publike and in a manner in the face of the enemie neither did they consider that such an error could not be committed by Alfonso without some fraude which tooke such effect as the Pisans desired for the Florentine Armie approching the port appoynted and giuen in garde to Mutolo which was that towards Luques the Pisans sallied out brauely and with the losse and dishonour of the Florentines they let them know that the parlying to giue vp Townes to the enemie is not done in publike and openly but the desire of hauing Pisa did so blinde the Florentines that they could not see the error of Alfonso vntill it was too late and they not able to remedie it and there they lost many of their Souldiers and Captaines amongst which dyed the Captaine Canaicio aforesaid who tooke Mutolo prisoner whom he had vsed with so much and so many curtesies CHAP. 40. A Captaine at all times and in all places in the warres ought to be so vigilant and in such readines that he may auoyde the blame to haue warred preposterouslie and not to haue done his enduour AMong manie considerations which a Captaine ought to haue which serueth a Prince or Common-wealth in the warres one of the most principall is to carrie himselfe so aduisedlie in his charge that hee incurre not through his fault any danger failing in his office he wrong not his souldiers and dishonour not himselfe and the Prince whom hee serueth To trust and presume too much of himselfe and to make too little account of the enemie and to imagine all daungers to bee farre from him and such like matters may make him fall and to become negligent vpon his guard so that by some sudden assault or other stratagem of warre hee may be put in disorder and then to his hurt perceiue his fault and negligence Petilius Coreal Generall of the Romanes through his negligence vvas ouerthrowne and put to flight Petilius Coreal was Generall for the Romanes against three Leaders of the Germanes to wit Ciuil Classique and Tutor and hauing incamped himselfe in a strong place hee valiantly fought with the enemie and gaue them often alarmes He had a desire one night to lie out of his Campe whereof the Germanes being aduertised assailed it with great furie vpon a sudden and the Romane armie for being without a chiefe Commander began to disband themselues and was put to flight and Petilius from the place where he slept heard the noise and ouerthrow of his armie and when it was day he retired with great danger towards his friends and had much to doe to reunite his forces and make head against his enemie which had not befallen him if he had not thus erred in lying out of his Campe. Cornelius Tacitus lib. 20 Behold what Cornelius Tacitus saith But to come to examples of latter times in the time of our Ancestours in the yeere 1508. when the Emperour Maximilian determined to reconquer his Townes which the Venetians withheld from him when the Lord of Trent which was for him at Verona desired to besiege the Towne of Lignago from whence the Venetian souldiers oftentimes made roades and incursions euen to the gates of Verona and did much hurt wherefore he called the Marques of Mantoua who with a company of men at Armes which he had of the King lay in an Iland called Scale at a great Village in the countrey of Verona but vnwalled and without any manner of fortification Whilest that the Marques was there doubting no enemies he was surprised by Lucio Maluezzo and Zitolo de Perusa Venetian Captains by a stratageme by meanes whereof hee was taken prisoner hauing first fled almost naked for that being deceiued by the Word Turke which was the Marques his Watch-word and thinking with his people that they had been stradiots and aduenturers which had promised to leaue the Venetians to come to serue him wherefore finding him with any guard they entred without any contradiction or resistance for that the other souldiers and men at Armes lay scattered here and there in the Village They sacked the house and disarmed the souldiers and the Marquesse flying in his shirt being gotten out at a window and hidden in the fields among the wheat was discouered to the Venetians by a Peasant or Churle of the Countrey and brought to Venice and committed to prison in the Towre of the publike Pallace from whence hee could neuer get out but by the meanes of Baiazeth the great Lord of the Turkes A Captaine ought alwaies to be in readines and well aduised in his affaires in all accidents By the which fact according to the opinion which Guicciardin giueth other Captaines may also take example to be vigilant and in a readinesse in time of warres and when they haue any charge so to hold themselues vpon their guards that in all occasions they may serue their turnes with their owne forces without assuring themselues either of the far distance of the enemies which may secretly surprize them or of their weakenesse for that they may take heart and courage knowing that they haue to deale with persons that are ill guarded which thinke that they should not bee assaulted As it happened to Prospero Colomna in the veere 1515. Guicciar li. â—â— who being at Villa Franque when Francis the first king of France passed into Italie and thinking that his enemies were farre off suspecting nothing not imagining that that celeritie and expedition might be in another man which was in himselfe being suddenly surprised by the Lord de la Palisse as hee was sitting at his table at dinner hee was taken prisoner the 15. of August Prospero Columna through 〈◊〉 owne fault vvas taken prisoner by the Lord of Palisse a Captaine of the French hauing heard nothing of the enemie but euen then when hee saw them within his house And although that hee might excuse himselfe saying that his Sentinels were taken and that the inhabitants of the towne had some intelligence with the said Lord de la Palisse yet this surprise was attributed to his negligence and little care notwithstanding that he was a most honourable Captaine and of that noble house full of glorie and worthie personages Let Captaines and braue warriours then learne to take heede that they faile not of their endeuour to the end that if they encounter with some disaster or lucklesse accident they may boldly and with a cheerefull countenance accuse their ill fortune and disgrace and not their negligence CHAP. 41. VVhen a man hath newes and is aduertised of a victorie it is better to pursue and assure the same then to make good cheere for ioy THose men which consider not well the affaires of the world and which gouerne themselues more after their owne fantasie then by reason and which applie themselues more to their present pleasure then to prouide for the euill which in time may come will not like of this discourse as that which seemeth to blame
is vpon the way and is to passe shall be euer in more disorder then hee who is vpon his guard in those difficult places CHAP. 62. How much it auaileth a Captaine to know what state his enemie standeth in IT is great wisedome in a Generall to endeuour by all industrie and diligence to know what state his enemie is in what his determinations are and to haue knowledge of his enterprises and courses which hee purposeth to hold principally when there hath been some notable skirmish or battaile betweene them and by reason of the nights comming vpon them the issue was not seene This diligence may stand him in great stead and yeeld him meanes to encrease his honour and reputation greatly and by how much the enemies armie shall be farre remote from him by so much shall hee be accounted the more wise when notwithstanding the farre distance he shall be aduertised of what is done there and of the enemies purposes for when the Armies are neere together a man may the more easily haue intelligence A man may haue this intelligence two waies to wit A man may in two manners haue knowledge of the enemies purposes by his owne industrie or by some accident which may happen by industrie when the Generall hath good and trustie spies and hath secret intelligence in the enemies Armie and assaieth by all meanes to haue both tongue and eares euen in the Generals owne Tent and Pauilion and by some aduenture or accident a man may haue some knowledge of the enemies purposes as when a man findeth one whom he sought not and knowing what he knew not before letteth occasion not slip which is offered vnto him as a man may see by examples This diligence is worthy of a good Captaine yea and is most necessarie for him and hee which hath neglected it hath found himselfe in ill plight and hee which hath practised it hath had good successe in his affaires for it hath sometimes chanced that a great skirmish or a battaile hath lasted till night and in this confusion the light of the minde and vnderstanding hath been so darkened and lost that a man not onely thinketh not of the affaires of the enemie but hee also knoweth not in what estate his owne are and he which hath wonne thinketh that he hath lost and he which hath lost accounteth himselfe victorious and he that hath not done his endeuour to know how things are past speedely to see his owne losse and that of his enemies with his purposes and thoughts hath committed a great fault for that either seeing himselfe to haue wonne he standeth as wholy ouerthrowne or perswading himselfe to haue lost and so suffer a faire victorie to escape out of his hands And because this hath neede of consideration I will strengthen it with three examples two ancient and one moderne so briefly as possibly I may shewing how dammageable it hath bin to those which haue not cared to know in what estate their owne armie hath bin after a battaile and haue made no account to know how it went with their enemies Brutus and Cassius fought against Octauius and Marcus Antonius and through the comming on of the night it was vnknowne who had the victorie and for as much as Brutus on his side ouercame and Cassius on his side lost Cassius without taking any paine to know how it went with his companion thinking that hee likewise had bin put to flight without hope of safetie made one of his seruants to cut his throte and so all his affaires went to ruine In the yeere 1515. at the battaile of Marignan or as others say of S. Cicele in the which Francis the first fought with the Swissers the battaile hauing lasted vntill foure houres within night each partie retired from the battaile without sound of Drumme or Trumpet and without the commandement of the Captaines the one or the other being no longer able to hold their weapons in their hands they were so wearie and tired And because the Swissers in the first charge made the French to retraite and tooke certaine peeces of Artillerie and were incamped in the Campe without offending the one the other as it were with a still and silent truce attending the new day a squadron of the Swissers which remained whole not knowing the losse receiued by the French The prudence of Fraâ—cis the first King of France in the battell against the Swissers at Maâ—â—gnan and thinking that they had ouercome without vsing any diligence to know how things passed was the cause that about the breake of day the Swissers to their disaduantage began the battaile and not onely erred therein themselues but made others to faile also which put themselues in danger for hauing been happie in the first charge it was held for certaine that they had ouercome and the Currors and Posts carried the newes ouer all Italie that the Swissers had the victorie and vpon this newes the Popes and the Spanish armie which had alreadie passed the Po were likely to haue bin surprised by the victorious French But King Francis hauing made a view of his armie and considering in what estate it was hee employed not the rest of the night vnprofitably but vsed al diligence to know how al his affaires went and hauing foreseene that in the morning the fight would begin againe he ordered all things accordingly called his succours which were neere disposed of his Artillerie in fittest places and prouided so for all things that when the battaile began againe hee obtained the victorie The errour afterwards in not caring to know the state of the enemie except it be by chance or some vnexpected accident happened to the Romanes when they had warres with the Equiens in the which Sempronius being Consul and hauing his Armie opposit face to face against the Armie of the enemie the battaile began betweene them which continued vntill night with variable fortune of either side The night being come and both Campes being in disorder neither of the Armies returned into their owne Campe but each partie retired into the next mountaines where they thought to be most assured and the Romane Armie diuided it selfe into two parts whereof the one went with the Consul and the other with Tempanius a Centurion the morning being come the Consul without knowing any thing of the affaires of the enemie went to Rome thinking that he had lost the battaile and the Equiens did the like hauing both the one and the other left their Campes to him that would and thought himselfe victorious It happened that Tempanius in retiring with the rest of the Armie vnderstood by chance by certaine souldiers of the Equiens which were wounded how their Captaines abandoning their Campe were departed by flight wherefore he returning saued the Romane Campe sacked the enemies Campe and came victorious to Rome Wherefore a man may see that it is very profitable for a Generall to be the first to know the disorder of the enemie whether
many Swissers he made triall how daungerous it was to haue friends and enemies both of one countrie and nation for that the Swisser Captaines which were in the French campe wonne and corrupted the Swissers souldiers which were with the Duke so as they did not onely mutine against the Duke but also betrayed him for when he would haue issued forth with his forces to haue assailed the French 〈…〉 lib. 4 the Captaines of the Swissers alreadie mutining said openly that without leaue from their Lords they would not fight and come to blowes against their cousins their brothers and others of their owne nation and presently after they assembled themselues togethers faining that they would goe home to their owne houses and their treacherie and disloyaltie was so extreame that they betrayed the Duke who being apparelled and armed like a Swisser marched a foote in ranke in a squadron like a priuate souldier amongst them The Almains which were in the pay of Francis the first shewed him such a like tricke for when the King of France would haue giuen assault to the towne of Bresse they said that they would not go against such townes as were held by the Emperour Guicci lib. 12. But the truth was that they did this because that within the towne there were besides other men of warre two thousand Almaine souldiers so as to eschue the comming to hands against them they would not fight The Emperour Maximilian distrusted the Swissers And the Emperour Maximilian fearing the like daunger when he came into Italie against the French and considering that in his armie were many Swissers and in his enemies campe were 10000. of the same nation he remembred what had happened vnto Lewes More and how the Swissers had dealt with him at Nouarrette wherefore without doing any other thing he retired to Trent and would not to his daunger and dammage make proofe of the Swissers fidelity knowing how hard a matter it is to bring souldiers of a nation to fight against others in the enemies campe of the same nation When a Prince or a Common-wealth is constrained to vse the helpe of strangers especially of those nations which are free as the Swissers the Grisons and such like it is very necessarie to know whether the enemie likewise hath waged any of that nation and to what number to the end to be resolued and assured which way he is to bend his force to auoide the daunger or to entertaine so few as if they would they should not be able to annoy him though they did reuolt from him seeing that in the warres euen the least mutinie and reuolt is ill and hurtfull CHAP. 21. Lightnes of beleefe is a great fault in any man and too much credulitie hath bred and caused many euils IT is a common saying Light beleefâ— in euery thâ—â—â— sheweth a 〈◊〉 vvit 〈◊〉 braines that to be light of beleefe and easily perswaded to a thing sheweth a lightnes of wit and a weakenes of the braine and from thence it commeth that such manner of men are easilie deceiued for through want of iudgement standing vpon the shew and appearance of reasons and the efficacie of words they without consideration doe that whereto they are perswaded and made to beleeue These men for the most part are of the nature of women or of little children and therefore in their actions they shew small constancie and are constrained to chaunge and alter their opinion and with dishonor withdraw froÌ„ that which they haue done or to their losse to reproue themselues for being too credulous By which meanes they are accompted and held for men of the first impression for that their wits being as soft as waxe that which they are perswaded vnto is easily imprinted Charges and gouernments of importance are not to be giuen to men of the first impresâ—ion Charges and gouernments of importance ought not to be giuen to such persons for that being easie to be deceiued they are subiect and prone to commit a thousand errors These men are also easily induced to trust and remit matters to the discretion of others and thence it commeth that when they haue to deale with cunning and craftie persons they are led by the nose and perceiue it not vntill they be plunged and as wee say duckt ouer head and eares in such sort that they shall not be able to remedie the matter They also suffer themselues to bee drawne and ouercome with a common brute and publike report of something as too credulous in such sort that they suffer themselues to be carried away and lulled asleepe in the error without caring to be ascertained of the truth and chiefly when they may and ought to be most vigilant and carefull they are so seduced by the smooth wordes of those which perswade them to the contrarie of that which they should boult out and be assured of that not knowing whereon to resolue they durst doe nothing which may assure them Roger the 2. King of Sicilie sonne of Tancredi was of such light beleefe and so prone to repose trust in others to his owne great hurt and dammage that hauing some controuersie with the Emperour Henry the fift which pretended title to the Kingdome of Sicilie in the right of Constance his Wife he came to an accord and agreement with him whereby the Kingdome was diuided which conteyned then the Kingdome of Naples Roger the second King of Sâ—â—â—lie taken 〈◊〉 at Paâ—â—â—en by the 〈…〉 Henry the sift with 〈◊〉 three 〈◊〉 who had 〈◊〉 â—ienes pluckt out and afterward dyed in Prison King Roger perceiuing that he could not long time defend himselfe against the Emperour who was fauored by the Church of Rome made a compositioÌ„ with him vpon this condition that the Emperour should holde Sicilia and Roger the Kingdome of Naples The Emperour was content with this agreement and taking his way towards Palermo to enter into possession of the Kingdome of Sicilia with many signes of good will and friendship and many faire words but all fained he drew vnto him the simple credulous King Roger who went with him euen to Palermo to passe and throughly to confirme the agreement where with Alteria Constance and Madonia his sisters he was deteyned prisoner and being depriued of all regall authoritie was sent in exile into Germanie where his eyes being pluckt out and his stones cut off to the end he should not hope to haue any more children he was condemned to perpetuall imprisonment Which happened to him for that he gaue too much credit to the smooth words and faire shewes of good will and friendship vsed by the Emperour and for trusting too much to a reconciled friend without considering into what danger he aduentured putting himselfe into his hands who would haue bereaued him of his life If he had gone and quietlie enioyed the Kingdome which was fallen vnto him by lot or election without busying himselfe so simply in courting a Prince which had
and the issue of the warre shall be dishonorable vnto him and dammageable to his Prince This is perceiued betweene two priuate enemies when the one in his heart conceiueth a great opinion of the valour and courage of the other and distrusteth himselfe either because he wanteth courage or knoweth not how to handle his weapons this conceit maketh him so fearefull that he escheweth all occasions to enter into any quarrell against him and to fight with him Wee see the like in open warres that when one armie too much esteemeth and is afraid of the other it doth nothing else but retire and turne to this place or that place encampe in some strong place and make delaies so as wanting courage to assaile the enemie without making any proofe and experiment whether they had reason to feare or no. Francis Maria Duke of Vrbin being Generall for the Venetians and the League after the deliuerie of the French King was to go to relieue and set at libertie Francis Sforce who was besieged in the Castle of Milan being come to the Citie he conceiued such an opinion of the Spanish and Almaine souldiers which besieged the Castle and had so small confidence in his own Armie that he esteemed it vile so that although there were therein many old souldiers and famous Captaines of Italie yet he tooke a conceit in his mind that he would not charge them without some mightie squadron of Swissers and going to Milan for this enterprise to deliuer the Duke and the Castle he lost so much time in attending the Swissers that he gaue leaue meanes and leisure to the Duke of Bourbon to enter into Milan with a garrison and forces of other Spanish troupes and his hope was lost and the foundation laid on the people of Milan And so many other occasions seruing fit for his purpose to haue effected his desseignes and to haue preuailed in this enterprise escaped out of his hands and in the end with this delaying and remouing his Campe from place to place attending the comming of the Swissers he went to the gates of Milan thinking to haue found no resistance but at the first charge hee found himselfe deceiued for the Spaniards well defended the port towards Rome which he assaulted and slew fortie of his men and wounded many and in defending the Suburbes was done the like Wherefore the Duke being more confirmed in his opinion of the valour of the enemie and the cowardise of his Italian souldiers Guicci lib. 17. hee suddenly determined to withdraw himselfe from Milan with his Armie and so the same night he gaue the Popes Lieutenant and the Pourueiour of the Venetians to vnderstand of his determination and how that hee had alreadie begun to put it in execution perswading them to doe the like and so going to incamp himselfe at Marignan he resolued not to depart from thence vntill his succours of twelue thousand Swissers should be come iudging it impossible to obtaine the victorie without two armies whereof each of them apart had beene sufficient to haue withstoode and resisted the enemies vnited altogethers And although the chiefe Commanders of the Armie of the League were discontent with this departure and were of diuers opinions of this his sudden resolution in the end it was thought that the Duke did it for no other cause then for that he was returned to his first opinion by the which he stood in greater doubt of the forces of the enemie and did more distrust the valour of the Italian souldiers then all the rest of the Captaines and Commanders did And among others the Lord Iohn de Medicis who commaunded the Arriergard with the Popes Infantrie would neuer retire vntill it was light day saying that in stead of victorie he would not beare the shame and dishonour to runne away by night That the Dukes feare and his sudden determination were without any foundation experience and the issue of the affaires doe plainly make manifest for there was none of the Emperors armie that sallied out to charge the Arriergard and taile of the armie and when it was day the Spaniards themselues did marueile at their sudden disorderly retraite A Captaine then ought not so to drowne himselfe in his own conceit and iudgement of the valour and cowardise of others if first hee haue not made and that more then once some notable triall for to settle an opinion and to beleeue that it is so maketh a man fearefull and when the Lion which leadeth the Harts shall seeme to be afraid hee shall neuer make the Harts become Lions and when the Generall shall shew himselfe dismaied the souldiers will likewise be out of heart I thinke the Duke of Vrbin did it not without ripe iudgement and it might so be that he knew the Duke of Bourbons entrie into Milan which was very secret and was not peraduenture knowne to the rest and that he saw many difficulties to remaine there knowne to himselfe onely and therefore chose this manner of retraite for that he would not engage his Armie being vnable to succour the Duke of Milan And being a most noble Prince and in that time esteemed the most wise Captaine that followed the warres and reputed the chiefe Captaine of all Italie as in truth he was it is not to be beleeued that hee would haue retired so without some great reason which hee alone did vnderstand well knowing also that this retraite would be accounted little to his honour CHAP. 73. Princes ought to giue no charge to couetous Men. A Great Prince ought to foresee and principallie to take order for three things which are of great importance to wit to the gouernment of estates and prouinces the managing of the warres the guard of holds and Fortresses for all which a couetous man is altogether vnfit For this auarice consisting in the desire of gaine and the villanous and Mechanicall sparing to spend it followeth that when such men haue any of those charges that they let all goe to ruine either for sparing to spend any thing of their owne to maintaine and preserue it or to make their benefit by letting it be lost and so the order of all things being by the couetous man peruerted it followeth of force that all must goe to wracke A couetous seruant to the gouernours of Prouinces and estates representing the person of the Prince may be the occasion of rebellion and also the losse of the estate by rebellion and mutinie when by new great charges exactions and impositions the people Prouinces and Cities fall into despaire and lose their patience This auarice consisteth in getting as it happened by the seruants and Captaines which for the Romane Empyre gouerned the Prouince of the Battauians while as the Empyre was diuided Couetous seruants and officers are the cause of the runne of their Prince and rebellion of his subiects and the two Emperours at warres togethers these Gouernours making choyse of Souldiers they enrolled the olde men to the
had betrayed Iohn Galeas his Nephew and Bonna the Dutches mother of the said Iohn Galeas in giuing vnto the said Lewes himselfe a port of Tortona wherewith in behalfe of the young Duke and his mother he was put in trust in time of his troubles making no lesse account of the treason then of the Traytor he committed to his charge the keeping of the Towne of Valencia and put him in possession thereof as gouernour and chiefe Captaine of that Towne But Donat Donat Raffignin by treason yeeldeth the Fortresse of Valence to the French who had not changed his nature although he had changed his Master corrupted by the promises of Iohn Iaques Triuulse deliuered the Fortresse of Valencia to the Frenchmen enemies to Lewes and receiued them into the Towne This treason is the more worthy to be remembred for that it happened in the same day wherein twentie yeares before the said Donat had betrayed the little Duke Iohn Galeas and giuen the Towne of Tortona to Lewes his Vncle. Wherein a man may plainely see that Traytors being mischieuous retaine alwaies their wicked disposition and therefore no man ought to trust them when as they are once discouered for such and whosoeuer doth repose trust in him who hath once been a Traytor although the treason were greatly to his profit yet he committeth a great error but he committeth a greater who imployeth him in a gouernment and charge of importance CHAP. 8. Jt is a great fault in any man to giue himselfe to robbing and pilling when he ought to fight which hath been the occasion of the ill successe of many faire enterprises IN mine opinion there is nothing more fit to ouerthrowe an Armie how great and well ordered soeuer it be than the greedie couetonsnes of the Captaines or the extreme rapine of Souldiers who haue more desire to robbe and pill than to fight for leauing the first thought of true militia which is victorie and honour they turne to the second which is the profit and spoyle and remember not that whosoeuer is Master of the bodies hath the goods also in possession and at commandement I speake now of the greedie coueteousnesse of the Captaines and Souldiours which when the victorie and the spoyle being to be seene both at one instant are carried away more with the desire of gaine then of honour This auarice I say hath been the cause of the losse of many faire enterprises yea it hath so corrupted blinded and confounded them that those Captaines and Souldiers who haue caused the losse The greedines of Souldiours and Captaines hath been the losse of many faire enterprises besides the losse of their liues haue purchased perpetuall dishonour and infamie to their name and posteritie which is an euill very hardly to be remedied in the warres now adaies which if not wholy yet for the most part is corrupted It is then the cause of many euils as thus It hindereth the victorie before the fight and in the fight it plucketh it out of their hands and putteth them in danger to lose what they haue newly gotten whereof are most manifest examples Saxon the Grammarian in the 1. book of his histories of Denmark knowing how dangerous the desire of spoyle is through the hindrance and let that it giueth to a manifest victorie Saxon the Grammarian in his first book of the affaires of Denmarke bringeth in the King of England for example vsing these words to his souldiers which hee perswadeth to fight against the King of Denmarke in this manner Ne fatigetis milites opum onere manus praelio destinatas ac scitote triumphum ante carpēdum quam censum Proinde auro spreto auri Dominos insequamini nec aeris sed victoriae fulgorem miremini meminisseque vos decet satius trophaeum pensare quà m quaestum potioremque esse metallo virtutem Which is to say Doe not wearie and encomber with the burthen of riches those hands which are ordained to fight and know that you ought to obtaine the victorie before the spoyle and so despising gold pursue the owners of the gold and fixe your eyes not in the brightnes of the gold but in the glorie of the victorie and it behooueth you also to know that it more auaileth to purchase honour than profit and that vertue is of more worth than mettall This counsell was ill followed by the English souldiers who had more desire to pill and robbe than to fight whereof it followed that they were all cut in pieces by the King of Denmarke who charged thē while as they were lodē with pillage which happened in this manner The greedines of the English souldiers Phroton King of Denmarke being landed in England sacked many places and being loden with the riches of spoyle and bootie tooke his way towards Scotland to haue done as much there as he had done in England The English being aduertised of the harme which the King of Denmarke had done in their Iland and of their departure the King of England therefore with a great armie followed him with intent to giue him battaile and by force of armes to take from him the pray which he had gotten But Phroton seeing his enemies neere at hand and that the English and Scots alreadie in armes did follow him resolued with himselfe to abandon all the goods and treasure which hee had gotten in England and caused it to be cast away strawing the gold siluer and other goods of the English abroad in the fields thinking indeed that they would stay to gather and heape the same together and so being loden hee would runne vpon them and ouerthrow them And notwithstanding that a certaine old Captaine did gainsay the counsell and will of Phroton alleaging that the souldiers would be very vnwilling to leaue that which they had gotten with the perill of their liues and that it was against all reason to leaue that spoyle in pray to an enemie whose force as yet they had not seene notwithstanding all this by the generall aduice and opinion of all the bootie was left and cast abroad in diuers places of the fields according to the Kings commaundement When the English came where their goods and riches were disperst and scattered abroad the King commaunded that no man should touch the same but that they should pursue the enemie whom when they had ouercome they should then haue time enough to recouer and againe gather together the goods which they had lost But there was a Knight of the Brittons amongst them which against the Kings commaundement said That it was no wisedome but a signe of great feare to doubt to take their owne goods wheresoeuer they found them and seeing that the enemie of their owne accord did voluntarily forsake and abandon the bootie which they would haue had by force and hazard of their liues for the recouerie thereof hee found it not expedient with the price of their blood and great daunger to buy that which they might
take and possesse in quiet and peaceably for nothing The opinions of some other Knights were correspoÌ„dent to the desire of the most couetous souldiers who without obeying the commandement either of King or Captaine fell to gathering together of their goods which were spread abroad vpon the ground and so retired being loden and pestered with bootie and spoyle Which Phroton vnderstanding turned head and followed them and hauing found them wearied and tired no lesse with the way then with the burthen of the spoyle being much pestered with the cariâ—â—â— of so much baggage he charged and cut them in pieces and valiantly recouered that which wisely he had throwne away and the English louing better to tend to their pillage than to fight A notable ouerthrow of the English lost miserablie both the bootie the victorie and their liues The Venetian souldiers committed the like error in the yeere 1509. euen then when almost al the Princes of Christendome were vnited together against their Common-wealth for the Venetian armie led by Bartelmy Liuiano hauing taken Treui in the very beard of the enemies amongst which was the King of France in person the souldiers gaue themselues to sack pillaging and whilest they were busie about their luggage the Kings armie passed the riuer of Adde without let or resistance for that the souldiers were so busie in pillaging that it was not possible either by authoritie or by their Captaines threatnings to make them giue ouer the sacking of the towne And although that th'Aluian set the towne on fire to the end to bring them to fight yet was it too late for the Kings armie hauing at ease and very commodiously past the riuer and hauing had leisure to put themselues in order there followed the memorable feate of armes of Giarad ' Adde wherein the Venetians without question had been victors if their souldiers in stead of pillaging would haue been brought to hinder and stop the passage of the French armie for they had either ouerthrowne them and put them to flight or else constrained them to fight without order and at great disaduantage or to returne backe which had giuen them cause of a most manifest and most noble victorie which was taken out of their hands by their owne souldiers who were so greedie that they rather loued to glut themselues with luggage The greedines of the Italian souldiers than with honour and glorie and suddenly after they lost both the one and the other By meanes of this discoÌ„moditie of pillaging many occasions of victories are lost not onely before they come to strokes but euen in time of the battaile which was seene in the Venetian armie and of Lewes Sforce and others in league together in the memorable iourney of Tare against Charles the 8. King of France for the army of the League was ouerthrowne or at least had not the victorie through the greedie couetousnes of the Venetian aduenturers For during the fight at the passage of Tare the King willing to goe into France and those of the League to stop his passage Francis Gonzagua Marquesse of Mantoua and Generall of the armie of the League had so well ordered euery thing that the French armie was in some disorder so as they had had the victorie if the greedie aduenturers who saw the Kings carriages abandoned The greedines of the Stradiots by the aduice and counsell of Triuulce had not began to runne to the spoyle by their protection against the Florentines which they valiantly defended and the Florentines to the contrarie employed all their forces to reconquer it In this meane season the Emperour Maximilian came into Italie and Francis Sforce perswaded the Florentines to ioyne and enter into league with him and to put the controuersie to the Emperours iudgement who vnderstanding the discord betweene them and the Venetians would be an vpright arbitrator in the cause The Florentines answered that they would stand to no arbiterment but that they would first haue Pisa rendred into their possession as it had been theretofore This was the occasion why the Florentines sent their Ambassadours to Gennes where the Emperour then was where the affaires hauing been debated they attended the Emperours answere which was this as he was taking shipping in the hauen at Gennes that the Popes Legate should tell them what was needfull The Florentine Ambassadours went to the Legate who told them that the Duke of Milan should declare vnto them the Emperours pleasure at large This was knowne at Florence and how the matter past where it was concluded that the Ambassadours without attending any answere should returne home In the meane season Francis Sforce glorying in his eloquence and thinking to scoffe the Florentines prepared a most faire hall very richly furnished to giue aunswere to the Florentines in the behalfe of the Emperour whither he had called all the Princes Amdassadours which were with him at Milan to heare his answere The Florentines at the houre appoynted came thither where they were willed to declare what they had to say Pepi to whom it appertained to speake sayd that they being with great trauell come from Gean to Milan to returne to Florence would willingly haue held their way but stayed to take their leaue of him and to doe him honour before they went out of his dominion knowing him to be a Prince which was their friend who by his friendship did greatly vphold the state of their Common-wealth The Duke answered them Lewes More out of countenance and 〈◊〉 by the Florentine Ambassadours that he was to giue them answere in the behalfe of the Emperour The Ambassadour answered that he had no commission to heare it neither any way to negotiate with him By reason whereof the Duke in a great chafe sent away the Ambassadours of Florence and all the rest which he had called thither receiuing in himselfe the greatest part of the disgrace which he thought to haue vsed towards others Let Ambassadours then be resolute and let them endeuour to be briefe and aduised in their aunswers for feare to bee mocked by the Princes with whom they haue to negotiate and that in all causes and accidents not foreseene they may be well resolued maintaining their owne reputation and the honour of those which sent them CHAP. 10. Betweene reconciled friends the least suspition breedeth great distrust making them againe to become enemies ALthough there cannot be any so great enmitie but that he which hath been an enemie may againe become a good friend euen as he which hath been a good friend may become a great enemie yet it is harder to tie together that which is broken than to breake that which is firme and whole Wherefore as euery little displeasure and iniurie may giue an ill taste to a friend and breake the bond of friendship so afterwards many things are to be required to conioyne and renew the same againe after it is once broken which euer after beareth the name of reconciled friendship
some charges or customes of lesse importance if hee had then graunted an exemption of some of them the people would haue rested satisfied with that little and would not haue presumed so insatiably to demaund the whole Wherefore the people ought gently to be denied and refused in their first demaunds and yet not to be put cleane out of hope and in despaire to obtaine for that which they shall afterwards obtaine will be willingly and thankfully accepted and they will shew themselues gratefull for the same CHAP. 18. Jn chusing Generals and chiefe commaunders their vertue ought more to be regarded then the nobilitie of their blood or any priuate affection THe Emperour Leo in his first booke intituled the preparation for warre speaking of the election of a Generall sayth that to knowe the generositie and courage of a Dogge or a Horse we haue regarde to his proper operations and not to the damme or syre which got him The 〈…〉 to and after his descent euen so the noblenesse of a man ought to be considered by his proper valour and vertue and not by the blood of those which brought him into the world neither of the glorie of his predecessors which oftentimes descendeth not to the posteritie as hereditarie but is altered and degenerate And he saith further that it is ill done to contemne a man of worth for that he is not issued of noble blood and to admire and make great abcount of a base fellow of no worth or courage because he is descended of some noble and illustrious race and familie There is double error committe 〈◊〉 of Captaines This error in election is committed in two manners either in thinking that he which is noble should likewise be vertuous or for particular affection in the behalfe of some one from whom a man would expect the like fauour As for the error which is committed in the election of the Generall to ayme more at the noblenesse of his blood then at the proper vertue of him which is chosen I say that it was committed by Nicephorus Phocas Emperour of Constantinople who regarding more the nobilitie of the blood from whence was issued a young man called Manicel than his experience and vertue in the warre Fazelli in his sâ—â—â— booke of the second deâ—â—â— oâ— the 〈…〉 which he had in Sicilia against the Sarrazins he chose him for his Generall This Emperour Phocas in the beginning of his Empire seeing how vnfit it was for the dignitie of an Emperour to pay tribute to the Barbarians resolued with himselfe to make warre and sent into Sicilie a great armie against the Sarrazins which held the same whereof he made his Nephew Manicel Generall bastard sonne of Leo his brother which he had on a Concubine This man what for his age being very young as also for his ignorance and little experience in the warres besides many other vices wherewith he was spotted being vnfit for the place of a Generall would not hearken to the aduise of his Captaines which were appointed to be his counsellours and tutours but gouerning all with little iudgement and discretion he was drawne by the Sarrazins into certaine streights and hard passages where inclosed and compassed about hee was ouercome and put to flight by the Barbarians with all his whole Armie Wherefore the Emperour to his cost was taught Manicel put to slight by the Sarrasins through vvant of experience in the vvars what it was to commit the charge of a Nauie by Sea or an armie by land to persons without iudgement and experience notwithstanding that they be noble and of his owne blood for notwithstanding that a man giue them Captains and Counsellours which are wise and of experience yet it is to be doubted that a young man through his foole-hardinesse will not be ruled after the iudgement of wise men but will marre all As for the errour in chusing of a Captaine it was committed in our fathers time by Lewes Duke of Milan who hauing often had proofe of the valour and worth of Anthony Maria Sanseuerin Earle of Gaiazza to whom he had sundrie times giuen charge in the wars and hauing made him his Generall and afterwards taking a liking to Galeas Sanseuerin his younger brother being not onely of fewer yeeres but also of lesse experience yet he preferred him in his greatest need and danger before the Earle Guicciar lib. 4 for that he had seene him manage his horse very gallantly and charge his launce very brauely at a Tournay For this cause Lewes fauouring him made him Generall of his Armie Galeas Sanseuerin fled from Alexandria and lest it in pray to the enemie in whose place for many reasons he ought to haue giuen that charge to the Earle his brother but the issue shewed how vnwisely Princes are deceiued which make choise of persons to whom they commit the charge of weightie affaires more for the fauour and affection which they beare to them whom they choose then for their vertue and experience for Galeas shamefully fled by night from Alexandria which was taken by the enemie and then Lewes was taught to know the difference betweene the wise leading of an Armie with iudgement and the gallant charging of a launce with a good grace And hereof ensued many inconueniences for the Earle went to serue the French seeing that his younger brother was preferred before him to the charge of Generall Antonie Maria Earle of Gaiazza accompanied Lewes More Duke of Milan to prison in France vvith 〈…〉 of â—â—â—se and forsooke him in his greatest need and Galeas was of euery man held for a coward and a dastard Lewes was noted of little iudgement and Anthony Maria blamed for vnfaithfull and disloyall hauing taken pay of the French King and abandoning the Duke in his greatest miserie so farre that in the end he accompanied him with his troupe of horse into Fraunce to a prison CHAP. 19. Jn time of dangerous warres men of vertue and of worth ought to be preferred and placed in gouernments and when a man in a small enterprise hath not honourably discharged his office and yet would intrude and make himselfe chiefe and haue principall commaund in great matters he deserueth to be repulsed THe spurre of ambition doth pricke and sometimes so poyson the heart Charges of importonce are most commonly giuen to vnworthy persons and sach as are of no experience that a man in this sort losing the light of his vnderstanding and the knowledge of himselfe regardeth neither the common good nor the greatnes of the enterprise so as he may obtaine what he desireth And this fault happeneth more often in Common-wealths where gouernments are giuen by voyces then in absolute principalities where more regard is had of the worth than of any other thing And when in a Common-wealth the number of young men surpasseth and is of greater power than of the olde men the young men as ill aduised and of small experience most commonly fauour
him more to whom they are affected then him who is of desert by reason whereof such faults are ordinarilie made in the chusing of Captaines which execute their place to the losse and shame of their Countrey And although some say that in time of necessine vertue is sought for which in time of peace was not esteemed neuerthelesse this is not alwaies true That vertue is knowne in time of trouble which in peace is not esteâ—med but is plainely verified in extreme dangers as the Romanes did by Fabius Maximus the Venetians by Victor Pisani and the Florentines by Anthony Iacomini yea it is seene that without the sage counsell of wise Senators and the ripe iudgement of olde men the aduise of young men had ouerthrowne and vndone their Countrey in their elections Wherefore the Senator and Counsellour who without respect of persons in publike shall declare the ill carriage of those which hauing not done well in small matters and yet would be chiefe in matters of greatest importance shall be euer praised and esteemed as a procurer of the common good and louer of his countrey and shewing by his speech the truth shall cause some to change their opinion which might be otherwise affected Fabius Maximus was in the Senate at Rome when election should haue been made of new Consuls at what time Hannibal of Carthage made preparation to inuade Sicilia which seemed to be much inclined vnto him Fabius Maâ—imus opposed himselfe against Titus Ottacilius who had married his sisters daughter and would haue been Confull In that day the young men were to name the new Consuls and for that they named one Titus Ottacilius who in his Consulship and gouernment past had done nothing that was of worth Fabius thought him vnfit for that charge notwithstanding that he had married one of his Nieces and sayd openly that if warre were to be waged against enemies which would not take aduantage of errors and negligences a man might chuse more for fauour than for neede because in smooth waters and still Seas euery one can rule the helme and guide the Ship but when tempests and stormes arise there needeth a good and well experienced Pilot. And forasmuch as the Romane Common-wealth was not then so calme and in quiet as they might goe play but was so beaten and plunged in and with many stormes they ought therefore carefully to see to whom they gaue the gouernment and helme thereof And so addressing his speech to Ottacilius he said we haue oh Titus Ottacilius had experience of thy vertue and valour in lesse matters and truly thou hast not done any good thing by meanes whereof we should be induced to commit to thy charge any matters of greater importance We made the other yeare preparation for a nauie by Sea whereof thou hadst the charge and gouernment first to the end it should spoyle and sacke the shores side of Africa Secondly to the end to garde and assure our owne coasts and frontiers of Italic Thirdly to the end that to Hannibal from Africa into Italie there should come no reliefe or succour neither of money nor victuals And then turning himselfe towards the whole councell Titus Liuius in his fourth booke of the 3. decades he added Make Ottacilius Consull I say not if he haue performed all these things but if he haue done onely any one of them to the profit and honour of the Common-wealth And then againe turning himselfe towards him he sayd but if whilest thou hast been Generall and Gouernour of the armie at Sea all things came in safty from Carthage to Hannibal and with such libertie as in time of peace if the coast of Italie hath been more infested with warre than the coast of Africa what canst thou say and alleage for thy defence c. By the which words all the young men altered their opinions Jâ— thusing of Gentrals for the Warres the qualitie of the Warre and the worthâ—â—ese of the person 〈…〉 is to be chosen are châ—â—sely to be regarded and opened their eyes to make choyse of such men for Consuls as by their valour and vertue might resist and make head against Hannibal Wherefore let euery Gentleman that shall be present at the election of such Captaines consider the time the qualitie of the warre and the vertue and worth of the person whom they nominate If the time be quiet and the qualitie of the warre of no great importance they may make proofe of some one whom the fauour but if he haue ill discharged his place in the first imployment in a small matter he ought not to be trusted in the second in a greater and although he possibly escaped with his honour yet it is not good to put such affayres in hazard Guicciardin saith that the Florentines resolued that they would not make Rinuccio de Marcian Generall of their armie in their warres of Pisa although he were much fauoured for that hee had once been vanquished and put to flight and carried himselfe ill in a charge of lesser importance CHAP. 20. How dangerous it is in two armies being enemies to haue souldiers of one particular nation THe accidents and disgraces vnthought of and vnexpected which may happen to Princes and Potentates are such and in so great number It is not possible to foreseâ— nor preuent the mishaps and disgrace vvhich may happen to preces neither to resist or redresse them vvhen theâ— happen that it is impossible to foresee theÌ„ and much lesse to yeeld remedie when they are come but if by things past we may coniecture of things to come and by other mens losse learne to prouide for our selues let vs make our profit of other mens harmes It shall not be much from the matter to consider how dangerous it is to Princes and Common-wealths which haue not sufficient forces in their owne countries but are constrained to hire strangers when they are to encounter with an enemie who in his armie hath souldiers of the same nation whereof the same Common-wealths haue hired many so as in the two armies are Captaines and souldiers of one and the same countrie I say that to be constrained to doe this is a thing very dangerous because that being alike in conditions in speech and peraduenture of parentage aliance and of blood it will be no hard matter for the one to procure the other to remoue household and to plot some conspiracie and treason And although that Captaines employ all their wits to keepe their souldiers from conuersing with other souldiers which are their countrimen in the enemies armie I say they cannot alwaies be so diligent and watchfull that they auoide the daunger Whereof wee haue example and experience in the daies of our ancestors and particularly in the person of Lewes More Duke of Milan and Francis the first King of France and the Emperour Maximilian Lewes More took Nauarrette with the aide of the Swisswers but being besieged therein by the French amongst which were
1539. with many wounds was murthered and she desiring that her sonne which she had by him who was then but a little childe should one day reuenge the death of his farther she kept his fathers bloodie and gorie shirt in her chest euen as it was taken from his backe when hee was slaine which she often shewed to her sonne to the end to imprint in his minde by that obiect the outrage done to his father In in processe of time it happened that either at the intreatie of her parents and friends or the perswasion of some religious persons she yeelded to a peace and pardoned the murtherer of her husband and with so great a generositie of heart she forgaue him and ratified the peace promised that to shew the sincertie of her heart and that of an enemie she was become an honest Christian friend she put out of sight the obiect which might put her in minde of the offence committed and taking the bloodie shirt of her slaine husband she sent it to him who slew him letting him to vnderstand that hee might liue securely for she not onely pardoned him but had also put from before her eyes the obiect which might alter her minde and make her to remember the iniurie past In like manner the noble and magnanimous act of Maximilian the first Emperour is worthie of eternall memorie and to bee registred in the immortall writings of the most excellent authors who being resolued to hold for his friend Lewes the 12. King of France A noble acte of the Emperour Maxunâ—â—an from the house of the which Kings of France the Empire had receiued many iniuries he not onely thanked the King for helping him by his meanes to recouer his townes in Frioli which the Venetians held but forgetting all the wrongs receiued of the kingdome of France and to shew that he was become a true friend and had no obiect before his eyes which might call to memorie offences past he caused a booke to be burnt which was kept at Spire wherein were written all the iniuries which in time past the Kings of France had done to the Empire an act truly of great goodnes and worthie of the magnanimitie of the house of Austrich CHAP. 39. A man ought not to giue credit to an error which he seeth his enemie to commit but rather to thinke that he doth it to some speciall purpose and that vnder the same there lieth hidden some ambush or deepe deceite A Wise Captaine or Generall of an Armie ought neuer to giue credit to an error which hee seeth his enemie to commit especially when the errour is apparantly foule grosse for therein euer lieth some secret and hidden deceit which may happen in sundrie manners first in shewing a great and audacious rashnesse and temeritie vsing to aduenture so far forwards that it should seeme impossible that the enemie should be so vnaduised to commit a fault of so great importance except to some purpose as for example when the enemie commeth to call thee at the very foote of thy walles and to prouoke thee to fight boldly presenteth himselfe euen into thy campe that all men may maruell thereat or by some grosse fayned shew in disguised and counterfeite apparell making shew to doe something enforcing themselues thereby to draw thee out of thy Campe. Such manner of the enemies proceeding ought to make thee beware for such drifts are not without some cause and especiall set purpose to deceiue thee 〈…〉 Amongst the examples of the Romanes we haue one of Fuluius Lieutenant of the Romane armie when he remained alone to guard the Campe in the warre against the Tuscanes for the Consull being gone to Rome to doe certaine ceremonies the Tuscanes then thinking to drawe the Romanes in the absence of the Consull out of their Campe and to make them fall into an ambush laide there hard by they sent certaine Souldiers apparrelled like Shepheards with a good number of beasts and made them goe within sight of the Romane Armie comming almost to the trenches of the Campe. The Lieutenant meruailed much at this their boldnes and deuising with himselfe what this presumption might meane and considering well that it had some foundation he found out the meanes to discouer the fraude and so this deuise of the Tuscanes serued to no purpose A man ought also to knowe this error when the rashnes of a few with a great brauado prouoketh the enemie to fight being encamped in a strong and sure ground and when men sallie forth to fight with them they begin to file and make such retrait that the incamped desiring to ouercome may follow without thinking of any ambush and fall therein without perceiuing their error vntill such time as they be surprised wherefore they ought to beware of such manifest errors and to beleeue that thereunder lyeth some hidden deceit And to the end to trust to a most euident error committed by the enemie we haue an example in the Lombards sometime called Gaules These Lombards hauing ouercome the Romanes at the riuer of Allia now called Caminate tooke their way towards Rome and finding the gates all open 〈…〉 and seeing none to guarde the same and fearing some Ambush and deceit for they thought it impossible that the Romanes should commit so grosse a fault as to leaue their Cittie open without defence but for some purpose wherefore they held themselues all that day and all the night following without entring neuer thinking that in the hearts of the Romanes had been harboured so great cowardise and so little iudgement that they should haue abandoned their Citie and Countrey We haue another example of error Culcciardin which happened in the time of our auncesters in the yeare 1508. when the Florentines made warre against the Pisans In this warre was taken prisoner Alfonso de Mutolo a citizen of Pisa but a man of base condition who was taken by Canaicio de prato an olde Souldier of the Florentines which kept this Alfonso and made him great cheere and vsed him very honourably This man being by the Pisans induced to doe some exployte offered to giue vnto the Florentines one of the ports of Pisa prouided that they should set him at libertie whereupon he was deliuered and being come to Pisa he entertained the Florentines with this hope to be possessed of a port of Pisa wherein their armie might enter and the matter was carried so openly that comming to consult and parle with the Commissioners and principall men of the Florentine Campe The ouerthrow of the Florentines before Pisa through the policie of Mutolo a Pisan Captaine Mutolo brought with him certaine young men of Pisa to keepe him companie and although he left them a part when he went to speake with those which were sent by the chiefe Commaudners of the Florentine Armie it is not to be said but that the aforesaide Florentines might haue perceiued that affaires of so great importance are not handled in
sufficient for the defence thereof or for some other such like reason which yeeld him iust cause of feare and when a man hath euident tokens or certaine aduertisements of such feare the enterprise so attempted seldome faileth In the yeere 1512. after the memorable iourney of Rauenna where the French had so bloody a victorie that it was hard to iudge whether partie had the worse either the victour or the vanquished being impossible to conclude and accord any agreement betweene the Pope and the King of France the Swissers came to serue the Pope of whose valour and power the French stood much in feare The Swissers hauing taken the way towards Trent to ioyne with the Venetian armie came downe into the countrie of Verona and the French not knowing what course they would take Guicciar li. 10 were before gone to Pontoglio to stop their passage but the Swissers hauing taken another way the Lord de la Palisse the French Kings Lieutenant in Italie being in doubt whether they would goe towards Ferrara or towards Milan wrote a letter to the gouernour Generall of Normandie being at Milan giuing him to vnderstand of the state of the French Kings affaires in Italie in what termes they stood aduertising him further that it would be very hard to resist the forces of the Swissers and the armie of the confederates if they should togethers attempt that state This letter by misfortune fell into the hands of the aduenturers which serued the Venetians who hauing read it and consulted thereof in the presence of the Cardinall of Sedun and others the chiefe of the armie it was concluded to charge the state of Milan by the reason as I afore recited that that enterprise seldome faileth which is doubted feared by the enemie as in this case Wherefore the confederates laying their foundation vpon this letter and vpon this iust feare charged the estate of Milan and chased away the Frenchmen CHAP. 43. To wrong the statues images and pictures of Princes in their life time is a poore reuenge and oftentimes the cause of great hurt to him which doth the same NEuer man found good by doing wrong and if it be ill done to bee outragious towards liuing men which may remember the iniuries a man shall doe much worse by doing iniurie to those which are senselesse and can not reuenge it And here hence it commeth that they are much blamed which commit cruelties vpon dead bodies which ought to be left in peace and respected as those which cannot answere for their faults For which cause Homer blamed the Greekes who wounded the dead bodie of Hector after he was slaine by Achilles and noted them with this scoffe That the very Hares would aduenture to charge the Lion when hee was dead And although it seemeth that they which commit such outrages Those vvhich doe vvrong and shew crueltie to the dead are worthie of eternall shame and dishonur receiue some contentment by glutting their rage yet it cannot be said but that such doings are rather brute and sauage than humane The iniuries which are done to statues and images of Princes in their life time resembleth this iniurie and if it be done for reuenge because they cannot doe it to himselfe being aliue a man satisfieth his rage against the stone or the wood which representeth him I say that this is a poore reuenge fitting the furie of the common people which in it selfe hath no reason or iudgement And if such iniurie be done to charge the person represented in this image I say that it is a thing very dangerous because that the Prince or some friend of his will peraduenture thinke of this wrong which shall be so done reputing the offence as done to himselfe in person and will punish it no more nor lesse then as if he himself in person had bin grieued mocked and ill vsed in what manner soeuer Wee haue an example in the Boulognois in the time of Pope Iulius the second who hauing driuen the Bentiuogli out of Boulogne did many pleasures to the Boulognois granting them many priuiledges dignities and exemptions which the Boulognois ill acknowledged when the Bentiuogli by meanes of the French King againe returned into the citie for then they tooke a statue of his made of brasse which was erected vnto him as a benefactor which statue they threw downe in disdaine and derision the people was induced to this iniurie either by the guard and followers of the Bentiuogli or otherwise being tired with the troubles of the warre they would discharge their choler and furie according to their custome vpō the image which represented him whom they deemed to haue put them to all that paine and trouble The Pope was highly displeased with this iniurie Gucciar li. 10. and when Boulogne returned againe vnder the command of the Church after the French were driuen out of Italie if he had not beene preuented by death as the report went whether it were true or false he had determined in reuenge of that iniurie to haue destroyed the citie of Boulogne and to haue reduced the inhabitants into the citie of Cento and alreadie began to stay the chusing of Magistrates and not to commit them in any place of any honour or gouernment yea and by meanes of his rude and seuere officers hee drew a great summe of money from those citizens which claue to the faction of the Bentiuogli and if death had not interrupted his conceits he was a man very likely to haue effected what hee had proiected in his mind And so the Boulognois for hauing outraged the statue of a Prince then liuing were in daunger to haue lost their countrie The Florentines likewise were so ill affected to the house of Medicis that when the people rose against that house in the yeere 1524. certaine young gentlemen of noble houses went to the Church of the Annunciation where were the statues of Pope Leo the tenth and Clement the seuenth which were great and made to the life and hauing throwne them downe brake them in peeces vsing them very ill this iniurie among others was the cause of the warres of Florence After the which the gouernment being returned into the hands of the de Medicis those which committed this wrong and outraged those Images were seuerely punished the Florentines were made to know that Princes know how to reuenge the wrongs done to their statues as well as if they had bin done to themselues in person Charles Duke of Burgundie seuerely punished the Citie of Nantes Charles the last Duke of Burgundie vsed so great and memorable a reuenge against the towne of Nantes for no other cause but onely for that the Nantois made his statue and the statues of certaine others his friends and hanged them by the neck vpon a gibbet Such iniuries then done through choler or malice are base and vile reuenges which bring with them great danger when Princes are able to punish them When a
sendeth them and hee to whom they are sent is either displeased with them or scoffeth them whereas to the contrarie when the seruant or officer hath the port of a man of reputation the Prince which sendeth him purchaseth the praise and renowne of a discreete and well aduised Prince and he to whom hee is sent thinketh himselfe much honoured seeing that to negotiate with him there are sent men of honour and of reputation This kinde of men sent in affaires manage them with dignitie maintaine the friendship betweene the Lords if there be any if there bee none they practise to make it and briefly they carrie themselues in such sort that he which sent them holdeth himselfe for well serued and he to whom they are sent is well pleased But the officers or Ambassadours which haue no credit nor reputation in place of good will purchase hatred and the Prince is no lesse blamed then his seruant or officer and except great necessitie require there will be no conclusion of any matter of importance I remember that I read in Muzio Iustinopolitan an example of an officer of small account Mutius Iustinopol in his treatise of a Prince I know not whether it bee fained or true He reporteth of the inconsideration of a Prince whom hee knew who chose a seruant vnfit for the affaires which he should manage and consequently of small reputation and saith I knew a Prince which had to manage and treate of a matter of importance with the Pope of his time to whom he sent for Ambassadour the chiefe groome of his chamber to whom hauing caused his Secretaries to giue instruction according to the custome of all that whereof hee was to treate with his holines he learned by heart his whole instruction word by word euen as the Secretaries had giuen it vnto him and being come into the Popes presence hee very well recited it word by word euen as it was giuen to him in writing At the beginning the Pope began to laugh at this Ambassadour and after waxed angrie thinking that they had mocked him but being afterwards aduertised of the ignorance of this Ambassadour he mocked as well at the Prince which sent him as at the seruant which had shewed such blockish grossenes Wherefore a man may well beleeue that when hee should desire the Popes answere to his gentle ambassade one should bid him returne to his Master and to tell him that he had well repeated that which he had learned If this be true the Prince committed a great error to chuse a groome of his chamber to treate of matters of estate and of consequence seeing that his office was to waite in the chamber as the office of the steward to haue care for the table and other prouisions for the house When there is question of sending an Ambassadour to another Prince to carrie letters of displeasure or of ioy or other such like matters which are not of importance then the Prince may send any bodie whom he please But when it is needfull to manage matters of waight and of consequence he ought to send seruants which are men of experience of grauitie and of reputation if he will haue good successe in his busines For this cause Alfonse the first of Arragon King of Naples being to send an Ambassadour to Gaietta which obstinately defended it selfe against him chose Anthony Panormitan whom he knew to be a man fit to perswade and disswade Gaietta he sent not thither a groome of his chamber neither the master of his household neither a Captaine which wanted eloquence requisit in such a case to perswade the Gaiettanes to yeeld and not to trie his choler and last displeasure against them Notwithstanding that Panormitan obtained nothing yet it cannot bee said but that the Kings iudgement was good to chuse a man who had more force in his tongue then a Captaine in his hands CHAP. 49. A man ought euer to esteeme of his enemie for whosoeuer doth despise him doth commonly despise him to his owne hurt and dammage I Haue euer marueiled at some which are accustomed to a certaine manner of liuing different from that of other men which make no account of any man and in al matters and actions euery man must giue them place and giue them the honor to be superiours in euery thing and these men haue such a perswasion of themselues that they account not any for their equals and in all occurrences despise all persons If they bee in councell to make their opinions better then all the rest they mocke at the aduice of others and a man must take their authoritie in paiment in lieu of reason they mocke at euery man be he neuer so wise or well aduised If they haue any charge either Ciuill or Militarie their directions must be followed and put in execution be they neuer so grosse and witlesse and oftentimes daungerous If they haue an enemie they hold such opinion of themselues that they imagine that their lookes should be as so many Musquet shot and despising him they make account that hee ought to tremble in hearing but their name onely and are so blinded in their presumption that they perceiue not the daunger which for despising an enemie hangeth ouer their owne heads and such manner of men are easie to be ouercome and brought to ruine For such contempts are very dangerous as well in particular as publike enimities And as for the particular a man may hourely haue a thousand examples of men who because they make no reckoning of their enemie going vnprouided are slaine Wherefore a gentleman of Florence hauing a quarrell with another went armed was commended for the wise answere which he gaue to one which asked him whether hee went armed because hee was afeard or no A wittie answere of a gentleman of Florence hee said that hee went so armed because he would not bee afeard and spake wisely for a man cannot better despise his enemie then in fearing him to the end that he may alwaies finde vs readie when he shall assault vs and that hee be either deceiued or grieued As for publike quarrels to wit when armies which are enemies follow and seeke to oppresse and ouercome the one the other then to account little of an enemie is most daungerous and causeth many honourable enterprises to be lost which may bee proued by many examples as well ancient as moderne but not to be tedious I will recite a few Tigranes the most mightie King of Armenia being to fight against Lucullus Generall of the Romanes and seeing the small number of the Romane souldiers he despising and mocking them said If they came to fight they were too few but if they came for Ambassadours they were too many But the issue of the battell shewed that a man ought alwayes to make account of his enemies for Tigranes was vanquished by a few valiant men Tigranes the king of Armenia put to flight by Lucullus a Captaine of the
Romanes and to saue his life he was forced to put from him all his royall ensignes and to flie vnkowne for feare to fall shamefully into the hands of his enemies and so a man commeth to know that a great Armie ought not to despise a little one if the little bee not without comparison much lesse for the valour of a few may surmount the number of many Nicias Generall of a mightie Armie of the Athenians made war against the Siracusians in Sicilia whither was sent with succour by the Lacedemonians Gelippus who after many dangers by Sea arriued at Locres Nicias was before Siracusa and had so furiously assaulted the towne that the Siracusians being in despaire began to parle among themselues and after with Nicias touching composition of peace whereto as Nicias would giue no eare there came newes that Gelippus was landed with succours in Sicilia whereat Nicias mocked in disdaine beeing growne proud as much for his happie successe as for that he heard the enemies Armie by Sea had made ship-wrack as also for that by secret meanes he practised with certaine Siracusans to deliuer the Towne by reason whereof hec iudged that Gelippus was not a man to make resistance against him Nicias a Captaine of the Athenians through his temeritie was ouercome and slaine by Gilippus By this contempt of the enemie and trust in himselfe Nicias being become more hardy and lesse heedfull then he ought to haue been cared not for fortifiyng nor for setting of guards vpon the passages nor to send forces to keepe the enemie from landing which if hee had done esteeming of Gelippus as a man ought to haue done of a valiant Captaine and had prouided as he ought he had not been brought into that extremitie as hee was neither had hee at last lost both his Armie and his life also Euen so Nicias shewed by his example the danger and losse that there is in not esteeming an enemie although that he that contemneth haue the aduantage and the fauour of fortune in the warre seeing that his fortune may change being as it is so mutable In time past there fell into the like errour of contempt Braccio de Montone a most excellent and valorous Captaine in his time this man besieging Aquila a towne in Abruzzo vnderstood that Iaques Caldor Francis Sforce came to rescue the place but he despising making no account of his enemie as well for that he had the better and the aduantage as also for that Braccio da Montone defeated and put to flight by Francis Sforce that Francis Sforce was yet but young he suffered them to come into the playne without making any such resistance as he had ought to haue done because hee had giuen his word that he would not stoppe their passage But Caldor and Sforce being come into the playne with their Cauallerie without finding any let put themselues in order of battell and giuing the charge slue Braccio and put his whole Armie to flight which peraduenture had not happened if Braccio had withstood his enemie at his descending from the mountaine or if he had not giuen his enemie leaue to descend and leisure to range themselues in order The Bishop of Crotone which at large writeth the life of Braccio saith that he sent a Trumpet to Caldor and Sforce offering them that if they would giue him battell hee would giue them libertie to descend the Mountaine and come into the plaine and would not hinder the comming of their Armie Although this offer was not accepted of Caldor who had neither will nor commission to fight except in extreme necessitie notwithstanding this Braccio against the rule and law of armes which willeth a man to take aduantage against his enemie in what manner soeuer and against the will of all his Captaines which cried that then they were to charge the enemie when hee came downe from the mountaine where he might haue beene ouercome yet would he not alter his first determination nor change his minde being resolued either to ouercome or to die in that fight which he did because he would not faile of his bold and presumptuous offer or because hee made no account of his enemie presuming vpon the valour of his souldiers prouisions armes and other aduantages And so Braccio committing that to the will of fortune which he safely might haue performed by his owne industrie lost miserably his armie his reputation estate and life and being wounded to death was taken prisoner by a simple souldier and by his disaster and ouerthrow taught other Captaines not so lightly to regard their enemies whether he be old or young because hee ought to esteeme the aged by reason of his wisedome and experience and the young because of his hardines and good fortune CHAP. 50. VVorthie acts are more often requited with ingratitude and reproch then with reward and commendation TRuly it is a great disgrace to a gentleman louing the good and safetie of his countrie when he enforceth himselfe to deliuer the same from some imminent danger and after that he hath deliuered it to be requited with ingratitude and blamed for that which hee hath done and hauing directed all his actions to a good end when the execution thereof is ill construed This of custome happeneth in townes which are diuided where is a gouernment which pleaseth not all where if peraduenture any ciuill and dangerous tumult arise betweene the factious and a gentleman put himselfe betweene both to appease them and that by his industrie hee stay and pacifie them although for the present he seeme to deserue commendation yet their blood will soone waxe cold and this gentleman will be blamed by either partie or else each of them construing the resolution and agreement taken by his meanes and counsell to be to their preiudice and disaduantage In the yeere 1527. Guicci lib. 13. the Citie of Florence was gouerned as a free Common-wealth whereof for the house of Medicis and in the name of Pope Clement the 7. was chiefe Siluio Passerino Cardinall of Crotona It happened in the 27. of March in that yeere that the Duke of Bourbon with his armie marched through Tuscane to goe to Rome and being neere to Florence the Florentine people discontent with the gouernment which then was vnder colour to defend themselues against the Duke of Bourbon demaunded the common Armes from the Magistrates as the matter was deferred there grew by chance a sedition in the publike place by reason whereof the greatest part of the people and in a maner all the yong men running to the Palace constrained the soueraigne Magistrate to proclaime Hippolito and Alexander de Medicis Rebels which were the Popes nephewes with intent to alter the gouernment to reduce it to a popular estate The Cardinall Siluius prouided not for this sedition but following his determination to goe to meete the Duke of Vrbin which with the armie of the league followed the Duke of Bourbon and to
alienate from him straungers and enemies but also his subiects and greatest friends because that the Prince being by nature vnfaithfull and accustomed to shed humane blood is not to spare either friends or parents and much lesse his emulators corriuals competitors or enemies but with all dissimulation fraud and deceit hee will seeke to oppresse those by whose ruine hee may hope to encrease his forces and his owne estate or in any sort to establish the same For this cause a man ought not in any case to trust such Princes neither for promises for prayers neither for safegard or assurance giuen whatsoeuer and those men which commit their persons into the hands of such men which are ambitious disloyall cruell and accustomed to shed blood commit a most grosse fault for vpon the least occasion that may happen they shall be sure to be most cruelly despoyled of their estates and therewith lose their liues The Cardinall Vrsin Vitellozo Vitelli Guicciaâ— lib. â— Pagolo Orsino Iohn Pagolo Baglioni Liuorato da Fermo and Iohn Bentiuogli and some other pettie Lords of Italie seeing the little faith the great ambition and euill nature of Duke Valentin allied themselues together notwithstanding that they had been his Captaines and Generals in the warres to oppose themselues against the forces of the said Duke who sometime bereaued one Lord and sometime another of his estate and their forces being vnited all together The cunning of Duke Valentin were such that Valentin could not annoy them Valentin had recourse to his subtilty and dissimulation and seeing that he could not resist the forces of the confederates by force he sought by all meanes to disunite the mindes of these Lords and to make the one to suspect the other imagining that hee might easily ouercome them being disunited Cagli The confederates might haue put him in great daunger and disorder for that that they once had put him to flight neere the citie of Cagli if they had followed the victorie Valentin had not had the leisure so soone to raise himself againe But he continuing stiffe and resolute to conclude the agreement which was alreadie begun humbling himselfe and promising to his enemies all that which they could demaund brought the matter so wel about that of most mortall enemies that they were vnto him they became his Leaders Captaines and Souldiers as in former time they had been and serued him with their Infantrie and men at armes against the Duke of Vrbin which was a most grosse and foule fault And Valentin hauing taken by their meanes the estate of Vrbin The crueltie and treason of Duke Valentin and still remembring the hatred conceiued against them he caused them to be apprehended in Sinigaglia and there to be hanged and strangled by the hands of a hangman and taught them to know that it was not lawfull for Captaines to dallie and iest with Dukes and their Superiours to make an oth and to breake it as a man will and afterwards to trust to a cruell tyrant who to encrease his estate turned al things vpside downe And if any man would excuse them and say that they for feare of the forces of the King of France who had alreadie sent succours to Valentin made this agreement I answere them that hauing taken armes against him for the preseruation of their estates and liues it had beene better to haue left all to the incertaine hazard and lot of the warre then to giue credit to the words of one who had neuer maintained his faith agreement nor promise with any man whom they themselues held for a Prince faithlesse treacherous cruell and disloyall CHAP. 55. Jt is a pernicious thing for a Prince to haue two Generals in the warres which striue for preheminence or betweene whom is enuie and emulation IF the error of a Prince or Common-wealth be great which hauing any warre either ciuill or forrain admitteth into his holds and townes any garrison and other men at armes who after they haue ouercome the enemie may also subdue him or them which set them at work and in whose pay they haue made the warre that Prince or Common-wealth shall commit a most great fault who hauing or being to make warre against puissant and politike enemies shall hire and take into his seruice sundrie principall Commanders in the warre which doe enuie one another for glorie or are small friends hauing equall power and almost the same authoritie the second error bringeth peraduenture no lesse euill and preiudice that is to wit to haue two Generals which may warre for the preheminence or which are emulators enuying the one the other The first fault to establish settle within the countrie and as a man might say in the house a succour and garrison of men of warre which after the victorie obtained against the enemies turne and band themselues against the Conquerour by dexteritie may easily be auoided by not trusting wholy thereto but as for the other if the euill be secret and far off a man shall hardly foresee and take order for it â—ycurgus his 〈◊〉 For this cause Lycurgus the most wise lawmaker ordained in his lawes that the Kings of Sparta in their ciuill gouernment should not doe any thing but in the companie of the Magistrate but in time of warres in the field with the armie he would that they should haue supreame power and authoritie that they alone should commaund that all should depend of their will and that the regall authoritie should no way be restrained ioyning certaine counsellors vnto him to consult with them of the affaires of the warre which Lycurgus did with great iudgement because that knowing and foreseeing well that when the armies are opposit the one before the other ready to giue battaile the least stay or slacknes sufficeth to let slip a most happie successe and noble victorie from the one and to giue it to his enemie for then is no time to be busied about the aduice and opinion of many and it is a dangerous matter when souldiers are commanded by many heads who for enuie or hatred raigning betweene them or for their obstinacie or temeritie for the most part agree not together and for this cause hauing confirmed and vnited all the power and authoritie in one man alone and hauing cut off all concurrence and enuie which maketh them equall in discord he willed that he alone should gouerne all and that all the armie should readily obey him As for the first fault wee haue infinit examples in histories both ancient and moderne but this for the present shall suffice Fazel in the uinth booke of the first Decade of the history of Sicilie recited by Fazel in the ninth book of the first Decade of Sicilie to shew how dangerous a thing it is for a Prince to haue to his aide and succour a mightie garrison which afterwards he shall not be able to resist The Reginos a people of Sicilie were once diuided into two
factions and made ciuill warre it came to passe that one of these parties called to their aide the Imeresiens which then were very mightie who comming thither were receiued into Reggio and after that the Imeresiens had chased away the contrarie partie enemie to that which called them thither they likewise chased away their friends and made themselues Lords and Masters of the Citie of Reggio And as for the euill which happeneth through two Generals of equall authoritie in one armie The Imeresiens seaze vpon Reggio these three short examples shall beare witnesse the first is recited by Cornelius Tacitus in his 19. booke Fabius Valens and L. Cecinna were chiefe and Captaines for the Emperour Vitellius and so hated the one the other that but for the respect they had to the Emperours seruice they had ruinated the estate of Rome in fine the one being vnable to endure the other and Cecinna thinking himselfe in lesse reputation then the other with Vitellius vsed treason and departed from the pay and seruice of Vitellius The Emperour Vitellius was ouercome by Vespasian the Emperour Fazel in his 6. booke of the historie of Sicilie and Valens remaining alone being vnable to beare the burthen of the warre which Vespasian waged against him was ouercome and taken prisoner and Vitellius was depriued of his life and Empire Fazel alleageth another example in his sixt booke of the historie of Sicilie Leo and Procopius were chiefe Generals in Italie for Basilius the Emperour of Constantinople these in a battaile at sea against the Sarasins diuided their armie and fleete into two parts Leo led his part on the right hand and Procopius his part on the left Leo of his side ouercame the enemies and Procopius on his part was ouercome Leo notwithstanding that hee might haue done it yet would not helpe him whereby it happened that Procopius dyed and Leo remained alone and was forced to retire being vnable to resist the force of the enemies so as the affaires of the Empire prospered not so well as they might haue done had there not been malice and emulation betweene the two Generals The very same befell the Lords of Venice the Earle of Petiglian and Bartelmy Liuiano were Generals for the Venetians almost of equall power and authoritie Liuiano at the Ghiarra de Adda brauely assailed his enemies and began to make them runne and if that Petiglian had holpen him the victorie had remained to the Seigniorie of Venice Petiglian would not helpe him either for the malice which was betweene them or for the displeasure conceiued against him for that he had begun the battaile without aduertising him thereof whereof ensued the memorable losse and ouerthrow of the battaile of Ghiarra de Adda Let Princes and Common-wealths then be well aduised how they receiue forces and garrisons into their holds and townes for feare they shall not be able after the warres are ended to put them out and send them backe againe let them also take heede that they haue not seuerall Generals in their armie of equall power and authoritie betweene whom there may be debate and contention for preheminence and superioritie in the leading of the Armie or betweene whom may bee hatred and emulation because that from these two faults ensue the ruine and losse of honour of life and estate CHAP. 56. No man ought to giue credit to the words and promises of Fugitiues and runnawaies for whoso reposeth trust in them without being well assured of them committeth a great error WE haue said aboue that it is a great error to vndertake an enterprise through the perswasion of Rebels because that for the most part such enterprises haue not preuailed but haue been dammageable and preiudiciall to the authors thereof But I finde not that there is lesse danger and preiudice easilie to beleeue those which in deede are or for some plot and secret practise faine themselues to be fugitiues principally when the warre is open and to doe any thing at their perswasion may breed great inconuenience Wherefore I am of opinion that those Colonels and Captaines doe wisely which when any of these fugitiues of their owne accord come vnto them if they presently trust them not nor giue any charge of importance but opening theÌ„ their eyes marke well their actions and manner of their behauiour and seeming in words and outward signes that they trust them keepe them busied giuing them good hope vntill they being well certified and assured of their nature and qualities they may afterwards freely without any suspition commit to their charge any honourable enterprise That to trust to the promise of fugitiues is a great fault Crassus a Generall for the Romanes was ouerthrowne and slaine being betrayed by a Fugitiue and cause of most notable losse and dammage the Citie of Babylon can well testifie and Crassus Captaine for the Romanes The Citie was depriued of her libertie and almost ruinated and the other deceiued by a Fugitiue lost the Romane Armie and his life with all which came to passe in this manner The Citie of Babylon rebelled against Darius King of Persia the which to defend it selfe and to resist the forces of Darius and fearing a tedious and long siege made all necessarie prouision as well for munition and things appertaining to the warres to defend and offend as for victuals and to the end that victuals should not be consumed by idle and vnprofitable persons for the warres the Babylonians slue all their women reseruing onely one in euery house to giue order for those things which there are necessarie Darius being aduertised of the rebellion and reuolt of so noble rich and strong a towne hauing assembled a great and mightie armie and made prouision of all things necessarie thereto took his way towards Babylon and at length besieged it very strictly on euery side those of Babylon were nothing amazed to see so great an armie about their walles â—abilon strictly besieged and the siege thereof but in view of the enemies they daunced vpon their rampiers and gaue themselues to feasting and dancing and also vsed some iniurious speeches against the Persians without fearing or caring for the enemie or his forces the siege remained before the citie one whole yeere and seuen moneths continually and it was not possible to get it by force policie nor promise for all that serued to no purpose But a gentleman of Persia called Zophir perceiuing that all the Persians and the King himselfe were wearie of so long a siege attempted a most couragious and profitable enterprise for his King for hauing communicated his desseignes and the course which he meant to hold to the King he marred and mangled al his face with a knife and fled from the Kings Campe to the Citie of Babylon The Babylonians seeing him so ill handled receiued him friendly and thinking that without any malice or faining hee was fled to the towne they had many secret discourses with him whereby they were perswaded that
he was a deadly enemie to the King of Persia and they gaue him certaine companies of souldiers in charge the tenth day he sallied out of the towne with his companies and slew a thousand Persian souldiers the which according to the order concluded and agreed vpon betweene King Darius and Zophir had made a roade euen vnto the gate of Semiramis Zophir by fraud put the citie of Babilon into the hands of King Darius which wanne Zophir great honour and marueilous credit among the Babylonians Seuen daies after King Darius sent another Captaine with two thousand souldiers to the port of Ninus which valiantly defending themselues in the end were cut in peeces Twentie daies after following the accorde and agreement the King failed not to send foure thousand souldiers to the port of Caldea the which likewise were defeated by the Babylonians by reason whereof Zophir was held by them in such reputation that they put into his hands the gouernment of the towne and charge of the warre against the Persians and Darius at the time appointed with all his whole armie valiantly assaulted the Citie of Babylon and while as the people were vpon the walles to put back the enemie Zophir opened two ports to the Persian armie the port Cisiana and Belida which being entred into the towne sacked it and the King caused the ports of the Citie to be taken away defaced all and put to death 3000. of the most noble and principall of the Citie Hereby the Babylonians to their great losse knew the great fault which they had committed to beleeue a man which fained himselfe to be a fugitiue and to giue him the charge and gouernment of their Citie CHAP. 57. One word only being misunderstood may breede great hurt BEsides many examples which might be alleaged to shew that in the affaires of warre the least fault that a man can doe may bee verie preiudiciall I propound this which consisteth in a word ill vnderstood and ill interpreted In the time that the factions of the Guelphes and Gibelins troubled Italie there were two houses at Perusa to wit of the Oddi and the Baglioni the Oddi were in that towne the chiefe of the faction of the Gibelins and the Baglioni of the Guelphs The Oddi were chased out of Perusa and being resolued to returne through the helpe of the Gibelins of the townes neere adioyning they entred one night into Perusa with so great amazement of the Baglioni that being out of hope to be able to defend themselues they began to slie But they by an accident altogether vnthought of or if wee may so say by an error lost the victorie which could not haue beene taken from them by the enemies There were chaines crosse the streetes of Perusa as at that time was the custome in townes which maintained the factions and the Oddi being come as farre as the place without any let or hindrance a souldier with a sledge which he of purpose carried to that effect would haue broken one of these chaines being drawne and being vnable to lift vp his armes and vse his hands at pleasure because of the other souldiers of his partie which were in a troupe round about him he began to crie backe backe backe which hee said to the end that they should giue backe and make more roome to giue him meane to breake the chaine But this word being giuen from the one to the other was vnderstood as if he had willed them to flie and so putting themselues to flight gaue occasion to the Baglioni to recouer heart and to follow them and they not onely draue them out of the Citie but slew many in the heate of the chase and fight and afterwards put many of them to death by the hands of the Executioner CHAP. 58. VVho so will impart vnto his seruant any secret concerning his life or honour must resolue with himselfe neuer after to displease him AMong the faultes which men of custome commit this to me hath euer seemed very great in matters of importance which concerne a mans honour or his life to trust to seruants The wise man saith if thou haue a good and faithfull seruant loue him as thy soule touching the which words is to be vnderstoode that to know a good seruant there is no great difficultie for the whole consisteth in this he is called a good seruant which loueth his Masters profit better than his owne which is also said of a good seruant and officer of a Prince but it is a very hard matter to finde one which loueth better another mans profit than his owne principallie amongst that kinde of people which get their liuing in other mens seruice and truly that Master may holde himselfe happie whose hap is to meete with such a seruant which loueth him better than himselfe and certainelie such a seruant doth worthelie deserue to be beloued of his Master as his owne life But for as much as this kinde of men are ordinarilie of condition and blood base by reason whereof they are generallie of a cowardly heart I finde it not expedient to trust to them without first hauing good experience and proofe of their goodnes and sidelitie that a man may know that they would more good to their Masters than to themselues I speake not of that kinde of seruants which are otherwise called slaues for that a man may well finde slaues which are noble neither of those which voluntarilie follow some great Lord and doe him seruice but I speake of those which constrained by necessitie ☞ hauing no occupation or arte to get their liuing put themselues to serue for wages and hire by the moneth or otherwise a man ought to proue the goodnes and fidelitie of such men This experience may bee had by meane of two things which of custome haue bin the ciment of all humane harts to wit in giuing him the handling of money and the gouernment of women if he continue firme and constant in the gouernment of these two things a man may know that he is a good and a loyall seruant In an officer and seruant of a Prince besides these ciments I would say that it were the ambition affecting or desire of estate but because that that seldome happeneth I will not speake thereof besides this that a Prince hauing trusted his honour or imparted some great secret with his faithfull seruant to whom afterwards he happily doth displeasure he hath no cause to bee afraid of him being able in a thousand manners to defeate him But standing vpon the former conclusion and speaking of ordinarie seruants I say that whosoeuer doth resolue to impart vnto him any secret the reuealing whereof importeth his life or his honor he ought to resolue and determine with himselfe neuer after to doe him any displeasure And my reason is this That a man naturally is of a generous hart can hardly endure displeasures and iniuries and there is no man how base soeuer he bee that taketh pleasure to be
to vnderstand of this his proposition and that then they would gouerne themselues according to their answere The Fathers answered that they would in no case giue consent to such homicide for that it agreed not with the dignitie of their Common-wealth and thanking Bernard for his good will they commaunded him to giue ouer that enterprise and for as much as they knew him to be a man that would as soone doe it as speake it The Venetians vvould not suffer Bernard Contarini to execute his disseigne they commaunded him so expressely and forbad him so strictly that Contarini forbare to performe what he haâ— determined In this act the Venetians imitated the great Fabritius and the generositie of the Romanes who would not accept the offer of Pyrrhus King of the Epirotes his Phisitian who offered to make his Master to dye and shewed that the vertue and greatnes of an excellent and mightie Common-wealth consisteth in vanquishing and ouercomming their enemies by valour and prowesse and not through vice and treason as in the end they had done if Lewes had continued in vsing their Armie in that manner as an enemie A man may also consider by this doing of the Venetians that it is a dishonest thing to vse treason and to put to death noble Princes and honourable Captaines by vnlawfull and dishonest meanes And therefore Guicciardin with great grauitie doth reprehend the resolution taken by certaine Spanish Captaines in the yeare 1514. who hauing sent some of their souldiers to Padua The villanie of certaine Spanish Captaines who by treason world have cause 〈◊〉 Aluâ—an a Captain of the Venetians to haue been slaine vnder colour of fugitiues with commission to kill the Aluian hoping easily to haue this towne being in disorder and confusion through the death of so great a Captaine and said that the manner of the warres and Arte Militarie in these daies is farre different from the vertue of the auncients for they suborned no murtherers but if any one practised any treason they reuealed it to the enemie trusting to subdue them by their prowesse If the Venetians did not discouer to Lewes the danger wherein he was they shewed neuerthelesse a great bountie and vertue that they suffered him not to bee slaine as they might haue done Let Princes also consider and aduise themselues well that they abuse not or deale ill with those which haue beene their good friends and haue serued them faithfully for they are in daunger of their liues not onely in the open fields but euen in their chambers haue the poyniard at their bosome CHAP. 61. Jn time of warre it is not good to hold places which are ill and hard to be kept and to stop passages SEeing that at the comming of the French into Italie 〈◊〉 the yeere 1515. in the time of Francis the first King of France it manifestly appeared to what passe it came to hold difficill places ill to be kept and to stop passages it shall bee also good to consider as diuers writers haue done and whether it bee a sure way chiefly when the enemy is mightie knoweth that hee shall be troubled in his passage and that the passage is mountainous streight and hard to passe That this is no sure way a man may see by these reasons First that no man ought to put all his fortune in danger It is follie to commit to the will of a few the state of an Empire and not all his forces for to doe so is a manifest follie as when a man putteth all his estate to the triall of a combat of two or three which as arbitrators are to determine and decide the controuersie of that estate as the Romanes and the Albanians did by the combat of the Horatij and the Curatij where both the one and the other Empire put in daunger their whole fortune but not their whole forces Secondly because that the passages are streight and mountainous where many men of warre cannot accommodate themselues a man putteth in great danger the garrison which he sendeth thither for the enemie encreasing may force the place and by this meane part of the forces is lost and this losse how little soeuer it be cannot be but dangerous and preiudiciall seeing that in such places a man alwaies placeth valiant men Thirdly because that the enemies comming is incertaine and vnknowne and such mountainous places being barren cold and full of all vnrest the souldiers being sent thither vnable to stay there long as well for the dearth of victuall as for the difficultie to encampe and to lodge shall be constrained to abandon them and so you shal in vaine haue wearied and tired your souldiers to their great discommoditie In the fourth place for as much as the mountaines are great hauing diuers places to passe the enemie may leaue the passages which are guarded and passe by waies better knowne to the inhabitants then to those which hold the guards and come downe without that any know how or which way they came as it happened to those which trusting assuring themselues that the Swissers which were set and appointed to keepe the passage in the Alpes The Swissers were deceiued by the French in passing the Alpes and to stop the passage against the French knew that the Lieutenant Generall to the King of France had taken Prospero Colomna prisoner in Villa Francha before they knew that they were past the mountaines Wherefore the Swissers being deceiued in the passage of the French and the Princes astonished Guicci lib. 12. which had taken vpon them to defend Milan against them and perceiued that it had been much better to haue let them passe by the ordinarie way and at the descent from the mountaines to haue charged them then in keeping those passages in vaine to haue afterwards much trouble and paine before they can assemble themselues together with all their forces to trie al their fortune But it often commeth to passe that whereas they ought to haue left the passage which was guarded or losing it by some occasion there is such a feare and terror striken into the harts of the people and souldiers which trusted in that place that being vnable to make experience of their valour a man loseth or is in danger to lose the enterprise as at that time it came to passe for the Swissers would haue compounded with the King of France whom they so much hated Pope Leo and the Viceroy of Naples altered their opinions and all the estate of Milan was turned vpside downe For these reasons the Romanes neuer held nor guarded the passages against Hanniball but rather would that their armies should fight in an open place where they might ouercome him then to send them to the mountaines to be consumed with cold other discommodities of those places If a man could conduct to those passages and hard places all the forces and there maintaine them in such case this course were to be held for hee that
he be farre or neere and to procure to know the state of his owne affaires and to prouide for them for feare that comming to the knowledge of his enemies they may make benefit of his disorder and confusion for the victorie of King Francis at Marignan had no other foundation but that hee knew the state of his owne affaires the will and desseignes of his enemies and gaue order for a new battaile CHAP. 63. Spies are necessarie for Princes or Generals of Armies and in what sort a man ought to carrie himselfe with them ALthough that the vse of a Spie be most profitable it is neuerthelesse most necessary for euery Prince and for euery Generall or Lieutenant of an Armie and principally for new Princes which liue in some doubt and feare of their states being vncertaine and vnassured of the loue of their Citizens and subiects yea and some haue iudged it so necessarie for a Prince to haue Spies that there haue been Princes who being disguised haue by night gone vp and downe in their Cities to vnderstand what was spoken and reported of them haue serued themselues for Spies as we reade of Nero and of others which is a thing very dangerous because it is a danger hazard of a mans life without any occasion as I will tell you hereafter This exercise of Spies hath not been vsed but by most vile and base persons of a most base blood and condition which being vnable or not knowing how otherwise to get their liuing applie theÌ„selues hereto which yeeldeth them great profit The Prince ought to be well aduised concerning such men because that being naturally wicked when they find in him any alteration and see him inclined to suspition and desirous to see bloud entertaining alwayes the euill like euill Physitions and oftentimes also augmenting the same they make him fearefull and melancholike and being most cunning in their reports being ouercome by false perswasions they make him become cruel Wherfore it is necessarie What harme espie may do by their report to Princes they make him become cruel Wherfore it is necessarie that the Prince bee discreet well aduised not standing vpon the report of one Spie onely but he ought to enfourme himselfe of the trueth by some other and he ought not to be negligent herein for feare to commit some faults being perswaded by the efficacie of the speeches of one onely spie who to maintaine his credit and profit regardeth not another mans hurt neither his Princes dishonour Wherefore it is good and profitable that the Prince haue sundrie and that the one know not the other to the end that the trueth of the reports agreeing many wayes he may redresse disorders A Prince ought to haue many spries the one not know â—ng the other and if they agree not hee may know the deceit of the spie which would haue had the Prince to haue made some faults and one spie alone may bee deceiued or deale maliciously these men euer beeing of ill meaning which haue a desire not so much to shew themselues zealous of the Princes profite as to see some euil And as for making account of such men they ought not to be esteemed so much as that the Prince should raise them to honours and publike dignities for it shal suffice to giue them profit and gaine without giuing them honours and magistracies in cities if perchance some Gentleman of a noble house which happeneth not oft to procure his Princes fauour 〈◊〉 ought not by the â—rince to be advanced to honours and publike charges set himselfe secretly to worke in this most profitable occupation for in this case publike dignitie being agreeing with the noblenes of his house it seemeth lawfull to me that the Prince depriue him of the honour of a Magistrate to be his secret spie because that in this manner hee should come to make himselfe manifest But speaking of other spies they ought not to be made great or raised to honour to dishonour the dignitie of the Magistrate by their presence being vnlawfull that Gentlemen which haue alwayes liued honourably should haue such a kind or manner of men for companions but they may be rewarded to the end that through the hope of profit they may be the more vigilant and prompt to do their endeuour Moreouer that spies are very necessarie for Generals and chiefe Commanders of Armies they which mannage and gouerne them know it well for without them hardly will it be knowne as it is said in the last Chapter the behauiour and practises of the enemie and to say the trueth it is impossble to know it Wherefore wise Warriours haue vsed all meanes to haue both tongue and eares euen in the very Tent and Pauillion of their enemie as also a wise Prince enforceth himselfe to haue friends and intelligence euen in the chambers of Emperous Kings by whose meanes they may be aduertised aduised of all that passeth For this cause the old Marques of Pescara The opinion of the Marques of Pescara wisely iudged it to be a matter of great importaÌ„ce to haue spies in the enemies Armie and not to faile to entertaine them with great kindnes money and rewards he did vse to say that things could not proue well to a Generall if he tooke not paine and care by all endeuour and expence to haue in the enemies Armie many spies to the end that according to the behauiour and practises of the enemie he might be resolued to take all occasions offered which might procure victorie It is true that they ought to take good heed in whom they trust for there are many which are double spies which to get from the one and the other make their affayres ill to prosper which repose trust in them and one double spie may doe more hurt and harme than ten faithfull and loyall doe good and profit to those which employ them Wherefore it is needfull that a Generall be well aduised and know him well in whom he repose trust if he will not be deceiued For this cause through aduenture The subtiltie of Gonsaluo Fernandez the great Captaine accompanied with his valour the great Captaine Gonsaluo Fernandes obtained so many victories in the Kingdome of Naples for he spared nothing to entertaine Spies Wherefore being in Spaine after the warres an account was demaunded of him of the administration and distribution of the money employed in those warres he shewed an account wherein were set downe two parties the one of them contained the summe of money employed vpon Spies and the other in almes vpon the religious and shewed that hee had employed more vpon Spies than vpon the poore for that the hyre of Spies amounted to the summe of 600494. Crownes and the Almes giuen to those which prayed to God to giue him the victorie amounted to the summe of 200736. Crownes CHAP. 64. Sundrie Captaines haue obtained very great victories in the warres with very little losse of their owne
troupes and Souldiers THe hardie and bolde exployte of the Swissers against the French at Nouarra haue made me to consider that that is not impossible which sundrie Historians haue written of some battailes betweene some very great armies in which there hath followed so great occision of the vanquished with so little losse of the victorious that they which reade it thinke that the authors and historians are lyers and farre wide from the trueth and although at Nouarra there were slaine about 1500. Swissers by meanes of the Artillerie a man may thinke that there where was no fire it was in them to winne in a manner without any losse of the victorious or of so small a number as no account was made thereof Wherefore I haue thought it fit to repeate and shew here some battailes and exploytes of armes much more admirable as for obtaining of victories although this of the Swissers were memorable for the small number of those which assaulted a great armie and the assault was with disaduauntage for it was giuen without Artillerie or Horsemen and few went against many Diodor. lib. 20. At the Riuer Inere in Sicilie as Diodorus writeth was giuen a battaile betweene Agathocles and Amilcar a Carthaginian in the which of the Carthaginians there dyed about 500. Appianus Alexandrinus lib. 1. men and of Agathocles partie 7000. Appianus Alexandrinus speaking of the warres of Carthage saith That in the battell betweene Siphax and Massinissa the Armie of Siphax was defeated and there died 20000. persons and of the Romanes there were slaine but 75. and about 300. of Massinissaes people The same Appian Lib. 2. in the ciuill warres saith that Marcus Crassus going against Spartacus Crassus made such a slaughter of the Armie of Spartacus that hee slue twelue thousand men and in the Romane Armie were slaine but three and seuen wounded The same Appian in his second booke of the ciuill warres writeth that Curio hauing begunne a very hot skirmish against Varro a Captaine for King Iuba the souldiers of Curio slew sixe hundred of their enemies and hurt as many and of the Romanes was slaine but one Plutarch in the life of Agesilaus writeth that Archidamus sonne of Agesilaus aided and assisted by the Sicilians obtained a victorie against the Archadians which was called the Victorie without teares for that there dyed neuer a one of his but of the enemies a great number The same Plutarch in the life of Lucullus writeth Plutarch that Lucullus going against Tigranes and hauing ioyned in battaile the Barbarians fled whereof were slaine 100000. men and a few men at armes escaped and of the Romane armie were slaine but fiue and 100. wounded The same Plutarch in the life of Sylla recounting the battaile which hee had against Marius saith that Sylla might well boast that he had cut in peeces 1000. Marians and taken 8000. prisoners and lost of his people but 23. men Paulus Emilius a Romane Consul as the same Plutarch writeth in the life of him fighting against Perseus King of the Macedonians slew in one battaile 25000. Macedonians and lost of his owne people but about 100. Titus Liuius in the 4. booke of his fist Decade Titus Liuius testifieth the same and that for this cause his triumph was celebrated as of a victorie without teares Alexander the great hauing passed the riuer Gramique gaue battaile to the Barbarians of which were slaine 2000. footmē and 2000. horsemen and of the Macedonians dyed but 34. among the which were nine souldiers as Aristobulus reporteth who wrote this historie to which Alexander erected statues by the hand of Lisippus as Plutarch declareth in the life of Alexander The same Alexander fighting against Darius as Diodorus writeth vnder the towne of Isso Cornel. Tacit. obtained a most great victorie for in that battaile died of Darius his people about 100000. soulders and aboue 10000. men at armes and of the Macedonians lay dead in the place aboue 300. and about 150. men at armes Caius Caesar in the battaile against Iuba tooke three armies and slew 50000. enemies hauing hardly lost of his people aboue fiftie persons Cornelius Tacitus describing the battaile betweene the English and the Romanes saith that in this battaile the Romanes slew 24000. English and there died not of them aboue 400. and as many wounded notwithstanding that the Romane armie was much lesse then the English Ioh. Villan◠lib. 8. cap. 2. Iohn Villani recounteth a defeate of the French by the Flemmings neere Courtray in Flaunders in the yeere 1132. with a very small losse of the Flemmings and the same man maketh mention of an ouerthrow of the Florentines with small losse to the victors Fazelli who wrote the historie of Sicilia reciteth that the Normans fighting in Sicilie against the Sarasins the said Normans in one battaile slew ten thousand Sarasins and of them died so few that they regarded it not and called this victorie without blood The same author saith that the Siracusians fighting against the Carthaginians at the riuer Crimise vnder the conduct of Timoleon twelue thousand Siracusians at the passage ouer a riuer charged three score thousand Carthaginians which came into Sicilie vnder the charge of Hanniball of Bomilcar and without the death of any of Timoleons people the Carthaginian armie was put to flight and in this battaile ten thousand were dispatched almost all gentlemen and fifteene thousand were taken the rest fled at their pleasure which happened then when Timoleon passed from Corinth into Sicilie to deliuer it from oppression of sundrie Tyrants Emilius Probus in the life of Milciades saith Emilius Probus that Datis and Artaphernes Captaines of Darius hauing assailed the Athenians abandoned of all the Greekes except those of Platea which sent them one thousand souldiers by meanes of which they made the number of ten thousand fighting men Milciades hauing taken the aduantage of the place and hauing ranged himselfe where the enemies horse could not charge him by reason of the trees neither could the multitude of the enemies inclose him hauing the mountaines at his back gaue the battaile and ten thousand men ran vpon one hundred thousand Barbarians and the valiant courage of Milciades and the Athenians was so great that each of them slew tenne Persians for he saith that they slew tenne times as many of the enemies as they were of themselues and from that time vntil this was neuer seene a more notable victorie And although it be to be beleeued that there dyed some Athenians yet the number was so small that there was no account made thereof A man may peraduenture say that in those battailes were vsed no fierie weapons and for that cause they were so notable But in battailes and encounters where Artillerie and Harquebuzzes haue beene vsed the like hath followed as at the battaile of Bicoque betweene the French and the Spanish where were slaine three thousand Swissers and 22. Captaines about a ditch and of the Spanish armie so few
as no reckoning was made thereof but of one man onely which was Iohn de Cardine Earle of Colisan who was slaine with a shot in the head which was in the yeere 1522. But before that Pope Eugenius being then liuing who was created in the yeere 1431. Boulogna being reuolted and rebelling against the Church through the occasion of Canedoli the armies of the Pope the Venetians and the Florentines being confederates enforced themselues to get and recouer it againe Nicholas de Tolentin was Captaine of the League and Picinino was chiefe of the enemies they came to giue battaile in the countrie of Imote Tolentin was put to flight and there taken prisoner with fiue principall Colonels and 3500. men at armes Sabellicus and a thousand souldiers besides the dead and in the armie of Picinino died but foure and thirtie were wounded yet neuerthelesse Artillerie and small shot were then vsed although not with such perfection as now we see The hardines of the Swissers at Nouarra was admirable but the battailes and victories repeated were no lesse memorable in which may be seene that the wisedome and discretion of the Captains hath had great part yet neuerthelesse through the valour of the souldiers accompanied with the good counsell and direction of the Captaines happy victories are to be hoped for CHAP. 65. Speeches vsed without consideration haue been the occasion of much euill as well to them which vsed them as to others IN consideration in all things is euill To speake to no purpose is hurtfull but worse in speaking and to babble and prate is a vice blame-worthie in all men but most pernicious and hurtfull to those which haue publike charge and as to speake in time and place is a part of wisedome euen so to speake to no purpose is a principal part of follie I haue euer esteemed more of them which first consider with reason and speake afterward and therefore the Shepheard of Archadia said wisely E pria chio parli le parole mastico Which is to say And before I speake I chew my words This vice besides the blame which it deserueth bringeth with it much danger and oftentimes one only word hath caused the death of him which spake it or hath brought into danger and trouble some other person who by a fit conuenient silence had auoyded it I speake not now of words proceeding frō a passionate man and in choler but of those which through want of wit and iudgement are vttered of persons of whom it had been good to haue beene silent and principally when they manage affaires of importance When as Dionysius was Lord in Siracusa there were certaine young men which went to his Barbers shop to wash or to discourse as the manner is in such shops whither idle persons resort to talke and to heare newes and these young men beginning to talke freely of the gouernment of the Tyrant and to say that it was impossible to bee able to change their Lord because that hee euer had a good guard and that his gouernment might be rightly called Diamantin being impossible to bee broken whereto his Barber without consideration said Wherefore is it impossible to kill him seeing that I euery day haue this Rasour at his throte These words were noted and by his espials reported to Dionysius who made this Barber to be apprehended and quartered This inconsidered word vttered without reason was cause of his death and did aduise Dionysius to trust himselfe no more in the hands of a Barber for he made his daughters to burne the haire of his head and beard with coales because he would haue no more iron come about his head The same Dionysius put a gentleman his very familiar to death for a word by him foolishly spoken who being in companie with certaine gentlemen his friends said Wot you what I dreamed to night that I had cut Dionysius his throte These words were reported to the Tyrant who notwithstanding the great familiaritie betweene them made him to dye saying If he had not first thought it in the day time he had neuer dreamed thereof at night But a man may say that these were common persons which are not worthie to bee alleaged for example therefore I will shew that there haue beene also men of great authoritie which haue fallen into this inconsideration Demaratus which should haue succeeded in the kingdome of the Lacedemonians was depriued of that kingdome by Ariston his father for one onely word vttered without consideration in the Senate which was that newes being brought vnto him that he had a sonne borne he counted vpon his fingers how long his wife had been with him and seeing that there were no more but seuen moneths and that vsually women are deliuered at nine hee said It is not possible that hee should be my sonne This word turned to the great dammage of Demaratus for after the death of Ariston his father the Lacedemonians refused to giue him the kingdome Herodot lib. 6 because the Ephores bare record that Ariston had said that it was not possible that Demaratus borne at seuen moneths end should be his sonne which he confirmed with an oth When Pope Iulius the second attempted to deliuer Italie from the Oltramontani hee sent an Italian Ambassadour to the King of England to perswade him to take armes in his behalfe against the King of France and the Ambassadour hauing deliuered all that he had in charge to say answere was giuen him in the behalfe of the King that he was most readie and willing to defend the Pope but that an Armie was not so soone to be made readie for that the English by reason of their long peace had in a manner lost the vse of armes and becausethey were to goe against a King who was no lesse mightie and puissant then warlike as was the King of France there ought to be a time to make necessarie prouision for a warre of so great importance The Ambassadour presently to no purpose or reason added these words Anchio hodetto piu volte questo medesimo a sua sanctita which is to say And I haue oftentimes said the same to his holines These words which shewed the will of the Ambassadour to be different from that of his Prince The Ambassadour of Pope Iulius was taken for a Spie by the King of England gaue great doubt and suspition to the Kings Counsell and they began to doubt that the Ambassadour was rather inclined to fauour the King of France then the Pope his Master and setting secret Spies about him to take notice of his behauiour it was perceiued that by night hee spake secretly with the French Ambassadour by which meanes he was vndone and if he had fallen into the hands of the Pope he had peraduenture put him to death And so by his answere which was not to the purpose of his charge he wronged himselfe and was the occasion that the King of England was constrained to begin the warre
come out of their troubles and haue made knowne to those to whom they haue been accused the malice of their accusers Xenophon with his Armie of Grecians serued King Seutus who hauing the victorie against his enemies by meanes of the Greekes gaue them not the pay which he promised but with new excuses deferred the payment from day to day Wherfore the Greeke souldiers seeing that the money came not abroad doubted that Xenophon had receiued it and did not giue it to them wherefore they began alreadie to speake ill of him in the Armie which was now readie to mutin and reuolt Xenophon did patiently endure for certaine daies the iniurious speeches of the souldiers but one day as occasion was offered vnto him by many liuely reasons he shewed his innocencie and that hauing receiued no pay of the King but being defrauded by him vnder colour and name of a friend he was to make them to see and know into what error they were fallen and the more plainly to manifest his innocency vnto them he went with them to the King in person and hauing made vnto him a discourse full of great complaints and shewing himselfe discontented to endure the hearing of things vnworthie his honour and that his souldiers should call him theefe and robber of their pay Xenophon giueth his souldiers to vnderstand that he had not robbed them of their pay he prayed him to make that good vnto him which he had promised Wherefore the King seeing that Xenophon complained not without iust cause paied the souldiers and shewed vnto them the innocencie of their Captaine vsing al meanes to put them out of the euill opinion which they had conceiued of him It appeared in our fathers daies in Francis Sforce Duke of Milan Guicci lib. 19. what boldnes his innocencie gaue him for hauing been accused of rebellion and to haue practised against the Armie of Charles the 5. with Ierosme Moron and the Marquesse of Pescara after many alterations the Duke came to Boulogne to the Emperour who had there receiued the Crowne with his safeconduct and being in the Emperours presence he thanked him for his curtesie in giuing him meanes and leaue to come to see him and afterwards said vnto him that reposing his trust in his iustice for all things happened before the Marquesse of Pescara shut him vp in the Castle of Milan hee would haue no other securitie or defence then his owne innocencie and for as much as hee did appertaine vnto him he freely renounced his securitie by the safeconduct which it had pleased his Maiestie to giue him Francis Sforce Duke of Mâ—lan renounced the safe conduct of the Emperour Charles the fift which hee threw downe at the Emperours feete to whom this his doing was so pleasing that he restored vnto him the Dutchie of Milan as much through this occasion as any other Innocencie surely is of more force then a thousand witnesses and hee that is therewith accompanied may safely holding vp his head goe any where for an honest and innocent man may be slandered but not conuinced but he that is culpable and hath done amisse although it bee neuer so secretly following the precedent counsel and precept ought to be wel aduised and let him take good heede how he commit himselfe into the hands of Iustice CHAP. 88. Euill speeches ought not to prouoke a man to do any thing without iudgement and reason especially in the warres TRulie railing and bitter speaking hath great force and power in a generous and noble heart and vrgeth it sometimes to doe things with small iudgement and discretion and by this meanes there are some which induced by the railings of their enemies principallie in the warres will rather commit all to the hazard of fortune to auoide the reproch which besides that it is of small continuance is at length but a vaine thing then attending the oportunitie of the time make their aduersaries know with assurance that they spake vnaduisedly and auenging themselues of their euill speeches to shew that they were not moued with the iniurie and reproch but with good occasion and reason Wherefore Fabius Maximus and Marius are highly commended by the Historians and in our fathers daies Francis Sforce which vsing great discretion and temperance made no account of other mens euill speeches against them for Fabius shewed himselfe to be of so firme and constant a spirit towards him which spake euil of him with very dishonest and vnseemly words that he knew how to endure the iniurie and attend the occasion to fight saying that hee accounted him more bale and cowardly which feared euill words then him which fled before his enemies who fled for feare of doings and he which cannot indure ill speeches and detractions sheweth himselfe afraid of words Marius in like manner The wittie speech of Marius and Fabius Maximus and vpon the like occasion knew how to remaine firme and constant and by the liuely quicknes of his wit to stop the iniurious speeches of his enemie who to prouoke him to fight with disaduantage said vnto him If thou be that great Captaine O Marius which thou art esteemed to bee come forth and fight now that thou art defied To whom Marius answered and said If thou be that great Captaine which thou reputest thy selfe to be force me to come forth of my Trenches and to fight But he attended both time and oportunitle and fought and bare away the victorie Francis Sforce a most renowned Captaine in his time being with his Armie inclosed in a certaine place and hauing to front him Nicholas Picinino his concurrant and emulator both in warre and in glorie no lesse esteemed then he who warred with Alfonso King of Naples he sent to chalenge him the combat saying that in one battaile their valour would bee knowne and to whom did iustly appertaine the prize of Militarie glorie Picinino Fazio in the 8. booke of the acts of Alfonso King of Arragon notwithstanding that hee was wounded accepted the offer of Francis Sforce and King Alfonso retired with his Armie more then halfe a league off to giue place and field roome free according as he had promised Picinino presented himselfe armed and in order with his people at the place appointed for the battaile and hauing attended aboue an houre in vaine expecting when Francis Sforce should come forth of Fano with his people to fight but he would not come forth notwithstanding that he was the first that defied his enemie and prouoked him to fight And notwithstanding that Peter went euen to the walles of Fano and called him and his people after the manner as souldiers vse to prouoke their enemies to come forth yet Francis either knowing some disaduantage or for that hee would not hazard all his reputation at once or for some other occasion vnknowne would not come forth and cared not for the iniurious railings of the enemies souldiers considering that such speeches should not moue a man to doe
any thing vnaduisedly and against reason which ought to be obserued not onely in the warres but also in all other actions CHAP. 89. To despise backbite and slaunder any Man breedeth hatred against him which vseth it who seldome escapeth vnpunished I Said before that a man ought not through euill speeches to be drawne and prouoked to doe any thing contrarie to iudgement and reason and haue confirmed by examples all that I haue spoken I say now that to despise and by euill speaking to blame another man is a thing very dangerous for him that doth it and I vphold that they are wise and aduised which absteine as well from threatning as by words from iniuring or wronging the enemie for threatnings take away no forces neither doe iniurious speeches disarme any Man but both the one and the other may prouoke him and make him thinke more aduisedlie how and in what manner he may grieue thee and be reuenged so as a man may rightly say that they are so many weapons to strike thy selfe Wherefore as a wise Captaine ought not to be prouoked by the ill words and reproches comming from his enemies to doe any thing against reason so ought he to forbeare to speake ill himselfe and that his Souldiers iniure not the enemie abroade neither vse any outragious speeches among themselues within for that may prouoke the enemie and vrge him to seeke reuenge and this may also breed a confusion in an armie First we haue an example in Gabades a Captaine of the Persians who hauing long time lien at the siege of Amade and being wearie thereof determined to raise the Siege and began to send away his armie Wherefore the inhabitants of that Citie being puft vp with pride for the victorie came vpon the wals and Ramparts and spake much euill of the enemies forgetting nothing that might offend them calling them Cowards and villaines for which cause Gabades being very wroth returned to the siege which was so hard and streight and the inhabitants were so closely followed that he ouercame them by force sacked their Citie and in this manner taught them how to speake well The same happened to the Veientes when as they came euen to the very Ports Ramparts and Trenches of the Romanes they vsed many iniurious speeches wherewith the Souldiers being moued and much offended prayed and enforced the Consults and Commaunders to giue battaile and therein ouercame them and by this ouerthrow they caused the Veientes to beare the punishment of their licencious audacity Wise Captaines ought not to permit Souldiers to outrage one another in words among themselues reprouing and casting one another in the teeth with dishonest vituperable facts they which prouide not for this inconuenience put themselues in some danger Wherefore Valerius Coruinus Lawes ordained by Valerius Coruinus and Tiberius Gracchus and Tiberius Gracchus are greatly praised and esteemed the one for hauing imposed a grieuous penaltie vpon whosoeuer should reproach certaine seditious Souldiers with a mutinie happened at Padua the other for hauing forbidden vpon paine of death to reproach certaine slaues with seruitude which the Romanes had armed to fight against Hannibal in time of necessitie wherein they did very wisely for there is nothing that more grieueth and troubleth a mans minde than to be reproched with some shamefull matter and worthie of blame CHAP. 90. Princes ought to punish backbiters and slaunderers and in no case to endure them I Remember that I haue said elsewhere that to speake ill of Princes in publike is a very dangerous matter which a man ought not to doe seeing that Princes are to be respected as Fathers I say now that Princes ought to punish euill speakers either in word or writing and principallie those which make profession thereof who hauing a quicke spirite and good wit doe wrong to God and nature for the good gifts and graces receiued mispending that golde and treasure which is giuen them for which cause they deserue to be reproued not onely in words but punished in deede wherefore I doe honour and euer will doe those Princes which put from about their eares that kinde of people and which shall represse with taunts and checks the biting tongues of those ouer liberall and rash euill speakers There be many things which Princes with all their power ought to preserue and maintaine whole and intire Foure things principally to be held inuiotable but principally foure which represse euill speeches to wit the dignitie of degree the reputation the life the friends The Prince which doth not punish slaunderers and euill speakers hazardeth his reputation for so soone as men heare the Prince ill spoken of and see that he regardeth it not they beleeue that that which was written or spoken of him was true and in this manner he is ill thought of little respected and in the end contemned and contempt is the poyson and ruine of all estates for there can be no worse or viler thing than the contempt of a Prince by his Subiects he loseth his good name in suffering those which backbite and slaunder him either in word or writing for speeches and writings passing euery where abroad cause the Prince to lose the reputation which he had gotten with other Princes and forreine estates of continencie wisdome and iustice by hearing the euill tongued to publish euery where his incontinencie vanitie and iniustice and that he cannot or will not correct those which by slaunderous reports publish his vices and imperfections He putteth also his life in danger for to speake ill is to doe wrong or an iniurie and he which endureth one iniurie from a man emboldeneth him to doe him another which shall be greater and afterwards another yet greater so as hee which hath been so audacious as to iniure and wrong his Prince by words seeing that the iniurie is swallowed and endured will afterwards make no great difficultie to wrong and offend him by way of deedes and thence proceede conspiracies and practises against him reputing him for a weake Prince and of small courage He also loseth his friends whereof a Prince ought to make account for his friends seeing that he maketh no reckoning of the iniuries done to his person inferre thereof that he will care yet much lesse for those iniuries which shall be done vnto them and in this manner the loue and affection which they bare vnto him commeth to waxe colde and to be wholy extinct It is true that a Prince must consider when he taketh knowledge of euill speakers of what condition they are and punish them lightly or sharpely according as he shall finde their effect and inclination and giuing them neuerthelesse something for a remembrance A Prince ought to consider of the qualitie of euill speeches and if they be light foreheaded and foolish to vse them like fooles and hayrebrained but if they be malitious to punish them publikely for example to teach others thereby the better to rule their tongues Dionysius