them CHAP. VII What happened to me at Penaiu with the King of Batas expedition against the Tyrant of Achem and what he did after his Victory over him BY that time we had sailed seven or eight leagues up the River at the end we arrived at a little Town named Botterrendan not above a quarter of a mile distant from Panaiu where the King of Batas was at that time making preparation for the War he had undertaken against the Tyrant of Achem. This King understanding that I had brought him a Letter and a Present from the Captain of Malaca caused me to be entertained by the Xabandar who is he that with absolute power governs all the affairs of the Army This General accompanied with five Lanchares and twelve Ballons came to me to the Port where I rode at anchor Then with a great noise of Drums Bells and popular acclamations he brought me to a certain Key of the Town called Campalator There the Bendara Governor of the Kingdom stayed for me in great solemnity attended by many Ourâ—balons and Amborraias which are the noblest persons of his Court the most part of whom for all that were but poor and base both in their habit and manner of living whereby I knew that the Country was not so rich as it was thought to be in Malaca When I was come to the Kings Palace and had past through the first Court at the entrance of the second I found an old woman accompanied with other persons far nobler and better apparelled then those that marched before me who beckoning mâ— with her hand as if she had commanded me to enter Man of Malaca said she unto me Thy arrival in the King my Masters Land is as agreeable unto him as a sâ—owre of rain is to a crop of Rice in dry and hot weather Wherefore enter boldly and be afraid of nothing for the people which by the goodness of God thou seest here are no other then those of thine own Country since the hope which we have in the same God makes us believe that he will maintain us all together unto the end of the world Having said so she carried me where the King was unto whom I did obeysance according to the man-of the Country then I delivered him the Letter and the Present I had brought him which he graciously accepted of and asked me what occasion drew me thither Whereunto I answered as I had in commission that I was come to serve his Highness in the Wars where I hoped to 〈◊〉 the honor to attend on him and not to leave him till such time as he returned Conqueror of his Enemies Hereunto I likewise added that I desired to see the City of Achem as also the scituation and fortifications of it and what depth the River was of whereby I might know whether it would bear great Vessels and Gallions because the Captain of Malaca had a design to come and succor his Higness as soon as his men were returned from the Indiaes and to dâ—liver his mortal Enemy the Tyrant of Achem into his hands This poor King presently believed all that I said to be true and so much the rather for that it was conformable to his desire in such sort that rising out of his Thâ—one where he was set I saw him go and fall on his knees before the carcass of a Cows head set up against the wall whose horns were guilt and crowned with flowers Then lifting up his hands and eyes O thou said he that not constrained by any material love whereâ—nto Nature hath obliged thee dost continually make glad all those that desire thy milk as the own mother doth him whom she hath brought into the world without participating either of the miseries or pains which ordinarily she suffers from whom we take our Being be favorable unto the prayer which now with all my heart I offer up unto thee and it is no other but this that in the meadows of the Sun where with the payment and recompence which thou receivest thou art contented with the good that thou dost here below thou wilt be pleased to conserve me in the new amity of this good Captain to the end he may put in execution all that this man here hath told me At these words all the Courtiers which were likewise on their knees said three times as it were in answer How happy were he that could see that and then dye incontinently Whereupon the King arose and wiping his eyes which were all beblubbered with the tears that proceeded from the zeal of the prayer he had made he questioned me about many particular things of the Indiaes and Malaca Having spent some time therein he very courteously dismissed me with a promise to cause the Merchandise which the Mahometan had brought in the Captain of Malaâ—a's name to be well and profitably put off which indeed was the thing I most desired Now for as much as the King at my arrival was making his preparations for to march against the Tyrant of Achem and had taken order for all things necessary for that his Voyage after I had remained nine days in Panaiu the Capital City of the Kingdom of Batas he departed with some Troops towards a place named Turban some five leagues of where he arrived an hour before Sun-set without any manner of reception or shew of joy in regard of the grief he was in for the death of his children which was such as he never appeared in publique but with great demonstrations of sorrow The next morning the King of Batas marched from Turban towards the Kingdom of Achem being eighteen leagues thither He carried with him fifteen thousand men of War whereof eight thousand were Bataes and the rest Menancabes Lusons Andraguires Iambes and Bournees whom the Princes his neighbors had assisted him with as also forty Elephants and twelve Carts with small Ordnance namely Faulcons Bases and other field Pieces amongst the which there were three that had the Arms of France and were taken in the year 1526. at such time as Lopo Vaz dâ— Sampayo governed the State of the Indiaes Now the King of Batas marching five leagues a day came to a River called Quilem There by some of the Tyrants Spies which he had taken he learnt that his Enemy waited for him at Tondacur two leagues from Achem with a purpose to fight with him and that he had great store of strangers in his Army namely Turks Cambayans and Malabars Whereupon the King of Batas assembling his Councel of War and falling into consultation of this affair it was concluded as most expedient to set upon the Enemy before he grew more strong With this resolution having quit the River he marched somewhat faster then ordinary and arrived about ten of the clock in the night at the foot of a Mountain half a league from the Enemies Camp where after he had reposed himself a matter of three hours he marched on in very good order for which effect having
down a pane of the wall and besides those pieces of battery there were above three hundred Falcons that shot incessantly with an intention only to kill those that were in the streets as indeed they made a great havock which was the cause that seeing themselves so ill-intreated and their people slain in that manner they resolved like valiant men as they were to sell their lives as dearly as they could so that one morning having sallied forth by the same breach of the wall which the Canon had made they gave so valiantly upon those of the Camp that in lesse then an hour they almost routed the Bramaas whole Army Now because it began to be day the Savadis thought it fit to re-enter into the Town leaving eight thousand of their enemies dead on the place After this they repaired the breach in a very little time by the means of a rampire of earth which they made up with bavins and other materialls that was strong enough to resist the Canon Hereupon the Chaumigrem seeing the bad successe he had had resolved to make war both upon the places neer about as also upon the frontiers that were furthest off from the Town for which purpose he sent Diosaâ—ay high Treasurer of the Kingdome whose Slaves we Portugals were Colonel of five thousand men to spoil a certain Borough called Valentay which furnished the besieged Town with provisions but this voyage was so infortunate unto him that before his arrivall at the designed place his forces were by two thousand Savadis whom he incountred by the way all cut in pieces in lesse then half an hour not one escaping with life that fell into the enemies hands Neverthelesse it pleased our Lord that amidst this defeat we saved our selves by the favour of the night and without knowing whither we went we took the way of a very craggy mountain where we marched in exceeding great pain three daies and an half at the end whereof we entred into certain Moorish Plains where we could meet with no path or way nor having other company then Tygers Serpents and other savage beasts which put us into a mighty fear But as our God whom incessantly we invoked with tears in our eys is the true guide of travellers he out of his infinite mercy permitted that at length we perceived one evening a certain fire towards the East so that continuing our course towards that place where we saw this light we found our selves the next morning neer to a great Lake where there were some Cottages which in all likelyhood were inhabited by very poor people howbeit not daring to discover our selves as yet we hid us all that day in certain hanging precipices that were very boggy and full of Horsleâ—ches which made us all gore blood As soon as it was night we fell to marching again untill the next morning whenas we arrived neer to a great river all alongst the which we continued going for five daies together At last with much pain we got to another Lake that was far greater then the former upon the bank whereof was a little Temple in the form of an Hermitage and there we found an old Hermite who gave us the best entertainment that possibly he could This old man permitted us to repose our selves two daies with him during which time we demanded many things of him that made for our purpose whereunto he alwaies answered according to the truth and told us that we were still within the Territories of the King of Savady that this Lake was called Oregâ—antâ—r that is to say the opening of the night and the Hermitage the God of succour Whereupon being desirous to know of him the signification of this abuse he laid his hand on an horse of brasse that stood for the Idoll upon the Altar and said that he often read in a book which intreated of the foundation of the Kingdome that some two hundred thirty and seven years before this Lake being a great Town called Oâ—umhaleu a King that was named Avaâ— had taken it in war that in acknowledgement of this victory his Priests by whom he was wholly governed counselled him to sacrifice unto Quiay Guaâ—or the God of war all the young male children which had been made captives and in case he did not so they would when they became men regain the Kingdome from him The King apprehending the event of this threatning caused all these children being fourscore and five thousand in number to be brought all into one place and so upon a day that was kept very solemn amongst them he made them to be put most inhumanely to the edge of the sword with an intent to have them burned the next morning in Sacrifice but the night following there came a great earthquake and such lightning and fire fell from heaven upon the Town as within lesse then half an hour it was quite demolished and all that was in it reduced to nothing so that by this just judgement of God the King together with all his were strucken dead not so much as one escaping and besides them thirty thousand Priests in like manner who ever since during all the New Moons are heard to cry and roar so dreadfully that all the inhabitants thereabouts were ready to go besides themselves with fear by reason whereof the Country was utterly depopulated no other habitation remaining therein save only fourscore and five Hermitages which were erected in memory of the fourscore and five thousand children whom the King had caused to be butchered through the evill counsell of his Priests CHAP. LXIIII. A continuation of the successe which we had in this voyage with my departure from Goa to Zunda and what passed during my abode there WE past two daies in this Hermitage where as I declared before we were very well entertained by the Hermite the third day after betimes in the morning we took our leave of him and departed from thence not a little afflicted with that which we had heard and so all the same day and the night following we continued on our way along by the river the next morning we arrived at a place where were a great many of sugar canes of which we took some for that we had nothing els to nourish us withall In this manner we marched still along by this river which we kept for a guide of our voyage because we judged that how long soever it were yet would it at last ingulfe it self in the Sea where we hoped that our Lord would raise us up some remedy for our miseries The day ensuing we arrived at a village called Pommiseray where we hid our selves in a very thick wood from being descried by passengers and two hours within night we continued our design in following the current of this river being resolved to take our death in good part if it should please God to send it us for to put an end to so many sufferings as we had undergone day and night and without lying
divided his Army into four Squadrons and passing along by a little hill when he came to the end thereof he discovered a great Plain sowed with Rice where the Enemy stood ranged in two Battalions As soon as the two Armies descryed one another and that at the sound of their Trumpets Drums and Bells the Soldiers had set up a terrible cry they encountred very valiantly together and after the discharge of their shot on both sides they came to fight hand to hand with such courage that I trembled with fear to behold their fury The Battel continued in this manner above an hour and yet could it not possibly be discerned which party had the better At last the Tyrant foreseeing that if he persisted in the fight he should lose the day because he perceived his men to grow faint and weary he retreated to a rising ground that lay South of the Bataes and about a Faulcons shot distant from them There his intention was to fortifie himself in certain Trenches which before he had caused to be cast up against a Rock in form of a garden or tilth of Rice But a brother to the King of Andraguire interrupted his design for stepping before him with two thousand men he cut off his way and stopt him from passing further in so much that the medly grew to be the same it was before and the fight was renewed between them with such fury as cruelly wounding one another they testified sufficiently how they came but little short of other Nations in courage By this means the Tyrant before he could recover his Trenches lost fifteen hundred of his men of which number were the hundred and threescore Turks that a little before were come to him from the Straight of Mecqua with two hundred Sarrazins Malabars and some Abissins which were the best men he had Now because it was about mid-day and therefore very hot the King of Batas retired towards the Mountain where he spent the rest of the day in causing those that were wounded to be looked unto and the dead to be buried Hereupon not being well resolved what to do in regard he was altogether ignorant of the Enemies design he took care to have good watch kept all that night in every part The next morning no sooner began the Sun to appear but he perceived the Valley wherein the Achems had been the day before to be quite abandoned and not one of them to be seen there which made him think the Enemy was defeated In this opinion the better to pursue the first point of his Victory he dismissed all the hurt men as being unfit for service and followed the Tyrant to the City where arriving two hours before Sun-set to shew that he had strength and courage enough to combat his Enemies he resolved to give them proof of it by some remarkable action before he would encamp himself To which effect he fired two of the Suburbs of the Town as also four Ships and two Gallions which were drawn on Land and were those that had brought the Turks from the Straight of Mecqua And indeed the fire took with such violence on those six Vessels as they were quite consumed in a very little time the Enemy not daring to issue forth for to quench it After this the King of Batas seeing himself favored by Fortune to lose no opportunity began to assault a Fort called Penacao which with twelve Pieces of Ordnance defended the entry of the River to the Scalado of this he went in person his whole Army looking on and having caused some seventy or eighty ladders to be planted he behaved himself so well that with the loss only of seven and thirty men he entred the place and put all to the sword that he found in it to the number of seven hundred persons without sparing so much as one of them Thus did he on the day of his arrival perform three memorable things whereby his Soldiers were so heartned as they would fain have assaulted the City the very same night if he would have permitted them but in regard it was very dark and his men weary he gave thanks to God and contented himself with that which he had done The King of Batas held the City besieged by the space of three and twenty days during the which two sallies were made wherein nothing past of any reckoning for there were but ten men slain on either part Now as victories and good success in War do ordinarily encourage the victorious so oftentimes it happens that the weak become strong and cowards so hardy as laying aside all fear they dare undertake most difficile and dangerous things whence also it as often falls out that the one prospers and the other is ruined which appeared but too evidently in that which I observed of these two Princes For the King of Batas seeing that the Tyrant had shut himself up in his City thereby as it were confessing that he was vanquished grew to such an height of confidence that both he and his people beleeving it was impossible for them to be resisted and trusting in this vain opinion that blinded them were twice in hazard to be lost by the rash and inconsiderate actions which they entred into In the third sally made by the inhabitants the King of Batas people encountred them very lustily in two places which those of Achem perceiving they made as though they were the weaker and so retreated to the same Fort that was taken from them by the Bataes the first day of their arrival being closely followed by one of the Kings Captains who taking hold of the opportunity entred pell-mell with the Achems being perswaded that the Victory was sure his own But when they were all together in the Trenches the Achems turned about and making head afresh defended themselves very couragiously At length in the heat of their medley the one side endeavoring to go on and the other to withstand them those of Achem gave fire to a Myne they had made which wrought so effectually as it blew up the Captain of the Bataes and above three hundred of his Soldiers with so great a noise and so thick a smoak as the place seemed to be the very portraiture of Hell In the mean time the Enemies giving a great shout the Tyrant sallied forth in person accompanied with five thousand resolute men and charged the Bataes very furiously Now for that neither of them could see one another by reason of the smoak proceeding from the Myne there was a most confused and cruel conflict between them but to speak the truth I am not able to deliver the manner of it sufficeth it that in a quarter of an hours space the time this fight endured four thousand were slain in the place on both sides whereof the King of Batas lost the better part which made him retire with the remainder of his Army to a Rock called Minacaleu where causing his hurt men to be drest he found them
receive him who brought along with him an hundred and threescore Calaluzes and ninety Lanchares full of Luffons from the Isle of Borneo With all this company he arrived where the King of Zunda was who entertained him very courteously and with a great deal of honor Fourteen daies after our coming to this Town of Iapara the King of Demaa went and imbarqued himself for the Kingdome of Passarâ—an in a Fleet of two thousand and seven hundred sails amongst the which were a thousand high-built Juncks and all the rest were Vessells with oars The eleventh of February he arrived at the river of Hicandurea which is at the entrance of the bar and because the King of Panaruca Admirall of the Fleet perceived that the great Vessells could not passe unto the Port which was two leagues off by reason of certaine shelves of sand that were in divers parts of the river he caused all those that were in them to be disimbarqued and the other Vâ—ssells with oars to go and anchor in the road before the Town with an intention to burn the Ships that were in the Port which indeed was accordingly executed In this Army was the Emperor Panguâ—yran in person accompanied with all the grandeâ—s of the Kingdome the King of Zunda his brother-in-law who was Generall of the Army went by land with a great part of the forces and being all arrived at the place where they meant to pitch their Camp they took care in the first place for the fortifying thereof and for placing the Canon in the most commodious places to batter the Town in which labour they bestowed the most part of the day As for the night ensuing it was spent in rejoycings and keeping good watch untill such time as it was day whenas each Captain applied himself to that whereunto his duty obliged him all in generall imploying themselves according to the ingineers directions so that by the second day the whole Town was invironed with high Pallisadoes and their Platformes fortified with great beames whereupon they planted divers great pieces of Ordnance amongst the which were Eagles and Lions of metall that the Acheâ—s and Turks had cast by the invention of a certain Renegado born in the Kingdome of Algarâ—es appertaining to the Crown of Portugal and by reason this wicked wretch had changed his belief he called himself Coia Geinal for as for the name which he had before when he was a Christian I am contented to passe it over in silence for the honor of his Family being indeed of no mean extraction In the mean time the besieged having taken notice how ill-advised they had been in suffering the enemies to labour two whole daies together peaceably in fortifying of their Camp without any impeachment of theirs and taking the same for a great affront they desired their King to permit them to fal upon them the night following alledging how it was probable that men vvearied vvith labour could not make any great use of their arms nor be able to resist this first impetuosity The King who at that time commanded the Kingdom of Passaruan was young indued with many excellent qualities vvhich made him to be exeeedingly beloved of all his subjects for as it was reported of him he was very liberal no manner of Tyrant exceedingly affable to the common people a friend to the poor and so charitable towards Widovvs that if they acquainted him vvith their necessities he relieved them instantly and did them more good then they asked of him Besides these perfections that vvere so recommendable he possessed some others so conforâ—able to mens desires as there vvas not any one that vvould not have exposed his life a thousand times for his service if need â—ad been Furthermore he had none but choice men vvith him even the flovver of all his Kingdome besides many strangers upon vvhom he conferred much vvealth honor and many graces which he accompanied vvith good vvords that being indeed the means vvhereby the minds both of great and small are so strongly gained that they make them Lions of sheep vvhereas carrying ones self other vvayes of generous Lions they are made fearfull hares This King then examining the request vvhâ—ch his people made unto him and referring himself to the advice of the antientest and most prudent Councellors of his State vvhich vvere vvith him there vvas a great contention about the successe that the affairs might have but in the end by the counsell of all in generall it vvas concluded That in case â—ortune should be altogether adverse unto them in this sally which they mâ—ant to make against their enemies yet would it be a much lesse evill and lesse considerâ—ble affront then to see the King so besieged by vile people who against all reason would reduce them by force to quit their beliefe wâ—erein they had been bred by their Fathers to imbrace another new one by the suscitation of the Farazes who place their salvation in washing their parts behind in not eating of swines flesh and marâ—ying of seven wives whereby the best advised may easily judge that God was so much their enemy as he would not assist them in any thing seeing that with so great offence they would under pretext of Religion and with reasons so full of contradiction compell their King to become a Mahometan and render himself tributary to them To these reasons they added many others which the King and they that were with him found to be so good as they all with one common consent agreed thereunto which is en evident mark that it is a thing no lesse naturall for a good Subject to expose his life for his King then for a vertuous wife to conserve her chastity for the husband which God hath given her This being so said they a matter of so great importance was no longer to be deferred but we all in generall and each one in particular are by this sally to make demonstration of the extreme affection which we bear to our good King who we are assured will never be unmindfull of them that shall fight best for his defence which is all the inheritance we desire to leave to our children Whereupon it was resolved that the night following they should make a sally upon their enemies Whereas the joy which this designed sally brought to all the inhabitants of the Town was generall they never stayed till they were called but two hours after midnight and before the time which the King had appointed they assembled all in a great place which was not far from the Royall Palace and where they of the country had accustomed to keep their Fairs and to solemnize their most remarkable feasts on those principall dayes which were destined to the invocation of their Pagodâ—s The King in the mean time wonderfully content to see such heat of courage in them of seventy thousand inhabitants which were in the Town drew out twelve thousand only for this enterprise and divided them into four companies each
which the enemies perceiving they formed a new Squadron of all those that remained of them wherein there were above an hundred thousand men as well sound as hurt and so past all the same day there joyned together in one entire body of an Army the King not daring to fight with them by reason he saw them fortified with two thousand ships wherein there were great numbers of men Neverthelesse as soon as it was dark night the enemies began to march away with all speed all along by the river wherewith the King was nothing displeased because the most part of his souldiers being hurt they were necessarily to be drest as indeed that was presently executed and the most part of the day and the night following imployed therein After the King of Siam had obtained so happy a victory the first thing that he did was to provide with all diligence for the fortifications of the town and whatsoever els he thought to be necessary for the security thereof After that he commanded a generall muster to be made of all his men of war that he might know how many he had lost in this battell whereupon he found that some fifty thousand were wanting all men of little reckoning whom the rigor of the Kings Edict had compelled to serve in this war ill provided and without defensive arms As for the enemies it was known the next day that an hundred and thirty thousand of them had been slain As soon as the hurt men were recovered the King having put into the principall places of this frontier such guards as seemed requisite to him was counselled by his Lords to make war upon the Kingdom of Guibem which was not above fifteen leagues from thence on the North side to be revenged on the Queen of Guibem for having given free passage thorough her dominions to those of Chiammay in regard whereof he attributed to her the losse of Oyaa Capimper and the thirty thousand men that had been killed with him The King approving of this advice parted from this town with an army of foure hundred thousand men and went and fell upon one of this Queens towns called Fumbacor which was easily taken and all the inhabitants put to the sword not one excepted This done he continued his voyage till he came to Guitor the capitall town of the Kingdom of Guibem where the Queen then was who being a widdow governed the State under the title of Regent during the minority of her son that was about the age of nine years At his arrivall he laid siege to the Town and forasmuch aâ— the Queen found not her self strong enough to resist the King of Siams power she fell to accord with him to pay him an annuall tribute of five thousand Turmes of silver which are threescore thousand Duckats of our money whereof she paid him five years advance in hand Besides that the young Prince her son did him homage as his vassall and the King led him away with him to Siam Hereupon he raised his siege from before the Town and passed on towards the North-East to the Town of Taysiran where he had news that the King of Chiammay was fallen off from the league aforesaid In the mean time whereas he had been six daies march in the enemies territories he sacked as many places as he met withall not permitting the life of any male whatsoever to be saved So proceeding onward he arrived at the Lake of Singipamor which ordinarily is called Chiammay where he stayed six and twenty daies during the which he took twelve goodly places invironed with ditches and bullworks after our fashion all of brick and mortar without any stone or lime in them because in the country it is not the custome to build so but they had no other Artillery then some Faulconets and certain muskets of brasse Now forasmuch as winter began to approach and that it was very rainy weather the King too feeling himself not very well he retired back again to the Town of Quitiruan where he tarried three and twenty daies and better in which space he made an end of fortifying it with walls and many broad and deep ditches so that having put this Town into an estate of being able to defend it self against any attempt he imbarqued his Army in the three thousand vessells which brought him thither and so returned towards Siam Nine daies after he arrived at Odiaa the chiefe City of his whole Kingdome where for the most part he kept his Court. At his arrivall the inhabitants gave him a stately reception wherein they bestowed a 〈◊〉 of money upon divers inventions which were made against his entry Now whereas during the six moneths of the Kings absence the Queen his wife had committed adultery with a Purveyor of her house named Vquuâ—cheâ—iraa and that at the Kings return she found her selfe gone four moneths with-child by him the fear she was in left it should be discovered made her for the saving of her self from the danger that threatned her resolve to poyson the King her husband as indeed without further delaying her pernitious intention she gave him in a messe of milk which wrought that effect as he died of it within five daies after during which time he took order by his Testament for the most important affairs of his Kingdome and discharged himself of the obligation wherein he stood ingaged to the strangers which had served him in this war of Chiammay In this Testament whenas he came to make mention of us Portugals he would needs have this clause added thereunto It is my intent that the sixscore Portugals which have alwayes so faithfully watched upon the guâ—rd â—f my person shall â—eceive for a recompence of their good services half a years tribute which the Queen of Guâ—bem gives me and that in my custome houses their Merchandise shall pay no custome foâ— the space of three years Moreover my intent is that their Priests may throughout all the Townes of my Kingdome publish the Law whereof they mâ—ke profâ—ssion namely of a God made man for the salvation of mankind as they have many times assured me To these things he added many others such like which well deserve to be reported here though I passe them under silence because I hope to make a more ample mention of them hereafter Furthermore he desired all the Grandees of his Court which were present with him that they would give him the consolation before he died to make his eldest Son be declared King which was incontinently executed For which effect after that all the Oyaas Conchalis and Montâ—os which are Soveraign dignities over all the rest of the Kingdome had taken the oath of Allegeance to this young Prince they shewed him out at a window to all the people who were in a great place below and they set upon his head a rich Crovvn of gold in the form of a Miter and put a svvord into his right hand and a pair of balances into
foaming with poyson make horrible cries and be delivered into the burning jawes of the dragon of discord whom the true Lord of all the Gods hath cursed for ever whereas contrarily to those that shall be so happy as to obey this Proclamation as his holy brethren and allies shall be granted in this life a perpetuall peace accompanied with a great deale of wealth and riches and after their death their souls shall be no lesse pure and agreeable to God then those of the Saints which goe dancing amidst the beams of the Sun in the celestiall repose of the Lord Almighty This publication made the musick began to play again with a great noise as before which made such an impression in the hearts of them that heard it as in seven nights that it continâ—ed above threescore thousand persons went and rendred themselves to the Xemindoo for most of them which heard those words gave as much credit thereunto as if an Angell from heaven had spoken them In the meane time the besieged Tyrant seeing that these secret Proclamations of the enemy were so prejudiciall unto him as they could not chuse but turn to his utter ruine brake the truce at twelve dayes end and deliberated with his Councell what he should do who advised him by no means to suffer h mself to remaine any longer besieged for feare left the inhabitants should mutinie and fall from him to the enemy and that the best and surest way was to fight with the Xemindoo in the open field before he grew to any further strength This resolution being approved of by Zenim de Satan he prepared himself for the execution of it to which effect he two dayes after before it was day sallied out at five gates of the city with fourscore thousand men which then he had and charged the enemies with strange fury They then in the meane time who alwayes stood upon their guard received them with a great deale of courage whereupon insued so cruell a conflict between them that in lesse then halfe an houre for so long lasted the heat of the fight there fell on both sides above forty thousand men but at the end of that time the new King Zenim was born from his Elephant by an harquebuze shot discharged at him by a Portugall named Gonçalo Nâ—to which caused all the rest to render themselves and the city likewise upon condition that the inhabitants should have their goods and lives saved By this means the Xemindoo entred peaceably into it and the very same day which was a Saturday the three and twentieth of February a thousand five hundred fifty and one he caused himself to be crowned King of Pegu in the greatest Temple of the city As for Gonçalo Nâ—to he gave him in recompence for killing the Tyrant twenty Bisses of gold which are ten thousand Duckats and to the other Portugalls being eighty in number he gave five thousand Duckats besides the honors and prsviledges which they had in the country he also exempted them for three years from paying any custome for their merchandize which was afterwards very exactly observed CHAP. LXXIII That which the Xemindoo did after he was Crowned King of Pegu with the Chaumigrems the King of Bramaaes Foster-Brothers coming against him with a great Army and divers other memorable things THe Xemindoo seeing himself Crowned King of Pegu and peaceable Lord of all the kingdome began to have thoughts far different from those which Xemin de Satan had had being raised to the same dignity of King for the first and principal thing wherein he imployed himself with all his endeavour was to maintain his Kingdome in peace and to cause Justice to flourish as indeed he established it with so much integritie as no man how great so ever he was durst wrong a lesser then himself withall in that which concerned the government of the Kingdome he proceeded with so much vertue and equity as it filled the strangers that were there with admiration so that one could not without marvel consider the peace the quiet and union of the wills of the people during the happy and peaceable estate of this Kingdome which continued the space of a year and better at the end whereof the Chaumigrem foster-brother to the same King of Bramaa whom Xemin de Satan had slaine as I have before declared having received advertisement that by reason of the rebellions and warres which since his departure from thence had happened in the Kingdome of Pegu the principall men of the State there had lost their lives and the Xemindoo who then raigned was unprovided of all things necessary for his defence he resolved once again to adventure upon the same enterprise which had formerly been undertaken by his late King With this design he entertained into his pay a mighty Army of strangers unto whom he gave a Tincall of gold by the month which is five dackets of our mony when as he had prepared all things in a readinesse he departed from Tanguu the place of his birth On the ninth day of March a thousand five hundred fifty and two with an Army of three hundred thousand men whereof only fifty thousand were Bramaas and all the rest Mons Chaleus Calaminhams Sauâ—nis Pamâ—rus and Auaas In the mean time the Xemindoo the new King of Pegu having certain intelligence of these great forces which were coming to fall upon him made preparation to go and meet them with a design to give them battle for which effect he assembled in the same City where he was a huge Army of nine hundred thousand men which were all Pegues by nation and consequently of a weake constitution and lesse warlick then all the others whereof I have spoken and on Tueseday the fourth of April about noone having received advice that the enemies Army was incamped all along the river of Meleytay some twelve leagues from thence he used such expedition as the same day and the next night all his Souldiers were put into battle array for whereas they had prepared every thing long before and had also been trayned by their Capt. there needed no great ado to bring them into order The day ensueing all these men of warre begun about nine of the clock in the morning to march at the sound of an infinite company of warlick instruments and went and lodged that night some two leagues from thence neer to the river Potarâ—u The next day an hour before Sun-set the Bramaa Chaumigrem appeared with so great a body of men as it took up the extent of a league and an half of ground his Army being composed of seaventy thousand horse of two hundred and thirty thousand foot and six thousand fighting elephants besides as many more which carried the baggage and victuals and in regard it was almost night he thought fit to lodge himself all along by the mountain that he might be in the greater safety Thus the night past with a good guard and a strange noise that was made on
of his Pontifall History the eighteenth Chapter In vita Sexti Quinti Fernand makes a narration of certain men whom he calls Caloges and Fingaos which have their feet râ—und like unto those of Cows and hands all over hairy for the clearing of the truth whereof read Galvan in his discoveries folio 32. and 72. Gaspar de la Cruz the sâ—venth Chapter Touching the tryumphant Arches which they have in their streets together with their manner of accommoâ—ating and inriching them when as they solemnised certain Feasts read de la Cruz the seventh chapter Of the Universities which they have in China see Trigault in the third and fifth Chapters of his first Book De Artibus apud Sinas liberalibus ac Scientiis c. And in another entituled De Artibus apud Sinas mechanicis For a Confirmation of that which our Author says of the strange Ceremonies and Complements used by them at their saluting one another when they meet together by chance in the streets and in their visits read Mafeus in the sixth Book of his Indian History folio 134. beginning with these words Salutandi ritus miter plebeios c. And Mendoza in divers places of his Book declares the same Trigault in the seventh Chapter of his first Book at the title De Sinarum ritibus non nullis describes their manner of Salutations Babia in the third Part of his Pontifical History in the life of Gregory the thirteenth The History of the King of Bramaa together with his Victories and Conquests may be found in the Relations of Boterus De la Cruz in the second and fourth Chapters Mafeus and S t Romain Of the entrance of the Tartars into China and their besieging of Pequin Boterus in his Relations De la Cruz the fourth Chapter Paulus Jovius Antonius Armenius and Mathias de Micuy discourse at large That which is written of the subversion of the Provinces of Cuy and Sansii and of the dâ—leful and dreadful events ensuing thereupon Gaspar de la Cruz hath spoken of sufficiently in the 29 th Chapter of his Book As for that which Fernand says of their Gods Fatoquis Amida Xaca Gizon and Canom as also of the fooleries dreams and leasings which they recount of them and of their original and the respests and reverences they bear unto them it may be all seen in the twelfth Book of Mafeus his Indian History and in the first and fourth Chapters of his Epistles Trigault in his first and second Book Boterus in his Relaâ—ions S t Romain and many others By all this now is my Author throughly vindicated from all aspersions of falshood that may be cast upon this his Work which were it otherwise and meerly devised yet is it so full of variety and of such strange both Comick and Tragick Events as cannot chuse but delight far more then any Romance or other of that kind But being accompanyed with the truth as I have sufficiently proved it will no doubt give all the satisfaction and content that can be desired of the Reader The Contents CHAP. I. IN what manner I past my youth in the Kingdom of Portugal until my going to the Indiaes Fol. 1. CHAP. II. My Departure from Portugal for the East-Idiaes and my imbarquing there for the Straight of Mecqua 3 CHAP. III. Our travelling from Mazua by Land to the Mother of Prester John as also our re-imbarquing at the Port of Arquico and that which befell us by the encounter of three Turkish Vessels 5 CHAP. IV. A Mutiny happening in the Town of Mocaa the occasion thereof that which befell thereupon and by what means I was carryed to Ormuz as also my sailing from thence to Goa and what success I had in that Voyage 8. CHAP. V. Goncalo vas Coâ—inhoes Treaty with the Queen of Onor his assaulting of a Turkish 〈◊〉 and that which happened unto us as we were upon our return to Goa 11 CHAP. VI. What passed till such time as Pedro de Faria arrived at Malaca his receiving an Embassador from the King of Batas with his sending me to that King and that which arrived unto me in that Voyage 14 CHAP. VII What happened to me at Panaiu with the King of Batas expedition against the Tyrant of Achem and what he did after his Victory over him 18 CHAP. VIII That which past between the King of Batas and me until such time as I imbarqued for Malaca my arrival in the Kingdom of Queda and my return from thence to Malaca 21 CHAP. IX The arrival of an Embassador at the Fortress of Malaca from the King of Aaru to the Captain thereof his sending me to the said King my coming to Aaru and that which happened unto me after my departure from thence 26 CHAP. X. By what means I was carryed to the Town of Siaca and that which befell me there my going to Malaca with a Mahometan Merchant and the Tyrant of Achems Army marching against the King of Aaru CHAP. XI The death of the King of Aaru and the cruel justice that was executed on him by his Enemies the going of his Queen to Malaca and her reception there 33 CHAP. XII The Queen of Aaru's departure from Malaca her going to the King of Jantana his summoning the Tyrant of Achem to restore the Kingdom of Aaru and that which past between them thereupon 36 CHAP. XIII My departure to go to Pan that which fortuned after my arrival there with the murther of the King of Pan and the cause thereof 39 CHAP. XIV The misfortune that befell us at our entry into the River of Lugor our hiding our selves in a Wood with that which happened unto us afterwards and our return unto Malaca 42 CHAP. XV. Antonio de Faria his setting forth for the Isle of Anyan his arrival at the River of Tinacoreu and that which befell us in this Voyage 46 CHAP. XVI Antonio de Faria's arrival at the Bay of Camoy where was the fishing of Pearls for the King of China the relation made to him of the Isle of Aynan with that which happened to him by the means of a renegado Pirate and other ways 52 CHAP. XVII The information that Antonio de Faria had of the Country some passages betwixt him and the Nautarel of the Town his going to the River of Madel with his encountering a Pirate there and that which passed between them 58 CHAP. XVIII What Antonio de Faria did with the Captain of the Pirates Iunck that which past between him and the people of the Country with our casting away upon the Island of Thieves 61 CHAP. XIX In what sort we escaped miraculously out of this Island our passage from thence to the River of Xingrau our encountering with a Chinese Pirate and the agreement we made with him 65 CHAP. XX. Our encounter at Sea with eight Portugals very sorely hurt and Antonio de Faria's meeting and fighting with Coia Acem the Pirate 69 CHAP. XXI What Antonio de Faria did after his Victory his departure
mighty Army we gave them a great peal of Ordnance putting forth all our fights beating our Dâ—ums and sounding our Trumpets to the end that by these exterior demonstrations they might conclude we regarded not the Turks awhit CHAP. V. Gonçallo vaz Coutinho's Treaty with the Queen of Onor his assaulting of a Turkish Galley and that which hapned unto us as we were upon our return to Goa OUâ— Fleet making a stand upon the discharging of our peal of Ordnance the General Gonçallo vaz Coutinho sent Bento Castanho a very discreet and eloquent man to the Queen of Onor to present her with a Letter from the Vice-roy and to tell her that he was come to complain of her for that she had sworn a peace and amity with the King of Portugal and yet suffered the Turks mortal enemies to the Portugals to abide in her Ports Hereunto she returned this answer That both himself and his company were very welcome that she greatly esteemed of them because they were Vassals to the King of Portugal and as touching that he said of the peace which she had with the King and his Governors it was most true and that she desired to maintain it as long as she lived For that which he said of the Turks she took her God to witness how much against her will she had received and suffered them in her Ports but that finding her self too weak for to resist such powerful enemies she was constrained to dissemble which she would never have done had she been furnished with sufficient forces furthermore to clear her self the better unto them she offered both her power and people for to râ—pâ—l them out of her Ports and whereas he had brought men enough to chace them thence she requested him to do it wherein she would assist him all that possibly she could which she confirmed with oaths swearing by the golden Sandals of the Soveraign God whom she adored To this speech she added that she should be as well pleased if God would give him the victory over them as if the King of Narsinguâ— whose slave she was should set her at the table with his wife Gonçallo vaz Coutinho having received this Embassage and other complements from the Quâ—en though he had little hope of any performance on her part yet did he wisely dissemble it Afterwards being fully informed by the people of the Country of the Turks intention of the place where they were and what they did at that instant he called a Councel thereupon and having throughly debated and considered all things it was unanimously concluded that both for the King of Portugal their Masters honor and his own it was expedient to set upon this Galley either for to take or fire it wherein it was hoped that God for whose glory we â—ought would be assisting to us against those enemies of his holy Faith This resolution being made and signed by us all he entered some two faulcons shot within the River where he had sâ—â—rcâ— anchored when as a little Boat which they call an Almadia came aboard us with a Brachman that spake very good Portuguâ—ze This man delivered a message from the Queen unto our Captain whereby she earnestly desired him that for the Vice-roys sake he would desiâ—â— from the enterprize he had undertaken and not to assault the Turks any manner of way wâ—ich said she could not be done without great disadvantage for that she had been advertised by her Spies that they had fortified themselves with a good Trench which they had cast up near the place where they had moored their Galley in regard whereof it seemed to her almost impossible for him with no more Forces then he had to be able to prevail in so great an attempt wherefore she took her God to witness how much she was troubled with the fear she was in lest some mis-fortune should betide him Hereunto our Captain returned an answer full of wisdom and courâ—â—sie saying that he kissed her Highness hands for the extraordinary favor she did him in giving him so good advice but as for his Combat with the Turks he could not follow her counsel and therefore would proceed in his determination it being always the custom of the Portugals not to enquire whether their Enemies were few or many since the more they were the more should be their loss and the greater his profit and honor Thus was the Brachman dismissed our Captain bestowing on him a piece of green Chamlet and an Hat liâ—ed with red Sattin wherewith he returned very well contented The Brachman dismist Gonçallo vaz Coutinho resolved to fight with the Turks but before hâ— proceeded any further he was advertised by Spies what stratagems the Enemy would use against us and that the precedent night by the favor of the Queen they had moored up the Galley and by it raised up a platform whereupon they had flanked five and twenty Pieces of Ordnance but all that stayed him not from advancing towards the Enemy Seeing himself then within a Cannon shot of them he went out of his Foist and with fourscore men only landed the rest which he had brought with him from Goa for this enterprize being but an hundred more he left for the guard of the Foists So after he had set his men in Battel array he marched couragiously against his adversaries who perceiving us making towards them valiantly resolved to defend themselves to which end they sallied some five and twenty or thirty paces out of their Trenches where the fight began on either side with such fury that in less then a quarter of an hour five and forty lay dead in the place amongst the which there was not above eight of ours Hereupon our General not contented with this first charge gave them a second by means whereof iâ— pleased God to make them turn their backs in such sort that they retired pell-â—ell as men routed and in fear of death Mean while we pursued them to their very Trenâ—hes where they turned upon us and mâ—de head anew in the heat hereof we were so far engaged and intangled together that we knocked one another with the pummels of our swords Mean while our Foists arrived which were come along by the shore to succor us and accordingly they discharged all their Ordnance upon our Enemies to such good purpose as they killed eleven or twelve of the valiantest Ianizaries which wore green Turbants as a mark of their Nobility The death of these so terrified the rest that they presently forsook the field by means whereof we had leasure to set the Galley on fire upon the express command of our General Gonçallo so that having cast into her five pots of powder the fire took hold on her with such violence as it was apparant it could not be long before she were utterly consumed for the mast and sail yards were all of a flame had not the Turks knowing the danger she was in most couragiously quenched the fire but we laboâ—ed
to be two thousand in number besides those that were killed which because they could not be so suddenly buried were thrown into the current of the River Hereupon the two Kings continued quiet for four days after at the end whereof one morning when nothing was less thought of there appeared in the midst of the River on Penaticans side a Fleet of fourscore and six Sails with a great noise of musick and acclamations of joy At first this object much amazed the Bataes because they knew not what it was howbeit the night before their scouts had taken five fishermen who put to torture confessed that this was the Army which the Tyrant had sent some two months before to Tevassery in regard he had War with the Sornau King of Siam and it was said that this Army was composed of five thousand Lussons and Sornes all choyce men having to their General a Turk named Hametecam Nephew to the Bassa of Cairo Whereupon the King of Batas making use of these fishermens confession resolved to retire himself in any sort whatsoever well considering that the time would not permit him to make an hours stay as well because his Enemies Forces were far greater then his as for that every minute they expected succors from Pedir and Pazen whence as it was reported for certain there were twelve ships full of strangers coming No sooner was the King fortified in this resolution but the night ensuing he departed very sad and ill contented for the bad suâ—cess of his enterprize wherein he had lost above three thousand and five hundred men not comprising the wounded which were more in number nor those that were burnt with the fire of the Mynâ— Five days after his departure he arrived at Panaiu where he dismissed all his Forces both his own subjects and strangers That done he imbarqued himself in a small Lanchara and went up the River without any other company then two or three of his Favorites With this small retinue he betook himself to a place called Pachissaru where he shuâ— himself up for fourteen days by way of pennance in a Pagod of an Idol named Giâ—nasserâ—d which signifies the God of Sadness At his return to Panaiu he sent for me and the Mahometan that brought Pedro de Faria's Merchandise The first thing that he did was to enquire particularly of him whether he made a good sale of it adding withall that if any thing were still owing to him he would command it to be presently satisfied Hereunto the Mahometan and I answered that through his Highness favor all our business had received a very good dispatch and that we were well payd for that we had sold in regard whereof the Captain of Malaca would not fail to acknowledg that courtesie by sending him succor for to be revenged on his Enemy the Tyrant of Achem whom he would inforce to restore all the places which he had unjustly usurped upon him The King hearing me speak in this manner stood a while musing with himself and then in answer to my speech Aâ— Portugal said he since thou constrainest me to tell thee freely what I think beleeve me not hereafter to be so ignorant as that thou mayst be able to perswade me or that I can be capable to imagine that he which in thirty years space could not revenge himself is of power to succor me at this present in so short a time or if yet thou thinkest I deceive my self tell me I pre thee now whence comes it that thy King and his Governors could not hinder this cruel King of Achem from gaining from you the Fort of Pazem and the Galley which went to the Moluâ—quaes as also three Ships in Queda and the Gallion of Malaca at such time as Garcia was Captain there besides the four Foists that were taken since at Salengor with the two Ships that came from Bengalâ— or Lopâ— Chanocâ— 's Iounk and Ship as likewise many other Vessels which I cannot now remember 〈◊〉 the which as I have been assured this Inhumane hâ—th put to death above a thousand Portugals and gotten an extream rich boâ—ty Wherefore if this Tyrant should happen to come once more against me how canst thou have me rely upon their word which have been so often overcome I must of necessity then continue as I am with three of my children murdered and the greatest part of my Kingdom destroyed seeing you your selves are not much more assured in your Fortress of Malaca I must needs confess that this answer made with so much resentment rendred me so ashamed knowing he spake nothing but truth that I durst not talk to him afterwards of any succor nor for our honor reiterate the promises which I had formerly made him CHAP. VIII What past between the King of Batas and me until such time as I imbarqued for Malaca my Arrival in the Kingdom of Queda and my return from thence to Malaca THe Mahometan and I returning to our lodging departed not in four days after employing that time in shipping an hundred Bars of Tin and thirty of Benjamin which were still on Land Then being fully satisfied by our Merchants and ready to go I went to wait upon the King at his Passeiran which was a great place before the Palace where those of the Country kept their most solemn Fairs There I gave him to understand that now we had nothing more to do but to depart if it would please his Majesty to permit us The entertainment that he gave me then was very gracious and for answer he said to me I am very glad for that Hermon Xabandar who was chief General of the Wars assured me yesterday that your Captains commodities were well sold but it may be that that which he told me was not so and that he delivered not the truth for to please me and to accommodate himself to the desire he knew I had to have it so wherefore continued he I pre-thee declare unto me freely whether he dealt truly with me and whether the Mahometan that brought them be fully satisfied for I would not that to my dishonor those of Malaca should have cause to complain of the Merchants of Panaiu saying that they are not men of their word and that there is not a King there who can constrain them to pay their debts and I swear to thee by the faith of Pagan that this affront would be no less insupportable to my condition then if I should chance to make peace with that Tyrant and perjured Enemy of mine the King of Achem. Whereunto having replyed that we had dispatched all our affairs and that there was nothing due to us in his Country Verily said he I am very well pleased to hear that it is so wherefore since thou hast nothing else to do here I hold it requisite that without any further delay thou shouldst go for the â—â—me is now fit to set sail and to avoyd the great heats that ordinarily are endured in passing the Gulph which is
without doubt they would carry it Moreover that in another of those Villages called Buaquirim there was a quarry where out of an old Rock they digged a great quantity of Diamonds that were very fine and of greater value then those of Lava and Taniampura in the Isle of Iaoa Whereupon Antonio de Faria having questioned them about many other particularities they made him a relation of the fertility of the Country which was further up this River no less fit to be desired then easie to be conquered and that with little charge Being departed from this River of Pullo Cambim we sailed along the Coast of the Kingdom of Champaa till we came to an Haven called Saleyzacau seventeen leagues farther on towards the North whereinto we entred Now because there was nothing to be gotten there we went out of this place about sun-setting and the next morning we came to a River named Toobasoy without the which Antonio de Faria cast anchor because the Pilot would not venture to enter into it for that he had never been there before and therefore knew not the depth of it As we were contesting hereabout some for to enter and others gainsaying it we discerned a great sail making towards this Port from the main Sea Hereupon without stirring from the place where we were we prepared to receive them in a peaceable manner so that as soon as they came neer us we saluted them and hung up the flag of the Country called Charachina which is a sign of friendship used among them in such like occasions They of the ship in stead of answering us in the same manner as in reason it seemed they should have done and knowing that we were Portugals to whom they wished not well gave us very vile and base words and from the top of their poup made a capher slave hold up his arse bare to us with a mighty noise and din of Trumpets Drums and Bells by way of scorn and derision of us Whereat Antonio de Faria was so offended that he gave them a whole broad side to see if that would make them more courteous To this shoâ— of ours they returned us an answer of five pieces of Ordnance namely three Faulcons and two little field-pieces whereupon consulting together what we should do we resolved to abide where we were for we held it not fit to undertake so doubtful an enterprize until such time as the next days light might discover the forces of this Vessel unto us that so we might afterwards either set upon her with the more security or let her pass by This counsel was approved both by Antonio de Faria and us all so that keeping good watch and giving order for all that was necssary we continued in that place expecting day now about two of the clock in the morning we perceived three black things close to the water coming towards us which we could not well discern whereupon we wakened Antonio de Faria who was then asleep on the hatches and shewed him what we had discovered being by that time not far from us He fearing as we did lest they were Enemies cryed out presently Arm Arm Arm wherein he was straightway obeyed for now plainly perceiving that they were Vessels rowing towards us we betook us to our Arms and were bestowed by our Captain in places most necessary to defend our selves We conceived by their silent approaching to us that they were the Enemies we had seen over night so that Antonio de Faria said unto us My masters this is some Pyrat coming to set upon us who thinks we are not above six or seven at the most as the manner is in such kinde of Vessels wherefore let every man stoop down so as they may not see any of us and then we shall soon know their design in the mean time let the pots of powder be made ready with which and our swoâ—ds I hope we shall give a good end to this adventure Let every one also hide his match in such sort as they may not be discovered whereby they may be perswaded that we are asleep all which as he had prudently ordained was incontinently executed These three Vessels being come within a â—light shoot of ourâ— went round about her and after they had viewed her well they joyned all close together as if they had entred into some new consultation continuing so about a quarter of an hour that done they separated themselves into two parts namely the two lesser went together to our poup and the third that was greater and better armed made to the starboard of us Hereupon they entred our Lorch where most conveniently they could so that in less then half a quarter of an hour above forty men were gotten in which seen by Antonio de Faria he issued out from under the hatches with some forty Soldiers and invoking Saint Iames our Patron he fell so couragiously upon them that in a short time he killed them almost all Then with ayd of the pots of powder that he caused to be cast in amongst those that were remaining in the three Vessels which he presently took he made an end of defeating them the most of them being constrained to leap into the Sea where they were all drowned but five whom we took up alive whereof one was the capher slave that shewed us his tail and the other four were one Turk two Aâ—hems and the Captain of the Junk named Similau a notorious Pyrat and our mortal Enemy Antonio de Faria commanded them instantly to be put to torture for to draw out of them who they were from whence they came and what they would have had of us whereunto the two Achems answered most brutishly and when as we were going about to torment the slave in like maner he began with tears to beseech us to spare him for that he was a Christian as we were and that without torture he would answer truly to all our demands whereupon Antonio de Faria caused him to be unbound and setting him by him gave him a piece of Bisket and a glass of wine then with fair words he perswaded him to declare the truth of every thing to him since he was a Christian as he affirmed To which he replyed in this sort If I do not speak the truth unto you then take me not for such as I am my name is Sebastian and I was slave to Gaspar de Mello whom this dog Similaâ— here present slew about two years ago in Liampao with five and twenty other Portugals that were in his ship Antonio de Faria hearing this cryed out like a man amazed and said Nay now I care not for knowing any more is this then that dog Similau that slew thy master Yes answered he it is he and that meant likewise to have done as much to you thinking that ye were not above six or seven for which effect he came away in haste with a purpose as he said to take you alive for to make
him to be drawn towards the prow he caused his head to be chopt off and the rest of the body to be cut in pieces which were cast into the Sea Having obtained this victory in the manner I have before declared caused our hurt men to be drest and provided for the guard of our Captains we took an Inventory of the goods that were in these two Junks and found that our prize was worth forty thousand Taeis which was immediately committed to the charge of Antonio Borges who was Factor for the Prizes Both the Junks were great and good yet were we constrained to burn one of them for want of Mariners to man it There was in them besides seventeen pieces of brass Ordnance namely four Faulconets and thirteen small pieces the most part whereof had the Royal Arms of Portugal upon them for the Pyrat had taken them in the three ships where he killed the forty Portugals The next day Antonio de Faria went about once more to get into the River but he was advised by fishermen which he took a little before that he should beware of going to the Town because they were advised there of all that had passed betwixt him and the renegado Pyrat for whose death the people were in an uproar in so much that if he would let them have his commodities for nothing yet would they not take them in regard that Chileu the Governor of that Province had contracted with him to give him the third part of all the prizes he took in lieu whereof he would render him a safe retreat in his Country so that his loss now being great by the death of the Pyrat he should be but badly welcomed by him and to that purpose had already commanded two great Rafts covered with dry wood barrels of pitch and other combustible stuff to be placed at the entering into the Port that were to be kindled and sent down upon us as soon as we had cast anchor for to fire us besides two hundred Paraos full of shot and men of war were also in readiness to assault us These news made Antonio de Faria conclude to make away unto another Port named Mutipinan distant from thence above â—orty leagues towards the East for that there were many rich Merchants as well Natives as Strangers which came in great Troops from the Countries of Laubos Pafuaas and Guâ—os with great sums of mony So we set sail with the three Junks and the Lorâ—h wherein we came from Patana coasting the Land from one side to the other by reason of a contrary wind until we arrived at a place called Tilaumera where we anchored for that the current of the water ran very strong against us After we had continued so three days together with a contrary wind and in great want of victual our good fortune about Evening brought four Lanteaas unto us that are like unto Foysts in one of the which was a Bride that was going to a Village named Pandurea Now because they were all in jollity they had so many Drums beating aboard them as it was almost impossible to hear one another for the noise they made Whereupon we were in great doubt what this might be and wherefore there was such triumphing some thought that they were spies sent from the Captain of Tanauquir's Army who insulting for that we were already in their power gave this testimony thereof Antonio de Faria left his anchors in the Sea and preparing himself to sustain all that might happen unto him he displayed all his Banners and Flags and with demonstration of joy attended the arrival of these Lanteaas who when they perceived us to be all together imagining it was the Bridegroom that stay'd to receive them they came joyfully towards us So after we had saluted one another after the manner of the Country they went and anchored by the shore And because we could not comprehend the mystery of this affair all our Captains concluded that they were spies from the Enemies Army which forbore assaulting us in expectation of some other Vessels that were also to come In this suspicion we spent the little remainder of that Evening and almost two hours of the night But then the Bride seeing that her Spouse sent not to visit her as was his part to do to shew the love she bore him she sent her Uncle in one of the Lanteaas with a Letter to him containing these words If the feeble sex of a woman would permit me to go from the place where I am for to see thy face without reproach to mine honor assure thy self that to kiss thy tardy feet my body would fly as doth the hungry Faulcon after the fearful Heron But since I am parted from my fathers house for to seek thee out here come thy self hither to me where indeed I am not for I cannot see my self but in seeing thee Now if thou dost not come to see me in the obscurity of this night making it bright for me I fear that to morrow morning when thou arrivest here thou shalt not find me living My Vncle Licorpinau will more particularly acquaint thee with what I keep concealed in my heart for I am not able to say any more such is my grief to be so long deprived of thy so much desired sight Wherefore I pray thee come unto me or permit me to come unto thee as the greatness of my love to thee doth deserve and as thou art obliged to do unto her whom now thou art to possess in marriage until death from which Almighty God of his infinite goodness keep thee as many years as the Sun and Moon have made turns about the World since the beginning of their birth This Lanteaa being arrived with the Brides Uncle and Letter Antonio de Faria caused all the Portugals to hide themselves suffering none to appear but our Chinese Mariners to the end they might not be afraid of us To our Junk then they approached with confidence and three of them coming aboard us asked where the Bridegroom was All the answer we made them was to lay hold of them and clap them presently under hatches now because the most part of them were drunk those that were in the Lanteaa never heard our bustling with them nor if they had could they have had time to escape for suddenly from the top of our poup we fastned a cable to their mast whereby they were so arrested as it was impossible for them to get loose of us whereupon casting in some pots of powder amongst them the most of them leapt into the Sea by which time six or seven of our Soldiers and as many Mariners got into the Lanteaa and straight rendred themselves masters of her where the next thing they did was to take up the poor wretches who cryed out that they drowned Having made them sure Antonio de Faria went towards the other three Lanteaas that anchored some quarter of a league from thence and coming to the first
yielded unto thee at the hour of our death as to our Lord and God unto whom we acknowledge they appertain both by Creation and Redemption After this Confession they said the Lords Prayer and the Creed which they pronounced very distinctly whereat we could not chuse but shed a world of tears to see these innocents born in a Country so far remote from ours and where there was no knowledge of the true God thus to confess his Law in such religious terms This being done we returned because it was three of the clock in the morning to our lodging exceedingly astonished at that we had seen as at a thing which we had great reason to admire CHAP. XXXVIII A Tartar Commander enters with his Army into the Town of Quincay and that which followed thereupon with the Nauticors besieging the Castle of Nixiamcoo and the taking of it by the means of some of us Portugals WE had been now eight months and an half in this captivity wherein we endured much misery and many incommodities for that we had nothing to live upon but what we got by begging up and down the Town when as one Wednesday the third of Iuly in the year 1544. a little after midnight there was such a hurly burly amongst the people that to hear the noise and cries which was made in every part one would have thought the earth would have come over and over which caused us to go in haste to Vasco Calvo his house of whom we demanded the occasion of so great a tumult whereunto with tears in his eyes he answered us that certain news were come how the King of Tartary was fallen upon the City of Pequin with so great an Army as the like had never been seen since Adams time In this army according to report were seven and twenty Kings under whom marched eighteen hundred thousand men whereof six hundred thousand were horse which were come by land from the Cities of Luançama Famstir and Mecuy with fourscore thousand Rhinocerots that draw the waggons wherein was all the Bâ—gage of the Army as for the other twelve hundred thousand which were foot it was said that they arrived by Sea in seventeen thousand vessels down through the river of Batampina By reason whereof the King of China finding himself too weak for the resisting of such great forces had with a few retired himself to the City of Nanquin And that also it was reported for a certain that a Nauticor one of the chiefest Tartar Commanders was come to the Forrest of Malincataran not above a league and an half from Quinçay with an Army of threescore and two thousand Horse wherewith he marched against the Town that in all likelihood he would be there within two hours at the furthest These news so troubled us that we did nothing but look one upon another without being able to speak a word to any purpose howbeit desiring to save our selves we prayed Vasco Calvo to shew us what means he thought we might use to effect it who sad and full of grief thus answered us O that we were in our Country between Laura and Carncha where I have often been and should be there now in safety but since it cannot be so all that we can do for the present is to recommend our selves to God and to pray unto him to assist us for I assure you that an hour ago I would have given a thousand Taeis in silver to any one that could have got me from hence and saved me with my wife and children but there was no possibility for it because the gates were then all shut up and the walls round about invironed with armed men which the Chaem hath placed there to withstand the enemy So my fellows and I that were nine in number past the rest of the night there in much affliction and unquietness without any means of counselling one another or resolving on what we were to do continually weeping for the extream fear we were in of what should become of us The next morning a little before Sun-rising the enemy appeared in a most dreadful manner they were divided into seven very great Battalions having their Ensignes quartered with green and white which are the colours of the King of Tartaria marching in this order to the sound of their Trumpets they arrived at a Pagode called Petilau Namâ—ioo a place of good receit in regard of the many lodgings it had which was not much distant from the walls In their Vantguard they had a number of Light-horse who ran confusedly up and down with their Lances in their Rests Being in this sort come to the Pagode they stayed there about half an hour and then marching on till they were within an haâ—quâ—buse shot of the walls they suddenly ran to them with such hideous cries as one would have thought that Heaven and Earth would have come together and rearing up above two thousand Ladders which for that purpose they had brought aloâ—g with them they assaulted the Town on every side with a most invincible courage Now though the besieged at the beginning made some resistance yet was it not able to hinder the enemy from effecting his designe for by the means of certain iron rams broking up the four principal gates they rendred themselves Masters of the Town after they had slain the Chaem together with a great number of Mandarins and Gentlemen that were run thither to keep them from entring Thus did these Barbarians possess themselves of this miserable Town whereof they put all the inhabitants they could meet withall to the sword without sparing any and it was said that the number of the slain amounted to threescore thousand persons amongst whom were many women and maids of very great beauty which appertained to the chiefest Lords of the place After the bloody Massacre of so much people and that the Town was fired the principal houses overthrown and the most sumptuous Temples laid level with the ground nothing remaining on foot during the disorder the Tartars continued there seven days at the end whereof they returned towards Pequin where their King was and from whence he had sent them to this execution carrying with them a world of gold and silver only having burnt all the Merchandise they found there as well because they knew not how to transport it away as for that the Chineses should not make any benefit of it Two days after their departure they arrived at a Castle named Nixianicoo where the Nauticor of Luançama their General pitched his Camp and intrenched himself on all sides with an intention to take it by assault the next day to be revenged on the Chineses there for that upon his passing by them towards Quinçay they had cut off an hundred of his men by an Ambuscado After the Army was encamped and intrenched and that the General had placed sure Guards and Sentinels in all places he retired to his Tent whither he sent for the seventy Captains that commanded
that other succors came to joyn with them as indeed the report went that fourscore thousand all Mons by Nation and led by the King of Avaa were on their way thither With this resolution the Tyrant of Bramaa set forth towards Meleytay with an Army of three hundred thousand men namely two hundred thousand by Land alongst the Rivers side whereof the Chaumigrem his Foster-brother was Commander in chief and the other hundred thousand under his own conduct being all choyce men and imbarqued in two thousand Seroos Being come within sight of Meleytay the Avaas desiring to shew that the resolution wherewith they were come thither was of far more power with them then any fear they could have and that also their Enemies might not receive any benefit by their Fleet which lay on the River and do them an affront besides by taking of it they set all theâ—â— Vessels on fire and burnt them every one Then without any dread of that which the flesh doth naturally most fear they got all into the field and ranged themselves into four Battalions in three of which whereof each one made ten thousand men were the thirty thousand Mons and in the the other that were somewhat bigger were all the Mariners of the four hundred Vessels they had burnt These same they placed in the Vaunt-guard with an intention that they should weary the Enemies with whom they made a cruel fight which lasted about half an hour wherein all these Mariners were cut in pieces presently after them the thirty thousand Mons close compacted together in three Battalions presented themselves and with wonderful violence set upon their Enemies between whom and them followed so extraordinary and cruel a battel as not longer to insist upon it nor to recount in particular how things past which also I cannot well do it shall suffice me to say that of the thirty thousand Mons eight hundred only escaped out of it who being routed made their retreat into the Fortress of Meleytay but that which was most memorable herein was that of the King of Bramaas two hundred thousand men an hundred and fifteen thousand lay dead in field and all the rest for the most part were wounded In the mean time the Tyrant which came along on the River in the two thousand Seroos arrived at the place of Battel where beholding the strange massacre which the Mons had made of his people he became so enraged at it that dis-imbarquing his Forces he instantly layd siege unto the Fortress with a purpose as he said to take all those eight hundred that were in it alive This siege continued seven whole days together during the which those without gave five assaults to it and the besieged defended themselves always very valiantly howbeit seeing that the last hour of their life was come and that they could no longer hold that place for their King as they had hoped they might by reason of the fresh Forces which the King of Bramaa had landed like couragious men as they were they resolved to dye in the field as their companions had done and valiantly revenge their deaths with that of their Enemies whereunto they were the more willingly carryed because they perceived well that if they continued still in the place they should never make use of their valor as they desired to do for that the Tyrants Ordnance would by little and little consume them This resolution taken they under the favor of a very dark and rainy night sallyed forth and first of all fell upon the two first Courts of guard that were on the Lands side cutting all in pieces that they met withall Then following their design they passed on like desperate men and whether they did it either to shew that they regarded not death which threatened them or for the desire they had to gain honor so it was that they behaved themselves so couragiously and pressed the Tyrant so neer as they forced him to leap into the River and swim for his life in so much that all the Camp was in disorder and broken through in I know not how many places with the death of above twelve thousand men amongst whom were fifteen hundred Bramaas two thousand strangers of divers Nations and all the rest Pegu's This â—ight last not above half an hour in which time the eight hundred Mons were all slain there being not so much as one of them that would yield upon any composition whatsoever Hereupon the Tyrant of Bramaa seeing the fight ended and all things quiet went and reassembled his Forces together and so entered into the Fortress of Meleytay where he presently commanded the Xemims head to be cut off saying that he was the sole cause of that disaster and that he who had been a Traytor to his King could not be faithful unto him behold the recompence which this Tyrant made him for delivering up the City of Prom unto him howsoever it justly belonged unto him for a punishment of his perfidiousness that carryed him to betray his King and his own Country into the power of his Enemies After this they fell to dressing of the hurt men which were in very great number We pâ—st all this night with much apprehension always keeping good watch and the next morning as soon as it was day the first thing that we did was to rid away the dead bodies which were in so great number all over the Camp that the ground was quite covered with them After this we took a view of those that were killed as well on the one as the other party and we found that on the Bramaas side there were an hundred and fourscore thousand and on the Prince of Avaas forty and two thousand wherein were comprized the thirty thousand Mons. That done after the Tyrant had fortified the City of Prom as also the Fort of Meleytay and made two other Forts upon the bank of the River in such places as he judged to be most important for the safety of that Kingdom he went up the River of Queitor in a thousand rowing Serâ—os wherein were imbarqued seventy thousand men In this Voyage his intention was to go in his own person for to observe the Kingdom of Avaa and to see the City himself the better to consider the strength of it and thereby judg what Forces he should bring for to take it So he proceeded still on for the space of eight and twenty days and during that time passed by many goodly places which within the Kingdom of Chaleu and Iacuçalaon were upon the bank of the River At length he arrived at the City of Avaa the thirteenth of October the same year a thousand five hundred forty and five Being come to the Port he remained there thirteen days and that while burned between two and three thousand Vessels that he found there Moreover he set fire on many Villages thereabout which cost him not so little but that he lost in all these degasts eight thousand of
not be applied to his wound but because he was hurt just in the heart there was no hope of recovery so that he died within a very short time after Presently they seized on the Page whom they put to torture by reason of some suspitions which they had upon this accident but he never confessed any thing and said nought els save That he had done it of his own free will and to be revenged of the blow which the King had given him on his head by way of contempt as if he had struck some dog that was barking up and down the streets in the night without considering that he was the son of the Pate Pondan Lord of Surebayaa The Page then was impaled alive with a good big stake which was thrust in at his Fundament and came out at the nape of his neck As much was done to his Father to three of his brothers and to threescore and twelve of his kinsmen so that his whole Race was exterminated upon which so cruell and rigorous an execution many great troubles ensued afterwards in all the country of Iaoa and in all the Islands of â—ale Tymor and Madura which are very great and whereof the Governors are Soveraigns by their Lawes and from all antiquity After the end of this execution question was made what should be done with the Kings body whereupon there were many different opinions amongst them for some said that to bury him in that place was as much as to leave him in the power of the Passeruans and others that if he were transported to Demaa where his Tomb was it was not possible but that it would be corrupted before it arrived there whereunto was added that if they interred him so putrified and corrupted his soul could not be received into Paradisâ— according to the Law of the country which is that of Mahomet wherein he died After many contestations thereupon in the end they followed the counsell which one of our Portugals gave them that was so profitable to him afterwards as it was worth him above ten thousand duckats wherewith the Lords rewarded him as it were in vye of one another for a recompence of the good service which he did then to the deceased This counsell was that they should put the body into a Coffin full of Lime and Camphire and so bury it in a Junck also full of earth so that albeit the thing was not so marvellous of it self yet left it not to be very profitable to the Portugals because they all found it very good and well invented as indeed the successe of it was such as by means thereof the Kings body was carried to Demaa without any kind of corruption or ill savour As soon as the Kings body was put into the Iunck appointed for it the King of Zunda Generall of the Army caused the great Ordinance and the ammunition to be imbarqued and with the least noyse that might be committed to safe custody the most precious things the King had together with all the treasures of the Tents But whatsoever care and silence was used therein the enemy could not be kept from having some inkling of it and from understanding how things went in the Camp so that instantly the King marched out of the Town in person with only three thousand souldiers of the past confederacy who by a solemn vow caused themselves to be annoynted with the oyle which they call Minhamundi as men resolved and that had vowed themselves to death Thus fully determined as they vvere they went and fell upon the enemies whom finding busie in trussing up their baggage they intreated so ill as in lesse then half an hours space for no longer lasted the heat of the fight they cut twelve thousand of them in pieces Withall they took two Kings and five Pates or Dukes prisoners together with above three hundred Turks Abyssines and Achems yea and their Caâ—ismoubana the Soveraign dignity amongst the Mahometans by whose counsell the Pangueyran was come thither There vvere also four hundred ships burnt vvherein vvere the hurt men so that by this means all the Camp vvas neer lost After this the King retreated into the Tovvn vvith his men vvhereof he lost but four hundred In the mean time the King of Zunda having caused the remainder of the Army to be re-imbarqued vvith all speed the same day being the nineth of March they set saile directly for the City of Demaa bringing along with them the body of the Pangueyran vvhich upon the arrivall thereof vvas received by the people vvith great cries and strange demonstrations of a universall mourning The day after a revievv vvas taken of all the men of vvar for to knovv hovv many vvere dead and there vvas found missing an hundred and thirty thousand vvhereas the Passeruans according to report had lost but five and tvventy thousand but be it as it vvill and let fortune make the best market that she can of these things yet they never arrive but the field is died vvith the bloud of the vanquishers and by a stronger reason vvith that of the vanguished to vvhom these events do alvvayes cost far dearer then to the others The same day there vvas question of creating a nevv Pangueyran vvho as I have said heretofore is Emperor over all the Pates and Kings of that great Archipelago vvhich the Chineses Tartar Iapon and Lequio Historians are vvont to call Raterra Vendau that is to say the eye-lid of the world as one may see in the Card if the elevation of the heights prove true Novv because that after the death of the Pangueyran there vvas not a lavvfull successor to be found that might inherit this Crovvn it vvas resolved that one should be made by election for vvhich effect by the common consent of all eight men vvere chosen as heads of all the people to create a Pangueyran These same assembled then together in a house and after order had been taken for the pacifying of all things in the City they continued seven vvhole daies together vvithout being able to come to any agreement about this election for vvhereas there vvere eight pretendents of the principall Lords of the Kingdome there vvere found amongst these Electors many different opinions vvhich proceeded from this that the most part or all of them vvere meerly allied to these â—ight or to their kinsmen so that each one laboured to make him Pangueyran vvhich vvas most to his mind Whereupon the inhabitants of the City and the souldiers of the Army making use of this delay to their advantage as men vvho imagined that this affair vvould never be terminated and that there vvould be no chastisement for them they began shamelessly to break out into all kind of actions full of insolency and malice And forasmuch as there vvas a great number of Merchants Ships in the Port they got aboard them and fell pell-mell to rifling both of strangers and those of the country vvith so much licentiousnesse as it vvas said
neer a moneth in this Port of Zunda where a good number of Portugals were assembled together so soon as the season to go to China was come the three Vessells set sail for Chincheo no more Portugals remaining ashore but only two who went to Siam in a Junck of Patana with their Merchandise I bethought me then to lay hold on this occasion and put my self into their company because they offered to bear my charges in this voyage yea and to lend me some money for to try fortune once more and see whether by the force of importuning her she would not use me bâ—tter then formerly she had done Being departed then from this place in six and twenty daies we arrived at the City of Odiaa the Capitall of this Empire of Sarnau which they of this country do ordinarily call Siam where we were wonderfully well received and intreated by the Portugals which we found there Now having been a moneth and better in this City attending the season for the voyage to China that so I might passe to Iapon in the company of six or seven Portugals who had imbarqued themselves for that purpose I made account to imploy in commodities some hundred duckats which those two with whom I came from Zunda had lent me In the mean time very certain news came to the King of Siam who was at that time with all his Court at the said City of Odiaa that the King of Chiammay allied with the Timocouhos Laaos and Gueos people which on the North East hold the most part of that country above Capimpâ—r and Passilâ—â—o and are all Soveraignes exceeding rich and mighty in Estates had laid siege to the Town of Quiteruan with the death of above thirty thousand men and of Oyaa Capimper Governor and Lievtenant Generall of all that Frontire The King remained so much appalled with this news that without further temporising he passed over the very same day to the other side of the river and never standing to lodge in houses he went and incamped under Tents in the open field thereby to draw others to do the like in imitation of him Withall he caused Proclamation to be made over all the City That all such as were neither old nor lame and so could not be dispensed with for going to this war should be ready to march within twelve daies at the uttermost upon pain of being burned alive with perpetuall infamy for themselves and their descendants and confiscation of their Estates to the Crown To the which he added many other such great and dreadfull penalties as the only recitall of them struck terror not into them of the country but into the very strangers whom the King would not exempt from this war of what Nation soever they vvere for if they would not serve they were very expresly enjoyned to depart out of his Kingdome within three daies In the mean time so rigorous an Edict terrified every one in such sort as they knew not what counsell to take or what resolution to follow As for us Portugals in regard that more respect had alwayes been carried in that country to them then to all other Nations this King sent to desire them that they would accompany him in this voyage wherein they should do him a pleasure because he would trust them onely with the guard of his person as judgiâ—g them more proper for it then any other that he could make choice of and to oblige them the more thereunto the message was accompanied with many fair promises and very great hopes of pensions graces benefits favours and honors but above all with a permission which should be granted them to build Churches in his Kingdome which so obliged us that of an hundred and thirty Portugals which we were there were sixscore of us that agreed together to go to this war The twelve daies limited being past the King put himself into the field with an Army of four hundred thousand men whereof seventy thousand were strangers of divers Nations They imbarqued all in three hundred Sâ—roos Lauleas and Iangâ—s so that on the nineth day of this voyage the King arrived at a Frontire Town named Suropisâ—â— some twelve or thirteen leagues from Quitiruan which the enemies had besieged There he abode above seven daies to attend four thousand Elephants which came to him by Land During that time he was certified that the Town was greatly prest both on the rivers side which the enemies had seized upon with two thousand Vessels as also towards the Land where there were so many men as the number of them was not truly known but as it was judged by conjecture they might be some three hundred thousand whereof forty thousand were horse but no Elephants at all This news made the King hâ—sten the more so that instantly he made a review of his forces and found that he had five hundred thousand men for since his coming forth many had joyned with him by the way as also four thousand Elephants and two hundred carts with field pieces With this Army he parted from Suropisem and drew towards Quitiruan marching not above four or five leagues a day At the end of the the third then he arrived at a valley called Siputay a league and an half from the place where the enemies lay Then all these men of War with the Elephants being set in battell array by the three Masters of the Camp whereof two were Turks by Nation and the third a Portugal named Domingâ—s de Sâ—ixas they proceeded on in their way towards Quitiruan where they arrived before the Sun appeared Now whereas the enemies were already prepared in regard they had been advertised by their Spies of the King of Siaâ—s forces and of the design vvhich he had they attended him resolutely in the plain field relying much on their forty thousand horse As soon as they discovered him they presently advanced and with their vant-guard which were the said forty thousand horse they so charged the King of Siams rearward composed of threescore thousand foot as they defeated them in lesse then a quarter of an hour with the losse of three Princes that were slaine upon the place The King of Siam seeing his men thus routed resolved not to follow the order which he had formerly appointed but to fall on with the whole body of his Army and the four thousand Elephants joyned together With these forces he gave upon the battalion of the enemies with so much impetuosity as at this first shock they were wholly discomfited from whence ensued the death of an infinite company of men for whereas their prinâ—â—s â—ll strength consisted in their horse as soone as the Elephants sustained by the harqueâ—uses and the field pieces fell upon them they were defeated in lesse then an half hour so that after the routing of these same all the rest began instantly to retreat In the meane time the King of Siam following the honor of the victory pursued them to the rivers side