Enemy both at the Passage of the River and where they were about to incamp they were not able to perform any thing to purpose at that time entring therefore into Treaty with that People they retir'd out of their Territory Afterwards having a long time march'd too and fro about the neighbouring Country they pass'd the River and came into the Lands of the Cenomani who were their Allies with whom joining they fell a second time on the Insubrians where they made
great Spoil Whereupon the Princes of that People observing there was no end of the Molestation the Romans gave them determin'd at length to put all to the hazard of a Battel accordingly having assembl'd and rendezvous'd all their Troops in one certain place they possess'd themselves of all the Treasure Jewels and Gold belonging to the Temple of Minerva and by them call'd Immoveables with which they made provision of all things they needed to further their Design and being now well provided they march'd chearfully against the Romans and incamp'd in their view with an Army of fifty thousand fighting Men. The Romans plainly saw the Enemy much exceeded them in number and were therefore thinking to re-inforce their Army by an Addition of those Gauls who were in Amity with them but when they consider'd the Faithlessness of that People in all their Treaties and Negotiations and that those whose Aids they were to use were of the same Nation with the others against whom they were to draw their Swords they cou'd not therefore determine to trust them in an Affair of so mighty importance Wherefore they found this Expedient they order'd the Gauls their Allies to pass the River remaining with their own Army on the other side then demolishing the Bridge the River not being fordable they kept them at least from siding with the Enemy since they could not resolve to trust them as Friends By this means too their own Army was left without any Hopes but in Victory for there was no Retreat but by the River and that was now unpassable after this was done they prepar'd to receive the Enemy The Soldiers deserv'd great Commendations by the Address and Skill they shew'd in this Battel having been instructed it seems how they were to behave themselves singly or in a Body For the Tribunes had remark'd in their former Conflicts that the Gauls were not formidable but in the Ardour of the first Attack that their Swords were of such a fashion and temper that they could give but one good out or two and then they would stand bent in their Hands and if they had not time to streighten them with their Foot on the Ground they became of no more use Wherefore the Tribunes distributed among the first Cohorts the Javelins us'd by the Triarians who were those that march'd in the Rear ranks commanding the Soldiers first to make use of those Arms and then to draw their Swords And now when they came to ingage they attack'd the Gauls as they had been order'd whose Swords by the first strokes on the Roman Javelins became bent and useless then the Romans advancing nearer with their Swords got so within them that they had not room to lift their Arm to take a cutting stroke which is their manner of Fighting whose Swords have no point While those of the Romans on the contrary being fashion'd for cutting and thrusting redoubling the one after the other they cut and pierc'd the Gauls in the Face and Breast and made a terrible slaughter among them Thus the Gauls were beaten and the Honour of that Day principally attributed to the Prudence and Ability of the Tribunes for the Consul Flaminius was to seek and had not sufficiently provided for the Safety of the Army who drawing up near the River had so order'd it that the Romans were deprived of one great Benefit which they make use of in Battel leaving them not space enough betwixt their Rear and the River to retire when occasion should make it necessary so that if during the Battel the Romans had been press'd never so little they had no whither to retire but into the River so great an Oversight was the Consul guilty of in that occasion But so it happen'd as we have related that the Romans by their Resolution got a signal Victory returning to Rome loaden with Spoil and Glory The following Year the Gauls sent their Ambassadours to the Romans to treat of a Peace on whatsoever Conditions they should please to grant it but the Consuls M. Claudius and Cn. Cornelius would not yield to treat with them whereupon they resolv'd to make their last Effort and put it once again to the hazard of War They therefore dispatch'd Orders for levying of Men among the Goesatae who inhabit about the Rhone of which People having taken thirty Thousand into their Pay they continu'd in Arms in expectation of the Enemy About the beginning of the Spring the Consuls lead their Armies into the Territory of the Insubrians and besieg'd the City of Acerras situate between the Po and the Alpes In the mean time the Insubrians were willing to do their best to raise the Siege but knew no way how to succour the Besieg'd the Enemy being possess'd of all the Avenues they therefore pass'd the Po with some of their Troops and marching them into the Roman Territories sat down before Clastidium The Consuls receiving this News M. Claudius Marcellus taking with him all the Roman Horse and a good Body of Foot march'd away with diligence to the Relief of that Place of whose coming the Gauls having got Intelligence rise from before it and march in Battalia against him and coming to ingage they made for a while a good stand against the Horse but being at length charg'd in Flank and Rear they were forc'd to yield the Advantage to the Romans betaking them to flight Many perish'd in the River which they attempted to repass and more were slain on the Spot Acerres likewise soon surrender'd where had been lodg'd great store of Ammunition and the Gauls retir'd to Milan which is the Capital City of the Insubrians But Cornelius follow'd them without loss of time and march'd after them thither where the Gauls attempted nothing during his stay but on his marching back towards Acerres they follow'd him and attacking his Rear kill'd many and put the rest of the Army to flight till Cornelius facing about at the Head of the Van-guard of the Army commanded those that were flying to make a stand and face towards the Enemy These Orders being obey'd the Romans make Head against them that charg'd their Rear But the Gauls flesh'd with Victory which they thought now sure sustain'd for a time the Charge but it was not long e'er they gave Ground and flying sought Sanctuary in the neighbouring Mountains whether Cornelius follow'd them and then march'd into the Country which he spoil'd and harrass'd and advancing to Milan took it by force So that after this Defeat the Princes of the Insubrians finding it in vain further to contend submitted and put themselves under the Protection of the Romans Behold now the Success of the War which the Romans wag'd against the Gauls wherein if we consider the Courage and Obstinacy of the Enemy the mighty Battles and the Multitudes that compos'd their Armies and the Slaughter of Men in the Field we shall be oblig'd without doubt to consent that History affords none that may paralled it while if on the other
they met by accident and afterwards in a Battel near Magalopolis And in short after their Defeat and the loss of their prime Strength in the Territory of Dymaja near a Place call'd Hecatombaeum finding the Circumstances of their Affairs to admit no further Delay the present Danger in which they saw themselves prevail'd on the Achaians unanimously to consent to implore Succours of Antigonus accordingly Aratus dispatch'd away his Son and ratify'd the Treaty that had been made with that Prince touching the Assistance he was to give them But now a weighty Objection appear'd likely to obstruct the Accord for they took it for granted that Antigonus would demur to their Supply till Acro-Corinth together with the City should be restor'd to his Possession which he would make to be the Seat of the War and the Achaians could not determine to yield up those Places without the Consent of the Corinthians first obtain'd which was the Occasion of some Delay and gave them leisure to deliberate about adjusting the Sureties In the mean while Cleomenes's Successes had given the Alarm on all sides who prosecuted his good Fortune now without danger or molestation taking some Towns by fair means and others by force and having made himself Master of Caphya Pellene Pheneus Argos Phliunte Cleone Epidaurus Hermione Troezene and in short of Corinth it self he march'd on and incamp'd near the City of Sicyon The difficulty was now remov'd that molested the Achaians and Aratus the Praetor while the Corinthians who tho' they had signifi'd they were ready to joyn and march with them were on the contrary found to have confederated with Cleomenes and invited him to receive them This gave the Achaians then a Pretext which justifi'd their Determination and which Aratus readily improv'd who had already given Antigonus some hopes that Acro-corinth should be put into his Hands which having now perform'd the scense of the Injury heretofore done to the Kings of of Macedon became by that means remov'd and the Alliance more firmly ratifi'd for the Time to come and what was farther considerable Antigonus was by that means put in Possession of a proper Fortress whereby to manage the War with the Lacedemonians Cleomenes who had already promis'd himself the Principality of all Peloponnesus receiving Intelligence of the Alliance concluded between Antigonus and the Achaians forthwith retir'd from before Sicyon and march'd and incamp'd his Army near the Isthmus and fortifi'd with a Ditch and Rampart the whole Space between Acro-Corinth and the Onion Hills In the mean while Antigonus had been long in a readiness to enter upon the War and attended only the Motive from Aratus and making a Judgment according to the Advices he receiv'd that Cleomenes would soon be on his march with his Army he therefore sent to Aratus and the Achaians himself being then in Thessaly to exhort them to put in effect the Promises that had been made him and then march'd with his Army towards the Isthmus by the way of Euboea For the Aetolians who had attempted all other means before to prevent the Conjunction of Antigonus with the Achaians and were still ready to do their utmost to hinder the same had intimated to him that he should not attempt his passage with an Army by the Streights of Thermopylae and that if he did they would oppose him with an Army When Antigonus arriv'd at the Isthmus he incamp'd just opposite to Cleomenes with design to block up his passage into Peloponnesus And now notwithstanding the Affairs of the Achaians were in a state desperate enough nevertheless they chang'd not their Purpose and were not destitute of Hope and they no sooner saw Aristotle the Argian opposing the Partizans of Cleomenes when they immediately march'd to their Assistance and by the Conduct of Timoxenes they got possession and became Masters of Argos by Intelligence and it is reasonable to believe that that Success gave Rise to the Prosperity of their Affairs For first of all this Adventure gave check to the Impetuosity of Cleomenes and greatly dishearten'd his People as Occurrences will explain it by and by For notwithstanding his being possess'd of Posts and Places of more advantage and being Master of greater Conveniences for the supply of his Army than Antigonus and in a word at the Head of a more numerous Army yet he no sooner heard that the Achaians were Masters of Argos when he deserted all those Advantages we have enumerated and that render'd him Superior to Antigonus and retir'd from the Isthmus in the manner of a Flight fearing to be surrounded by the Enemy Afterwards he manag'd an Intelligence in Argos and got into the Town but after all he could do to keep Possession he was driven out again by the Achaians with the Assistance of the Inhabitants themselves who having first promis'd him their Concurrence they afterwards refus'd it So he reâ—â—rn'd to Sparta by the way of Mantinoea Thus Antigonus got his passage into Peloâ—onnesus without hazard and Acro-Corinth â—as put into his Hands where he remain'd â—ot long but hasted away to Argos where â—fter he had prais'd and incourag'd the Inhabitants and settl'd their Affairs he return'd â—o his Camp and bent his March towards Arcadia In short after he had reduc'd seveâ—al new Garrisons that had been lately erected by the Enemy and put them into the Hands of the Megalopolitans he proceeded â—o Aegium to be present at the Assemblies of â—he Achaians where he set forth the Motives â—f his coming among them and advis'd how they were to proceed and there he was choâ—â—n General of the Confederate Army and 〈◊〉 being now Winter he remain'd some time 〈◊〉 Sicyon and Corinth but early in the Spring â—rew his Army out of their Winter-quarâ—ers and took the Field and in three Days â—fter his departure arriv'd before Tegea where the Achaians join'd him Antigonus â—eing incamp'd before the Town forthwith besieg'd it which being hardly press'd by the Macedonians who attack'd them by all the Methods that are put in practice in the like Attempts especially by Mines which they had made on all Quarters insomuch that the Inhabitants dispairing of Safety yielded up the Place which Antigonus having strengthen'd with a Garrison proceeded on further Expeditions and march'd his Troops with speed into Laconia and being advanc'd near Cleomenes who with his Army lay on the Frontiers he began some small Ingagements with him by Parties the better to sound his Designs But learning by his Spies that Cleomenes's Army had been re-inforc'd by fresh Troops from Orchomenus he forthwith march'd away towards those Quarters where he took Orchomenus by force from whence he march'd against Mantinoea which place terrify'd at the approach of the Macedonians submitted then he advanc'd towards Heroea and Telphussa whereupon in regard these two Places voluntarily came into his Party and Winter was now at hand he return'd to Egium to be at the Assembly of the Achaians and sending his Troops home to pass the Winter he remain'd
has been observ'd touching Peloponnesus To conclude whosoever should undertake to say that the Pillage and Booty of Megalopolis could exceed at that time the Sum of three hundred Talents would surpass the Truth of the Account For we are well assur'd there was a great number both of People of Free-condition and Slaves who escap'd to Messene and what farther confirms this Opinion that there was no People in all Arcadia the Mantinoeans excepted that surpass'd the Megalopolitans either in the number of Inhabitants Strength or Riches which Phylarchus himself grants and upon the taking the Town after the Siege out of which no Body could escape or secure any thing from the Enemy there was not rais'd three hundred Talents of the Booty adding the Sale of the Prisoners to the Account And who will not yet farther wonder at what Phylarchus reports namely that about ten Days before the Battel there arriv'd an Ambassadour from Ptolomy to Cleomenes to let him know That he could expect no farther Supplies of Mony from him with Advice moreover to come to a speedy Accord with Antigonus and that thereupon Cleomenes determin'd to come the more speedily to a Battel before his Army should have notice of this News as despairing to be able to pay them out of his own Treasure Now it is remarkable that if it were true that about that very time Cleomenes was Master of six thousand Talents he had been in no need of Ptolomy's Assistance being a much wealthier Prince than himself and as to what concern'd his Affairs with Antigonus if it were likewise probable that Cleomenes had made but the Sum of three thousand Talents of the Booty it would have amounted to more than enough to prosecute the War without danger or difficulty Is not this then a farther Instance of the Weakness and want of Judgment of our Historian to say that Cleomenes depended intirely on the Aids and Liberality of Ptolomy and to report him at the same time Master of so plentiful a Treasure He runs into many the like Errors in the course of his History but what we have already noted may suffice for our present Purpose Megalopolis being taken while Antigonus was at Argos where he made his Winter abode Cleomenes assembled his Troops early in the Spring and after he had incourag'd them sutably to the Time and the Occasion he took the Field and fell on the Frontiers of the Argians with a Resolution by the Vulgar accounted temerarious by reason of the Strength and difficult Situation of many Places that commanded his passage but according to the Judgment of those who could best discern with Wisdom and Conduct enough for in short he knew that the Macedonians were yet at home and from them there was no danger to be apprehended in his Enterprise Furthermore he wisely consider'd that as soon as he should have made any Progress upon the Argians and had spoil'd and ravag'd their Country up to the Walls of the City that People would not be able with any Patience to suffer it but would soon trouble Antigonus with their Complaints and Remonstrances and in case that Prince should be mov'd by their Applications to take the Field with those few Troops he had with him and attempt a Battel that it was then odds but he would be beaten or if he did not yield to their Importunity but kept within the Walls that then Cleomenes would have the opportunity of terrifying and doing damage to the Enemy of heartning and giving Assurance to his Soldiers and so to return home again with Impunity And in short it happen'd as he had forecast for the Argians could not behold their Country wasted and plunder'd without pressing Antigonus with their Complaints who notwihstanding departed not from the Dignity of a great Prince and the Rules of a wise General He was not therefore mov'd to take the Field out of fear of present Blame but kept himself in Covert to avoid future Censure and only employ'd his time in exposing and inculcating his Reasons for all his Proceedings After Cleomenes had wasted and pillag'd the Country as he had propos'd dishearten'd the Enemy and confirm'd the Courage of his own People against the Danger that threaten'd them he return'd home in safety In the beginning of Summer Antigonus with the Mecedonians Achaians and the rest of the Confederates led their Troops into Laconia their Army consisting of ten thousand Macedonians which compos'd the Phalanx three thousand with Bucklers three hundred Horse and three thousand choice Achaian Foot three hundred Achaian Horse and a thousand Megalopolitans arm'd after the Macedonian manner led by Cercidas of the same Country There were further Succours of the Allies consisting of two thousand Foot and two hundred Horse of the Beotians and of the Epirots a thousand Foot and fifty Horse and the like number of Acarnanians besides sixteen hundred Illyrians commanded by Demetrius the Pharian So that the Army consisted of Twenty eight thousand Foot and twelve hundred Horse Cleomenes not doubting but the Enemy would soon visit him took care to strengthen all the Passes with good Garrisons fortifying all the Avenues with Ditches and Ramparts and filling up and barricadoing the Ways with great Trees laid a-cross fell'd for that purpose As for Cleomenes himself he march'd with an Army of twenty thousand Men and incamp'd at a certain place call'd Selasia having reason to suspect that the Enemy purpos'd to pass that way and he was not deceiv'd in his Conjecture Here are situate two Mountains the one call'd Eva the other Olympus between these runs the River Oenus along the Banks whereof there is a narrow Way or Defile that leads to the City of Sparta Cleomenes order'd a good Ditch to be made at the Foot of these two Hills with strong Ramparts behind them on the Mountain Eva he posted the Forces of the Confederates under the Command of Euclidas his Brother and he himself possess'd Olympus with the Spartan Troops and the Mercenaries In short his Horse he appointad to be drawn up in plain Ground near the River on each side sustain'd by a Body of Mercenary Foot When Antigonus arriv'd and had well consider'd the Situation of the Ground the Fortifications and Defences that were made and had remark'd with how much Judgment Cleomenes had provided for all things having distributed his Troops and posted them so properly and that he had so Soldier-like possess'd the Place and was incamp'd in such excellent Order the Form thereof bearing the resemblance of an Army drawn up in Order of Battel for he had omitted no Skill or Forecast either with respect to giving the Attack or receiving the Enemy his People being in a Posture for either and his Camp well secur'd against any Insult or Surprize When Antigonus I say had observ'd all this he could not determine to give Cleomenes Battel but contented himself for the present to retire some small distance off and incamp his Army on the the River Gorgylus which
fortify'd one part of his Camp Here he remain'd some Days the better to acquaint himself with the Ground and Situation of the Country and the Disposition of the Enemy feigning to Attack them now in one place now in another marching round them to give them the greater Terrour But perceiving every Post to be well-gaurded and not being able to find any one place that might incourage him to attempt them Cleomenes being vigilant and warily watching his Motions and always present at every place of importance he then chang'd his Purpose till at length the two Generals came to agree to joyn Battel For it was bruited about That Fortune had made choice of these two Great Men equal in Skill and Bravery to try the Mastery one against the other Antigonus order'd the Macedonians who carried Bucklers of Brass mingling among them the Illyrian Cohorts to march against those on Mount Eva these were commanded by Alexander Son of Acmetus and Demetrius the Pharian in the Rear of these he rang'd the Cretians and Acarnanians who were follow'd by a Body of Reserve consisting of two thousand Achaians Towards the River he order'd the Horse who were to ingage those of the Enemy under the Command of Alexander and on the Wings of the Horse he appointed a thousand Achaians and as many Megalopolitans while he himself resolv'd to attack Olympus at the Head of the Macedonians and Mercinaries knowing that Cleomenes was there he order'd the Mercenaries to have the Van and the Macedonian Phalanx to sustain them following-by Platton's whereunto they were compell'd through the difficulties of the Ground the Illyrians who pass'd the River Gorgylus over Night and were posted at the Foot of the Mountain were order'd to begin the Battel for which they were to receive a Signal by a White Flag that should be spread from the nearest Post they had to Olympus and the Signal that was to be given to the Megalopolitans and the Horse was a Purple Cassock or Coat which was to be wav'd in the Air where Antigonus himself was posted When all things were in a readiness the Signal was given to the Illyrians and after they had incourag'd each other they advanc'd towards the Enemy and began to ascend the Mountain while the Foot which Cleomenes had mingled with the Horse observing that the Achaian Cohorts were follow'd with no Reserve or Troops to sustain them advanc'd presently upon them and charg'd them in Flank and much gall'd those who were endeavouring to gain the Mountain at the same time Euclidas who was posted on the top of the Hill press'd them in Front and the Mercinaries warmly attack'd their Rear Philopoemen a Megalopolitan observing this Disorder presently conceiv'd what would be the Issue accordingly he told his Opinion to the Commanders in Chief of the Danger these Troops were in but observing they gave no heed to his Advice being then but Young and having never yet born any Command he therefore after he had incourag'd his Country Men attack'd with incredible Bravery the Enemies Horse This Action forc'd the Mercinaries who had fallen on the Illyrians Flank to retire to their Relief which was their proper Post who observing them to be now ingag'd and retreating from those whom they had before attack'd hastned to sustain them by which means the Illyrians and Macedonians and all those who were marching up the Mountain were deliver'd from the Obstacle that retarded their Motion and now resolutely advanc'd on the Enemy and it afterwards appear'd that their Success against Euclidas was owing to Philopoemen And it is reported that after the Battel Antigonus the better to try Alexander ask'd him How it came to pass that he adventur'd to Ingage before he receiv'd the Signal and that Alexander should reply It was not by his Order but that a certain young Man of Megalopolis had been the occasion without any Direction from him And that Antigonus reply'd thereupon That that young Man had judg'd rightly of the occasion of Victory and had done the part of a good Captain and that Alexander had acted like a young Soldier And now Euclidas observing the Illyrian Cohorts to approach forgot as one may say the advantage of the Ground where he was posted for it is the Rule of experienced Leaders when they are posted on superior Ground to the Enemy to move towards them and improve the advantage of the Shock that the descent of the Hill lends them thereby to give the greater Terrour to the Enemy and then if Necessity obliges them slowly to retire and gain the summet of the Hill for by disordering thus the Enemy and depriving them of the advantage they promis'd themselves by their different sort of Arms and the Order in which they march'd it would not have been hard for him to have forc'd them down the Hill so commodiously posted as he was But Euclidas perform'd nothing of all this but acted rather directly contrary and as if to do nothing at all would conduce to the Victory he remain'd on the top of the Hill where he was first posted imagining it to be his Duty there to attend the coming of the Enemy to the end that when he should have defeated them they might be the more intangled and obstructed in their Flight by reason of the Precipices and the broken Ground of the Mountain But it happen'd quite otherwise than he had conjectur'd for while he had so plac'd himself that he had left no room behind him to retire he found himself oblig'd to fight and defend himself on the top of the Hill against the intire unbroken Body of the Illyrian Cohorts whom he had permitted to gain the top and were now advancing toward him on level Ground so that he became an easie Conquest to the Illyrians having no Ground whereon to make an orderly Retreat all behind him being Rocks and Precipices In the mean time the Horse were warmly ingag'd where the Achaians perform'd all that could be look'd for in the like occasion for they knew this Battel did as it were decide their Liberty but Philopoemen was remarkable above all the rest whose Horse being first kill'd under him and afterward fighting among the Foot he was there struck through both his thighs at one stroke On the other-side the two Princes began the Battel on Mount Olympus with their light-arm'd Soldiers and their Mercenaries consisting of about five Thousand on each part Sometimes they fought by Parties and then again encountred with gross Bodies but with great Resolution on both sides the Action being under the Eye of their Masters and in View of both Armies sometimes they mingled and fought Man to Man and then Troop against Troop but howsoever it happen'd they fought with wonderful Resolution During this variety of Action Cleomenes receiv'd notice that his Brother was beaten out of the Field and that the Horse that fought in the Plain began to give Ground so that fearing to be incompass'd by the Enemy on all sides he was
from among his own Subjects and plac'd them in Garrison in Pharus In the mean time the Roman Consul led his Legions into Illyria where receiving intimation of the confidence the Enemy was in of the Safety and Strength of Dimalus and being further advis'd that the Place had the Reputation of having never yet been taken he therefore resolv'd to begin his Campagne there the better to terrifie and discourage the Enemy After therefore he had exhorted his Army to behave themselves as they ought and caus'd his Engines and Machines to approach in several places he began the Siege and in seven Days space took the Town This Celerity of the Romans possess'd the Enemy with so much Fear that they lost their Courage and Deputies were immediately dispatch'd from all the Towns round about with Tenders of Submission to the Romans which the Consul receiv'd respectively under certain Stipulations and then made sail toward Pharus where Demetrius then was But being inform'd that the Place was strongly fortify'd and that there was a numerous Garrison of able Men within it and the Town plentifully furnish'd with all things needful he therefore judging the Siege was likely to be a difficult and tedious Work bethought himself of this Stratagem Arriving with his Army by Night on the Coast he landed most of his Troops with direction to conceal themselves in Woods and Places proper to hide them from the view of the Enemy and in the Morning makes sail towards the next Port with twenty Gallies only in sight of the Town Demetrius thereupon observing and contemning their number marches out of the Town with part of the Garrison to oppose their landing so the Battel began which was prosecuted with great obstinacy Supplies of Men being constantly sent from the Town to sustain their Fellows insomuch that at length by degrees the whole Garrison march'd out in the mean while the Romans who had landed in the Night advanc'd covering themselves all they could in their march and possess'd themselves of an Eminence so situate that it defended it self between the Town and the Port whereby they cut off the Enemies retreat to the Town This being observ'd by Demetrius he soon disingag'd himself from those who attempted to land and after he had rally'd and animated his Men marches to attack the others who had posted themselves on the Mountain The Romans therefore seeing the Illyrians advancing toward them met and charg'd them with unspeakable Resolution while those that were landed attack'd them in the Rear Insomuch as finding themselves thus hard press'd on all sides the Army of Demetrius no longer able to sustain the shock of the Romans was put to flight some of them escap'd to the Town but the greatest part dispers'd themselves about the Island covering themselves among the Rocks and inaccessible Places Demetrius himself got aboard certain Vessels which he had plac'd in a neighbouring Creek to serve him in such an exigent and departing by Night retir'd to the Court of King Philip when every Body gave him for lost in whose Service he ended his days A hardy Man he was but without Judgment which appear'd by the manner of his Death for endeavouring pursuant to the King's Orders to put himself into Messena hazarding too far in that Attempt he perish'd as shall be shown in its proper place As to the Consul he forthwith got possession of Pharus which Town he presently demolished In short after he had reduc'd the whole Kingdom of Illyria to Obedience and perform'd all things in that Expedition to his own Mind he return'd toward the end of the Summer to Rome where he obtain'd a magnificent Triumph and acquir'd the Reputation of a wise and gallant Leader The Romans now receiving News of the loss of Saguntum deliberated no longer about entering into the War as some Authors have said who pretend to have recorded the Opinions of both Parties and have most absurdly reason'd thereupon for what likelihood was there that the Romans should now be undetermin'd about the War when but the Year before they had stipulated to declare Hostility whensoever the Carthaginians should attempt any Violence against the Saguntines whose City they had now destroy'd And can there be any thing more like Untruth than to tell us That the Senate was in great Consternation adding that twelve Youths not exceeding the Age of twelve Years being introduc'd into the Senate by their Fathers and being privy to what had been there resolv'd discover'd not the least tittle of what was decreed to be kept secret This too certainly hath a great appearance of Falshood unless it can be made appear that over and above their many other Advantages Fortune had endu'd the Childhood of the Romans with the Sagacity of Counsellors But we have remark'd enough of these sort of Writings namely such as have been publish'd by Chaereas and Sosilus who according to the Judgment I am able to make have deliver'd nothing that merits the name of History but ought to be held as Fables and Tales such as are vulgarly told to entertain the People The Romans then receiving Intelligence of what had been done at Saguntum in violation of the Treaty made choice of Ambassadors for that Service and dispatch'd them to Carthage with Instructions to propose two Conditions whereof the one menac'd the Carthaginians with loss and dishonour the other with a dangerous and doubtful War For they demanded either that Hannibal and his Abettors should be deliver'd up to the discretion of the Romans or in case of refusal a War to be forthwith declar'd When the Ambassadors were come to Carthage and had audience of the Senate they deliver'd their Message which was but coldly receiv'd by the Carthaginians Nevertheless one of their Senators who was best qualify'd was commanded to set forth the equity and unblameableness of their Proceedings but he therein mentions nothing of the Treaty of Asdrubal no more than if such a Treaty had never been at least he told them That if such an Agreement had been made it was of no validity as being transacted without the privity or consent of the People and Senate of Carthage And an Example was produc'd of the like practice of the Romans touching the Peace made by the Consul Lutatius during the Sicilian War which in a word Lutatius had ratify'd when notwithstanding it was rejected by the People of Rome as not having been done by their allowance They insisted warmly on the Conditions of that Treaty of Peace and referr'd particularly to that which was made at the end of the Sicilian War wherein they maintain'd That no mention was made of Spain but reservation only of the Allies of either Party which were the precise Conditions of that Treaty They further proceeded to show that Saguntum was not at that time in alliance with the Romans which the better to prove they caus'd the Articles of that Treaty to be publickly read As to the Romans they reply'd That the Argument was not a
but that which is wash'd by the main Ocean remains yet without a Name it being not long since any discovery has been made thereof and found to be inhabited by many barbarous Nations whereof we shall have occasion to speak in particular in the pursuit of our History In short as it is not yet known whether Aethiopia Africk and Asia are join'd and in one continu'd Continent extending to the South or be inviron'd by the Sea so likewise all that Tract of Land contain'd between the Tanais and Narbona towards the North is to us at this day totally unknown And those who speak or write otherwise are to be held only as Reporters of Fables amusing us with the Effects of their own Dreams and Visions Thus much I have thought needful to say the better to qualifie those who are not over conversant in Geography to study our History with greater Profit and to the end they may arrive with more Facility at the knowledge of what they are yet to know by conferring them with things whereof they are already inform'd and as to what relates at least to the general distribution of the Parts they may be taught to apprehend rightly of the Regions below from the position of the Climates above For as it is ordinary with us to turn our Eyes towards the Object that is pointed to us to observe so in proportion to the evidence whereby things are set before the Understanding by Words or Discourse the Mind conceives and becomes enlightened But to return from our digression The Carthaginians were in those times Masters of all that tract of Country in Africk that runs along the Coast of our Sea from the Philaenian Altars which are by the great Syrtis to the Streight of Hercules Pillars which Dominion contains above six hundred Leagues in length They had now likewise carry'd their Conquests into Spain being on the other side the Streight which divides the two Continents having subdu'd that Country intirely as far as the Promontory or Rock in our Sea which terminates the Pyrenaean Hills that are the boundaries between the Gauls and Spaniards This Acquisition extending at least three hundred Leagues in length from Hercules Pillars to New Carthage from whence Hannibal set out on his Expedition to Italy is computed about one hundred and twenty Leagues This Town we call according to some New Carthage it being by others call'd Cainopolis or the New Town From thence to the River Eber it is at least one hundred Leagues from the Eber to Emporium about sixty Leagues and thence to the Passage of the Rhosne near the same distance but these distances the Romans have set down in their Miles each Mile containing eight Stades or Furlongs It is computed from the Passage of the Rhosne up towards the head of the River to the beginning of the Alpes which lead into Italy about seventy Leagues without taking in the way in the Mountains which is reckon'd fifty Leagues from whence you descend into Italy coming into a Campaigne Country water'd by the River Po so the March of Hannibal from New Carthage into Italy will amount to about three hundred and forty Leagues And now if we take only the length of the way into our consideration Hannibal had already perform'd half his Journey but when the difficulties yet behind come to be weigh'd the worst by much will be found yet remaining Hannibal therefore labour'd his utmost to get the Pyrenaeans at his back being not without suspicion of the fidelity of the Gauls doubting lest they should block up his passage which he found difficult enough without encountring other Impediments In the mean time after the Romans were inform'd by their Ambassadors whom they had sent to Carthage of all that had pass'd and had been determin'd there and receiving notice earlier than they expected of Hannibal's passing the Eber they decreed that Publius Cornelius Scipio should be dispatch'd into Spain and Tiberius Sempronius into Africk But while they were busied about their Levies and the necessary Preparations for the War they leâ—t not however to prosecute another design they had before in hand namely to dispatch Colonies to the Country of the Cis-Alpine Gauls They proceeded likewise with great diligence to begirt their Towns with Walls ordering those who were ordain'd for the Colonies which amounted to about six thousand who were to People the two Towns that were to be built to be at the Rendezvouse within the space of thirty days One of which Towns they plac'd on this side the Po and gave it the name of Placentia the other beyond the River which they call'd Cremona These Colonies were hardly arriv'd when the Boians who endeavour'd nothing more ardently than to break with the Romans but for want of a proper conjuncture had not yet attempted any thing hearing of the approach of the Carthaginians began to conceive new hopes and abandoning their Hostages which had been given to the Romans at the end of the War which was observ'd in our preceding Book revolted and took Arms against them These drew likewise to their side the Insubrians who were easily lead to take part with them out of an ancient hatred they bare to the Romans So they march'd out and fell to spoil the new planted Territories and advancing after those who had fled to Modena for Succour pursu'd them thither and there besieg'd them where likewise were shut up the three Commissioners who had been sent to conduct the Colonies and set out the Lands Men of great account the one Caius Lutatius who had been Consul and the two others Praetors These propos'd to come to some Treaty which the Boians seem'd to accept but when they adventur'd out to debate about the Terms they brake their word and seiz'd their Persons perswading themselves that with such a gauge they should be able to preserve their Hostages Upon notice of these Stirs Lucius Manlius the Praetor who then commanded an Army in those Parts march'd to their Relief with all the speed he could But the Enemy getting notice of his approach laid an Ambush in a certain Forest in his way where the Romans had no sooner entred when the Boians fell upon them attacking them on all sides and putting the greatest part to the Sword the rest â—led and having gain'd the Hills there made a stand and with difficulty enough defended themselves but at length made a good Retreat Tho' the Boians left not the pursuit till they had chas'd them into a Town call'd Tanetus which some call Canetus where they block'd them up When the news came to Rome that the fourth Legion was thus besieg'd by the Boians they order'd the Roman Legion that had been appointed to Publius to march to their Relief giving the Command thereof to the Praetor Lucius Atilius with orders to raise more Troops among their Allies This is the account of what was transacted in Gaul after the War broke out to the arrival of Hannibal the state of Matters in
already spoken from the Plain where the Rhosne hath its passage Hannibal then took his march through that Country where the River hath its source to come into Italy Some Authors who have writ of Hannibal's passage over the Alpes entertain us with astonishing and incredible Tales of that Voyage without heeding that they have thereby committed two Errors which History of all things will not permit for they are constrain'd thereby to coin Falshoods of their own and often become liable to contradict themselves For as they give to Hannibal all the Encomiums of a great and valiant Leader so at the same time they make him act with the greatest Imprudence imaginable Then when they are taken in their own fabulous Snares they are forc'd to bring down the Gods and Demi-Gods to their Aid who should not be nam'd but in matters of Truth Furthermore they feign that the Alpes are so desart and inaccessible that far from being passable by Armies Horses and Elephants Men cannot without unspeakable travel pass them on foot They tell us farther that some parts thereof are so waste and destitute of all Succour that without the Aid of some Divinity who led Hannibal as it were by the Hand through those wild Labyrinths he and his Army had inevitably perish'd these I say are two Faults in an Historian which Men of common Sence easily discover and dislike For in short were there Truth in what they deliver where could there be found in Story a more imprudent General or Leader worse qualify'd than Hannibal who being at the head of so numerous an Army in the prosperity of which all his Hopes were plac'd neither knowing any thing of the Country through which he was to march nor the course he was to take nor whither he went nor with whom he was to have to do and what fourth he fell into much danger Folly had ingag'd in an Enterprize which by the common Rules of Reason yielded no prospect of Success but on the contrary to all appearance pursu'd an Attempt totally unfeisible For these Authors make Hannibal in the spring of his Hopes at the head of a flourishing victorious Army perform such things as are not likely would be acted by a People already vanquish'd and undone and reduc'd to the last extremity namely to ingage their Troops in Countries and Places totally unknown For while they tell us all was waste and desart and the Country no where passable do they not plainly accuse their own Forgeries But they knew not that the Gauls who inhabit about the Rhosne had often pass'd the Alpes with numerous Armies long before Hannibal's time and not only heretofore but of late days they had march'd to the relief of those Gauls who dwell about the Po during their Wars with the Romans Furthermore they were to learn that even the Alpes themselves are inhabited by numerous Nations but it was their Ignorance indeed that brought the Demi-God down to show Hannibal his way Wherein they follow the Poets who in their Tragedies having for the most part nothing but Fiction and extravagant Adventures for the subject of their Plays are able to bring nothing handsomely to pass without a God or a Machine After this manner our Historians have proceeded being forc'd to implore some Divinity or other to yield them assistance and disintangle them from the Falshoods and Improbabilities they themselves have made For how can a fabulous beginning have other than a fabulous Issue Most certain it is that Hannibal did not conduct his Affairs at the rate these Authors would persuade but like a wise and able Captain And there is no doubt but he well knew that the Country into which he was leading his Army was fertile and abounding in all things and the Inhabitants alien'd in their Inclinations to the Romans that he had with him for Guides the very People of the Country who had engag'd to partake with him in all his Fortunes For my own particular I speak of these things with so much the more assurance by how much I have not only been instructed therein by those who liv'd in those Days but that I might be less liable to Error I made my self a Journey into the Alpes for my better Information To proceed Publius the Roman General arriv'd with his Army at the Passage of the Rhosne three days after Hannibal's departure who perceiving the Enemy gone was much surpriz'd and without doubt with good reason for he could scarce be perswaded that the Carthaginian would ever have been drawn to attempt that way into Italy especially having to deal with so many barbarous Nations in his March uncapable of Friendship or keeping their Faith But after he had a while reflected on the boldness of the undertaking he march'd back to the Fleet where embarking his Army with all expedition and dispatching his Brother to carry on the War in Spain he resolv'd himself to return by Sea into Italy to make head against the Enemy In the mean space after four days march Hannibal arrives at a place call'd the Isle where the Country is rich and well Peopled It is so call'd because the Soane environs it on one side and the Rhosne on the other giving it the sigure of a Triangle This Island both for form and magnitude much resembles another in Egypt which is call'd Delta and if there be any difference in the comparison it is that Delta is 〈◊〉 the one side encompassed by the Sea and the Rivers that there discharge themselves and 〈◊〉 the other with rough and almost inaccessible Mountains Here Hannibal found two Princes that were Brethren in Arms against each other for the Dominion of the Country their Armies being drawn up ready to ingage The elder of these two made his addresses to Hannibal praying his aid to re-establish him in his Inheritance to which he lent a willing ear foreseeing the Profit he might reap thereby wherefore after he had entred into Friendship with him and compell'd the other to retire he receiv'd many singular benefits of the said Prince who did not only supply his Army with refreshments and whatever they stood in need of but exchanging Hannibal's old worn-out Arms for new ones which he deliver'd him he did in some sort recruit his Army He further supply'd them with what Cloaths they wanted and greatly assisted them in their Passage over the Mountains But the most remarkable service he did them was that forasmuch as they were in some jealousie in passing the Frontiers of the Gauls call'd Allobroges he conducted Hannibal by another way more safe and brought him to the place where they begin to ascend the Alpes Hannibal having march'd near an hundred Miles in ten days along the River Rhosne met with mighty difficulties after his Army had enter'd on the Mountains and in truth the Allobroges had no purpose to attack them while they held their March in the Plains fearing both their Horse and the Gauls that accompany'd the Army But these
to the open Sky with that part of the Army that was with him remote from the Horse and the rest of the Troops and the Baggage the better to cover and defend them from danger who were hardly able in all that Night with great labour to compass their passage through the Valley In the Morning the Enemy being now retir'd Hannibal join'd his Army and Baggage and advanc'd towards the top of the Alpes After this the Gauls attempted no more to attack them in Bodies but in smaller Parties and with less ardour than before nevertheless falling sometimes on the Van sometimes on the Rear of the Army they seldom fail'd of making some spoil of the Baggage The Elephants happen'd to be of great use to the Carthaginians in these Conflicts for wheresoever they chanc'd to appear they so terrify'd the Enemy that the Army march'd by that means with much less molestation In nine Days after this Hannibal gain'd the top of the Mountains where he halted two Days being willing to give some repose to such of his Army as were come thus far without Wound or Sickness and to attend the coming of the rest of his Troops that were yet behind During this stay many Horses and Beasts of Carriage which had fallen and stray'd out of the way came in of their own accord following the Track of the Army to the great wonder of the Beholders But whereas the Snows were yet great in the Mountains Winter not being there quite over Hannibal perceiving his Soldiers to be somewhat discourag'd by reason of the Sufferings they had already felt and out of apprehension of what yet threaten'd them caus'd the Army to be assembled to the end he might speak to them and inspire them with new Resolution which he could no way better effect than by giving them a view and prospect of Italy which in a word lies so fairly to the Eye spreading and extending it self at the foot of those Mountains that Nature seems to have design'd them as a Rampart to cover and defend it So he gave them a survey of the Champaign Country that spreads it self all about the River Po and gave them to understand how welcome they should be to the People that Inhabited it He pointed out likewise to them whereabout the City of Rome stood and by this Artifice animated his harass'd Army The Day following he decamp'd and began to descend the Mountains and now saw no more of the Enemy to molest them in their march saving some small scatter'd Parties who rather awaited occasions how to steal than to fight Howbeit Hannibal's Losses were not lessen'd by reason of the great Snows and the exceeding bad march they had had which much weaken'd the Army Nor was their passage much better in the descent for what with the streight steep and slippery ways and the depth of the Snow the Soldier knew not where to set his Foot with safety for when-ever they slipp'd they were in danger of being lost and swallow'd up in the depths and precipices which lay hid and cover'd by the Snow Nevertheless the long practice in those Hardships and Dangers taught them to suffer all with Constancy But at length coming to a place where neither their Elephants nor Horses could pass the Way which was very steep before being now by the falling away of some of the Earth become more difficult renew'd their Fears which was manifest over the whole Army Upon this accident Hannibal took a resolution to attempt another way by taking a compass about those Mountains tho' there was no appearance of any passage but forasmuch as the great Snows render'd that Resolution too hazardous all places being cover'd and hid from the view he therefore chang'd his purpose In the interim there having fallen much new Snow on that which remain'd of the Winter before this last being loose and not yet deep yielded firm footing enough to the Soldiers but this was no sooner trampled on but it dissolv'd into Dirt and Mire whereby the Snow of last Year being frozen under it it became impossible to march thereon any more than on Ice it self none being able to keep their Feet and when they endeavour'd to sustain themselves on their Hands and Knees they often slid and were lost in Pits and Precipices When their Horses at any time slip'd they by their weight and labouring broke the Ice under them and so became buried and frozen to Death Whereupon Hannibal now desperate of obtaining his passage that way encamp'd his Army at the entrance of this Pass after he had first order'd the Snow to be remov'd which cover'd all the Ground and then by the labour of his Soldiers he wrought into the Hill it self and by unspeakable Pains made his Passage at length through it So in one Day he made way for his Horses and other Beasts to pass which immediately march'd on And now decamping the Army he sent his Horse and other Beasts to forrage and recruit themselves as they could come at Pasture where the Ground was not cover'd with Snow In the mean time he order'd the Numidians to make a passage for the Elephants which cost them three Days labour with great difficulty to effect but at length they made way for those Animals which had suffer'd much and were almost dead with Hunger For there was neither Forage nor Tree to be found on that part of the Alpes nor in the neighbourhood the Ground lying ever cover'd with Snow Winter and Summer but the lower Grounds on all sides produce Woods and Covert and there is no place thereabout that is not habitable After Hannibal had united his Troops he prosecuted his march and in the space of three Days got past these difficult and incommodious Places whereof we have given an account and recover'd the Plains howbeit with the loss of great numbers of his People for many fell by the Enemy many were drown'd in passing the Rivers and many of Sickness and the Hardships of their march to and over the Alpes And as he lost many Men so his loss of Horses and other Beasts of Burthen was yet much greater In a word after a march of five Months from his departure from New-Carthage and fifteen Days passage over the Alpes he boldly advanc'd into the Champaign Country lying about the River Po and the Frontiers of the Insubrians Of the Troops that march'd out with him there now remain'd of Africans about twelve Thousand eight Thousand Spaniards and six Thousand Horse according to his own Register left by him engrav'd on the Column at Lacinium which specify'd that number About this time Publius Cornelius who had left his Troops with Cneius his Brother to prosecute the War against Asdrubal in Spain embark'd for Pisa and from thence passing through Tuscany joyn'd the Armies of the Praetors who were in service in that Country against the Boians with these he took his march towards the Po where he encamp'd with design to come speedily to a Battel with
they must then determine to endure the last effects of Misery and Misfortune He said There could be none among them so weak or stupid who reflecting on the tedious and terrible March they had had from their Native Homes thither the many Perils Combats and dangerous Rencounters they had pass'd the fearful Rivers they had Forded and the like Dangers in their passage can have the least shadow of expectation by slight ever to return back And that since that Hope was totally extinguish'd they would do well to have the same Motions of Compassion of their own Fortune as they entertain'd but now for that of others For as they esteem'd the Condition of the Victors and the Vanquish'd equal or rather saw cause to pity the Survivers they could do no less for themselves than fight bravely chiefly indeed to Conquer but to die rather than not Overcome For should it be their hap to be Vanquish'd there would be no hopes of living but if they could with determination imprint these Reslections in their Minds there would be no doubt of Success nor fear but they should live to enjoy the Fruits of it That in a word none ever brought such Thoughts about them into the Field whether out of their own Temper or Necessity that were not crown'd with Victory That the Romans hitherto had to deal with Enemies otherwise than so inspir'd who for the most part plac'd their Safety in flight by reason they â—ought in the neighbourhood of their Country which was their refuge and by which means they wanted Resolution to sustain the shock of Danger like an Enemy strengthen'd by Despair Hannibal's Army heard with chearfulness the discourse he made them and manifested their Minds to be such as their Captain himself desir'd He therefore highly applauded their generous Behaviour and after he had told them they should be in a readiness to march early on the Morrow he dismiss'd the Assembly Cornelius Scipio had now pass'd the Po and because he design'd to advance further he caus'd a Bridge to be made over the Tesin And drawing the Army together he told them many things touching the Dignity and Glory of the Roman-State and of the memorable Actions of their Ancestors But take the relation a little more or less of what he deliver'd on that occasion He told them That tho' it might have so happen'd that they had never yet try'd the Enemy they had now to deal with they should nevertheless have reason to rely on Victory but since they were to fight against Carthaginians they ought to hold it an insupportable Indignity to the Name of a Roman that People so often by them beaten and who had been so long their Tributaries and bred to Servitude should presume to look with an angry Eye on a Roman But saith he since we have learn'd by many glorious Experiments that this Enemy will never have assurance to endure our approach What ought we not to hope if things are rightly weigh'd How lately was it prov'd that their Horse is inferiour to ours which beat them at the Rhosne and after killing many pursu'd the rest to their Camp He told them That the General and the rest of the Army having had News of the approach of the Roman Legions had retreated as if they sled and the Terror they were in had compell'd them sore against their Wills to attempt passing the Alpes back again He farther told them That Hannibal was come with but an handful of Men having lost the greatest part of his Army in his March and that those he had with him were so harrass'd and weaken'd with Diseases and the Hardships they had suffer'd that they were totally disabled for Service He farther told them That the greatest part of their Horse were lost and made unserviceable by the broken and stony ways they had march'd through He endeavour'd by the like suggestions to perswade the Army that the showing themselves only would be enough to obtain the Victory and that furthermore barely to behold the Enemy they had to deal with would inspire them with Contempt He said in short That he would not have quitted the Fleet nor his Spanish Expedition whither he had been commanded to go nor would have taken his March so willingly had he not been firmly convine'd by many Arguments and Reasons that the Journey he had undertaken was greatly for the Good of his Country and that the Victory was certain And now being a Man of great Account and Authority and it seeming to them that what he said was true the Army with great Ardour and Resolution demanded to be led against the Enemy So after having commended their Chearfulness and made them an Exhortation to be always in a Posture to receive his farther Commands he dismiss'd them On the Morrow these two Captains began their March along the River towards that part which regards the Mountains The Romans on the Left the others on the Right The next Day receiving News by their respective Foragers that the Armies drew near they both thought good to encamp where they were and intrench themselves But the next Morning Hannibal at the head of his whole Body of Horse and Scipio with his to whom they joyn'd their Archers took the Field both wishing to see each other And they no sooner perceiv'd by the Dust that was rais'd that the Gross on each side drew near when they began to range themselves in order of Battel Scipio put his Darters in the Van and mix'd the Gaulish Horse among them and having ordered the rest Front-wise mov'd slowly on As for Hannibal he plac'd his Horse that went with a single Bridle in the Van-guard together with all the other chosen Horse he had and so advanc'd against the Romans He had likewise plac'd his Numidians on the Wings to the end he might be able to come to attack the Romans Flank and so surround them And as the Leaders on both sides and the Troops they commanded were eager to engage they soon came to Blows But scarce had the Roman Darters deliver'd their first Volley when terrify'd with the Violence of the Enemies Charge and fearing to be trod and run down by the Horse which advane'd they retir'd in haste through the Intervals of their Battel among their Horse Those Bodies that came to ingage hand to hand fought with Resolution on both sides and equal Bravery a good space and the dispute seem'd no other than between Horse and Foot mingled for many in the heat of the Battel alighted and fought on Foot But when the Numidians by taking a compass had got on the Romans Flank the Darters who had retreated thither as was observ'd were sorely streighten'd and soon defeated the Numidians having in ' compass'd the greatest part of them And now at length those in the Van on the part of the Romans who before stood so firm having lost many Men who had sold themselves at a good Price were likewise driven to give ground upon the
Numidians charging their Flank Many made their escape some one way some another some rally'd about the Consul who forthwith decamp'd from about the Tesin and led his Troops towards the Bridge over the Po with intention to pass there for as the Champaign Country in those Parts is of great extent and that Hannibal was stronger in Horse Scipio for that reason labour'd to lead the Legions into some safer and more proper Country and the rather for that he was himself indispos'd of a Wound he receiv'd in the Battel Hannibal staid some time in expectation the Legions would have appear'd but after he understood that the Romans had abandon'd their Camp he follow'd them in the Rear as far as the Bridge which he found broken where he took about six hundred Prisoners of those that were left there on the Guard And being told that the rest of the Army were now march'd a good distance off he led his Troops up along the River in search of a proper place where he might make a Bridge and after two Days march having found means to make one of Boats he order'd Asdrubal to lead over the Army passing himself likewise there he gave Audience to sundry Ambassadors who came to him from several places For the bruit of his Victory was no sooner spread when all the neighbouring Gauls became dispos'd to declare for the Carthaginians and as it had been before suggested they now courted their Friendship supplying them with whatever they wanted and offering frankly to joyn their Forces and take part in their Adventures Hannibal gave courteous Reception to those who were come with these Tenders and after the Army had pass'd the River he led them back down the Stream and march'd with great Diligence to intercept the Enemy But Publius Scipio after he had pass'd the Po march'd directly to Placentia a Colony of the Romans where he staid among the rest who were hurt in the Battel to attend the cure of his Wounds and believing the Army to be now in Safety he there remain'd without further attempting any thing But Hannibal arriving in two Days after he had pass'd the River drew out his Army the next Day in Battalia in view of the Enemy but the Romans not offering to stir he retir'd and encamp'd about ten Miles off In the mean time the Gauls who bore Arms under the Romans beholding Fortune now to declare in favour of the Carthaginians deliberated by common Consent to desert their Service but continu'd quiet in their Tents waiting the time to put their purpose in execution And now when the Army was reposing in their Quarters about the fourth Watch they put themselves into Arms and falling on the Romans that were nearest at hand kill'd many and wounded many more and cutting off the Heads of those they had murder'd march'd to the Carthaginians to the number of two Thousand Foot and two Hundred Horse Hannibal by the kind reception he gave them manifested how welcome the Action was to him and after he had with great gentleness invited them into his Service and with ample Promises to every one according to his degree he gave them leave to retire for the present to their respective Habitations thereby to spread the Fame of his Actions and to win over others to the Service and Friendship of the Carthaginians And he had reason to conclude they would now be constrain'd for the most part to come in to him after so persidious an act done by their Country-men At the same time Ambassadors came to him from the Boians bringing with them a Present of the three Roman Commissioners they had taken as was observ'd on the breaking out of the War who had been deputed for the dividing and setting out the Lands in their Colonies Hannibal gratefully receiv'd their Message and their Offer and enter'd into Confederacy with them but restor'd back the Prisoners to their keeping advising them to secure them under a safe Guard whereby to redeem their Hostages as they had formerly propos'd Sciplo much lamented the loss of his People who had been cut off by so vile an Act of Treachery and rightly judging that the Gauls who of a long time had nourish'd an inbred Aversion to the Romans would especially those of the neighbouring Countries after having acted so criminal a Part go over to the Carthaginians he therefore thought it Wisdom for the time to come to be more on his guard touching that People Wherefore he decamp'd about the fourth Watch of the Night following and march'd and encamp'd near the River Trebia upon certain Eminences not far off resting pretty well assur'd of the strength of the situation it being in the neighbourhood of many of their Allies Hannibal getting intelligence of the motions of the Romans sent his Numidians in pursuit of them after these march'd the whole Horse of the Army and himself with the Gross soon follow'd them The Numidians coming to the Romans Camp and finding it empty stay'd to set it on fire which greatly avail'd the Romans in their retreat For the Horse but for this delay caus'd by the Numidians had certainly overtaken the Romans before they had pass'd the Plains in which case they undoubtedly had been very much expos'd But forasmuch as the Roman Army had now time to pass over the Trebia the Enemy coming short had only the occasion left them of attacking their Rear-guard whereof some were slain and others made Prisoners Scipio then having thus compass'd his Passage over the River encamp'd I say on high ground not far from it and intrenching himself there attended the coming of Tiberius and the Legions that were with him using all possible care and skill to get well of his Wounds that he might be in a state to give the Enemy speedy Battel But Hannibal arriving two Days after he had pass'd the River drew up his Army in view of the Romans who not being dispos'd to engage him he march'd away and encamp'd six Miles off the Gauls who had now recover'd Courage by the hopes he had given them supplying him with Provisions in abundance and all things else of which he stood in need being determin'd to share with the Carthaginians in all that should befal them When the News came to Rome of the Battel of the Horse they were astonish'd at the account of the issue as expecting quite other success but they comforted themselves with many Reasons to conclude that at least they were not quite vanquish'd in that occasion Some took leave to blame the Temerity of their Leader and others rag'd against the perfidious Gauls But in a word while they were assur'd that their Legions were entire and had suffer'd nothing they were resolv'd to abate nothing of their Hopes And when Tiberius Sempronius arriv'd and they beheld his Troops pass through the City they were persuaded That such an Army by barely showing themselves to the Enemy would do enough to vanquish them When the Troops were rendezvous'd at Rimini pursuant
there is often sound in such Plains rising Ground and Eminences sit to cover and conceal Men nor is there hardly any River or Brook so small that hath not some kind of selter on the Banks that are for the most part cover'd too with Shrubs and Brambles and the like Under-wood where Foot may be very easily conceal'd and even Horse also with a little care by grounding their Arms which are otherwise discover'd at a distance After Hannibal then had held a Council of War where his Brother Mago and the rest of his Principal Officers were present to deliberate about the Battel which they expected would be speedily sought where they all approv'd of what he had therein propos'd and while the Army refresh'd themselves he took his Brother to conferr with apart who was a gallant young Man and train'd from his Childhood to Arms to whom he first appointed an hundred chosen Horse and the like number of select Foot for his Guard then he order'd him before it was dark to pick out a certain number of the bravest Men he could find in the whole Army whom he should direct to assemble and attend at his Tent after Supper for further Orders At the time appointed they appear where after he had exhorted them to the well-performance of their Duty and observ'd their chearful Behaviour he commanded them to sort themselves by two and two each one to chuse for his Companion the Man he best lov'd and most trusted These he commanded to draw together and assemble in a certain place he appointed in the Camp After these Orders were executed Hannibal out of these drew out a thousand Horse and the like number of Foot with Instruction to Mago how to put his Orders in execution and then privily dispatch'd them away during the Night accompany'd with proper Guides to the Place of Ambush Early in the Morning Hannibal assembled all his Numidians a hardy and indesatigable People these after he had well encourag'd and fairly promis'd to each one Rewards in proportion to his Merit he commanded to march out and brave the Enemy in the Camp with Directions that as soon as they should draw out to engage them and they had began to Pickeer that they should then retire back over the River His design being laid to surprize the Romans into a Battel fasting and not so well prepar'd for the business as they ought Then he directed the rest of the Army after his usual Exhortation to take a good repast and be ready under their Arms and with their Horses ready to march Sempronius the next Morning no sooner saw the Numidians approach when he commanded out the Roman Horse with Orders to attack them to sustain these he order'd out six thousand Darters and at length march'd the whole Army out of the Camp For he had conceiv'd such an assurance in the Numbers he had and was become so bold by his late Success that he reckon'd the show only of such a Body of Men would go far towards a Victory And now it may be noted that as the Winter was not yet quite past so the Day was snowy and very cold Furthermore the Romans both Horse and Foot had been made to march out of their Camp most of them fasting insomuch as the same Army that took the Field so forwardly began soon to shrink For when they came to ford the River which was much swell'd with the Rain of the Night before the Water was Breast-high so that the Romans thus contending at once with Hunger and Cold for the Day was now well advanc'd began to sink in their Courage and abate in their Strength while the Carthaginians on the contrary had taken a plentiful repast in their Tents and were well fortify'd with Meat and Drink and had anointed their Bodies before they put on their Arms. Hannibal who had long waited the occasion seeing the Enemy now over the River order'd the Baleares to advance with the rest of the light-arm'd Troops to the number of eight thousand Men to sustain them And having march'd about a Mile from his Camp he drew up his Army in Battalia his Line of Foot consisting of Spaniards Gauls and Africans amounted to about twenty thousand his Horse which he plac'd on the Wings to above ten thousand comprehending those which had been sent by the Gauls his Confederates his Elephants he plac'd advanc'd before the two Points of the Battel In the mean time Sempronius order'd a Retreat to be founded to draw off his Horse who were totally to seek how to behave themselves against this new Enemy with whom they had to do For they engag'd against Numidians whose way was to retreat in haste and to break and disperse themselves and to rally again with ease and return boldly to the Charge when they were least expected which is the Numidian manner of sighting As to the Foot Tiberius had drawn them up after the Roman Order There march'd in this Expedition sixteen thousand Roman Foot and twenty thousand of the Allies For when ever their Armies represented as one may say the Body of the Republick and that both the Consuls joyn'd their Troops on any pressing occasion the Roman Army consisted of that number In short Sempromus posted his Horse on the Wings amounting to about four Thousand and with a proud Port and slow motion advanc'd in good order against the Enemy The two Armies now drawing near the light-arm'd Troops who were advanc'd a good distance before the Lines of Battel began the fight It was visible from the begining that the Romans fought with disadvantage and that on the other hand the Carthaginians had every thing conspiring in their Favour For the Romaâ— Darters who had been harrass'd all the Morning till then had spent almost all their Ammunition against the Numidians and what remain'd was now wet and spoil'd Their Horse and the rest of their Army was not in a much better condition while the Enemy was in every thing superior for coming into the Battel fresh and vigorous they perform'd their Duty more chearfully and with greater readiness obey'd the Orders of their Leaders Wherefore as soon as they had secur'd the retreat of their light-arm'd Troops and the advanc'd Parties that began the Battel and their gross and heavy-arm'd Troops came to ingage the Romans not able to sustain the first Charge of the Enemy's Horse which not only outnumber'd theirs but were likewise in better plight as was noted beat them from their Post so that leaving the Flanks of their Foot now uncover'd the Carthaginian Pikes and a Party of Numidians who were posted near their Companions and had out-march'd the rest of the Body fell on the Points of the Romans Battel whom they so hard press'd that they disabled them from making head against those who charg'd them in Front Nevertheless their heavy-arm'd Troops every where in the first and second Ranks fought it at hand for a while with doubtful Bravery But the Ambush of Numidians
Allies who tho' they were likewise Prisoners were us'd however with all possible Humanity These he caus'd to be assembled where he told them That he had undertaken a Voyage into Italy not to molest or make War on them but to fight their Battels against the Romans and remonstrated to them That if they knew how to consult their own Good they would do well to court his Friendship That his chief end was to restore Liberty to the Italians and to re-establish the Inhabitants in the Towns and Villages whom the Romans had injuriously dispossess'd After this he dismiss'd them and order'd them all to be enlarg'd Ransom-free the better thereby to engage the People of Italy to his Party and to alienate them from the Romans and to animate such against them to whom the Romans had done any late violence by seizing any Town or Sea-Port He had likewise meditated during the Winter another piece of African-Craft for being well instructed in the Gaulish Levity and apprehensive lest they should form any secret Design on his Life his Friendship with them being yet but new he caus'd Peruques to be made of sundry sorts and for divers Ages than which nothing disguiseth more even to a degree of rendring People totally Strangers to one another of these sometimes he us'd one sort sometimes another providing Habits likewise sorted to every kind of Disguise insomuch as those who but now departed from his Presence could not know him a moment after nor could his most intimate Friends without difficulty distinguish him And now Hannibal taking notice that the rest of the Gauls were not very well satisfy'd that their Country should continue to be the Seat of War and that the Army was dispos'd to follow him every-where and impatiently desir'd to march into the Enemy's Country for the Hatred they pretended to the Romans while in truth their thirst of Booty was at the bottom thought it time to move out of his Winter-Quarters to gratifie the Desire of the Army Accordingly as soon as the Weather favour'd his Design and he had been throughly instructed in the way he propos'd to march resolving to shun the common Road as being too long and too well known to the Enemy and concluding that tho' the way through the low Fenny Country into Tuscany was the most difficult yet being the shortest cut and that Flaminius would be astonish'd at so hardy an Attempt he therefore who was ever enclin'd to such-like Enterprizes determin'd to take his passage that way But it was no sooner bruited in the Army that the General had taken that Resolution when every one show'd his own share of fear for so hazardous a March through a Country lying for the most part under-water and full of conceal'd Pits and Precipices Nevertheless Hannibal after he had well inform'd himself of the Nature of the Soil through which he was to march being now satisfy'd that albeit the way was wet and marshy yet that it was hard at bottom caus'd the Army to march The Van he gave to the Spaniards and Africans and appointed the care of the Baggage to the best and most useful Men in the Army to the end that if they should be oblig'd to encamp they might have every thing at hand of which they cou'd stand in need For in their other Marches he took little or no care for the transporting of Provisions along with him taking for granted That if they were vanquish'd they should need none and That if they overcame and made themselves Masters of the Country where-ever they came all things would be provided for them The Gauls march'd in the Rear of the Spaniards and Africans and the Horse in the Rear of all Hannibal order'd Mago to have a vigilant are to keep the Soldiers from stragling and to march the Army in their order apprehensive least the Gauls especially whose sloth and impatience of Labour he very well knew should through the travail of so hard a march be tempted to return back by the way they came wherefore he Horse were so posted that they might compel those to march who otherwise might be dispos'd to desert the Service The Spaniards and Africans then advane'd into the Fens where none before had ever adventur'd to go and bore their part with chearfulness they being a robust People and harden'd to the like toilsome Exercises but it far'd not so with the Gauls who march'd not but with great difficulty for the Ground having been potch'd and broken by those who march'd in the Van they often sell and were not able to keep their Legs It being very difficult fort them to support that kind of Travel to which they bad never been accustom'd nor had they any hopes of remedy by returning back the Horse being posted to hinder them In a word the whole Army suffer'd unspeakable Hardships in this march and what was most troublesome they were fore'd to pass four Days and Nights without sleep marching constantly in Water but to the Gauls it was most grievous the greatest part of their Horse and other Beasts were lost by the way falling and sticking in the Mud and Mire which yet prov'd in some sort a relief to the Soldiers for lying with their Burthens in the way above Water they pass'd over them dry-shod and often made use of them to repose on for some short space The Hooss of many of their Horses that escap'd drop'd off through so long a Journey in the Water and Fenny Ground Hannibal himself who was earry'd by the only Elephant that was left shar'd a severe part of the Hardship of the Journey for being before much afflicted with a defluxion in his Eyes his Malady grew to that height that he lost one intirely by the way for want of time and convenient place to attend his Cure After the Army to the wonder of all the World had pass'd the Fens Hannibal being inform'd that Flaminius was posted near Arrezzo he led his Army as soon as possibly he could into the Upland Country as well to refresh and repose his Men as to inform himself of the Enemies Purposes and of the course and situation of the Country And after he had been told that the Territory was rich and that there was much Plunder to be got that Flaminius was more an Orator than a Soldier that tho' he had the Gift of Persuasion he was totally to seek in Military Matters and that furthermore he was proud and grown confident of his numbers and the strength of his Army he therefore concluded that if he could by any means march by him and get into the Country beyond him that this Consul not able to suffer the Clamours and Reproaches of the Country-People would be drawn to do his utmost to hinder him from spoiling and ravaging the Country and that in short he would be drawn into greater Assurance and Negligence and endeavour to Attack the Carthaginians at any rate and follow them whithersoever they should lead him and that impatient to
share the sole Honour of the Victory he would not be persuaded to attend the coming of his Colleague In short he collected by all these Circumstances that Flaminius was likely to afford him many occasions to sur-prize him and lay Ambushes in his way to gall and molest him And in truth he was not mistaken in the judgment he had made of this Consul And most certain it is that they think very wide of the Truth who conceive that to acquire a right Knowledge and take just Measures of the Humour and Character of the Enemy he is to deal with is not among the prime Qualities and Duties of a General For as not only when we fight Man to Man but when one Rank chargeth another he who thinks of Victory ought with exact care to observe what naked or weak part the Enemy discovers whereby to compass his End in like manner those who have the Leading of Armies in time of War ought with skill and address to penetrate and discover the weak side of the Mind of that Captain with whom he hath to do For there are those who by an unaccountable kind of Imbecility and a Thoughtfulness which infects all the Actions of Life are not only remiss in their Publick Administrations but forget what belongs to the Duty of their Private Affairs Some are so abandon'd to the use of Wine that neglecting Nature's invitations to repose they become at length unable to sleep otherwise than by the Fumes of excessive Drinking others are captivated by Love who have not only thereby sacrific'd the Safety of Cities and great States but have themselves paid down their own Lives with Infamy Cowardice and a base Mind are Faults throughout the World but most capital in a General they are Blemishes to every private Man where-ever they are found and mark him with Reproach but in the Leader of an Army they are a publick Curse and Calamity For in short they are not only the cause of Armies languishing in Sloth and Idleness without ever entring on Action but they themselves who rely on such Leaders are often led into Precipices and inextricable Dangers Rashness Passion Pride and Vain-Glory are all so many inlets to the Enemies Success leading Men as it were and subjecting them to the Triumph of their Foes and hurrying their Friends and those who trust them to Perdition For such Men are always expos'd to the Trains and Stratagems of their Enemies Wherefore he who wisely studies and attains a right Knowledge of the Frailties and Weak-side of an Enemy and Attacks him there by vanquishing the Leader will soon be Master both of the General and his Army For as a Vessel that hath once lost her Pilot is not long able to dispute it with an Enemy and by taking him we soon become Masters of all that was under his Charge so in War where the one General is superior in Cunning or Military Abilities to the other he shall also render his Army superior to his Enemies Thus in a word our wise African having taken a scantling of the Roman General 's Capacity came at length to gain his Point After Hannibal had decamp'd from about Fesulé and had march'd by and got some distance beyond the Roman Camp he sell on their Frontiers whereupon the Consul became inrag'd to be thus contemn'd as he conceiv'd But Hannibal had no sooner began to spoil and ravage the Country and the Smoke which appear'd every where from far made it manifest that he was burning and destroying all before him Flaminius could not then abstain from Tears Nevertheless when any undertook to advise that it would be the safest course however not to follow and ingage temerariously with the Enemy nor to come too hastily and without mature deliberation ration to a Battel with an Army so much superior to them in Horse and above all that he ought to attend the coming of the other Consul and not adventure on Action till all their Troops were incorporated he lent so deaf an Ear to these Counsels that he had not Patience so much as to hear them demanding of those who thus advis'd him What they thought the People of Rome would say of him should he permit the Carthaginians to burn and destroy the Country with Fire and Sword up to the Walls of the City while he remain'd in Tuscany an idle Spectator of the Desolation of his Country and in the Rear of the Enemy without attempting any thing Wherefore he decamp'd and caus'd the Army to march and without regard to season or situation thought on nothing but how he might come speedily to a Battel as if Victory were the thing of all others he least doubted And in a word he had possess'd the Army with so strong an expectation of Success that there were see more Camp-Wenches and the rake holly Equipage of Boys an Vagabonds following the Army than there were Soldiers who bare Arms and all this Rabble bringing with them Chains and Shackles to secure the Prisoners In the mean time Hannibal led his Army through Tuscany on that Quarter that lies toward Rome leaving the City of Corone and the neighbouring Mountains on his left-hand and on his right the Lake Thrasimene and the more to provoke the Romans he sack'd and destroy'd all the Towns that lay in his march and did them all the other mischiefs that are the product of the cruellest War But as soon as he had notice of the approach of Flaminius and had made choice of Ground proper to put his Designs in execution he resolv'd to delay sighting no longer The Ground he had chosen lay thus There was a tract of plain even Ground stretching out in length a good distance This Level or Vale lay between and was inclos'd on both sides with high Mountains the farther end thereof being bounded by an inaccessible Eminence and the entrance border'd on a Lake between which and the said Mountain there is a very narrow Way or Defile which leads into the Plain Hannibal then having pass'd into the Plain by that Streight takes first possession of the high Ground he had in Front where he lodg'd his Spaniards and Africans behind the Mountains on the right he posted the Baleares and the rest of his light-arm'd Troops order'd in one deep File and posted the Gaulish Horse in the like order behind the Mountains on his left in such manner that they reach'd as far as the Defile we mention'd between the Lake and the Mountains which is the Inlet to the Plain These Orders being executed in the Night and Hannibal having thus surrounded the Plain he remain'd quiet making show of a Desire to sit still and attempt nothing In the mean time Flaminius follows close at his Rear eagerly pursuing his Determination to attack him and arriving in the Evening near the Lake Thrasimene he there encamp'd and early the next Morning march'd with his Van-guard along the Vale by the side of the Lake with determination to fall on the
Enemy The Day prov'd very dark and lowring by reason of a great Fogg that was risen nevertheless Hannibal upon notice that the better part of the Roman Army was now enter'd on the Plain and that their Vanguard was hard at hand gave the Signal of Battel dispatching his Orders to those who were in ambush to do their Duty so that the Enemy was on the sudden surrounded and at once attack'd on all sides Flaminius and the whole Army with him were struck with astonishment at this surprizing shock of the Enemy for the Fogg was so thick that they were not able to see about them and the Enemy falling among them from the Hills in all Quarters at once the Tribunes and Captains of the Romans could not discern which way to lead their Men nor how to bring Succours and Relief where 't was wanted and were in a word totally to seek how to behave themselves for they were charg'd at one and the same time in Front Flank and Rear by which means great numbers were slain not as Men sighting like Soldiers in Battel but taken as it were by stealth in their march e're they were able to put themselves in a posture of defence being as one may say betray'd and ensnar'd by the Imprudence of their General Flaminius himself now destitute both of Hope and Resolution falling among a Party of Gauls was by them environ'd and slain In this Battel there fell on the part of the Romans to the number of fifteen Thousand who were so beset that they could neither fight nor sly for it is religiously observ'd in the Roman Discipline never to abandon their Ranks or break their Order by flight Those who were surpriz'd in the Passage between the Lake and the Mountain dy'd miserably for being push'd by the Enemy into the Lake some being forc'd into the Water with their Arms not having leisure to think what they did were unfortunately drown'd others being the greater part enter'd the Lake as far as they were able leaving nothing above Water but their Heads where they remain'd a while till the Horse coming in attack'd them there Whereupon seeing there was now no other Remedy they demanded quarter in vain being all cut off those who were not slain by the Enemy killing one another About six Thousand who were well advanc'd in the Plain chanc'd to have the better of the Enemy whom they fought with in Front but in regard they could not discover how the Battel went they knew not whither to move or whom to relieve tho' it had been in their Power to have done much toward a Victory Wherefore believing they might light on some further occasion of Action they held on their march advancing till they had gain'd the top of the Hills where after they had remain'd a while and the Fogg began to clear up beholding the lamentable state of their Army and it being now out of their power to perform any Service to purpose the Enemy being Masters of the Field they made good their Retreat to a certain Town in Tuscany But the Battel was no sooner over when Hannibal sent a Detachment of Spaniards and his light-arm'd Troops after them under the Command of Maherbal who besieg'd them in the Place and after he had reduc'd them to extremity they yielded to his discretion who gave them their Lives Thus have we given the Narrative of this Battel that was sought in Tuscany between the Romans and Carthaginians Hannibal causing Maherbal's Prisoners to whom quarter had been given to be brought before him together with the rest that had fallen into their hands to the number of fifteen Thousand After he had told them That it was by his Orders that Maherbal had given them their Lives he distributed the Roman Prisoners to the Army to secure them under a good Guard but he sent home all the Latins gratis telling them only what hath been elsewhere noted That he was not come to invade or molest the Italians but to rescue their Liberty out of the hands of the Romans After this he led his Army into Quarters of Refreshment and solemnly bury'd thirty of his Officers who had been slain in the Battel His other Losses were inconsiderable the Victory not costing him above fifteen Hundred Men whereof the major part were Gauls And now his Hopes being thus justly rais'd he deliberated with his Brother and the rest of his Friends about the future Methods they were to take for improving the Victories they had gain'd In the mean time when the news came to Rome of this Defeat the Magistrates who could neither soften nor diminish it the Stroke had fallen so heavy assembled the People to whom they reported the naked truth of their Case And when at the same time the Praetor ascending the Tribunal pronounc'd these words We are Overcome they were struck with such terror that those who were then present and had been in the Battel thought they had cause to believe the Defeat was greater in Rome than in the Field Nor indeed was this surprize without reason for the Romans who had held so long a possession of Victory and were to learn the mournful Language of Vanquish'd and Oppress'd knew not how with Constancy to support an Affliction so new and unexpected The Senate only preserv'd their Temper with decency and omitted nothing that belong'd to their Function holding frequent Assemblies to deliberate about a Remedy for the Disease of which they were so sick During these Transactions the other Consul who was at Rimini near Adria on the Skirts of the Gauls and Confines of Italy not far from the mouth of the Po receiving intelligence that Hannibal was advanc'd into Tuscany and had besieg'd Flaminius in his Camp had therefore resolv'd to march to his Relief and joyn their Troops But in regard his Army was too numerous to march all in one Body he therefore pick'd out four Thousand Horse from the whole number of their Cavalry and giving the Command of these to C. Centronius order'd him to march before with expedition in order to the relief of Flaminius in case he should chance to be press'd before he could arrive But when Hannibal got intelligence that they were now sending those Succours after the Battel was lost he order'd out Maherbal with the light-arm'd Troops and a Body of Horse to encounter them Accordingly they met with Centronius fought with him and beat him killing almost half his Men on the place and forcing the rest to take Sanctuary on a neighbouring Hill and the next Day they fell alive into their hands It was but three Days ago that the news of their Misfortunes at the Battel of Thrasimene came to Rome and their Sorrow in the utmost ferment when to fill up the measure of their Affliction the news of this their last Defeat arrives when behold now not only the People in consternation but the Senate it self became sensibly touch'd Whereupon they thought it needful without deliberating on the Election of
on his March in the Enemies Rear and kept always near him ever encamping on proper Ground for his purpose which he very well knew how to chuse having a perfect knowledge of the Country And being supply'd from the places behind him with what he stood in need of he never adventur'd his Soldiers abroad to Forrage nor permitted them so much as to be seen out of the Camp Wherefore being enclos'd continually within their Ramparts and perpetually on the watch to spy any advantage by the means he surpriz'd and cut off great numbers of the Enemy who chane'd to straggle any distance from their Camp or who out of contempt of the Romans forrag'd near them By this means he diminish'd his Enemies numbers and bred Courage and Assurance in his own Soldiers and by these little Combats and Rencounters taught them to recover their Spirits which were much sunk by their late Calamities whereby those who had been hitherto vanquish'd might begin not to despair of Victory But nothing could draw him to come to a pitch'd Field While on the other hand Minutius his Master of the Horse was neither of his Judgment nor Humor For he leaning constantly to the Opinion of the Multitude made a little too bold with the Dictator in his Discourse representing him as a flow and bashful Man while he for his part was of another Temper ready to enterprize any thing and willing to come speedily to a Battel After the Carthaginians had wasted the Country round about as we but now mention'd they pass'd the Apennines and enter'd into the Territory of the Sannites a fertile Soil and where for a long time they had felt nothing of the desolations of War Here they met with such abundance of all things that it was not possible for them to consume the store either by their Expence or their Malice They plunder'd likewise the Lands of the Beneventines where there was a Colony of Romans and took the City of Venosa albeit a strong Town and furnish'd for defence In the mean time the Romans follow'd their steps keeping within a Days march or two at most of them but approach'd not nearer being in no wise dispos'd to come to a Battel Whereupon when Hannibal found that Fabius would not be persuaded to fight he resolv'd to take his march towards Falernum a Town in the Territory of Capua concluding that one of these two things would thereby be brought to pass namely that either he should compel the Enemy to give him Battel or in case of refusal it would be made manifest to all the World he was their superior and that the Romans wanted Resolution to come to a Decision And by this means he reckon'd that the Towns and Cities would be terrify'd into submission and to abandon the Romans For notwithstanding Hannibal's two Victories there was not yet one Italian Town that had taken part with him but preserv'd their Faith entire to the Romans tho' some were hard press'd and streighten'd by the Enemy from whence may be gather'd what deference and veneration they had for the Roman Government Nor did Hannibal take this Resolution rashly and without ripe Deliberation for the Champaign Country about Capua is the best part of the richest and most beautiful Soil in the World Furthermore it borders on the Sea by which Italy holds intercourse with all Foreign Countries Over and above these Incouragements the noblest and most beautiful Towns of all Italy are found here namely on the Sea-Coast Sinuessa Cuma Puzzola Naples and Nuceria On the Frontiers towards the West Calenum and Theano towards the South-East Apulia and Nola. Capua is situate in the heart of the Country and surpass'd heretofore in Riches and Luxury all other Cities so much like the Truth are the Fables that are recorded of this delicious Territory known likewise by the name of the Phlegraean-Fields with those sam'd in Greece for their Beauty and Amoenity In short it may be said That it was principally for this happy Country that the Gods once contended Furthermore this Country is fortify'd by Nature and the Accesses to it difficult For on the one hand it is defended by the Sea and on the other by a Chain of continu'd Mountains In a word there are but three Avenues to it and these very streight and difficult over the said Mountains The first is that which leads to Samnium the second to Eribanus and the third from the Country of the Hirpins Wherefore the Carthaginian was not without hopes that if he could compass the Conquest of this part of Italy he should be able from thence to awe all the World beside and bring a Contempt on his fluggish Enemy who had not the Courage to forbid him and that no body would then doubt but he was in effect Master of all without the Roman Retrenchments Hannibal wrought on by these Reasons having left Samnium and gain'd his passage by the way of the Mountain call'd Eribanus he encamp'd on the Banks of the River Athurnus which divides and runs through that part of Campania that regards Italy and from hence forag'd and made Devastations in the Country round about none appearing to impeach him while Fabius tho' wondring at the temerity of his Project held the faster to his first Determination But Minutius on the contrary and the rest of the prime Officers of the Army persuaded they had now coop'd-up the Enemy became very instant that they might hasten their march into Campania and that it was not to be supported that Hannibal should without controul pillage and destroy the best and most flourishing part of Italy Whereupon Fabius made show of being reason'd into their Opinion and feign'd to be as forward to find out the Enemy and give him Battel as they were till he had got into the Country whither he march'd the Army with great expedition But when he drew near the Territory of the Falernians he contented himself with barely making an appearance with his Army along the Mountains and to keep pace with the Enemy fearing lest their Allies should think that the Romans out of dread of the Carthaginian Army confin'd themselves entirely to their Camp Nevertheless he adventur'd not into the plain Country but continu'd to shun all occasions of coming to a Battel for the Reasons already render'd and for that the Carthaginians much out-number'd them in Horse Wherefore after Hannibal had challeng'd the Romans by all sorts of Provocations and Indignities plunder'd all Campania and amass'd a mighty Booty he began to consult about decamping resolving by no means to part with his Spoil but to convey it to some fase place where he should keep his Winter-Quarters to the end his Army might not only have a present enjoyment of the fruit of their Travail but a prospect of plenty of every good thing for the time to come Fabius then collecting that the Enemy had a mind to return by the way he came concluded to way-lay him by an Ambush in the Desile
or Pass over the Mountains He therefore order'd a Detachment of four Thousand Men to advance and take possession of the said Pass exhorting them to make good use of the occaslion and the advantage of the Post when they came to the Engagement which they so earnestly and so long desired to see This done he march'd himself with the Gross of the Army and possess'd the Mountains that commanded the said Passage by which the Enemy was to march And now the Carthaginians advancing encamp'd at the foot of the Mountains while Fabius was not in hopes only of making them part with their Plunder but that if Fortune prov'd never so little his Friend to be able at one stroke to put a period to the War Thus favour'd as he was by the advantage of the Ground Fabius then had nothing so much in his Thoughts as how best to post and destribute his Troops to lay his Ambush with most advantage whom principally to make choice of for their several Parts they were to execute and where first to begin the Attack But while he thus stood deliberating deserring the execution to the next Morning Hannibal who had got intelligence of his Design gave him not time to put it in effect First then he gave his Orders to Asdrubal who had the general charge of the Pioneers and Workmen of the Army to provide as many Faggots of dry combustible Matter as he possibly could procure to make choice of two Thousand of the best and strongest Oxen as could be pick'd out of the whole Herd of Plunder and to bring them to a certain place near the Camp there to attend his further Commands This done he caus'd the Grooms and Rabble of the Army to be assembled and pointing to them a piece of Ground at a distance that lay between the Camp and the Pass by which he was to march order'd them That as soon as they should receive the Signal that should be given to drive and force the said Herd of Cattel by that way up to the top of the Mountains This done he bad the Army to take their Supper and retire to their repose and about the third Watch of the Night he commanded the said Rabble to bind and fasten the Faggots they had provided to the Horns of the two Thousand Oxen. This being soon done by reason of the great number of Hands that were employ'd he then ordering the Faggots to be lighted gave them the Signal to march and drive them up as he had appointed He order'd likewise his light-arm'd Troops to march in the Rear of these and a while to encourage and sustain them but that as soon as the Cattel began to run and disperse they should with shoutings and great clamour take possession of all the advantageous Posts and gain the top of the Mountains to the end thereby to cover and defend the Army in their passage through the Defile and amuse and divert the Enemy in case they found them there In the mean time Hannibal decamps leading his Army towards the Streight by which they were to march The Van-guard consisted of his heavy-arm'd Troops these were follow'd by the Horse after them went the Baggage and Booty and the Spaniards and Gauls in the Rear of all The Romans who had been posted at the entry of the Pass beholding so many Fires wandring about the Mountains took it for granted that Hannibal had taken his March that way Whereupon quitting their Posts in the Streight they march'd with expedition up the Mountains but when they arriv'd and saw nothing but the Cattel carrying Fire on their Heads they grew greatly astonish'd and were struck with greater apprehension of Danger than they needed But now beholding Hannibal on his March who had already gain'd the Pass they made some small attempt upon them but the Cattel carrying Fire on their Heads covering the Mountain and mingling every-where among them so distracted them that they concluded it to be their safest course to keep the tops of the Hills and remain there on their guard till Morning when they might be better able to discern what it was that had so perplex'd them In the mean time Fabius was in trouble to understand the mystery of so many Fires and began to suspect it to be no other than what it really was namely a Carthaginian Stratagem Nevertheless mindful of the Resolution he had taken to hazard nothing he kept his Army within their Works and resolv'd not to stir till Morning while Hannibal observing that his Project succeeded to his wish and that the Defile remain'd totally unguarded pass'd safely with his Army and his Plunder But early in the Morning observing that the Party which had advanc'd to the tops of the Mountains were in danger the Romans who had march'd thither in the Night out-numbring them he therefore sent a Party of Spaniards to sustain and bring them off who falling on the Romans slew about a Thousand of them and with difficulty made good their Companions retreat Hannibal having now gain'd his passage out of the Territory of Falernum and seeing himself in safety began to consider upon Winter-Quarters and deliberated thereof among his Friends For he had now so terrify'd Italy throughout all Quarters that the whole Country stood astonish'd and undetermin'd what Counsels to take insomuch that Fabius was held in great Contempt as having through want of Resolution permitted the Enemy to make his escape when he had enclos'd him in places of so great advantage yet all could not move him a jot to depart from the Methods he had propos'd to pursue contemning all those vain Reports and the Opinion which the People had conceiv'd of him Sometime after Fabius being call'd to Rome to officiate at their Sacrifices he committed the Legions to the Conduct of Minutius injoyning him above all things at his departure to have a more vigilant Eye to the Preservation of the Army than how to Attack the Enemy But Minutius was so deaf to his Advice that even while Fabius was urging those safe Counsels he was meditating how by all means possible he might bring it about to give the Enemy Battel This was the posture of Affairs in Italy while Asdrubal at the head of an Army in Spain having equipp'd a Fleet of thirty Vessels during the Winter which had been left him by his Brother and adding to them ten more with all their Equipage that had been sent him from other parts he departed in the beginning of Summer from New-Carthage his Fleet consisting of forty Ships he committed to the care of Hamilcar with Orders to coast it along the Shore while he with his Land-Army march'd at the same time keeping near the Sea with intention to joyn both Armies near the mouth of the River Eber. Cn. Scipio coming to the knowledge of the Carthaginians purpose determin'd forthwith to march out of his Winter-quarters and endeavour to get before them But after he had been inform'd of their great Strength both
in numbers of Men and all sorts of provision of War he declin'd his Purpose of dealing with them by Land and equipp'd a Naval Army consisting of five and thirty Ships and putting on Board the best Men of the land-Land-Army made Sail and got before the Enemy Two Days after his departure from Tarragona he arriv'd near the mouth of the Eber and about ten Miles from the Carthaginian Fleet from whence he dispatch'd two Scout-Vessels of Marseilles to discover the Motions and Intentions of the Enemy these Vessels were the foremost in all Dangers and kept always a head of the Fleet with a forwardness that prov'd very useful to the Romans For the Marseillians had always taken part with the Romans and espous'd their Cause more conspicuously in this Adventure The Scouts that had been sent out brought advice that the Enemies Fleet was at an Anchor in the mouth of the Eber Whereupon Scipio forthwith got under Sail resolving to make the best of his way to surprize them as they lay But Asdrubal receiving timely notice of the Enemies approach by certain Beacons that he order'd to be provided on the Hills put his Land-Forces in order of Battel on the Shore and order'd the Marine Army forthwith to imbark As the Romans drew near the Enemy they caus'd their Trumpets to sound and came to Blows with them out of hand But the Carthaginians after they had stubbornly disputed the Victory for a while at length began to retire But their 〈◊〉 Army that was drawn up on the Shore prov'd as it fortun'd rather a Mischief than a Benefit by how much their presence so near at hand gave the Sea-men a more certain prospect of Safety by slight than by fighting wherefore perceiving the Romans likely to prove superior to them they stood about and fled as fast as they could toward the Shore after they had sustain'd the loss both of Men and Gallies But the Romans vigorously pursuing the Advantage forc'd them at last quite ashore where deserting their Vessels they sav'd themselves by escaping to their Land-Forces that were drawn up hard by the Romans following them to the Shore and taking as many of their Vessels as they could carry off well-pleas'd to have beaten the Enemy at their first essay taking thirty five of their Vessels and making themselves Masters of those Seas After this Victory the Affairs of the Romans began to have a better face in those Parts In the mean time the Carthaginians receiving Intelligence of this loss fitted out a Fleet with all Expedition consisting of seventy Sail equipp'd for War well knowing of what moment it was to them to preserve their Dominion of the Sea This Fleet first touch'd in Sardinia and then call'd at Pisa in Italy hoping they might have found Hannibal to have consulted and concerted Matters with him But the Romans coming after them with a Fleet of an hundred and twenty Sail of Gallies the Carthaginians terrify'd with their numbers return'd directly back to Sardinia and from thence to Carthage Cn. Servilius General of the Roman Fleet made chace after them for a while in hopes of coming to an Ingagement but finding they had got too much the start of him he left off the pursuit Then he made Sail for Lilybaeum with the whole Fleet from thence he steer'd his course to a certain Island in the African Sea call'd Cercina where he levy'd Money on the Inhabitants to purchase exemption of their Country from Plunder From thence he held on his way and came to an Island call'd Cossyrus which he took and after he had put a Garrison into the Town he return'd back to Lilybaeum where leaving the Fleet in Harbour he went himself to find out their Land-Forces The Senate of Rome receiving Intelligence of Scipio's Sea-Victory concluded that it was not only convenient but necessary to the Common-wealth that they should not neglect their Assairs in Spain wherefore to quicken the War on that side and press the Carthaginians the more in these Parts they sitted out a Squadron of twenty Gallies and forthwith gave them into the Charge of Pub. Scipio dispatching him to his Brother to the end they might jointly manage the War in Spain For the Senate justly apprehended that if the Carthaginians should once be permitted to conquer and possess at their pleasure that Province they would soon recover their Dominion of the Sea attack and make Descents in Italy with ease and be enabled to re-inforce and supply Hannibal both with Men and Money Wherefore I say the Romans concluding that keeping the War on foot in Spain was of great utility to their Assairs dispatch'd Pub. Scipio with a Naval Army to joyn his Brother who after his Arrival when they came to unite their Strength proceeded with great Success For albeit the Romans had never yet attempted to pass the Eber but thought it a great deal for them that the People on this side the River were dispos'd to enter into Friendship and Confederacy with them yet now they adventur'd to pass those Bounds making War on remoter Nations and Fortune approv'd their Enterprize For after they had terrify'd the People that inhabit on the Banks of the Eber they advanc'd toward Saguntum and encamp'd within five Miles thereof in the neighbourhood of the Temple of Venus and so posted themselves that they were every way cover'd from Attempts of an Enemy and where whatever they wanted might with case be supply'd them for their Fleet by Sea kept pace with them on Land coasting it along the Shore at the same rate they march'd But in the mean time there happen'd an occurrence which avail'd further toward the Prosperity of the Roman Assairs Upon Hannibal's departure on his Expedition to Italy he took Hostages of all the Towns of whose Affection he was not well assur'd making choice for that purpose of the Children of the principal Inhabitants and sending them to be carefully kept under a good Guard at Saguntum that place being not only well fortify'd but the Garrison he had left in it well dispos'd to his Service Among those there was one Abilyx a Spaniard a Man of the first Rank in his Country both for his Authority and Manners and above all reckon'd among the most faithful Friends of the Carthaginians This Man taking the present posture of Affairs into Consideration and observing the Romans likely to prosper took a Resolution worthy of a Spaniard and a Barbarian which was to bring it about that the said Hostages might be deliver'd up believing that by compassing some remarkable Service to the Romans he should become very Popular and be well receiv'd among them Asdrubal had committed the Government of that Province to Bostar a Man of Authority among the Carthaginians with Orders to oppose the Romans when at any time they should attempt passing the River Eber but he wanting Resolution to withstand them had retir'd from his Post and march'd and encamp'd near Saguntum towards the Sea Now Abilyx well knew
that Bostar was a plain well meaning Man of easie Faith unpractis'd in subtile Arts and had a good Opinion of him He therefore imparts to him what he seign'd was the best Counsel he could take namely that since the Romans had now gain'd their passage over the River the Carthaginians would be no longer able to hold the Spaniards in subjection by fear but that it imported them in the present evil Conjuncture of their Assairs to acquire by some extraordinary means the Affection and Good-will of the Natives That the Romans were already under the Walls of Saguntum which was in a manner besieg'd and would be soon streightned That therefore if he would give a check to their Ambition and Success he could not take a wifer or more safe course than presently to resolve on the restoring all the Hostages to their Parents and Relations For that the Enemy coveted nothing with more passion than to be able to get them into their hands to the end that by delivering them up they might acquire and conciliate thereby the good Opinion of the Spaniards That in a word it would be an act of great Wisdom in him to obviate this Inconvenience by restoring the Hostages himself which would bind the Spaniards to him for ever and that he for his part would labour his utmost that the Carthaginians might reap the best fruit of so fair a proceeding if they should think sit to commit the Conduct thereof to his management For if it were transacted by him he should be both able and willing to negotiate the Affair with such regard to the Interest of the Carthaginians in the respective Towns concern'd that their Relations should not only be made sensible of the Benefit but the People in general dispos'd to acknowledge their Good-will when they beheld such remarkable Instances of the Carthaginians Friendship He likewise gave Bostar himself hopes of a valuable Reward from those whose Children should be so deliver'd and that in short by his restoring in so generous a manner and contrary to all expectation what was so dear to them every one would emulate the other in their Expressions of Gratitude to such a Benefactor In a word he dealt with Bostar by all the fair Arguments he was able to urge to win him over to his purpose After this Conference matters being concluded between them and a Day set when he should return with all necessary Preparations to receive and conduct the Hostages Abilyx return'd home The following Night he went to the Roman Camp where after some Discourse with certain Spaniards that serv'd in the Army he was by them conducted to the Scipio's to whom he made it appear by many Reasons That the whole Body of the Spaniards would come in to them were it but once known that their Hostages were in their Possession and thereupon gave them his Word to deliver them into their hands Publius list'ned with great pleasure to the Proposition and after solemn promise of a noble Recompence and the time when and the place where they should attend to execute the Design agreed on he dismiss'd them who return'd back to Sagunrum And now Abilyx having provided Persons proper for his Enterprize came to Bostar and after the Hostages were put into his hands he departed by Night from Saguntum as feigning thereby to be able to go more conceal'd from the Enemy's Sentinels But having pass'd their Camp he then took another way and led them at the time agreed on to the place appointed where he deliver'd them to those who had been order'd to take charge of them This was so great an Instance of Abilyx's Good-will to the Romans that Scipio held him ever after in great esteem making use of him in conjunction with People of his own to see the Hostages restor'd to their Parents and their Country who went accordingly from Town to Town where he negotiated so well for the Romans giving the People such Impressions of their Generosity and Humanity and declaiming so justly against the Carthaginians Cruelty and Insidelity and producing himself as an Example of deserting them that he wrought many Towns over to the Romans who enter'd into Confederacy with them Bostar who had committed these Children to the Faith of Abilyx acted a very Child's Part himself and not like an Officer of his Age and Experience becoming afterwards thereby liable to many and great Dangers But forasmuch as the Season of the Year forbad any further present action they withdrew on both sides into Winter-Quarters Afterwards the Romans Fortune changing in favour of their Affairs receiv'd manifold Advantages by means of the Hostages they had so given up being thereby greatly assisted in their future Enterprizes Thus have we deliver'd a state of the Occurrences in Spain But to return to our History of Hannibal He receiving intelligence by his Spies That there was much Corn at Luceria and Gerunium and that Gerunium was a commodious place wherein to make his Magazines thereupon resolv'd to make that Country his Winter-Quarters and so lead his Army by the way of the Mountains of Liburnum to the said Towns When he arriv'd at Gerunium which stands about twenty five Miles from Luceria he sought by all fair Means and large Promises to win them to take part with the Carthaginians offering to bind himself by Oath to the punctual execution of the Conditions that should be accorded to But seeing he could not so prevail he sat down before the Town and laying siege to it soon 〈◊〉 it putting all the Inhabitants to the â—â—word reserving the greatest part of the Buildings undemolish'd whereof to make Granaries and lodging his Troops under the Walls fortify'd his Camp with a good Retrenchment From thence he sent two third parts of his Army to gather in Corn ordering them by turns to supply daily the other third part that remain'd with him with a certain quantity for their Expence he continuing with them constantly in Battalia as well for the guard of the Camp as to prevent any sudden attempt on those who were employ'd in gathering in the Corn. In short the Country being very fertile and the time of Harvest at the heighth they daily brought in very great quantities As soon as Minutius had receiv'd the Command of the Army from Fabius as we noted he lost no time but march'd by the tops of the Mountains to find out the Enemy hoping for an occasion to deal with Hannibal there But when he came to understand That he was already Master of Gerunium that the Carthaginians were spread all over the Country gathering in Corn and that the Army was encamp'd under the Walls of the Town he forthwith descended from the Hills into the Champaign Country and encamp'd in the Territory of Larinam on a high Ground call'd Calela with a full determination to do his utmost to come by any means speedily to a Battel Hannibal having notice of the approach of the Romans permitted only one part of his Army to pursue
Parties of two and three Hundred in a Division according to the capacity of the places where they were to lodge and to be so dispos'd that the Enemies Foragers might not discover them This done he order'd his light-arm'd Troops to march and take possession of the Ground we mention'd whereupon Minutius who concluded the Enemy had given him a new occasion of Victory orders out his light-arm'd Troops to attack them and after these his Horse while he himself follow'd with the gross of the Army in Battalia keeping their Order The Sun was now risen and while every Bodies Eyes were fix'd on the place of Action Hannibal's Ambush riseth and advanceth by degrees unobserv'd by the Romans While Hannibal in the mean while was not slack to send Succours constantly to the Charge and at length advancing himself at the head of his Horse and the rest of the Army the Horse on both sides came soon to ingage Whereupon the light-arm'd Romans not being a match for the Carthaginian Horse were beaten and retreated to their Body putting them in great disorder Hitherto the Ambush remain'd expecting the Signal to fall on which being now given they come boldly to the Charge and attack the Romans on all sides as well on the gross as the light-arm'd Troops so that the dispute was very warm and bloody And now Fabius who saw how things went and fear'd lest Minutius and his Army should be lost march'd out of his Works and came in to his relief who was at his last stake whereupon the Romans who before were broken and disorder'd observing his approach took Heart and rally'd about their Ensigns and made a stand after their having lost many of their light-arm'd Men and more of the best and bravest of their Legionary Soldiers Upon the coming in of the fresh Legions that advanc'd to the Relief boldly and in firm order Hannibal began to be in doubt and therefore founded a Retreat and commanded his People from the Pursuit And now all Men justly judg'd who were ingag'd in the dangers of this Action and in a word concluded that the Romans had been beaten by the rashness of Minutius and that the Common-wealth had been at this time and always heretofore preserv'd and rescu'd through the wise and slow Temper of Fabius And they were soon satisfy'd in Rome of the wide disserence there was between the Prudence of a good General of an Army and a rash hot-headed Soldier Wherefore the Romans now taught by sharp Experience thought it Wisdom for the time to come to abide in a Body and in one Camp and that none was sit to be obey'd but Fabius As for the Carthaginians after they had made a Retrenchment between their Camp and this piece of Ground and had Garrison'd and well Fortify'd the Post and perform'd what was necessary to secure it from any further danger they betook themselves to their Winter-Quarters And now the time for election of their Consuls at Rome was come where L. Aemilius and C. Terentius were chosen and the Dictator's Authority thereby superseded As to the last Years Consuls Cn. Servilius and M. Regulus who had fill'd the place of Flaminius they were invested by Aemilius with Pro-consular Power and having the Camp committed to their Charge had the entire present Conduct of the War In the mean time Aemilius took care to make new Levies after he had imparted his Counsels to the Senate and sent Recruits likewise to fill up the Legions Orders were also dispatch'd to Servilius to be careful not to ingage in a general Battel but to exercise the Troops as often as occasion serv'd in Skirmishes and Rencounters to acquaint the young Soldiers with Danger and their Duty and qualifie them for more important Occasions For they were persuaded that much of their misfortune in the War hitherto was owing to the rawness and inexperience of their Troops who had not for the most part seen any Action of weight The Senate likewise dispatch'd the Praetor Posthumius into Gaul to endeavour to bring over those who had taken Arms under Hannibal to another Mind furthermore it was committed to his Care to Conduct over the Army that had winter'd at Lilybaeum They likewise supply'd the Scipio's who conducted the War in Spain with whatsoever they could be thought to need In a word both Consuls and Senate acted with great attention in all things that might avail towards a vigorous prosecution of the War As soon as Servilius had receiv'd the Consuls Orders he carefully put them in execution performing every other thing that related to his Charge but for Occurrences there happen'd nothing memorable enough to be related whether it was that his Instructions were too much limitted or that the Season of the Year permitted him not to enter on any considerable Action but little was done towards the advancement of their Affairs What was perform'd was by Pickeering and small and frequent Skirmishes and Rencounters wherein the Leaders were not without their share of some Praise acting in their Posts always with singular Temper and Prudence Thus then the two Armies remain'd encamp'd in view of each other all the Winter and a good part of the Spring But as soon as Hannibal saw there was Forage to be had he decamp'd from under Gerunium concluding there was nothing so advantageous for his Affairs as to labour by all ways possible to compel the Enemy to come to a Battel In the mean time he besieg'd and took the Citadel of Cannae where the Romans had laid up their Corn and Provisions of War for the Service of the Army The Town had been demolish'd the Year before and having now lost the Fortress with all their Provision and Stores within it the Roman Army became greatly streighten'd and were not only press'd through want of Provisions which they could not now obtain but with great difficulty the Enemy being possess'd of their Magazine but also because the Fortress of Cannoe commanded the whole Country round about They therefore dispatch'd Messenger on Messenger to Rome for Instructions how to comport themselves letting them understand That if the Enemy approach'd and press'd them there would be no means left to avoid coming to a Battel and that the Country being every-where wasted and destroy'd their Allies began to grow jealous of their Safety and seem'd only at present to stand in a sort of doubtful Neutrality to take their measures as the success of a Battel should determine them Whereupon the Senate came to a Resolution that they should give the Enemy Battel Howbeit they admonish'd Cneius to deferr it if possible to the coming of the Consuls whom they now dispatch'd away All People's Eyes were now on Aemilius their Hopes being in him as well on account of his Vertue as for that he had not long before conducted the War in Illyria much to the Honour of the Republick It was decreed That the Roman Army should consist of eight Legions which was what the People of Rome had
a long Line joining them at the extremity with the others possessing all that side of the Ground that look'd toward the South In the Right-Wing he posted the Roman Horse filling with them the space between the rest and the River The Foot he dispos'd in the same manner but in closer Order in the Rear than in the Front in regard the number of the Cohorts was doubled On the left Wing was plac'd the Horse of the Consederates the light-arm'd Troops were advanc'd some distance before the Line of Battel the whole Roman Army taking in the Troops of the Allies consisting of fourscore Thousand Foot and six Thousand Horse In the mean time Hannibal order'd the Baleares and light-arm'd Troops to pass the River posting them advanc'd before the Ensigns Then commanding the Gross of the Army to march he pass'd the River likewise in two places and rang'd them in order of Battel fronting the Enemy On the left point being the part nearest the River he posted his Spanish and Gaulish Horse opposed to that of the Romans next these he plac'd the one half of his African Foot who bare weighty Armour their Flank being likewise secur'd by the rest of the Africans His Numidian Horse he posted on the Right Wing and after having thus form'd his Line of Battel drawn out in length and of equal depth he made the Centre or middle Battalions which was compos'd of Spanish and Gaulish Legionaries to move a little forward in such manner as that the Figure when they had so done with the two Wings might be liken'd to a Yoak Crescent-wise or convex'd in the mid'st for having propos'd that the Gauls and Spaniards should first engage the Africans were posted at hand so as to fortifie and sustain them His Africans were arm'd after the Roman manner being well furnish'd for that Service out of the Spoils of the Enemy in former Battels The Spanish and Gaulish Bucklers were of one sort but their Swords were not alike The Spaniards wear Swords short stiff and pointed fit both for cutting and thrusting but the Gauls were only for cutting-strokes In a word it was a surprising Sight to behold them for the Gauls were stripp'd naked from the Waste upward and the Spaniards clad in white Linen-Cassocks border'd with Purple after the fashion of their Country In Hannibal's Army there were ten Thousand Horse but the Foot taking in the Auxiliaries and all did not exceed forty Thousand In the Roman Battel Aemilius was posted in the Right Terentius in the Left and the last Year's Consuls Marcus Attilius and Cn. Servilius led the Body On the part of the Carthaginians Asdrubal was posted on the Right Wing Hanno on the Left and Hannibal led the Body accompany'd by his Brother Mago The Roman Army fac'd toward the South and the Carthaginians consequently towards the North so that the rising Sun molested neither The Forlorn or advanc'd Parties began the Day and these light-arm'd Troops contended for a while with equal Courage and Success but as soon as the Spanish and Gaulish Horse on the Left Wing advanc'd against the Romans the Battel grew hot and bloody For they fought not now as had been the custom in other Battels by charging and wheeling off and then returning to the Charge But here when once they came to join the Horse-men mingling and often disengaging from their Horses fought it out Man to Man on Foot But the Carthaginian Horse in the end prevail'd killing the greatest part of the Romans on the place tho' their Behaviour was without blame Those who endeavour'd to escape took along the River but were most of them cut off Asdrubal giving no Quarter And now the Cohorts taking place of the light-arm'd Troops it was there likewise hotly disputed for a space but the Spaniards and Gauls who did not presently lose their Order were at length broken and forc'd to give ground to the superior number of the Romans and retreating back the Crescent or convex Part of the Figure which was form'd by this Body of Men and who first engag'd sunk back into the void space in the Rear The Roman Cohorts eagerly pursuing the advantage easily pierc'd the Body of the Enemy's Battel which was but weak and compos'd only of Gauls to the place where the Battalions stood in close order â—â—at had been drawn thither for that purpose during the Fight from the Right and Left Wings where all the Danger was In short the Romans thus pressing the Enemy who open'd to the Right and Left to give them passage advanc'd so far into the void space that they had now the African Foot who bare weighty Armour on their Flank both ways who moving from the Right and Left Wings inwards charg'd the Romans on both their Flanks at once each acting as the present occasion advis'd In short every thing came to pass as Hannibal had skilfully devis'd for the Romans pursuing the Gauls whom he well knew were not their match became at length encompass'd by the Africans By which means they were so enclos'd that they were not able to fight in a Body but as it were Man to Man or by small Parties against strong Bodies that press'd them from all Parts And now forasmuch as Aemilius who was posted in the Right Wing and had his share in the Conflict with Asdrubal and the Horse yet being hitherto unhurt and willing to equal his Actions with his Words by which he had encourag'd the Army seeing that all the Hopes they had left was in their Foot he charg'd through the Enemy's Battel killing and forcing all that stood in his way where he did his utmost to encourage his People Hannibal acting the same Part in the same Post having from the beginning conducted that part of his Army in Person As to the Numidians who fought in the Righ Wing against Varro and the Horse that were posted in the Left Wing of the Romans neither they nor the others acted any thing memorable on that side saving that the Numidians so amus'd the Romans by beating about them now offering to charge in one place now in another that they were thereby prevented from succouring those that were elsewhere distress'd But now that Asdrubal had compleated his Victory and destroy'd the greatest part of the Horse whom he had follow'd along the River and was return'd to re-enforce the Numidians then the Horse of the Roman Allies beholding their Danger turn'd their backs 'T is said that Asdrubal in this occasion perform'd an artful and prudent part who well knowing that the Numidians were singular at the pursuit of a slying Enemy he therefore order'd them to follow hard after the running Romans while he heading a Body of Foot advanc'd to re-enforce the Africans and coming in fell on the Rear of the Romans Battel and charg'd them likewise elsewhere with certain Squadrons of Horse which greatly hearten'd the Africans and as much terrify'd the Romans L. Aemilius having receiv'd many Wounds dy'd in the Battel after he
Arms against the Messenians who had long given occasion enough by their entering into Security to the Macedonians and Achaians to take part with them in all their Enterprizes Thus he prevail'd with Scopas and his Friends and wrought so far upon them that without attending the Resolution of a general Convention of the Aetolians or so much as imparting their Purpose to the Magistrates in being or making any one step according to ancient Custom they did at once and of their own Heads in effect declare War against the Messenians Epirots Achaians Acarnanians and Macedonians At the same time they sent out their Fleet of Pilserers to infest the adjacent Seas who meeting with a Ship of the Kings of Macedon off of Cythera made Prize of her and carrying her into Port sold both the Ship and her Company In short they proceeded to plunder all along the Coast of Epirus imploying for that service Vessels of Cephallania and made an attempt on Thyrea a Town of Acarnania Afterwards dispatching Troops by secret ways into Peloponnesus they surpriz'd and kept possession of a Fortress call'd Clarium in the heart of the Megalopolitan Territory which they made use of for a Retreat and place of Refuge and to lodge and secure their Plunder But some time after they lost it again to Timoxenus Praetor of the Achaians assisted by Taurion who had been left by Antigonus on his departure out of Peloponnesus to administer the Affairs of the Kings of Macedon in those Parts For Antigonus was in possession of Corinth which he took and held by the consent of the Achains during the Reign of Cleomenes and had not restor'd Orchomenus which be had taken by force but on the contrary kept it still in his Hands and held it for his own His Motive it may be presum'd for so doing being not only to preserve by that means an easie ingress into Peloponnesus but to be able by keeping a Garison in Orchomenus to secure and awe the neighbouring Territory to better Obedience Dorimachus and Scopas then chusing their time when the Praetor Timoxenus was upon resigning up his Charge and Aratus who was to succeed him not yet invested in the Authority call'd an Assembly of the Aetolians in Rhium and having given their Orders to have the Cephallenian Vessels in a readiness they embark'd their Troops and transported them into Peloponnesus taking their march towards Messina and passing through the Territories of Patroe Pharoe and Tritoea they made show to the Achaians of having no design to molest them in their Passage Howbeit the covetous Soldiers withheld not their Hands but plunder'd and spoil'd the Country every where as they went till they came to Phigalea This Town they made their place of Arms and the Seat of the War and from hence made their Inroads on the Lands of the Messenians without any regard to the right of Nations and the ancient Friendship and Alliance that had been made and continu'd between them but led by their Avarice against all Rules of Honour or Equity robb'd and spoil'd the Country with impunity the Messenians not finding themselves of strength sufficient to adventure out against them The Achaians in the mean time according to Custom assembled at Aegium where the Patroeans and Pharoeans preserr'd their Complaints of the Damages that had been done them by the Aetolians in their march through their Country The Messenians likewise complained of their Outrages and perfidious Dealing and sent their Deputies to pray speedy Succours After the Assembly had deliberated on these Matters it was concluded That the resentment of those of Patroe and Pharoe was just and ought to be prosecuted and that the case of the Messenians was to be commiserated And it was especially agreed That the State in general had been affronted by this insolent proceeding of the Aetolians who had presum'd in hostile manner to enter upon Achaia not only without their permission but against the Treaty of Peace Whereupon justly provok'd by these Infractions they resolv'd to send Succours to the Messenians and that as soon as the Praetor should have put them in Arms they would then proceed further to execute what should be thought expedient by the Assembly Timoxenus who was yet in the Praetorship was not very well pleased with the Expodition noâ— consequently with the Decree of the Assembly for his Authority being not yet expir'd he had no mind to the Command as having but a doubtful Opinion of the Achaian Militia which had been long unexercis'd in Arms. For after the expulsion of Cleomenes the Peloponnesians weary of former Wars and believing the present peaceable posture of their Affairs was likely to endure had totally relinquish'd the Trade of Warfare and neglected the use of Arms. But Aratus provok'd at the Indignities they had suffer'd by the audacious Aetolians pursu'd the matter with another Spirit nor was this the first occasion he had conveiv'd of aversion to that People Wherefore he lost no time in putting the Achaians under Arms but determin'd to come speedily to a Battel with the Aetolians In a word five Days before he was to enter on his Charge Timoxenus delivering up the Seal he dispatch'd his Orders to all the Towns and Cities assigning them a Day when all their young Men fit to carry Arms should assemble at Megalopolis And here we have thought it a Debt due to the Merit of Aratus to say something of him in particular Aratus was endu'd with almost all the good Qualities that could be wish'd to compose a Man for great and publick Employments He was able in the Art of Persuasion conceiv'd rightly and readily executed and when it was prudent to be silent he very well knew how to hold his peace He had not his Equal in supporting with constancy the Dissentions of his fellow Citizens second to none in composing them and artful in acquiring Friends and Confederates He was subtile to contrive and conceal his secret Practices and none better at devising Stratagems and laying Ambushes against an Enemy And in a word he compass'd the most difficult Enterprizes by Patience and Application Whereof manifold Instances may be enumerated namely and principally his surprizing of Sicyon and Mantinoea his expelling the Aetolians out of Pellene and his getting possession of Acro Corinth by intelligence And yet after all it is as true that at the Head of an Army in the Field he was quite another Man for as he was too slow in his Resolutions so was he too backward in Danger and wanted assurance to look on any Attempt that bore the least appearance of Terrour which were defects that gave occasion of great advantage to the Enemy who spoil'd and pillag'd the whole Country of Peloponnesus and coming once to know his unguarded part they never fail'd of succeeding when they attack'd him there So true it is that Nature hath not only diversify'd Men in their Bodies and Minds but triumphs in dissimilitude of Mind in one and the same Man who
gain'd the Hills and the Horse in the Plains bringing up and sustaining the Rear and who now drew near an Eminence call'd Propus They sent out their Horse after them to whom they joyn'd their light-arm'd Troops under the leading of Epistratus the Acarnanian these had order to fall on their Rear-guard to make some proof of the mettle of the Enemy Now if it were reasonable to come to a Battel they could not have made a worse choice than to attack the Enemy in the Rear for their Gross had already pass'd the Plains but to have done as they ought would have been to have ingag'd their Van as soon as they had enter'd on the Champaign Ground In which case they had had the benefit of fighting with the Advantage both in the nature of their Arms and the strength of their Order wherein in plain Ground they were in both superior to the Enemy who could not possibly have then fought without great odds against them But while they committed this over-sight and attack'd not the Aetolians till they had gain'd the Advantage of Ground it was no wonder that the Success fell out accordingly For the light-arm'd Troops no sooner came to the Charge when the Aetolian Horse had gain'd the Mountain firm and in good order keeping a good round march whereby to come up and Joyn their Foot Aratus who could not very well discover how the Affair went and not rightly judging of the Danger to which he was going to expose himself imagining the Enemies hasty Motion to be no other than Flight detach'd his Curiassiers from the Wings and commanded them to advance to the Charge to reinforce and sustain the light-arm'd Soldiers In the mean time drawing up the rest of his Troops into one Battalion he march'd himself at the Head of them and hastily advanc'd towards the Enemy doing every thing with precipitation But the Aetolian Horse had no sooner pass'd the Plain and joyn'd the Foot who had the Rear-guard and had now gain'd the Mountain when they immediately made a halt and ordering their Foot on the Flanks incourag'd one another to fear nothing And now facing about the Shouts they made caus'd those who were at a distance to return and hasten to their assistance so that their number increasing in confidence of their superiour Strength and the benefit of charging from higher Ground they boldly attack'd the Enemies Horse and their light-arm'd Troops and after a long and obstinate Dispute the Achaians were worsted Who flying so terrify'd those who were coming in no very good order to their Relief that they likewise retreated as fast as they came partly out of ignorance of the state of the Battel partly by meeting those of their Party who were flying for Safety from the Enemy This was the reason why it came to pass that this Party only of five Hundred of their Men was beaten and above two Thousand betook themselves to flight without ingaging And now the Aetolians who took Counsel of the present posture of the Field follow'd them hard in the Rear with great Shouts and Acclamations In short while the Achaian Troops were retreating back to the Gross as they thought of the Army which they hop'd would afford them a safe reception their Retreat was Soldier-like in good and safe order but as soon as they perceiv'd them to have quitted the advantageous Post they had taken that their Order was broken and confus'd marching in a Defileé then they sell into Confusion likewise and scattering and dispersing themselves here and there some got into neighbouring Towns others meeting a Battalion of their own Troops that advanc'd to their Succour so terrify'd each other tho' no Enemy were near that they both broke and dispers'd Of those that shifted for themselves as we observ'd some got into the Towns round about and a good Party escap'd to Orchomenus and Caphya which were not far off For had they not had those safe Retreats at hand they had been intirely ruin'd Thus have we related the Story of this Battel which was fought near Caphya As soon as the Megalopolitans came to understand that the Aetolians were encamp'd in the Territory of Methydrium they drew their whole Forces together and march'd to the Assistance of the Achaians but they arriv'd not till the Day after the Battel and their coming prov'd of no other use than to take care of burying the dead Bodies of those with whom they expected to have joyn'd and hop'd to have reliev'd So that digging a great Ditch in the Territory of the Caphyans they there bury'd the dead performing the Obsequies of those unfortunate Men with great Honour and Solemnity And now the Aetolians having obtain'd a Victory so contrary to their Hopes by the single service of their Horse and light-arm'd Soldiers took their march thereupon without fear or danger quite cross the Country of Peloponnesus And after making an attempt on Pellene and harrassing the Territory of Sicyon they took their way by the Isthmus These matters then which we have now related were the cause of the Confederate War and the Decree that was conceiv'd thereupon and confirm'd in a general Assembly of the Allies at Corinth where King Philip who procur'd the same and was present was the beginning of the said War In the mean time the Achaians soon after this Defeat call an Assembly where Aratus was severely prosecuted with Complaints on all hands As having been manifestly the occasion of the loss and dishonour they had sustain'd And by how much his Enemies press'd him with Accusations and with strong Reasons laid open his mismanagement by so much did the Hatred and Indignation of the People increase against him First there was no dispute but that Aratus had greatly err'd in having as one may say usurp'd the Magistracy by taking it upon him before he was regularly elected into his Charge And he could not deny but that what he had enterpriz'd thereupon had very ill succeeded Furthermore they blam'd him for that seeing the Aetolians yet in the heart of Peloponnesus he had been prevail'd with to dismiss the Achaian Troops notwithstanding he had been before well assur'd that Scopas and Dorimachus were sirmly determin'd to embroil their Affairs and to do all they could to ingage them in a War The third Article against him was His adventuring to ingage with so few Troops when he might with ease have made a good Retreat to the neighbouring Towns where he might at leisure have reinforc'd his Army and then given the Enemy Battel if he had seen cause The last and heaviest Charge against him was That after he had resolv'd to give the Enemy Battel he did not make one Soldier-like step in the whole Conduct of the Action For it had been in his choice to have sought on plain Ground which would have been much to his advantage for there the heavy-arm'd Troops could have ingag'd from whose service he could hardly have sail'd of Success While on the contrary he
Tritaea perceiv'd they were to expect no Relief from Aratus they resolv'd in their Assemblies to contribute no further to the Confederate Stock but to raise Forces of their own for their proper Desence so they listed three hundred Foot and fifty Horse which they sent to the Frontiers In this Determination it was agreed by every one that they had done very wisely for themselves but very ill for the Confederacy and Common Cause of the Achaians But a great part of this Failure may justly be imputed to the Praetor whose custom it had been to amuse and deceive them by his Coldness and Procrastinations tho' their Affairs were never so pressing But 't is in short incident to People in Danger that while there is hope of Aid from their Confederates and Friends their greatest Reliance and expectation of Support is from them but those Hopes once lost and streightned by Adversity they become driven to apply Remedies of their own and convert all their Strength to their single and particular Safety Wherefore there seems to be no blame due to the Pharaeans and the rest for having made Levies for their own defence while the Achaian Praetor fail'd them But they are not without imputation of having done amiss in refusing to contribute however to the Common Stock of the Confederacy And as there is no doubt but their care for themselves in particular was just so while they were able they were indispensibly bound to contribute to the General Concernment of the League especially considering that by the Articles of the Treaty of Alliance they were to be repaid whatsoever they should contribute and what was of further weight they themselves were the Authors of the Confederacy of the Achaians While matters were thus transacted in Peloponnesus King Philip having march'd through Thessaly came to Epirus where after he had incorporated the Epirot Supplies who were to join him with his own Troops together with three hundred Slingers that had been sent him from Achaia and three hundred Cretans who were supply'd by the Polyrrhenaeans he continu'd his march and having cross'd the Kingdom of Epirus he came to the Frontiers of Ambracia And in case he had made no delay but had led his Army directly into Aetolia and sallen by surprize with so strong a hand on that People he had in all likelihood given a period to the War But the Epirots being instant with him to set first down before Ambracia he by that means gave the Enemy time to fortifie and provide for themselves Thus the Epirots preferring little private Gain to the general Benefit of the Confederacy their passion to get Ambracia into their hands incited them to labour that Philip might make the Siege of that Place his first Enterprize coveting nothing more than to win Ambracia from the Aetolians which nevertheless they saw not how it could be effected without first becoming Masters of Ambracium a Fortress of good strength having a strong Wall about it and standing in the midst of a Morass that surrounded it on all sides to which there is but one strait access or passage being a Causey made of Earth brought thither for that purpose In short this Place stands very commodiously for infesting the Country of the Ambracians and the City it self Wherefore Philip by persuasion of the Epirots sat down before it and dispos'd things for the Siege Scopas in the mean while at the head of all the Aetolian Forces takes his march thro' Thessaly and falls into Macedon where passing the Plains of Pieria he ravag'd the Country without opposition And after having taken much Plunder he march'd toward Dlum which Place being deserted by the Inhabitants he dismantled burning the Portico's belonging to the Temple and destroying all the Ornaments and whatever was of use to the People when they assembled to celebrate their Festivals He likewise spoil'd and threw down all the Statues of the Kings of Macedon And he who from the beginning of these Troubles and in his first Expedition made War not on Men only but against the Gods was on his return home not only not censur'd as an impious or sacrilegious Person but honour'd as a Man of Merit and a good Servant of the Commonwealth and by the promise of further success he made them much animated the Aetolians who now concluded none would dare to approach their Country in a hostile manner while they themselves pillag'd with impunity not only Peloponnesus but Thessaly and Macedon it self King Philip soon receiv'd advice of this Invasion of his own Kingdom and tho' he endur'd with pain the Obstinacy and Ambition of the Epirots nevertheless he resolv'd to continue the Siege of Ambracium And when he had perform'd all that could be expected in the like cases and had terrify'd the Inhabitants by his Works and Approaches at length took it on composition after a Siege of forty Days So turning out the Aetolian Garrison consisting of about five hundred Men who by Articles were to suffer no ill treatment he gave Ambracium to the Epirots and thus gratify'd their Ambition This done he leads his Army along the River Charadra with purpose speedily to pass the Gulf of Ambracia where it is narrowest near the Temple of the Acarnanians call'd Actium This Gulf comes out of the Sicilian Sea and parts the Kingdom of Epirus and Acarnaria the Mouth is but narrow being little more than half a Mile broad but it soon widens and is in some places twelve Miles over stretching in length about forty Miles in from the Sicilian Sea running between the above-nam'd Countries Epirus is on the North-side and Acarnania on the South After he had pass'd this Gulf with his Army he took his march through Acarnania and drew towards Phaerea an Aetolian Town and recruiting his Army with two thousand Acarnanian Foot and about two hundred Horse he invested that Place and after many vigorous Attacks for two Days together the third it capitulated the Aetolian Garrison marching out with their Baggage as it was articled The following Night there arriv'd five hundred Aetolians who came to the relief of the Place thinking it had been still their own But the King receiving an account of their march possess'd himself of certain advantageous Posts in their way and falling on them cut of the greatest part of them taking the rest Pris'ners a very few only escaping Then after he had distributed thirty Days Corn to the Army the Granaries of this Town being very well replenish'd he march'd towards Strategica and coming within little more than a Mile of the Place he encamp'd by the River Achelous From thence continuing his march he ravag'd the Country round about no Enemy appearing to withstand him About this time the Achaians beginning to feel the ill effects of the War hearing the King was at hand sent their Ambassadors to wait on him and demand Succours These found him near Stratus who when they had done their Commission represented how profitable an Enterprize it would be
of Affairs should be committed and aiming by all means possible so to settle the Kingdom as to leave no motive of Dissention or Discord among the Ministers and others whom they should employ Wherefore he nominated Apelles for one of the young King's Tutors who at that time was jointly trusted with him in other Matters To Leontius he gave the Command of the Buckler-men Megalea was made Secretary Taurion was appointed Governour of Peloponnesus and Alexander had the Command of the King's Guards But in conclusion Megalea and Leontius being Creatures of Apelles he dispos'd them as he pleas'd and therefore set all his Arts at work to remove Alexander and Taurion from Authority that himself might have the Power or execute it by instruments of his own all which Designs he had in great likelihood brought to pass had he not engag'd in that secret War with Aratus Wherefore he came at length to feel the smart of his Folly and reap'd the Wages of his Ambition it being his Lot to suffer those Evils he was preparing for others But we will not prosecute his Story here but leave to another place the recital of the manner and reasons of all that befel him it being now time to put an end to this Book In conclusion then after these things were brought to pass which we have been relating King Philip return'd to Argos where he spent the Winter among his Friends sending in the mean time his Army into Macedon Finis Lib. IV. POLYBIUS'S General History OF THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE WORLD VOL. II. BOOK V. THE Year of the younger Aratus's Praetorship expir'd about the time of the * The beginning of April rising of the Pleiades for so the Achaians computed who was succeeded by Eperatus Dorimachus holding then that Trust in Aetolia About the same time Hannibal having openly declar'd War against the Romans departed from New-Carthage and passing the River Eber enter'd on the execution of his Design and began his march towards Italy While at Rome Tiberius Sempronius was dispatch'd towards Africk and Pub. Cornelius Scipio towards Spain at the Head of their Armies Furthermore Antiochus and Ptolomy coming to despair by Conferences and Embassies to compose the Differences that were grown between them about the Lower Syria had likewise enter'd into Hostility one with another As to King Philip he coming to want Money and Provisions for his Army had convocated by their Magistrates the Assembly of the Achainas which according to custom was held at Aegium Where perceiving Aratus ill satisfy'd with the Practices of Apelles had willingly resign'd his Authority and finding Eperatus unqualify'd for business and in no esteem with the People he came at length to discern the foul play of Apelles and Leontius which renew'd his esteem for Aratus whom he now consider'd more than ever Not long after having prevail'd with the Magistrates that their next Convention should be at Sicyon he there had private Conference with the two Aratus's and imputing all that had pass'd to the Artifices of Apelles pray'd them to forget their Wrongs and continue him in the same degree of Affection as heretofore Whereupon coming to a new Accord the King went to the Assembly where without difficulty he obtain'd by their procurement all he defir'd towards the furtherance of his Affairs The Achaians then decreed That as soon as the Army should begin to march fifty Talents should be advanc'd to the King being three Months pay to the Army together with Ten Thousand Measures of Corn. And it was also further resolv'd That while the King made War in Person in Peloponnesus he should receive seventeen Talents Monthly After these Acts of the Assembly they separated and retir'd to their respective Cities And now when the Army began to move from their Winter-Quarters it was resolv'd by the King in Council to prosecute the War likewise by Sea concluding it to be the only means whereby to surprize and attack the Enemy from all Quarters by making descents and invading them where their Towns were distant and remote from Succour whereby every one would be oblig'd to consult their own single Safety through the uncertainty of their Motions and it would be in their power to carry their Arms with more case whithersoever they should judge it most expedient for they had to do at once with the Aetolians Lacedaemonians and Eleans After this had been resolv'd the King order'd the Fleet both his own and the Achaian Ships to Rendezvous at the Port of Lechoeum where he commanded the Soldiers of the Macedonian Phalanx to be exerciz'd and instructed in the use of the Oar for the Macedonians apply themselves cheerfully to every thing and learn with facility whatsoever they go about And in short are no less brave and active by Sea than by Land No People indure Hardship better or are more patient of Labour whether it be in their Fortifications and Encampments or any other painful or hardy Employments incident to the Life of a Soldier In conclusion Hesiod seems to give us their Picture in his Character of the Aeacidoe To whom soft Ease and Lust less Pleasure yield Than Martial Toils and Perils of the Field While King Philip and the Macedonians remain'd at Corinth employ'd about their Naval Preparations Apelles who could not brook the diminution of his Credit nor work any change in the Mind of his Master enter'd into Compact with Leontius and Megaleas with whom it was agreed that they on their part who were to act in the Army about the King should labour with their best Arts secretly to thwart and obstruct him in all his Designs while he making his abode at Chalcis would take care so to shorten and retard his Supplies of every thing from all Parts that he should be so streighten'd on that side that the want of Necessaries to the advancing his Expeditions should be a great impediment to his Progress After Matters had been thus concerted between them this crafty old Courtier soon found reasons whereby to dispose the King to approve of his Voyage to Chalcis whither he went and where he perform'd Articles so punctually with the other two that he brought the King under such streights that he became constrain'd to pawn his Plate to supply his Wants As soon as the Naval Army was drawn together and it was thought the Macedonians were now sufficiently exercis'd and instructed in the management of the Oar the King causing Bread and Pay to be distributed to the Soldiers embark'd with Six Thousand Macedonians and Twelve Hundred Mercenaries and steer'd his Course towards Patroe where he arriv'd the next Day after his departure from Corinth About the same time Dorimachus the Aetolian Praetor dispatch'd Agelaus and Scopas with Five Hundred new rais'd Candiots to the Aid of the Eleans For these being under some apprehension that the King had some design on Cyllene had taken Foreign Troops into their Pay and levied others of their own Subjects and took care to Fortify and
Baggage with them but what they could not be without and having procur'd store of good Guides he became exactly inform'd by them of the nature and situation of the Country and Towns and instructed in every thing he had a mind to know Here Aristophontus the Acarnanian Praetor came to the King at the head of all the Forces of that People for having been heretofore great Sufferers by the Aetolians they came with Minds full of Revenge and to repay them in their own Coin Wherefore they embrac'd the occasion with great joy of being thus assisted by the Macedonians so that not only such as by the Law were oblig'd to go to the War but those who were exempted by their Age listed themselves for this Expedition The Epirots incited by the like Motives were not less forward tho' by reason of the great extent of their Country and the sudden arrival of King Philip they were not so well able to draw their Troops together Dorimachus as was noted had led with him the one half of the Aetolian Forces leaving the other half at home which he conceiv'd would be strength sufficient to answer any sudden occasion and be guard enough to the Towns and the Country And now the King leaving the Baggage under a good Guard departed in the close of the Evening from Limnoea and after they had march'd about eight Miles he caus'd the Army to halt to take some refreshment and after 〈◊〉 short repast he continu'd his march and by break of Day came to the River Achelous his purpose being to surprize the Town of Therme Leontius who had two Reasons to conclude on the probability of his Master's Success and that all the present strength of the Enemy on that side would be too little to defend them for the Macedonian Army had surpriz'd them and came both when and where they were least look'd for being persuaded that Philip would not be so prodigal of his own proper safety to hazard himself among such Fastnesses and Defilées as the parts about Therme abound with Wherefore persisting in his treacherous purpose he advis'd the King to incamp about the River Achelous to give some repose and refreshment to the Army after so hard a Night's march being willing to do his best at least that the Aetolians might have some small space to bethink them and provide for their defence But Aratus who judg'd rightly of the importance of the occasion that it was now favourable but would not stay and perceiving Leontius openly now to withstand all wholesome Counsel and promising Designs urg'd Philip by no means to consent to the least delay nor upon any reason whatsoever respite his March the success whereof lay in the dispatch Wherefore the King approving his Advice would not be drawn to make the least stay but after the Army had pass'd the River march'd away directly towards Therme putting all to Fire and Sword that lay in his way On his Left he march'd by Stratus Agrinium and Thestium on his Right he left Conope Lysimachia Triconium and Phoeteum Then he arriv'd at a Place call'd Metapa standing on the entrance of a Pass or Defilée near the Lake of Trichonium about eight Miles distant from Therme Wherefore he took possession of that Place which had been abandon'd by the Aetolians and strengthned it with a Garrison of five hundred Men forecasting it might be of use to him and be a good retreat in case he should be press'd in his march in or out of the Defilée For the Lake is surrounded with mountainous and broken Ground and inclos'd every where else with thick and unpassable Woods leaving no access but by this streight and difficult Passage In short the King order'd his march after this manner In the Van of the Army march'd the Mercenaries after them the Illyrians then the Buckler-men and the Legionaries of the Macedonian Phalanx in the Rear of all march'd the Candiots the Thracians and light-arm'd Troops covering the Right their Left being defended by the Lake After they had march'd a while by thiâ— Streight they came to a Place call'd Pamphia where the King plac'd a Guard and 〈◊〉 prosecuted his way to Therme by a Passagâ— not only broken and difficult but barracâ—do'd and bounded on both sides by steeâ— Rocks and so narrow in many places that the Passage it self was not without danger Thiâ— Desilée tho' at least four Miles long Philiâ— soon pass'd the Macedonians marching like Soldiers in pursuit of Victory and arrivâ— near Therme when it was now broad Day As soon as the Army was encamp'd he permitted the Soldiers to plunder and ravage fat and wide and to spoil and plunder both thâ— Town and Territory which abounded not only in Corn and all sorts of Provision and Military Stores but in the Town was found great quantities of the most valuable Movables of the Aetolians For over and above that their Fairs were kept and their Feasts celebrated there and it was the place where their Assemblies met the Aetolians had lodg'd both for their use and the better security thereof all they had that was most preciouâ— in Therme in confidence that there was nâ—â— Place more secure it having never at anâ— time before been visited by an Enemy anâ— by reason of its situation was held for the Bulwark of Aetolia Furthermore through the long Peace they had enjoy'd all the Houses in the Neighbourhood and round about the Temple abounded so much the more with costly Goods and Furniture The Army remain'd that Night in the Town loaden with all sorts of Plunder and in the Morning chusing out what was most valuable and easie to be transported they made an heap of the rest and burnt it before the Camp They made choice likewise of the best Arms which they found in their Magazines exchanging them for such of their own as were less serviceable burning the rest to the number of above fifteen thousand Suits Hitherto their Proceedings were but just and the War fairly made but whether what they did afterwards will bear that Name is a doubt For calling to mind what the Aetolians had done at Dium and Dodona they were provok'd not only to burn and destroy the Portico's of the Temple and all the Ornaments thereof which were wrought with great Art and Expence But not herewith contented they proceeded to demolish the very Walls and levell'd the Structure to the Ground Furthermore they cast down all the Statues to the number of two thousand defacing and breaking in pieces the greatest part of those that were not consecrated to or erected in representation of the Gods While to these they reserv'd a Respect ingraving on certain Stones those Verses that were afterward so much spoken of being written by Samus Son of Chrysogonus who had been educated with the King and began to give some proofs of his Wit Dium behold how far our angry Shafts Have pierc'd in thy Revenge In short the Desolation was such as to strike the King himself and
hard to determine which of those two was likeliest to give such Advice albeit he had not been then present at Council For it will be no-where found in the whole Life of Aratus that he ever acted any thing temerariously and without solid Deliberation while on the contrary Demetrius never did any thing but with precipitation And we shall shew and plainly evidence by their Behaviour in the like Occurrences the difference of the Minds and Manners of these two Men as occasion shall be given us But to return to our Story Philip taking with him all that could conveniently be carry'd march'd from Therme by the way he came The Booty he order'd to go in the Van guarded by his heavy-arm'd Troops The Reer guard was assign'd to the Acarnanians and mercenary Strangers being himself extreamly solicitous to get his passage through the Streights with what expedition he could thereby to prevent the Aetolians who in confidence of the Strength of those Fastnesses were likely enough to attempt their Reer in their march Which in short came to pass for assembling to the number of about three thousand Men under the leading of Alexander the Trichonian they let the Van of the Army march without approaching concealing themselves while the Macedonians kept the open Field But as soon as the Reer began to move they march'd into Therme and fell on and charg'd them roundly insomuch that they put their Reer-Ranks into great disorder which the Aetolians perceiving and favour'd by the advantage of Ground press'd them so much the more killing many But Philip in foresight of what might happen had order'd a Detachment of Illyrians and some of his best Buckler-men to be lodg'd in ambush under colour of a rising Ground who unexpectedly appearing fell on the Enemy who had now charg'd beyond them killing above a hundred of them and taking as many Pris'ners the rest sav'd themselves by flight among the Rocks and Woods After this repulse those who march'd in the Reer of the Army set fire to Pamphion and having pass'd the Strait join'd the Macedonians again Philip in the mean time encamping near Metapa to attend their coming up and the next Day after he had order'd the Place to be demolish'd he pursu'd his march and came and encamp'd near a Town call'd Acras from whence departing the next day he pillag'd the Country all along as he went till he came to Conope where he remain'd a day to refresh his Army and then continu'd his march'd towards Stratus along the River Achelous where encamping out of shot of their Works on an Eminence that commands the Town he from thence vex'd and molested the Inhabitants But coming to understand that the Enemy had strengthen'd the Garrison with a Recruit of Three Thousand Aetolians and Five Hundred Candiots and none daring to adventure out against him he decamp'd and march'd to Limnoea purposing from thence to imbark Nevertheless as soon as the Reer of the Army began to move and was gotten some distance past the Town a Party of Aetolian Horse made a Sally and charg'd them these being back'd by the Candiots and more Aetolians that came out to sustain them compell'd those in the Reer-guard to face about and make head At first it was an equal Dispute but as soon as the Illyrians came in to back the Mercenaries the Aetolians began to give Ground and the Horse betook them to slight and were pursu'd to the very Gates of the Town and at least a Hundred of them kill'd on the spot After this Repulse those of the Town adventur'd no more out and the Reer of the Army marâ—â—'d without molestation coming safe to the Camp and to their Vessels Here King Philip having commodiously Encamp'd the Army sacrific'd to the Gods and did other Acts of Devotion for the good success of that Expedition and at the same time gave his Officers a Royal Entertainment In short his Attempt was look'd on by all Men to have been very daring to adventure as he did among those dangerous and untravel'd places which no Army had ever done before Nevertheless he succeeded in his Enterprize marching and returning in safety after he had throughly executed what he had design'd Wherefore to express his Joy he made a solemn Feast for his Officers where Megaleas and Leontius who had been much disappointed and look'd with an evil Eye on the good Fortune of their Master having as we have heard complotted with Apelles to give him all the Impediments they should be able but could by no means prevent the good Fortune which attended his Arms were however present tho' their Behaviour there express'd so much distaste that it was not unobserv'd by the King and those about him who thereby collected that they had different Sentiments from the rest touching the prosperity of his Affairs And now when all were well warm'd with Wine Megaleas and Leontius being oblig'd to do as others did came at length more openly to manifest their Minds for being now drunk they went from place to place in search of Aratus and meeting him as he was returning from the Feast they first attack'd him with rude Language and afterwards came to offer violence Whereupon a Tumult arose and the Soldiers came about them from all Quarters insomuch as the whole Camp was in disorder The King upon notice hereof immediately sent to appease the Tumult and to have an account how it happen'd Where after Aratus had reported to him how every thing had pass'd and had vouch'd it by the Testimony of such as were present he retir'd to his Tent. Leontius having in the mean time conceal'd himself in the Crowd privately withdrew The King being now fully inform'd of every thing commanded Megaleas and Crinon to be brought before him whom he very severely reprov'd But they were not only not humbled and made sensible of their Fault but adding Insolence to their Error plainly told the King That they should not be drawn to change their Mind till they had been thorowly reveng'd on Aratus Whereupon the King greatly mov'd at this their Behaviour immediately condemn'd them in a Fine of twenty Talents each and put them under an Arrest and sending the next Day for Aratus express'd his sense of the violence which had been offer'd him giving him assurance of his Protection and that he would take due care to do him right Leontius being inform'd how the King had proceeded with Megaleas came boldly to him accompanied with a Party of his Buckler-men thinking thereby to put him into some apprehension he being yet but young and to awe him into another Resolution touching the Offenders wherefore he boldly demanded of him who it was that had presum'd to lay hands on Megaleas and cast him into Prisons But when the King firmly reply'd and with an Assurance worthy of Himself That whatsoever had been done was by his express Command Leontius was confounded and betwixt Grief and Indignation retir'd from his Presence Here Philip embark'd and arriv'd
with his Fleet soon after at Leucas where when he had directed those who had the charge of dividing the Booty to hasten the distribution thereof He assembled his Council and fell to debate about the Affairs of Megaleas where Aratus charg'd him and the rest of that Faction with all those criminal Practices we have noted He farther laid to their charge the Murther that had been committed after the departure of Antigonus and opened the whole Matter of the Conspiracy of Apelles shewing in what manner they had obstructed the King's Business in the siege of Palaea And forasmuch as he urg'd nothing against them that was not vouch'd by solid Reasons and made evident by competent Witnesses Megaleas and his Complices became so hard set that they had nothing to say in their defence wherefore they were with one Voice found Guilty Crinon continu'd a Prisoner but Leontius became Caution for Megaleas binding himself for the payment of the Fine the King had laid on him This was the success of the treasonable Conspiracy of Apelles and his Adherents which had quite another issue than they look'd for having promis'd to themselves that they should oblige Aratus to retire from the King out of fear and that after they had remov'd the rest of his Servants who had any Trust about him they should then Reign alone and Rule all as they list but their Project fail'd them About the same time Lycurgus return'd from Messina and Lacedaemon having done nothing worth recording Afterwards on a second Expedition he seiz'd on Tegaea where the Inhabitants retiring into the Citadel he resolv'd to besiege it But after many fruitless Attempts despairing of Success he was oblig'd to march back to Sparta In the mean while the Eleans made perpetual Inroads on the Lands of Dymas where the Horse of that Place which march'd out to succour the Country were drawn into an Ambush and defeated with little difficulty Some Gauls were kill'd on the place and certain of the Inhabitants made Prisoners among whom were Polymedes of Aegium and Agesipolis and Megacles of Dymas Dorimachus also took the Field with the Aetolian Troops in confidence as hath been noted that he should be able to ravage Thessaly and thereby oblige the King to rise from before Palaea But Chrysogonus and Patroeus prevented them being there ready to receive them with an Army which oblig'd Dorimachus to keep the Mountains and not to adventure into the Plain Country Who shortly after being inform'd that the Macedonians had invaded Aetolia march'd out of Thessaly and hasten'd to the relief of his Country but before he arriv'd the King was retir'd Thus Dorimachus coming always too late made many vain Expeditions In the mean time King Philip having embark'd his Troops at Leucas and plunder'd the Coast of Hyanthes in his way arriv'd with his Fleet at Corinth where landing his Army and ordering the Vessels to be drawn over to the Port of Lechoeum he dispatch'd his Letters to all the Confederate Towns of Peloponnesus appointing them a Day when they were to Rendezvous their Troops at Tegaea And making but short stay at Corinth he march'd his Army by the way of Argos and came the next Day to Tegaea where joining such of the Achaian Horse as were there ready he proceeded marching over the Mountains with design to fall by surprize on the Territory of the Lacedaemonians And after four Days march through a Desart Country he gain'd the tops of those Eminences that lie over-against and give a prospect of the City of Sparta and leaving Menelaium on his right came close by Amycla The Lacedaemonians beholding his march from the Town were greatly alarm'd and to seek what to do For the news of the plundering of Therme and the many gallant Actions perform'd by King Philip in his Aetolian Expedition gave them both present Terror and future Caution There was indeed a Rumour among them as if Lycurgus should be sent to the Succour of the Aetolians But no Body could suspect that King Philip would be able to compass such a march in so short a space while they consider'd him too of an Age more to be contemn'd than fear'd Wherefore seeing now Matters to succeed so contrary to their Expectations it was no wonder they became surpriz'd But in a word his Deliberations and their Effects so far surpass'd the expectation of his Age that his Enemies every where were held in fear and suspension For marching out of the heart of Aetolia he cross'd the Gulf of Ambracia and gain'd the Port of Leucas in the space of one Night where remaining but two Days only he parted early the third and plundering in the way all the Coast of Aetolia he arriv'd safely at Lechoeum From thence continuing his march he came in seven Days near Menelaium gaining the Hills that give a view of the City of Sparta So that whosoever shall compute the expedition of his Motions would not be able without difficulty to believe what they saw which was the subject of the Lacedaemonians astonishment who knew neither what to do or resolve The King 's first Encampment was near Amycla a Town distant from Sparta about four Miles surpassing all others in excellent Fruâ—â— and delightful Gardens where there is a Temple of Apollo inferiour to none in the whole Country of Laconia both for Dignity and Riches The next Day plundering all the Low-Country as he march'd he came to a Place call'd Pyrrhus-Castle and after doing all the spoil he could for two Days together in that Neighbourhood he came and encamp'd near Carnium From thence he leâ— the Army to Asina where he made a fruitless attempt to become Master of that Place Wherefore he decamp'd and ravag'd all the Country as far as Tenarus which lies toward the Sea of Candia putting all to Fire and Sword Then turning off he took his march by the way that leads to the Port of the Lacedoemonians call'd Gythium where there is 〈◊〉 good Haven Which Place is likewise distant from Sparta about four Miles But soon leaving Gythium on his right he came and encamp'd near Elia the best and most spacious Country of the whole Spartan Territory From thence sending out Parties he spread War and Depredation far and wide making grievous spoil on the Corn and Fruits of the Country He plunder'd also Acria and Leuca and the Lands of Baeara In the mean while the Messenians having receiv'd King Philip's Letters whereby they were enjoyn'd to take the Field with their Troops forthwith compos'd a Body of two Thousand chosen Foot and Two Hundred Horse and came short of none of the Confederates in their readiness and good Will But forasmuch as it was not possible for them by reason of their remote distance to comply punctually with the day the Troops were to assemble at Tegaea they remain'd a while in suspence uncertain how to proceed Howbeit doubting lest their delay should be interpreted an effect of their former backwardness they came to a
determination to march and to take their way by Laconia through the Territory of the Argians and to joyn the King's Forces with what speed they might Accordingly they took the Field and arriving near Glympia a Fortress on the Borders of the Argians and Lacedaemonians it chanc'd that they did not encamp with that circumspection which they ought having neither Retrenchment or Pallisade nor was the place where they Encamp'd well chosen but in confidence of the good Will of the Inhabitants they quarter'd themselves under the Walls of the place Lycurgus coming to understand the Messenians were arriv'd took with him his Mercenaries and a small Party of Lacedoemonians and march'd to attack them and coming upon them about the close of the Evening boldly attempted their Camp And now tho' the Messenians had acted otherwise imprudently in every thing and had march'd with too small a Force and destitute of Officers in whose Judgment and Abilities they might rely nevertheless their behaviour in this Rencounter was without blame considering the surprize For as soon as they receiv'd notice of the arrival of Lycurgus leaving all their Lumber and whatever might trouble them behind they retir'd to a certain Fortress so that the Enemy got nothing but their Baggage and a few Horses of their Foot they lost not a Man and of their Horse not above eight or nine who fell on the spot After this Defeat the Messenians return'd home by the way of Argos and Lycurgus exalted with his Success march'd back to Sparta where he fell to making of new Levies and to deliberate with his Friends how to proceed so as to oblige Philip to come to a Battel before he left Laconia But the King nevertheless march'd from Elia plundering and ravaging the Country all along in his way and four Days aster return'd to Amycla with his Army in view of the Enemy As soon as Lycurgus had given the necessary Orders to his Friends and Officers touching the Battel they had resolv'd on he commanded the Troops to draw out of the Town consisting of about Two Thousand Men taking Possession of all the nearest Posts to Menelaium leaving Instructions with those that were appointed to remain within the Town to have a special regard to a Signal that he would give them which as soon as they saw they should issue out of the Town with all expedition and by as many ways as they could and draw up on a certain Ground where the River ran nearest to the Town In this posture stood Matters between the two Armies But lest our Relation should seem obscure through want of due light in the nature and situation of Places about which we treat we shall therefore do our best to be as clear in that as in our accounts of matters of fact which shall be our manner throughout our whole Work Some Places which are unknown we shall describe by comparing them with others that are known distinguishing them by Marks and Notes of common Observation For through want of a right Information herein many and great Errors have been committed in the Conduct of Enterprizes both by Sea and Land But we shall labour our utmost that the Readers of our History may be instructed as well in the manner as matter of Occurrences and that nothing may be left unsaid touching the Description of Towns and Countries and principally in Military Adventures wherein the better to explain our Mind we shall have recourse sometimes to some certain Port of the Sea sometimes to an Island sometimes to some conspicuous Temple Promontory oâ— Mountain or the Name of some Country and in short the divers Regions of the Heavens as being things generally known and familiar to Mankind 'T is by this Method then I say that we hope to be able to lead the Reader to a just Conception of Places and Situations to him otherwise unknown To give a general description then of thâ— City of Sparta 't is observable that in figure it is round it stands on a plain or bottom where there rises here and there certain Hillocks or Eminences and some places are waste and barren On the West-side runs the River Eurotas which is deep and unfordable at certain Seasons of the Year The Mountains of Menelaium are on the other side of the River regarding the North-East part of the Town these being almost inaccessible and exceeding high command all the space of Ground lying between the Eurotas and the Town which space in a word taking likewise the River into the account which runs by the foot of the Hills is not above a Furlong and an half wide Now by this way King Philip was oblig'd to pass in his return from his Expedition having on his left the Town and the Lacedaemonians drawn up in Battalia and on his right the River and the Troops of Lycurgus posted on the skirts of the Hills Furthermore the Lacedoemonians having stop'd the course of the River had brought all that space of Ground we mention'd under Water so that it became impossible for their Foot much less their Horse to march Wherefore the King's Army had no other way to go but in defilée along the foot of the Mountains by which means neither Party could sustain or relieve the other and the whole Army would run a mighty hazard marching so expos'd to the continual shot of the Enemy Philip therefore well weighing the Peril resolv'd that nothing could be better first done than to attempt Lycurgus and endeavour to beat him from his Post Wherefore taking with him his Mercenaries and Buckler-men which were sustain'd by the Illyrians he pass'd the River and march'd directly towards the Hills Lycurgus who could not but understand the King's purpose put himself in a posture to receive him and at the same time gave Signal to those within the Town who immediately sally'd out and drew up as they had been order'd placing the Horse on their right When Philip was advanc'd somewhat near to Lycurgus he order'd the Mercenaries to march to the Attack and so began the Battel For a while the Lacedaemonians having the advantage both in their Arms and the Ground had also the better in the Dispute But as soon as the Buckler-men advanc'd to sustain the others and that Philip himself with the Illyrians fell on their Flank the Mercenaries on the coming up of this Relief took new Courage and engag'd with so much Bravery that Lycurgus was worsted and betook himself to flight leaving about an Hundred of his Men dead on the place and 〈◊〉 greater number that were taken Prisoners Many got into the Town and Lycurgâ—s himself favour'd by the coming on of the Night got likewise through by-ways into Sparta Whereupon Philip having now the Mountains to friend where he plac'd the Illyrians on the Guard return'd himself with the Buckler-men and Mercenaries to the gross of the Army At the same time Aratus came from Amyclâ—e with the Phalanx on whose approach to the Town Philip repass'd the River to
it greatly terrify'd Molon's Army so it increas'd the Courage of the King 's And now Molon beholding himself deserted and as it were abandon'd on all sides and reflecting on the Punishment that awaited him searing to fall alive into the Enemies hands kill'd himself and all who had been Complices with him and cou'd escape home ended their Days after the like manner Neolaus saving himself out of the Battel got into Persia and came to Alexander his Brother where he kill'd the Wife and Children of Molon and afterwards dy'd himself on their dead Bodies having persuaded Alexander to do the like After the King had pillag'd the Enemies Camp he order'd Molon's Body to be fix'd on a Cross and plac'd on one of the highest Mountains of Media which was immediately put in execution the Body being carry'd into the Country of the Chalonitidi and plac'd on the most conspicuous part of the Mountain Zagra where where was fix'd on a Cross As to the Rebel-Army after the King had severely reprov'd them he vouchsaf'd them his Pardon appointing certain Officers to lead them back into Media who were to remain there to regulate the Affairs of that Province In the mean time the King return'd to Seleucia where he apply'd himself to the establishing the Affairs of the neighbouring Provinces practising his customary Prudence and Clemency As to Hermias he continu'd the same Man still loading the Seleucians with many Accusations and condemning them in a Fine of two thousand Talents sending their Diganes for so their Magistrates are call'd into Banishment and exercising his natural Cruelty on many of the Citizens dismembring some and putting others to death But in the end the King's Humanity prevail'd and put a period to those Evils sometimes by ordering things his own way sometimes by interposing to soften the Severities of Hermias and contented himself with diminishing the Mulct of the Seleucians to five hundred Talents on the payment whereof he receiv'd them into Grace After these things Diogenes being left Governor in Media Apollodorus in Susa and Tycho the King's Chancellor being sent into the Countries bordering on the Red Sea an entire Period was given to the Rebellion of Molon and all the Troubles that fell out thereupon were compos'd Antiochus encourag'd by this Success that he might terrifie the Princes of the Barbarians bordering on his Dominions and deterr them for the future from taking part with his Rebellious Subjects or entring into Alliance with them he resolv'd to invade them And first he propos'd to attack Artabazanes who was esteem'd superiour to the rest both in Power and Military Abilities being over and above Lord of that People they call Atropatii and other neighbouring Nations But Hermias unwillingly engag'd in that War as well in regard of the Danger it threatned as for that his Mind was more bent on that against Ptolomy according to the Resolution that had been formerly taken Nevertheless on the News of the Queen's having brought a Son and conceiving the King would run some hazard of his Person in a War with the Barbarians he came to promote the Proposition of invading them in hopes of being deliver'd of Antiochus proposing that in case he could by any means be rid of him the Government of the Empire and Tuition of the Infant-Prince would fall to his share Wherefore after all things were prepar'd for the Expedition the Army march'd over the Mountain Zagra and fell on the Territory subject to Artabazanes The Country lies on the Borders of the Medes separated only by a ridge of Hills that lie between them It extends on the one side to the Pontus where the River Phasis runs into that Sea and stretcheth as far as the Caspian Sea The Region abounds in good Soldiers especially Horse it is plentifully stor'd with Provisions and all things needful to sustain a War the Kingdom having continu'd ever since the dissolution of the Persian Empire having it seems been neglected by Alexander But Artabazanes being old and towards the period of his Days and terrify'd it the Kings arrival thought it safest to submit and purchase Peace with Antiochus on whatsoever Conditions he should please to impose After this Affair was accommodated Apollophanes the King 's beloved Physician perceiving Hermias to aspire yet beyond that degree of Power and Greatness to which he had been rais'd began to fear and take thought for the King's safety and his own wherefore taking a proper occasion he imparted his Jealousie to Antiochus praying him not to rely over-confidently on Hermias's Fidelity concerning which there wanted not grounds of distrust That in short it behov'd him to be on his guard and not to defer the means of his Preservation lest he fell into the like Snare with his Brother He told him he thought the Danger at hand wherefore he conjur'd him to determine with speed touching the means of his own and his Friends Preservation Antiochus hereupon dissembled not to his Physician the Hatred he bare to Hermias and that he had long entertain'd suspicious Thoughts of him He told him he took in good part his care for his safety and prais'd his Resolution in opening so frankly his Thoughts This Discourse confirm'd Apollephanes that he had oblig'd the King and that his Sentiments were conformable with his own which gave him both Joy and Assurance In conclusion Antiochus enjoining him to have a careful eye to his and his Friends Preservation not only in words but in effect And Apollophanes manifesting his readiness to act any part to insure his safety they came after a long conference to agree That the King should feign himself indispos'd in his Head insomuch that for a while none were to be admitted to his Chamber Howbeit at length such of the King's Servants as he most esteem'd were to be permitted to wait on him by which means they dealt apart with such as they thought fit and when they had imparted the Conspiracy to those who were propos'd to be engag'd which was not hard to bring to pass through the general Hatred Hermias had contracted they deliberated how to put it in execution The Physicians then advis'd the King to take the Morning's Air while the Season was yet cool and to walk abroad early So that Hermias was not wanting to give his attendance at the Hour appointed and with him those to whom the King had communicated his purpose but none else in regard the King 's walking out was design'd to be sooner than ordinary Thus Hermias was led abroad and coming to a lonely place where the King stepping aside as on some necessary occasion he was in the mean time kill'd by those who were about him a Punishment in truth too gentle for his Crimes The King now deliver'd of this Troubler of his Affairs resolv'd to lead his Army home all the Provinces through which he pass'd receiving him with Acclamations of Praise and applauding principally his Justice in taking Hermias out of the World whose Wife and Children were
referr'd to the Accord made by the several Princes at what time Antigonus being defeated and vanquish'd Cassander Lysimachus and Seleucus met in a General Assembly to deliberate on that Subject when the entire Kingdom of Syria was adjudg'd to Seleucus Those who were present on the part of Ptolomy labour'd to prove the contrary and to show the weakness of Antiochus's Pretensions and further to exaggerate the Injury remonstrated the Indignity of breaking the Peace by the Treachery of Theodotus and the Expedition of Antiochus That Ptolomy the Son of Lagus enter'd on the War for the acquisition of Syria That he join'd his Arms with Seleucus conditionally that as the Dominion of Asia should be his so the Lower Syria and Phoenicia should fall to Ptolomy's share The several Ambassadors urg'd these and the like Reasons in the Conferences that were held but no fruit came of their Debates through want of one common Mediator For while Matters were canvas'd by People equally interess'd and partial to their own side without any one to moderate the Heats that could not but grow between them what success could be hop'd The Affair of Achoeus was likewise a great clog to the Negotiation For Ptolomy urg'd to have him compriz'd in the Treaty but Antiochus could not brook so much as to hear him nam'd exclaiming how scandalous it was that Ptolomy should entertain so much as a thought of giving protection to one in Rebellion against his Prince Thus while these two Princes built on the Equity of their Allegations the Treaty was defeated and early in the Spring Antiochus assembled his Troops with intention to attack the Enemy by Sea and Land and to prosecute his Conquest of what remain'd to be reduc'd of Caelo-Syria Ptolomy on the other part committing his Affairs in those parts to the Conduct of Nicolaus furnish'd Gaza plentifully with every needful thing for its defence mov'd also with his Sea and Land Forces On their arrival Nicholaus prepar'd with determination to abide the War and was readily supply'd in all his Demands by Perigenes to whom Ptolomy had given the Command of the Fleet and Naval Army which consisted of thirty Vessels of War and four hundred of Burthen Nicholaus was an Aetolian by Nation very brave and in the Trade of War superiour in Knowledge to most who at that time were in the Service of Ptolomy His first care was with part of his Army to possess the Streights near Platanos posting himself with the other part of his Army in the places near Porphyreon to prevent any attempt of Antiochus on that side In the mean while the Fleet remain'd at Anchor not far off On Antiochus's arrival at Marathum the Aradians apply'd to him with Tenders of Friendship and Alliance whom he did not only kindly receive but interpos'd his Mediation between the Islanders and those of the Continent composing the Difference that had happen'd between them and establishing Friendship among them Then marching into Syria by that passage which is call'd Thoûprosopon he came to Berytus took Botris in his march and burnt Trieres and Calamus From thence he dispatch'd Theodotus and Nicarchus with Orders to possess the Streights which lead to the River Lycus to be before-hand with the Enemy In the mean time himself kept on his march with the Army and came and Encamp'd by the River Damura Diognetus with the Fleet keeping always near him From thence taking with him Nicarchus and Theodotus with his light-arm'd Troops he went to view the Streights where Nicholaus was posted and after he had made Remarks to his Mind he return'd back to the Camp The next Day leaving Nicarchus with the Command of his heavy-arm'd Troops behind he march'd himself at the head of the rest of the Army to put in execution what he had projected Now in regard Mount Libanus streightens and contracts the passage by the Sea-Coast and the space is bounded by a Valley waste and inaccessible it comes to pass that the way between that and the Sea is very narrow and difficult Here it was where Nicolaus had posted himself where by placing good Guards in some places and fortifying others with Works he thought he should be able without much difficulty to withstand Antiochus's Passage The King in the mean time dispos'd his Army into three Divisions to Theodotus he gave the Command of one with Orders to attack the Enemy that was posted along the Mountain another Division he gave to Menedemus who was expresly directed to attempt the Passage that lay in the middle of the Vale the third he appointed for a reserve with respect to what might happen in the Naval Conflict These were lead by Diocles who was Governour of the Country of Parapotamia near the Euphrates Antiochus himself making choice of such a place attended only by his Guards where he might stand and have a fair view of all that pass'd on every side whereby being a Spectator of each Mans behaviour he was inabled to judge where to supply Succours in case of Need. And now Diognetus and Perigenes drew their Fleets into a Line of Battel drawing as near the Shore as they could insomuch as the whole Action by Land and Sea became one single prospect When the Signal was given they advanc'd to the Attack on all sides The Fight at Sea continu'd for some time doubtful their Forces being in every thing equal And notwithstanding Nicolaus seem'd a while to have the better having the advantage of Ground yet upon Theodotus's forcing the Enemy from their Post on the Mountain and from thence falling on the rest Nicolaus was compell'd to give Ground and betake him to flight About two thousand were slain in the pursuit and no fewer taken Prisoners the rest got into Sidon Perigenes likewise who once thought he had the better in the Naval Dispute terrify'd to behold his Friends beaten a-shoar left the Enemy a stern and flying secur'd himself in the same place Antiochus presently thereupon leads his Army to Sidon and encamps before the Town But he thought it not advisable to attack it for as it was very well supply'd with all sorts of Provisions of War so the Inhabitants were numerous and their Strength re-inforc'd by those who had fled thither after the Battel From thence then he took his march towards Philoteria ordering Diognetus his Admiral to make sail with the Fleet to Tyre Philoteria stands in the neighbourhood of a great Moor through which runs the River Jordan which from thence pursues its course through the Plains of Scythopolis Antiochus becoming Master of the two foremention'd Places grew into greater assurance of succeeding in his Enterprizes in regard the Territory subject to those Towns produc'd sufficient of all things to sustain his Army and yielded over and above enough of every thing he might need to prosecute his Design wherefore after he had strengthen'd them with good Garrisons he took his march over the Mountains and came to Atabyrium This Town stands on a rising
Ground which by a gentle descent terminates in a Plain from whence to the top of the Eminence it is near two Miles Here Antochus lodg'd an Ambush which in effect won him the Place For after by little Skirmishes and Disputes he had drawn the People out in one of these Ingagements feigning to be too weak his Party retreated while the others pursu'd when presently facing about the Enemy in their turn retir'd who meeting the Ambush in Front many were cut off and in short Antiochus himself pursuing the Advantage so terrify'd them that the Town was taken on the first Attack At the same time Keroeas one of Ptolomy's Captain deserted and came over to Antiochus whom receiving with great Solemnity it gave occasion for many other prime Officers of the King of Egypt to leave his Service For shortly after Hippolochus the Thessalian acted the same part bringing with him to the number of four hundred Horse Antiochus likewise Garrison'd Atabyrium and pursuing his Journey in his march receiv'd to his Obediâ—â—â—e the Cities of Pella Camus and Gephrus which surrender'd This great Success so wrought on the Minds of the neighbouring People that they unanimously took part with Antiochus whereby his Hopes increasing and his Power being augmented by this new accession of his Arabian Friends he advances into Galatis which reducing he took Abila and in it those who were come in to succour it under the leading of Nicias a Kinsman and Confident of Menea's In short Gadara was the only Place that now remain'd to be reduc'd which was esteem'd the most considerable for Strength in all that Country To this Town the King approach'd with his Army and so terrify'd the Inhabitants with his preparations to Attack them that they yielded themselves up And now being inform'd that great numbers of the Enemy were drawn together in a certain Town of Arabia call'd Rabath-ben-Ammon or Rabatamana from whence they made Excursions and plundred the Country of those who had contracted Friendship with him he therefore laying aside all his other Affairs bent his march that way and approach'd the Mountain whereon the Town stands After he had view'd the situation on all sides he concluded there were but two places by which they could be attack'd there then he posted his Troops and caus'd his Machines to approach The Conduct of the Works he divided betwixt Nicarchus and Theodotus whiâ—â— himself kept an equal and vigilant Eve of their Behaviour and remark'd the Affection that carry'd these two Leaders to advance his Service Who emulating each other and labouring who should first open a Breach the Wall was demolish'd by that means much sooner than was expected That Work done the King continu'd his Attacks Night and Day pressing by all means possible to get into the Town but therein they long labour'd in vain by reason of the multitude of the Defendents Till at length one of their Prisonen discover'd to the Besiegers a Vault or Passage under Ground by which the besieged descended to supply themselves with Water which Passage being once stop'd up the Inhabitants streighten'd by necessity confess'd themselves vanquish'd and so yielded up the Town Thus Antiochus became Master of Rabatamana where he left Nearchus Governor with a good Garrison and sending Hippolochus and Kâ—roeas who had deserted Ptolomy at the head of five thousand Foot into the Country in the neighbourhood of Samaria to Command in that Province and to Defend those who had submitted to him against Incursions of the Enemy he bent his march towards Ptolemais there to pass the Winter for so he had before determin'd During the same Summer those of Pedâ—elissa being attack'd and besieg'd by the Selgians and finding themselves in danger apply'd to Achoeus for Succour by their Ambassadors who readily promising them his Assistance they sustain'd the Siege with great Constancy in hopes of his sending them Relief which he accordingly did dispatching Garsyeres at the Head of Six Thousand Foot and Five Hundred Horse As soon as the Selgians had notice of the approach of these Succours they march'd with the greatest part of their Troops to possess the Streights near a certain Place call'd by those of the Country Climax or the Ladder posting his Troops on the Passage or Entrance hard by Saporda breaking the Ground and barracadoing the Passages every where Garsyeres marching into the Territory of the Milyades came and encamp'd near Cretompolis and finding it was impossible for him to advance any further for that the Enemy had every where made themselves Masters of the Defilées he therefore devis'd this Stratagem He caus'd his Troops to face about and march back by the way they came making show as if on finding the Ways so fortify'd that he could not march on he had despair'd of his Design of relieving the Besieg'd The Selgians were deceiv'd by this show and concluded Garsyeres had chang'd his purpose whereupon one part of their Troops return'd to their Camp and the◠〈◊〉 march'd home for that their time of Harvest was at hand This being observ'd by Garsyeres he there upon march'd back and gain'd the top of the Mountains without meeting any force to oppose him where posting sufficient strength to guard the Avenues he left Phaylus to Command there and march'd with the Army to Perga dealing with other People of Pisidiâ— and with the Pamphylians themselves by Persons he dispatch'd to them setting forth the insolent behaviour of the Selgians towards their Neighbours and exhorting them to enter into the League of Achoeus and to contribute to the Relief of Pednelissa While these things were in agitation the Selgians sent an Army against Phaylus which being well acquainted with the Country had conceiv'd hopes of terrifying him and forcing him from his Post But finding their Attempt in vain and losing many of their Men in the several Attacks they made upon him they lost their hopes likewise of succeeding that way howbeit they would not forsake their Enterprize but had recourse to their Machines In the mean while the Etennenses who inhabit the Mountains of Pisidia that over-look Sida supply'd Garsyeres with a re-inforcement of eight thousand Men and the Aspendians with four thousand But those of Sida who tho' they had a just Consideration for Antiochus yet bearing no Good-will to the Aspendians would not be drawn to send relief to the Besieged Garsyeres however thus strengthen'd with the Succours of the Allies march'd towards Pednelissa promising himself to be able to raise the Siege on the first attempt But when he perceiv'd the Selgians to be under no surprize at his arrival he drew near and Encamp'd his Army close by them The Pednelissians the mean while were driven to great streights for every thing wherefore Garsyeres resolving to put relief into the Town by one means or other drew out two thousand choice Men of his own Troops each Man taking with him a certain proportion of Corn order'd them to march and endeavour to get into the Town by Night
But this attempt being discover'd by the Selgians they hasten'd to prevent them and attacking them took all the Corn and cut off most of the Party This success so exalted them that they came thereupon to resolve not only to assault the Town but to attack Garsyeres himself in his Camp For the Selgians are a People who in War love both those Counsels and Enterprizes best that are most rash Leaving their Camp therefore with a good Guard they drew out the rest of their Troops and posted them in divers places about Garsyeres's Works and march'd to the Attack on all sides Garsyeres finding himself inclos'd every where by this surprizing Attempt and beholding his Defences in some places already broken down and the whole Camp reduc'd to extremity order'd his Horse to sally out by a way the Enemy had taken least notice of And now the Selgians believing the Horse to be fled and escap'd away made no more account of them but let them pass unpursu'd whereupon after they had gone some distance they wheel'd about and fell on the Enemy's Reeâ— where the Dispute was bloody Upon this the Foot who before were heartless and on the point of turning their Backs took Courage and fac'd the Enemy with fresh Resolution insomuch that the Selgians who â—ut now thought the Day their own behâ—ld themselves on the sudden surrounded on every side worsted and driven to fly At the same time the Garrison of Pednelissa sally'd and fell on the Selgians Camp which they forc'd whereupon the Enemy flying in disorder they lost to the number of at least ten thousand Men. Those of their Allies who escap'd retir'd home and the Selgians gaining the tops of the Mountains got to the City Garsyeres pursuing them being desirous to hasten out of the Defilée and approach Selgia before the Enemy could have leisure to rally and consult about their safety Accordingly he came before the â—â—ty with his Army where the Enemy hopeless of help from their Allies through the loss they had lately sustain'd in their Service and terrify'd at their Defeat grew into doubt both of their own and their Country's safety Wherefore calling an Assembly they agreed to dispatch Logbasis one of their Citizens in quality of their Ambassador to Achoeus This Logbasis had been in great esteem with Antiochus he who dy'd in Thrace and it seems had the care of the Education of Laodice whom he brought up with the tenderness of his own Child and who was afterwards marry'd to Achoeus On these Considerations they concluded him the properest Person to be sent in the present Exigence wherefore they dispatch'd him But Logbasis revealing the Secret of his Embassy to Garsyeres made so little reckoning of his Duty and the preservation of his Country that on the contrary he was instant with Garsyeres to let Achoeus understand that he was ready to put the City into his hands whereupon Garsyeres furnish'd with those Hopes dispatch'd Letters to Achoeus praying him to dispose himself for his Journey on the receipt of his Advice while he in the mean time held a Truce and enter'd into Treaty with the Selgians and contriving Disputes about the Articles of the Peace spun out the time till the coming of Achoeus and that Logbasis had leisure to conferr with him touching the execution of their Enterprize And now during the Treaty and the going and coming of Messengers from the 〈◊〉 to the Camp and from the Camp thitheâ— the Soldiers by degrees were admitted into the Town to traffick and buy Provisions and what else they wanted and Over-sight which hath had many bad effects And it may 〈◊〉 assurance be said that as there is no Creature that possesses so great a share of Sagacity and Reflection as Man so there is scarce any more subject to be deceiv'd For how many Townâ— Fortresses and even Camps have been by this means betray'd to the Enemy And albeit there are frequent and fresh Examples of such Disasters and we know they have befallâ—â— many 't is as true nevertheless that by I knoâ— not what kind of fatality we know not how to secure our selves against such Arts and aâ—â— always to seek to prevent them the reasonâ— take to be from our want of reflection on other Men's Adventures Our Providence is seen in making Provision to sustain and pay our Armies and to furnish our Soldiers with the best and most proper Arms for our Defence while at the same time we omit what is both more easie and profitable namely to be on our guard against these kind of Evils to which we lie expos'd For Prudence may be acquir'd at our leisure and by the study of History we improve the Understanding without difficulty in the contemplation of things past Achoeus fail'd not to be present at the time assign'd and the Selgians entring into Conference with him were in hopes on that occasion of sharing with others the Benefit of his Gentleness and Humanity But in the mean time Logbasis having privately got into his House a good number of those who came from the Camp into the Town labour'd with the Inhabitants not to lose the occasion but to improve while they might the Offers so bountifully tender'd by Achoeus That they would do well to convoke their Assembly and delibâ—rate on their present state and put a period to the Treaty they had already begun Whereupon they call'd an Assembly of the People drawing off those who were posted on the Walls and elsewhere for the defence of the Place pretending the necessity of a General Assembly of the whole Body of the People solemnly to conclude on the Proposals While things were in this posture in the Town Logbasis gives the Signal to the Enemy and in the mean time causes the Soldiers he had received into his House to be ready with their Arms while himself and his Sons likewise prepare to act their Parts Achaâ—us then approaches the Town on one side with one part of the Army and Garsyeres with another advances towards Cesbedium which is a Temple of Jupiter that commands the Town in manner of a Citadel But it chanc'd that these motions were observ'd by a certain Shepherd who giving an account to the Assembly that the Enemy were approaching the Walls some hastned to Cesbedium others to their Posts on the Walls from whence they had been call'd while the multitude enrag'd ran to the House of Logbasis whose Treachery being now manifest some untile the House while others attack and force the Gates and in short kill'd Logbasis with his Family and the whole Party that were with him Then they proclaim'd Liberty to their Slaves and drawing up in several Bodies they march'd to the defence of such Places as had most need of succour And now Garsyeres beholding the Temple in a posture of defence thought it not safe to advance while Achoeus who attempted the Gates and us'd his utmost Endeavours to get into the Town was attack'd by the Selgians who making a Sally
their Annual Magistrates to resolve on the choice of some one single Person in whom the sole Authority should center In the mean time Hannibal who by the success of his Arms grew to believe he should be more than a Match for the Romans did not think it convenient to approach presently nearer Rome Wherefore he continu'd to harrass and spoil the Country destroying all by Fire and Sword where-ever he came taking his march toward Adria where he arriv'd in ten Days passing by the Frontiers of the Insubrians and Picentines The Country in his march being rich the Plunder of the Army grew so great and cumbersom that they could neither carry nor otherwise transport it The People where-ever he came he us'd with great Cruelty and according to the common manner of Treatment of Towns that are taken by force order'd all to be slain that they could find of Age to bear Arms such merciless impression had Hannibal's Hatred to the Romans given him Incamping now not far from Adria in a pleasant and fruitful Country abounding in all things he there gave order for the curing of his sick and infirm Soldiers and Horses for in his Winter-Incampments in the hither Gaul where he lay expos'd to all the rigours of the open Air incommoded by the stench of the filth and ordure of the Camp that what by their unwholsome Incampments what by their march through the Fens both Men and Horses the whole Army over were generally infected with a Disease call'd by the Greeks Lemopsoron but with us the Scurf or Scab which comes by Unwholsome Diet and hard Usage Wherefore happening into this place so commodious for every thing he was willing they should want for nothing that might advance their Recovery renew the Strength and recruit the Spirits of the Soldiers Hannibal being now possess'd of great quantities of Roman Arms of those he had either slain or taken he therefore arm'd his Africans after the Roman manner He also dispatch'd Letters by Sea to Carthage giving an account of his Successes having never since his coming into Italy till now approach'd the Sea-Coast The Carthaginians receiv'd the News with great acclamations of Joy and deliberated how best to re-inforce and supply their Armies both in Spain and Italy with all things of which they might stand in need The Romans in the mean time created Fabius Maximus Dictator a Person of a noble House and of so exemplary Vertue that his single Merit acquir'd to his Family the Title of Maximi from the great Actions he so happily WP2787atchiev'd There is this difference among others betwixt a Dictator and a Consul the Consul hath but twelve Axes carried before him the Dictator twenty four Furthermore the Consuls cannot act in many things without the Authority of the Senate but the Power of the Dictator is absolute and independent and during that Magistracy the Authority of all others become superseded that of the Tribunes of the People only excepted But we shall treat more particularly hereof in its proper place After Fabius had been nam'd for Dictator he chose M. Minutius for his Master of the Horse which is a Charge depending intirely on the Dictator and supplies his place in the Army when absent Hannibal after he had refresh'd his Army mov'd by easie marches along the Coast of the Adriatick thereby to gain time till he had fill'd his Troops here by washing his Horses with old Wine whereof the Country abounded he cur'd them of the Scratches and the Farcy Neither did he omit any care for the cure and recovery of his wounded Men by which means the rest were hearten'd and became the more chearfully dispos'd to go on such future hazardous Services as he should have further occasion to use them in Thus he continu'd his March and after he had plunder'd and forag'd the Territory of Pretutium Adria and that of the Marrucians and Ferentines he took his way towards Apulia which is distinguish'd by three Divisions each having its peculiar name One part is inhabited by the Daunians and another by the Messapians Hannibal first attack'd the Daunians and made spoil about Luceria a Colony of the Romans where he put all to Fire and Sword Then he encamp'd near Ibona from whence he sent his Troops to ravage the Lands of the Arpians and in short over-ran the whole Country of Apulia About this time Fabius enter'd on his Charge who after he had sacrific'd to the Gods march'd out of the City with his Master of the Horse at the head of four new-rais'd Legions which had been sevied according to Custom And after he had joyn'd his Troops near the Frontiers of the Dannians with those that had been sent to Rimini he sent the Consul back to Rome with Orders to Command the Fleet and have an Eye to the Enemies Motions by Sea while himself and the General of the Horse after he had taken possession of the Legions march'd and encamp'd near Aegas in view of the Enemy and not above six Miles from their Camp The Carthaginian as soon as he had notice of the arrival of Fabius led his Army out of the Camp and marching drew them up in Battalia near the Romans to amuse and terrifie them Where having remain'd some time and none appearing to oppose him he march'd back to his Quarters For Fabius who had determin'd to do nothing rashly and not to come presently to a Battel but to labour by all Arts and Means to secure the Interest of his Country held firm to his first Resolution By which means he soon grew into Contempt was reckon'd a Coward by his Country-men and one who out of poorness of Spirit shun'd all occasions of having to do with the Enemy But in the end his Actions taught them better how to value him and to confess That they could never have chosen a Leader who better knew his Business or could proceed with more Judgment and good Conduct which shortly after the issue of his Administiation abundantly manifested Hannibal's Troops who had been bred and broken to their Trade from their Childhood and he himself brought up among them and a perfect Master in Military Knowledge who had fought many Battels with Success in Spain and gain'd two important Victories already against the Romans and their Allies And what out-weigh'd all we have said and which to him was of greatest importance was that his Troops had no hopes or prospect of Safety but what they carry'd on the Points of their Swords which was Fabius's Motive to work with so much Cantion and Circumspection being well assur'd the Enemy would be superiour to him in Battel Wherefore by singular Prudence and Address he had recourse only to those Advantages wherein he was sure the Romans were the stronger In a word the Benefits the Romans enjoy'd and of which the Enemy could not deprive them were Provisions of Victuals and Stores of War in great abundance and plenty of good Men to recruit their Armies Fabius therefore held