were but once suffered to land and have firm footing Which imagination groweth for want of skill and judgment in Martial actions and therefore we seek to prevent that by a desperate and disorderly fight which we might more safely remedy by a defensive and less dangerous course as may appear by the examples of a weak Ship and a battered Town which both by suffering themselves to be entered and assaulted the one by her close fights the other by new intrenchments do give the entered Enemy the greater foyle even then when they think themselves possest of all Besides a King that is in his own Country may be supplied with infinite Numbers of Pioniers who in few hours may rear earth works to triple his force against an Invadour as is well known to him that is a Souldier whereof he should be utterly deprived by that most barbarous custome heretofore used and yet maintained I mean of that disorderly running down to the Sea side to give an Invading Enemy battel at his first landing What reason had Spain to attempt the Conquest and subversion of this Realm but that they presumed The only hope of an invador is to prevaile by Battel we would assuredly rely upon our old Custom of giving them Battel at their landing which if we should do there would be great likelihood first that we should lose the same and next having lost the Battel I fear that the subversion of this famous Island would ensue For an aspiring King that hath a great faction within a Contry may presume beforehand to carry the same if he be assured that the people thereof will give him battel at his first landing Therfore if you will avoid an Invasion and the danger of a Conquest let it be known to the world that it is an error whereby you might imbrace those advantages and the benefit that our Country affords and you shall undoubtedly avoid the trouble of the first and be free from the danger of the last Scanderbegg against the Turk We read that Scanderbegge never theless that he expected the Invasion of so puissant an Enemy as was the Turk thought it not good to leave any great Army of Force to give him Battel but only certain select bands or Companies of Foot with Troops of Horse the foot too lightly armed causing all the frontiers to withdraw themselves their Cattel Corn and Substance into the strong and fortyfied places of the Country did with such select forces face the Enemy on the frontiers by keeping of streights passages making suddain attempts in the night such other times as by Spies he found the Enemy careless and so with a few people or small force by time famine and expences he wearied the Enemy and caused him to retire that otherwise in Battel might have gotten the victory and so in short time commanded the whole Country Wherefore I would not wish any Prince to adventure his Kingdom that way unless he be weary of the same Battel being the only thing for an Invadour to seek and on the contrary for the invaded to avoid and shun for the one doth hazzard but his people and hath a lot to win a Kingdom and the other in losing of the Battel endangereth his Crown The Opponent disalloweth of a confused disorderly running down to the Sea side and yet would fight with them in their landing which is a thing impossible For if you tarry time to put men in order which you must of necessity do by reason of the Countries slack assembly then will the Enemy land in the mean time and frustrate your purpose unless you were made acquainted long beforehand when and where he intended to land and where you may make your supposed Trenches you have declared to lodge your men in There be some also that conceive a great advantage of the Enemies weakness coming from the Sea and of their landing out of Boates disorderly which when it shall happen to come to trial it will easily appear how far they are deceived of both for who knoweth not that even all men coming near the shore and smelling land become well and sound again of their Sea sickness Also what numbers of men will be landed at one instant in Boats Gallies and other Vessels of small draught and that safe enough those that have been imployed in like actions can testifie And as touching Rocks Shelves contrary Winds c. which is said may fight for us we must not build upon such uncertainties for an Enemy will beforehand so set down and lay his plot where he will make his descent as that none of all those accidents shall give any impedement to the same What other advantages our Country men may have either of their Courage or goodness of their cause Strength and courage availeth much being joyned with skill and order to dispose of them without knowledge and order how to dispose thereof will rather be an occasion of their overthrow than means of the Victory But especially a few to fight against many disordered against ordered Countrey men against experienced Souldiers the odds that the Enemy hath of you therein will be much greater than your imagined advantages And albeit that I confess our Country men have a shew of desire to fight as having as great natural help of strength courage and ability as any other Nation yet can it not be denied but that in the Artificial we must needs be defective for want of use and Practice therefore not to be suffered to run down to the Sea side in that confused and accustomed manner unless it might be done with a compleat number of choyce men conducted by a skilful leader that knoweth how to make his fight upon the best advantages and to retire them orderly again to their least hurt and discouragement otherwse I do altogether disallow of that general repair to the Sea side But rather to make your assemblies five or six miles distant with all your Foot forces and to attend them in the plaines with your Horse for whatsoever men resolve with themselves before hand and what minds soever they may seem to put on when they shall be driven to make their wayes through the vollies of shot having never been acquainted with the game before it may either make them pinch courtesie through the strangeness thereof or at least having tasted of that sauce and finding it bitter may spread rumours to discourage a whole Army for oftentimes the same and bruite of a repulse maketh others as fearful that but hear of it as those that have been in the Action and born the blows themselves How unlikely then it is that you should profit your selves by that means or impeach your Enemy may easily appear But let us come to examples for it is not sufficient to say by experience of former invasions c. not alledging any Where can it be remembered that a strong Enemy proffering to land hath been prevented by the Frontier forces I
Therefore the best remedy will be to give him way and withal to remember to do all things like wise men and Souldiers as hath been said already by driving and withdrawing the Countries cattel and provisions that your Enemy may not be relieved and nourished Duke of Alva against the Prince of Orenge Did not the Duke of Alva defeate the Prince of Orenges great Army by forbearing to fight with him and leaving him a vast Country to walk and way himself in Did not the Constable of France defeat the Emperours attempt upon Province France against the Emperor by this only temporizing course Did he not burn the Mills destroy the Ovens spoyle the fruit c. himself retiring to Avignon there to joyn with his forces after that he had provided for the frontier Towns leaving nothing but a wast Country for his Enemies to spend themselves in whereby he drove the Emperor in the end to make a most dishonourable retreit Monsieur de Langey doth alledge that example of the Constable of France proving greatly his device and policy therein Notwithstanding there were divers who did not stick to blame him for that he did not seek to stop the Enemies passage through the mountains which they supposed he might have done very easily and with few men But he foreseeing the mischief that might grow by a small foyl or loss received at the first thought it the safest way to prevent all dangers by temporizing until his forces were assembled in full strength and his Enemies weakned saying moreover that it is a great point of wisdome for a Prince or Captain General to defer fighting when the Enemies are entered in his Country for saith he if the battel should be lost through the encountring of them the Country would also be in hazzard to be lost and this may appear by divers examples First The King of Hungary against the Turk the King of Hungary being assailed by the Turk in the year 1562. thought it better to hazzard the Battel and to fight with the Turk at his arrival than to forbear and stand upon his guard which was the cause he himself was slain and a great part of his kingdom lost William the Conquerour and Henry the seventh got the Crown of England by Battel And did not William the Conquerour and King Henry the seventh become kings of England by reason the defendent gave them battel at their landing and lost the same Obj. But some may here object that the Parties and Factions within the land were cause thereof And doth any man think that a Forraign Prince is so void of Judgment as that he thinketh to prevaile by way of Conquest without a party The Duke of Burgundie won the Countrey of Leigh by Battel Did not the Duke of Burgundie get the Country of Leidge by reason of some Battel he won against the the people thereof Philip de Comines saith that a man ought greatly to fear to hazzard his estate on a Battel when he may otherwise avoid the same for faith he of a small number of people lost there followeth a great change to him that loseth them not so much by the fear they conceive of the Enemy as in the little estimation they will have of their Master afterward being ready still to enter into mutinies demanding things more boldly than they were wont alledging further that one Crown before will do more with them than three will do after Whosoever will read the Book of the actions of Lewis the eleventh King of France who was both a very wise and valiant Prince shall find Lewis the eleventh aginst Charles the Duke of Burgundies Son that after the great incounter between him and Count Charles the Duke of Burgundies son at Mountleyrre notwithstanding that the conflict went so indifferent as neither side knew almost by the space of three or four hours after who had the Victory so soon as each party had rallied their broken Troops c. having some good means so to do by reason of a great ditch and long hedge that was between their two Armies where the fight first began although the Kings power remained still great by reason of so many Princes as he had assembled together yet then and ever after he determined no more to venture so great a Kingdom as France was upon the uncertain event of a Battel And therefore the night following he dislodged and retired to Corbel after which time he carried all his Wars with such a Temporizing course as thereby he wearied his Enemies and became a mighty Prince making his Army so great as his adversaries at no time after durst attempt to give him Battel Although Philip de Comines doth write that our Nation hath been wonderfully fortunate in Battel and are much addicted thereunto yet he doth more allow of the politique and wise temporizing of Lewis the French King in forbearing to fight with Edward the fourth when he entered France proffering him Battel near Amyens Lewis against Edward the fourth The King considering how dangerous an adventure it was to his estate If it should not succeed well with him looking also back to the great thraldome and subjection that his predecessors had brought the Kingdome of France into under the English Nation by such like rash acceptance of Battel he determined to temporize though it were to his charges thereby to weaken the King of England the winter season drawing then on In the mean time sending great presents to those that were near about the King and Victuals of free-gift to relieve his Army condescending also to pay a yearly sum of 50000 Crowns into the Tower of London thereby to hasten the peace and to get our Nation to return After all was concluded and the King returned home one of the King of Englands men being with Phillip de Comines in discourse he told him he had been at the winning of nine Battels and how many said Phillip have you been at the losing Only one said he and that was at the last forbearance of my Master to fight with yours at Amyens whereby we have gotten more shame unto our selves than honour by the first nine When Lewis the King heard of this speech he said this is a shrewd boy and sent for him to dine with him and after gave him 1000 Crowns with other great promises to the intent he should be a means to entertain the peace begun between the two Kings What success had the French at the Battel at Poytiers and Cressey The Battels of Poytiers and Cressey who although they were in number far greater than the English and in the heart of their own Country yet they tasted nothing but the bitter effect of a lost field And we by other such manifold examples might be warned not to commit the good estate of a Realme to so tickle and dangerous a trial as is the uncertain sway of a Battel Spanish Fleet defeated 88. And now never to
be forgotten did not our English Navy defeat the great Spanish Fleet by this temporizing course which had been so easie as it was thought to have been performed by main force in boarding them at the first Yet some would have this temporizing course not to be used at the beginning but when all other means do fail and then it may be too late to temporize when you have fought and received the foyl and it is against the name of the word and thing it self to use it in the end when time is past Infinite are the examples to confirme these temporizing courses by meanes whereof great and huge Armies have in a short time been dissolved and come to nothing As namely the Germans sundry times in France Duke of Pama's Army and the Duke of Parma's Army in France when he came to the relief of Paris Anno. 1590. Lastly The better to remove this old impression of rash encountring of an Enemy Invador remember the unadvised encounter of the Duke of Burgundie who besieged a certain Town in the Savoy The Duke of Burgundies fall called Granson with a very great Army to the relief whereof came certain Switzers though not great in number the Duke hearing of their approach sent some forces to them to give them all annoyance possible as also to prevent their entrie and descent into the Country for the passage they should enter by was through a certain narrow straight betwixt certain Mountains and himself followed with some greater forces to second them And this was done by the Duke contrary to the advice of his counsel who perswaded him rather to attend their coming with all his forces in the place where they were for the place both by Nature and also by Art was strongly enramped and it was so that in all reason he could sustain no danger To make it short the Dukes Van-guard was not able to withstand the Swittzers entrry but retired the Dukes rere-guard seeing this supposing they had fled began also to fly in fine his whole Army retired toward the Camp although some behaved theselves very well in this retreit yet when they came into the Camp they durst not defend it but all betook themselves to flight leaving their rich and pompous Camp and their Artillery to the spoyl of the poor Swittzers who slew but very few of his people for want of horsemen to follow the chase The Duke who the day before was lifted up to the skies in pride through the seeking to himself so many great States and Princes that desired to allie and confederate themselves with him in league and freindship presently after the loss of this Battel found a great deal of alteration and change for there fell from him four sorts of people who became his Enemies The rage of the Duke was still so great that he would not thus give over but would trie a second Battel at Morat Upon the loss whereof divers others of his Allies fell from him also And lastly after the Battel of Nansey where he himself was slain a great part both of his own proper Dominions and of Burgundie it self fell from his house also Thus you may see what a long and evil tail a lost Battel hath as Lewis the French King was wont to say If you desire examples of greater Antiquity you are referred to the reading of the Roman Histories but because brevity is required I will remember you only of this one Namely of Caesar who never could attain to the sole government of Rome until Pompey opposing himself against it on the behalf of the State and Senate of Rome gave him Battel and lost it after which he was driven to fly into Egypt where Ptolomy the King sent his head unto Caesar whereby there were left none able to withstand By the which he got not only the absolute government for himself but also brought and reduced the free State of Rome to a Monarchy But if the defendant chance to win the Battel then indeed he removeth the cause and endeth the danger As the Moors against the King of Portugal The Moors against the King of Portugal who landed without any resistance But the defendants finding themselves the stronger as well in Foot as in Horse thought it no danger to give Battel which grew by temporizing untill their power was come together for it is most certain that as long as you abstain from coming to fight the Enemies shall alwaies be held in doubt of winning and you shall be in no hazard of losing the Country and your male-contents and evil disposed persons will be kept from revolt who no doubt will see a Battel fought before they will shew themselves open Enemies yea whatsoever they had promised beforehand as the Portugals did to Don Antony and performed it not By which dilatory manner of proceeding you may be at choice either to accept or refuse the Battel as shall be most for your advantage when by time you have made your selves strong and your Enemies weak And this defensive War and these temporizing courses we see that all Princes and men of War that are or have been of late of Judgment do imitate and follow As whosoever will Look into the Duke of Parma's actions shall seldom see that ever he came to fight a set battel but when all other meanes did fail to accomplish that which he intended And no less noble and glorious is that victory holden which is obtained by Counsel device and policy than that which is won by the sword violence and Blood I have now answered to the question first proposed given the reasons on both sides leaving my superiors to their better judgements Although the people of this Nation heretofore ran headlong upon the invador to the Sea side without sufficient armes advice or command such furious actions the discreet Souldier is against But in these our later dayes the people being more civilized better armed and disciplined and the whole Nation in a better posture of defence If any advantage is offered not to temporize it may now be granted that in some cases to defer and delay your fight may be dangerous as in letting slip some notable advantage from which you are not restrained but only to be advised in this case not to joyn Battel rashly and unadvisedly with the Enemy The which besides the danger of rash attempts doth cut you off from advantages and supplies that may be had by time deliberation and counsel for their is nothing in which true fortitude may be shewed more than in this action for to fight courage doth not naturally provoke but to refrain upon good cause is the advice of wisdome and he that will fight upon every call of the Enemy when offered shall be sure to do it to his disadvantage and thereby shall shew that he hath no experience of Wars and is ignorant of the chances and mutability of fortune or as I may say more aptly knoweth not how to use
his fortune yet what is the common voice of the Country which heat and fury as it riseth suddainly so may it be cooled quickly again But that which increaseth and confirmeth courage best and maketh men resolute and constant indeed is when they shall see themselves accompanied with numbers able to resist instructed with knowledge how to use their armes and weapons and fortified with order to be able to withstand and repel an Enemy This is it which will make a coward valiant For as one saith the fierce and disordered men are much weaker than the fearful and ordered for that order expelleth fear from men and in the end disorder abateth fierceness so then it is not fury that prevaileth in War but good discipline and order The chief scope is to perswade a restraint of the violent and disorderly running down of the Country to the Sea side to fight and give Battel to the Enemy at his landing after the old custome shewing the danger and inconvenience that may follow And for the other part it is granted by all that it is perilous for a defendant Prince to hazzard his Crown at a Battel and more dangerous for men untrained to encounter expert disciplin'd Souldiers Put the case that Battel be given and loss received then if we have no strong Towns adjacent to give the Enemy stop to make head and rally again it will prove most perilous to us Therefore moderately it may be concluded dangerous unless advantage might be obtain'd for any Prince to give an invading Enemy Battel And here by the way occasion being offered to speak of strong Towns some there be of that opinion that a Country well peopled that hath no or few strong Towns is in less danger of conquest than that Realm that hath many because say they an Enemy cannot any way nestle himself but that you may at all times force him to Battel at your pleasure To that may be answered that a Battel being the thing that an invadour is most desirous of and which a defendant ought to shun your strong Towns in that case are most available for the defendant Prince in his own Country against an Invador because he may onely with one strong Town weary an Invadours Army and consume it especially if he be but able with a small force to encamp near his Town besieged for the Invador is thereby restrained from assaulting the same for fear the defendants Camp should assail him in the mean time The which worketh all for the defendant in winning of time to the weakning and ruin of his Enemies Army the date whereof as by daily experience is found is not above twelve or thirteen weeks continuance so as your strong Towns avail wholly for the defendant In our late Wars and are dangerous only in Civil and Intestine Wars for that such Towns revolting work the like contrary effect against their Lord and Master as they did before for him for examples presidents of this you may behold what the strong holds of France and the Low Countries and England it self did against their Lords and Soveraignes Insomuch as we may truly say of them They are a dangerous good Wherefore I think it matter of Joy to all loyal hearts that our most Gracious Soveraign hath a Kingdom so well replenished with a warlike people whereby to be enabled at all times to front and give a stop to an Enemy Invadour And as touching a rebellious number I hope we shall never doubt or fear them as long as they shall want skillful leaders and Governours to direct them pay armour Munition and other necessaries to uphold them wherewith His now most Royal Majesty is plentifully furnished the want whereof shall force Rebels in a few dayes to disperse themselves who being once broken may presently be followed in gross in such sort as they shall never be able to assemble and make head again And what leader of skill and judgement will undertake such an enterprize in these dayes and not forecast that a power and force assembled cannot long stand without rich and strong Towns to supply their wants or at leastwise without so much as is requisite to retain and keep an Army together in due order and obedience without which there can grow nothing but confusion and ruin be their numbers never so great THE CONTENTS For the service of the Horse Chapt. 1 Introductive Collections for the exercise of the young Souldier in the Art Military folio 1 Chap. 2. Of the Souldier and Officers in general 4 Chap. 3. Of Arming the Cavalry 7 Chap. 4. Of Military signs 9 Chap. 5. Of marching and drawing up of a Troop of Horse 10 Chap. 6. Of exercising a Troop as armed with Carabine and Pistol 13 Chap. 7. Of Distance 15 Chap. 8. Of Motions 16 Chap. 9. Of firings 21 Chap. 10. The conlusion for the Horse Service 23 For the service of the Foot Chap. 1. By way of introduction 33 Chap. 2. Of the postures of the Pike and of the Musquet 34 37 Chap. 3. Of places and dignities both of files and ranks Some Objections answered in dignities c. 40 43 Chap. 4. Of the Drum 45 Chap. 5. Of distances ibid Read Chap. 7. for the Horse Service Chap. 6. Of Marching and drawing up of a Company Decyphering their Dignities in place 48 49 Chap. 6. Of Facings 50 Chap 7. Of doublings 53 How the Front is strengthned 1. By intire doublings of Ranks 54 2. By Bringers up 57 3. By half files 58 4. By divisional wheelings 61 Chap. 8. Shewing that several Commands produce one and the same figure 63 Chap. 9. How the Reer may be strengthned 65 Chap. 10. How the Flanks are to be strengthened 1. By Files 67 2. By half ranks 72 3. By divisional doublings 77 4. By Wheelings 78 Chap. 11. Shewing how that several Commands produce one and the same figure 81 Chap. 12. Treating of Inversion 1. Of files filing 84 2. Of Ranks filing 90 Chap. 13. Of Conversion c. 93 Chap. 14. Shewing also their several commands producing one and the same figure 106 Chap. 15. Of Countermarches 110 1. Of maintaining ground 111 2. Of losing ground 115 3. Of gaining ground 122 Chap. 16. Of Wheelings 127 Chap. 17. Of file leaders to be made successively six deep 136 Chap. 18. Of firings and firing in the Front 137 Chap. 19. Of firing in the Front and Reer and Reer alone 151 Chap. 20. Of firings in the flanks 153 Chap. 21. Of divisional firings 160 Chap. 22. An excuse for not proceeding farther 169 Chap. 23. Shewing the Necessity of exercise of arms with their Antiquity ibid. Chap. 24. The Conclusion 174 Chap. 1. The Original and being of Ensigns and Colours 175 Chap. 2. The definition of Ensignes 177 Chap. 3. Of Horse and Horse Colours 179 Chap. 4. Of the dignity of Ensignes 180 Chap. 5. The disgraces to the Ensigne 182 Chap. 6. The use of the Ensigne with the postures and flourishes 184 Sir Francis
being more likely to labour after Victory not only for his Liberty but for his goods or estate As for those that were absolutely necessitous they might have liberty promised by their Enemies and so betray their Trust Again they would never take any Souldiers into their Armies but such as were well exercised before-hand and this did their work and obtained them Victories against their Enemies Vegetius Lib. 1. Chap. 8. The private Souldiers duty is as followeth Whensoever he is commanded for service let him labour to be sober and patient enduring all hardships and travels To know and observe all Orders Military Liv. Compleatly Armed and expert in the use thereof Horridum militem esse decet non caelato auro argentóque sed ferro It becometh a Souldier best to appear terrible not to be garnished with gold and silver but with steel And Souldiers ought not only to be obedient to their Captains but chiefly to Love God and Honour their King This being the duty of a Souldier in general there are two particular duties belonging to him that is as a Sentinel and a Scout 2. Sentinels The further any Sentinels are set from the body of the Guard it is thought necessary two should be placed and there they are to endeavour both to hear and see thereby to learn of their Enemy what may be intended and what they have discovered that whilst one goeth to certifie the Captain of the Guard the other may stand fixt and observe what else might happen in his fellows absence A Sentinel must not alight from his Horse unless it be for natural necessity and but one of them at once Near to the Body of the Guard there may be placed but a single Sentinel to observe the moving of the double If the distances be not too large if there be any other Cross-ways or advenues that each Sentinel may see the other then there may be but a single set for they must know that they are set there only to certifie the Body of the Guard concerning the several occurrances that may happen Suppose a Sentinel should be provoked by any advantagious affairs It is resolved he must not stir a foot for that Sentinel that shall by day or night remove from the place where he was set by his Corporal before he shall be by him fetched off or relieved shall he punished with death Polyb. lib. 1. If the whole Troop be upon the Guard the Lieutenant is to set forth the first Sentinels with the Corporal according to his directive Commands received Directions and to change them conducting them to his Guard but the Cornet is not to forsake his Standard Then the Captain of the Guard is to go the first Round to see not only that all things are safe but also whether thâ—se Sentinels are vigilent And upon his return there are four other Rounders to be sent twice in a night to discover round the Quarters Observe that no Sentinel is to have the Word but Officers and Corporals 3. Scouts They are not only to discover the High-wayes but also to scoure them they are to be of a number answerable to the danger of the Guard for the hazzard of them may prove dangerous both to a private Guard or an Army in General They are to give notice of the Enemies motion of his approach and of the number of them that all suddain surprizes may be prevented 4. A Provost Martial For the badge of his Office he is to have in his hand a staffe or Truncheon and having the same in his hand it is death for any Souldier violently to lay hands on him All Delinquents are to be delivered to him by the Chief in Command He is not to enter any quarter without the leave of the Chief Officer for any Prisoner He is to clear all by-ways of Souldiers that no prejudice may be done by them in their March He is to see all Orders published be duly executed He must be an honest man and take no Bribes 5. A Trumpeter ought to be a man skilful in all the sounds of the Trumpet distinctly He ought to deliver all Embassies c. He ought to observe the Enemies Works Guards and Souldiers that he may give a good accompt thereof at his return And for the better performance thereof he ought to be a man witty and subtle and to manage it discreetly He ought not in the least to discover any thing as may prejudice his own party He must not fail to sound the hours commanded One Trumpet is to be with the Cornet and he is to be allowed by the Captain for him who is to receive a list of the Guards from the Cornet and is privately to warn the Souldiers thereof 6. Corporals in a Troop of Horse have been always allowed to be of great use who ought to be of a civil carriage and stout spirit they are to be three or more according to the allowance of Horse c. They are to be assistant to the Lieutenant in placing of the Sentinels each in their several squadrons when they are to perform duty If any parties are to be sent abroad either for discovery or to scoure the high-wayes a Corporal is to be sent with them He is bound to keep a list of his Squadron 7. A Quarter-Master ought to be a man of much fidelity in regard of distributing of the Word and Billets He is to have the Command of the Troop in the absence of his superiour Officers Who in going to make his Billets is to have a Souldier along with him by the appointment of the Lieutenant who is to return to the Troop to conduct them to their Quarters 8. A Cornet ought to be a man of gallant behaviour and undaunted courage His place in the Troop upon a march is on the front of his own squadron and to take the Standard himself marching through any great Town or City or when commanded or into the field with it flying and when any General shall appear in the field he is to drop the head of his standard towards the ground in obeysance to him His Place when the Troop is drawn up to the opinion of some is for to exercise upon the left of the Captain somewhat behind the Captain But in fight or skirmish he is to place himself in the first rank of his own squadron with his staffe sunkt or slopt and in danger it is more honour to break his Launce or staff himself then to suffer his standard to be broken and taken from him He is to keep a list of the Troop and wait every day upon his Superiour Officers and such Souldiers as his Captain and Lieutenant shall appoint he shall send to the Guard In the absence of the Captain and Lieutenant he is to command the Troop 9. For the Lieutenant The Reer is assigned him for his place and was antiently called Tregidux that is a Reer Commander And Lieutenant is a French word signifying one which
Military Observations FOR THE EXERCISE OF THE FOOT CHAP. I. By way of Introduction HAving passed some few Collectives to the service of the Horse I was desired to do the like for the foot figuring out each Command or platforme after the proportion of Six in File which is according to our late Mode of discipline There have been many Books writ of this Military Art in the Exercise of the Foot both ancient and Moderne but of our later writers I referr our new commission'd Gentlemen to the perusal of Bingham Hexham Barrife and Ward I would not have Elton although a Parliament Officer wholly to be laid aside for I have received informations of the great Worth and parts of the Gentleman To them whose experience have been their masterpiece I am silent desiring with all submission rather to learn from such than presume to direct Those Gentlemen are to be commended that will bestow time in reading of this Art but especially such as put in practice what they read which is the readiest way to make men fit for the service of their King and Country For what maketh a man more confidently Couragious than knowledge There are many Gentlemen that are greater Readers of the Wars than Practitioners of the same who have had some cavelling disputes about the discipline thereof not considering the great change that time hath made and experience hath found out in Martial affaires In the reading of the Roman and Grecian Orders Discipline and Government of their Armies I had thought to have given you a tast thereof but deserving a better Pen than mine to set forth the Gallantry of them I shall be silent And yet if it were possible to renew them it would never work the like effect as it did against their Enemies One great cause thereof is supposed that they made better pay-men in those dayes Vice was severely punished Vertue most bountifully rewarded and when the Wars were ended such as deserved well were both regarded and rewarded or else remained inrolled in pensionary pay so by that meanes the Exercise of Armes continued It is to be observed that where Payment and Reward cease there Discipline and good Order ceaseth also As for the Exercise of Armes belonging to the Infantry it is the part of the young Souldier to learn and practise in the first place the Postures and well handling of Armes Which I may term to be the single Accidence of this Art before he enters his Syntaxis and it must be done by endeavouring to set some time apart for the exercise thereof There have been many that have not only disputed but have writ against the many Postures now used but being shamefully confuted by our Moderne Writers I shall be silent and proceede to those Postures belonging to such Armes that are now in use in the Country which are far short of what is compleat in Exercise in the Cities of London and Westminster and therein of those Honourable Societies of the Artillery and Military Gardens and also now of late The Criple with out Criplegate CHAP. II. Of the postures of the Pike and Musquet BEfore I give you the postures of them both I shall give you a brief definition of a Posture A Posture is a mode or Garb that we are fixed unto in the well handling of our Armes In which there are motions attendant unto the same for the better grace Presupposing your company to be in the Field and drawn up in a ready way for Exercise then the best way is to Exercise them apart by drawing of the body of Pikes from their Musquets that each may be Exercised in their particular Postures by themselves Only there are some Postures of the Pike and Musquet which are answerable to each other by conformity which ought to be performed in a Body or upon a March as occasion serveth as for Example In Marching All are to be shouldred In Trooping or in any other Motion the Pikes are to be advanced and the Musquets poysed In Porting of the Pike the Musquet to be rested In Trailing of the Pike the Musquet to be reversed which is the Funeral Posture When the Pike is Cheek'd the Musquet is to be rested at the Sentinel Posture when the Musquet is presented to fire the Pike is to be charged And when the Pike is Ordered most commonly especially in a stand or for Exercise the butt end of the Musquet is to be set to the Ground c. 〈◊〉 is most proper for the Captain to Exercise the Pikes himself I do not deny but he may Exercise both as he ought sometimes to do and the Ensign and Lieutenant are not to be negligent herein when they are commanded or in the absence of their superior Officer The next for the Exercise of the Pike in point of Antiquity and Honour the Gentleman of the Pikes craveth the precedency I have declared in the Exercise of the Horse what an excellent Vertue Silence is which ought in the first place to be commanded and most diligently observed The Body of Pikes from their March and standing all shouldered Command as followeth 1. Order your Pikes to your 1. open 2. close order This ought to be made use of always upon a stand And in the daytime it may serve for a Sentinel Posture And for the abatement of the fury of the Horse having the butt end of the Pike on the inside of the right foot Charge then to the Horse drawing your swords over your left arm having your Pike in your left hand you may then receive them by Commanding either to Charge to the Front Right Left Reere 1. Order your Pikes 2. Put up your swords This is only useful upon a stand of Pikes and by some able Souldiers it is not thought to be the securest charging against the Horse or of strength to make the greatest resistance in their full Career Therefore it hath been thought fit to be most convenient to close your files to your close Order and Ranks closing forward and being thus semented as it were will be the better able to ward any resistance From your Order Advance Shoulder Port Comport Cheeke Traile your Pikes Order as you were From your Order charge to the Front Right Left Reere Order as you were 2. Advance your Pikes This is useful upon all occasions when the Drum shall beat a Troop It is also useful in all motions of Doublings c. Only remember when they are reduced they put themselves or be commanded into the same Posture the standing Party was in From your Advance Shoulder Port Comport Cheeke Trail your Pikes Advance as you were From your Advance charge to the Front Right Left Reer Advance as you were 3. Shoulder your Pike This is useful and most proper upon a March It is useful in time of fight provided the Pikes be upon a stand for it doth not only preserve the Pikes from shattering but the Souldier also From your shoulder Port Comport Cheeke Trail your Pikes Shoulder as
challenge their deserved praise which I leave to the most Judicious to give them their due in time and place The ancient Gaules were said to be the most Warlike and Valiant men of all Nations But how became they such It was by the continual exercise and use of Armes Caesars Com. l. 5. 7. for it was their Custome to come Armed to their Councils Their applause of any Oration was signified by clattering of their Armes and their Oathes taken were upon their Armes The Germaines were wont to go Armed about their negotiations and to their Banquets The most Warlike Nations in the world have accounted it a piece of policy to be frequent in the use of Armes Why should not the laudableness of such martial exercises perswade men to love and imbrace the use of them We read some presidents for it of Jonathans shooting for sport that he might be thereby fitted to War And without doubt the Benjamites attained that dexterity in casting stones out of a sling at an haires breadth by frequent exercise for recreation And may I not affirm by the Exercise of Arms that Empires Kingdoms and Common-wealths have come to their heigth and Soveraignty and have so maintained their State in happiness and prosperity and by neglecting of the same they have declined and decayed and at last have been made Preys to their Enemies How were those Empires and Monarchies of the Egyptians Medians Parthians Persians and Romans established and greatly augmented by this Military Art And how was the Dominion of the Graecian Empire preserved and wonderfully inlarged by the Art and Discipline of great Alexander with small Armies of well ordered and exercised Souldiers How did he vanquish most great and huge Armies of his Enemies Nay a great part of the World even contrary then to expectation Even so on the other side the forgetting and neglecting of this Art Military hath not been only the decay but the ruine of many Empires and Kingdoms Now that people that is not incouraged or rather compelled by good Laws to practise and exercise Arms or any thing else belonging to this Military Art they will in a short time for want of such Manlike Martial Orders and Exercises grow into Sloth to Covetousness to Drunkenness and Vicious Effeminacies and to all other Evils as Nature shall incline them unto by the which they in a short time do become unfit to be imployed in any War offensive and unable to defend themselves if they should be invaded Did not God for the sins of the Jews deprive them of understanding of this Military Art Among other Priviledges he deprived them of he tool from them the valiant men of War the Prudent and the Captains of fifty c. When he made them thus uncapable then they were first of all conquered and utterly subdued and â—â—â—ed by the Romans under their Emperours Vespasian and Titus his Son I might tell you of many Nations and Kingdoms that have been ruined for want of Order and Exercise Spain by the Moors King Don Roderigo and many thousands of his Nobility and people were slain by the Arabians and Moors And about the Year 1353. we read that the Princes of Greece aided by the Despote or Duke of Bulgaria did revolt against John Paleologus at that time Emperour of Constantinople who for his safety against those Revolters entered into a League with Amurat the first and third King of the House of Ottoman and had his Assistance with ten thousand of his Horse-men who by their good order and well disciplined Souldiers did prevail against his Revolters and brought them to obedience But what followed Amurat being informed of the great riches those Graecians had together with their weakness by reason of their disorder in Military Affairs transported an Army over the Asian Seas into Greece and by that Invasion took many Cities and Towns and did afterwards by battle slay the Duke of Bulgaria and Servia with many others c. and there placed himself over a great part of their Dominion So about fourscore years after Mahomet the second Emperour of the Turks seeing Constantine Paleologus then Emperour of Constantinople without any settled Militia and his people grown luxurious and not able to resist him by Battle did in the Year 1453. besiege the Emperial City of Constantinople who within two Months by assault won the said City and put the Emperour Empress and their young Princes with an infinite number of Men Women and Children to the sword I might give a great many more Instances as to our own Country from the Saxons to the Normans and what History speaks later of our selves I must leave that to our Reformers to consider how useful and necessary the exercise of Arms is to the wellfare of a Nation and people The Emperour Alexander Severus that Excellent Prince being very skilful in Government both in War and Peace speaking to his Men of War said The Military Discipline of our Ancestours doth maintain and preserve out State and Common-wealth but if we do neglect the same and make no account of the Orders and Exercises of it We our name and Reputation of Romans and therewith all the Roman Empire are lost and forgotten Though the frequent use of Arms in Exercise is most commendable because of the special helps it hath in making us fit and serviceable Instruments of the Publick wellfare Yet I advise it with these Cautions First have a respect to your particular Calling God Almighty feeds us as well as defends us so if any man under pretence of his Exercise shall waste his time and means to the dammage or undoing of his Family I say such will bring a scandal and an ill report upon this worthy design He that would manage his Country Affairs with delight and profit to his preservation and not to his ruine and destruction must imitate those Builders under Nehemiah who held their Swords in one hand and their Trowel in the other so mind your Military Exercises as not to forget your necessary Affairs at home without your dependances be wholly upon it then to mind nothing more Yet Secondly To have such an intent upon their private and particular concernments making them unfit for Imployments as to impede them in the seeking the Publick Good or make themselves the main end of their Enterprise in what they undertake doth degenerate so much from being true Souldiers as to dishonour themselves in all their Services and will be the sole jet to hinder preferment when it shall fall And lastly Sparta's Souldiers I have read were Sparta's Walls by reason of their Concord and Unity amongst themselves therefore let every Souldier respectively preserve Unity in the Bond of Peace and in so doing we shall be the better able to pray with our Church To give peace in our time O Lord for there is none that fighteth for us but only thou O God CHAP. XXIV Conclusion I Humbly crave pardon for what is here undertaken knowing my
divided into many Bodies yet did they not carry several Ensigns but every Body the Ensign of his own Tribe so that Companies were not distinguished by their Captains or Chiefs but by their Tribes nor could they say there goes such a particular Commander but there is such a Tribe not there marches Aaron but there marches the Tribe of Levi and thus of the rest Hence and from this ground was taken up the use of the Ensigns or Banners of Kingdoms by which several Armies display to the World their several Nations as with us in England we have the Ensign of St. George as we term it which is a bloody Cross in a white field which shews to the world not what private Company I follow but what King I serve and what Country I acknowledge for howsoever private Captains are allowed their Ensigns for private respects or distinctions yet they are not allowed or to be born on foot without this general Ensign of this Kingdom for thus it holdeth in all Christian Kingdoms and amongst the Turks also as appeareth by their Cressant or Half Moon in all their Armies as the Ensign of their Universal Monarchy Thus you see Moses first and that by the Commandment of God himself began Ensigns which by succession of time descended and came down with a more general use unto the days of Maccabees for the Tribes then being dispersed far and wide and made Kings of many spatious and fruitful Countries they took liberty to alter their Ensigns according to their own fancies The glory thereof when it came to the cares of the Graecians and Macedonians for Alexander is supposed to reign in the time of the Maccabees they took to themselves a lawful imitation thereof and so commanded their Captains c. to carry in their Ensigns Devices in honour of their Renown and Conquests Then from the imitations of the Graecians the Romans took to themselves the carriage of Ensigns and because they found it the chiefest beauty and ornament of Armies they made it therefore the noblest and richest spoil which could possibly be taken away from the Enemy and so made it an hereditary right for any man that should take in honourable fashion such spoyls ever after to bear them as his own to him and his Posterity for ever The Romans first brought this custom into the Monarchy of Great Britain when Caesar first invaded and got footing into the same Howsoever there is an opinion taken that Brute when he first conquered this Island brought in the Trojan Ensigns and other Ornaments of their Wars yet it is certain that through Civil Dissentions and other Forreign Combustions all these Honourable Marks were lost and forgotten and only the Romans renewed and brought them back unto memory partly by their glory and example and partly by their loss when they were repulsed back who left behind them many of these spoyls to adorn the Britains From these times hath the use of Ensigns remained amongst us and as the Ages have succeeded and proved wiser and wiser and one time more than another so hath the alteration of these Emblems or Ensigns changed and brought themselves into the form wherein they are at this instant carried as the Romans varyed from the old Britains so the Saxons from the Romans and the Danes from the Saxons But the French then being the most refined Nation of all other altering from them all and now the English having altered all into this present mode of Uniformity they may display them to the World for their Gallantry CHAP. II. The Definition of Ensigns AFter the Original Antiquity and first beginning hath been endeavoured to be made to appear I shall now descend to the definition and distinction of them and by what proper names they were called in the best and most renowned Wars of Christendom and for what reason they have held and retained them To begin with the first and most antient name belonging to Ensigns I think it not amiss to borrow it from the Romans for although the Hebrews Chaldeans and Graecians were the first Inventers yet the Names and Attributes they gave them were much incertain and unconstant and as the experience of Wars grew great and as the Invention dilated and spread further so did the signification alter for what was proper and substantial in this Age in the next was utterly lost and forgotten so as I shall not rest upon these Titles or significations The first then that retained a constant and firm settled name for those Trophies of Honour is taken to be the Romans who indeed being the greatest Schoolmasters in the Art of War are the most worthy to be held for Imitation or Authority The name which the Romans first gave to the Ensign or him that carried the Ensign for to the man was ever attributed the Contents of the thing he carried was Insigne or Sign bearing and so Ensign-bearer because they carried in those Ensigns Marks Empressaes or Emblems best agreeing with their natures and condition according to their own Inventions or else the Pourtraictures of their former Battles and Conquests either of which was so honourable that indeed they were made Hereditary descending down to their Children from Generation to Generation And no more were called Signs c. but Coat-Armour or the Honour of the Families nor were they of slight or ordinary esteem as at first neither had men liberty any longer to make election of them at their own Wills but this power was incabinated within the breast of Emperours Kings and Generals who indeed under God are the unbounded Oceans of Honour they only have the liberty of bestowing and confirming Honour at their own pleasures Hence it came that Ensigns thus carrying of Coat-Armours were of such reverend esteem that men took it for the honourablest place that might be to fall near or about the Ensign and for the defence of it no hazzard could be too great nor any torment insupportable So that many times the Zeal of those that did defend these Ensigns c. and the inflamed desire or greediness of those which sought to conquer and atchieve them was so immeasurable and unbounded that an infinite of blood hath been shed and many powerful Armies overthrown only for the purchase of one of these honourable Trophies This when the wisdom of the Romans perceived and that those Insignias were not Bugbears to affright but rather fires which did inflame their Enemies courage beyond their proper natures they forthwith forbad the carrying of any Coat-Armour or Device in their Ensigns but only such slight inventions as might not make the Enemy much the richer by the enjoyment thereof nor themselves much the poorer by the loss And hence it followed that the word Insignia was put out of use and they then called the Ensign Antesignia and made other Devices contrary to all Coat-Armour intimating to the Enemy that whatsoever they got by those purchases was dishonourable rather than any way worthy of
accident should fall out that all the superiour Officers of a Company should be absent then the Command doth belong to him 2. To his place belongeth properly the charge of one division or squadron of the Company he is to see them well exercised in their Armes and that his deportment with them may be Souldier like he is to deliver them Munition of Victuals or Armes he is to govern the Watch and to divide the labour of his Souldiers equally either in watch work or service and to take care in every respect to do the duties of a good Souldier 3. When the Drum beateth to gather the Company together the Corporals are immediatly to be in a readiness themselves and to call together their Divisions and with them he shall repair to their Ensign and if any of them be wanting without leave they shall give notice thereof to the Captain and shall prosecute their said absence to the puishment of them 4. He shall have a third part or a fourth in his division which being divided into files he shall himself be leader of the chief file and is with the same alwayes to take place on the right hand of his division 5. He shall in any case of default either of leaders or bringers up see that they be supplied by the next 6. In marching or fighting the Corporals of a Company have no Command but of the file that each of them leadeth they are to see the opening of their files or ranks or to double the same to follow the sound of the Drum and to observe every other motion that shall be commanded by the chief Officer Alwayes provided that he start not out of his place nor use any Command of himself 7. He is to observe the beat or sound of the Drum and shall see them fully furnished of their Arms Powder Bullets Match or Flints and all things else that shall be necessary for the Armes they carry whereof the Serjeant is to supply them 8. He is to be lead by a Serjeant to the place of his watch and from him to receive the word and directions in what manner and where he shall place his Sentinels as well by day as in the night which he is to see performed 9. His Sentinel being placed he is to let none to pass his Guard without the Word unless it be to the Captain of the watch or the Serjeant-major to whom after he knoweth them he is to deliver the word to the first Round He shall direct the Sentinels that every one do the like he shall see them changed at due time and shall now and then visit them unlook'd for 10. He must warn his Sentinel to give no false Alarms but with as small a noyse as is possible to advertise his said Corporal who upon an extraordinary occasion shall put his division in Armes and give notice of the danger discovered to the next Guards and to the Captain of the watch 11. He shall make good the place of his guard until he be called from thence and not to suffer any of the Corporalships to leave the same till he be relieved And he shall fullfil all commandements for the entring or going forth of any Souldiers 12. At the coming of his relief he shall put all the Souldiers in his division into Arms and stand ready to receive them and when his Sentinels are relieved march to his quarter 13. If during the time of Watch any of the Souldiers under his Corporalship shall offend he is to commit him or to acquaint his chief officer therewith 14. If by any occasion the Company remove and he be drawn from the guard before the twenty four hours be expired and that the same Companies lodge again within the same time then shall the said Corporal with his Souldiers be in readiness to watch out the residue of the time and in such place as shall be appointed 15. As a Corporal is next in degree to a Serjeant so in behaving himself well he may pretend to the place of a Serjeant when by any accident it may be void The Office of Lansprizado 1. Next to the Corporal is the Lansprizado who is in the absence of the Corporal to do his office 2. His own proper place is to lead the left hand file of the same division and to have his own and the files adjoyning to the same in care observing their orders as is specified in the Corporals office The Office of a Drum There ought to be two Drummers at least in a Company both of them perfect in every necessary beat or sound thereof which by turns are to do all the service belonging to their place and therefore in the field or Garrison one of them is to give attendance to the Quarter though the Company were at that time free from any duty 2. The Drum having warning to beat for the gathering of the company shall go beating from one end of the quarter to the other twice and then he shall repair to the Ensigns lodgings 3. While the Company march the one must beat constantly and by turns ease each other 4. When the Company shall be joyned with others the Drums shall take place by the appointment of the Drum-major and shall beat the same point of War and observe the same time that Drum doth that is next to the Colonel or Chief Officer 5. It is the Office of a Drum when any of the Company are taken prisoners to inquire after them and carry their Ransom which he may do boldly after he hath received a Passport from the General or Commander in Chief of the Army where the Company is And when he shall come near any place of the Enemies he must beat or sound thrice and not approach too near till he be by some of the Enemy fetched in 6. He is only to make his errand known and not to discover any thing of the estate of the place from whence he was sent which may be prejudicial to him A Military discourse Whether it be better for ENGLAND To give an Invader present battel or to temporise and defer the same AS it is familiar and common amongst men to be diverse and contrarie in opinion especially in every doubtful and questionable matter according to the old saying so many men so many minds every man must therefore prepare himself with a good and equal contentedness to endure what others do censure and judge of his position as either their reason shall lead them or their sense and humour carry them Neither ought any man challenge greater prerogative to his opinion than he bringeth with him authority of reason for the same And seeing that reason joyned with experience is the only guide to direct us in all affaires of Action whereunto all our opinions and judgments must be restrained we must submit our private conceipts to be ruled by reason and experience In things of great importance and weight as it behoveth us to be very considerate before we resolve
and set down a certainty which we intend to pursue so in this matter of War are some points so difficult as may minister occasion and question of long debate unless those controversies be commended to men of stayed and approved Judgment who are not carried away with corrupt and common opinion but advised and perswaded by the greater strength of reason confirmed by experience and presidents of the like examples And by the way give me leave to declare my opinion that no man can set down in writing a rule or method precisely to be observed in War the same being rather to be printed by a long practice and experience in a Souldiers breast to be executed as time matter and place may minister that upon the accident of any in which there may be then required a new form and order to be used accordingly It is held for a maxime That a Prince cannot any way more dangerously hazard his Realm and Country than by giving an Invader Battel at his first landing as hath been heretofore an usual custome And since it is amongst things of the greatest importance that may concern a Prince and his kingdom a people their liberty and goods it is to be considered and resolved upon before-hand by what means an Army Royal coming to invaid and conquer might be best prevented and defeated The accustomed Order hath been by firing of the Beacons to put the Shire in Arms Short answers to the old accustomed Orders and presently all the forces to repair to the landing place and these without delay to give them battel But because there are other opinions the reasons of each opinion shall be set down and then a resolve with submission to better Judgments shall follow Such as hold or maintain this old accustomed order alledge besides the good success that many times it hath taken in reason also it is the best dealing with the Enemy at his landing before he hath firm footing and before he shall have leisure to rank his men in due order of battel and before he shall be able to land his Ordnance Horse and Carriages It might be so if the Enemy would acquaint you before where he would land and that a very few men thus in time shall be able to give greater annoyance and do greater service upon the Enemy than ten times so many when the Enemy is landed and setled in strength and order with all his Horse Ordnance and Carriages They also adde these reasons ensuing for confirmation of their custome The Reasons First The greater fury the lesser reason therefore to be suppressed in an Army as a breach of Order and not to be inflamed The fury of the Countrey upon the first firing of the Beacons is great every man pro aris focis violently running down to the Sea side to repel the disordered Enemy at the first confused landing which fury if suffered to grow cold we shall not so easily inflame again Secondly While the Enemy is landing He is a silly Invader that upon a difficulty will make a retreit if he find any difficulty or danger being in boats they are ready to retire to their ships again But if they be once landed with their Artillery c. it is not then possible for them to retire to their Ships again without extream danger of their lives upon the retreit and the dishonourable loss of their Munition c. And therefore necessity compelling them to fight and all hope of escape by flight being then taken away from them they become ten times more dangerous Enemies to deal withall than before Thirdly Every man knoweth what great advantage they have It is no great difficulty to land men both strongly and orderly that have a firm footing on land to encounter an Enemy that must land out of boats in confused stragling manner and therefore ever and speedily will go to enjoy the benefit of this advantage whereas if we suffer the Enemy to land and put himself in Military order he becometh more terrible unto us Fourthly It is not the fight of the Enemy which will cause them to discover themselves but his prosperous success upon the first combat which for that respect is to be avoided There is in this Realm as in all States divided in Religion no small number of Trayterous minds who having time to confer and seeing an enemy of force then landed may and then will discover their Malice which on the suddain they dare not nor cannot Another Opinion Some others hold this old custome of running to the Sea side to be but a barbarous custome void of Order and Warlike Discipline very perillous to our selves not hurtful to the Enemy but rather a means to lose all and therefore wish by special Command that order of repair to the Sea side be restrained and the Enemy suffered to land quietly Suffered to land quietly because the Enemy would land whether you would or no. and in the mean time to drive and carry away all Cattel Victuals Forrage Carriages c. and certain places of Randesvouze appointed some distance from the Sea side from whence they may march in a Warlike manner and Order and so by carrying away all victuals and fortifying of Streights and Passages to weary the Enemy in time The Reasons of the Second Opinion First It is said the invading Enemy bringeth a select Company of Disciplin'd and well train'd Souldiers whom we seek to encounter with a confused multitude of men untrain'd in which match there is no comparison but loss certain Secondly It is said an Enemy of force meaning to land will do it in despight of us and then the Countrey offering to repel them and finding themselves not able grow much more fearful than if quietly without resistance we had suffered the Enemy to land Thirdly Where we suffer the Enemy to land we may drive away all provision and Cattel further into the Countrey and then maintain streights and passages well fenced and fortified so as the Enemy shall be enforced to approach us upon our own strengths and fortifications to his great peril and danger Fourthly They say in this manner we keeping Victuals from him by land and his Majesties Navy also in the mean time keeping the Seas the Enemy for want of Victuals only shall be forced to retire and glad to withdraw himself if he can Further It is alledged how doubtful a thing Battel is and how dangerous a thing for a King to commit his Crown upon it and therefore is that temporizing course extolled These are thought most effectual reasons to impugn the speedy repair to the Sea side and to maintain the other Opinion for suffering the Enemy to land quietly and by driving and carrying away Victuals and forrage and fortifying the streights and passages by time and famine to weary the Enemy But having weighed the reasons on both sides and by experience of former invasions examining the success and sequel of the like
attempts it is adjudged not safe and therefore not to allow of confused and disorderly running to the Sea side to encounter a select well trained Enemy invading and secondly neither is it safe to suffer the Enemy quietly to land all his forces munition c. It is by some conceived that a middle or a mean course far more serviceable than either of them both may be taken whereby the benefit of that old custome may be embraced and the disorders of the other well noted may be reformed and no advantage to annoy the invading Enemy omitted as by these following reasons may be judged Reasons and Resolutions against the second Opinion It is subject to invasion notwithstanding it is not meant but our Navy should annoy them both before and in landing if they can First I say one of the chiefest forces of this famous Island of England consisteth in this that it is fortified naturally with such a Trench or ditch as the Sea is whereby it is not so subject to invasion as other Countries lying on the main which singular benefit and peculiar advantage to our Countrey is utterly lost if we suffer the Enemy to land all his forces c. and take firm footing on the Main A reason made where there is no contradiction Secondly Whereas this noble Island hath such a number of Mariners and good Shipping both of his Majesties Royal Navy and also of Merchants as may hope with good success to encounter on Sea the force of any forreign Enemy Now if we suffer the Enemy quietly to land and then temporize afterward according to the second opinion we lose a great part of this our strength Rather by supposition than by experience Thirdly There is no man of any experience but knoweth with what danger men land out of boats if there be any ordinary force before landing to resist them for if any storm arise the Sea alone fighteth for us and with but small resistance on land may drown great numbers of our invading Enemy Fourthly No small work to entrench all the landing places about England Any small Trench on land shall lodge Musquetteers enough to spoil as many of our Enemies as in boat shall offer to land before they can approach the shoar Also In landing True if the Enemy would not resist you with a far greater force than can possibly be gathered together on such a suddain to encounter him before they can have time to put themselves in Order what an execution may a far less number of well armed men do on them before they shall have time to unite their forces Again After the Remnant shall land if they be not all drown'd slain or repel'd in or before their landing how easie a matter shall it be for a few well Armed Souldiers to put such a confused dispersed scattered Sea-beaten Company to the sword A strong Imagination upon a weak supposition before they shall be able to advance a Standard or put themselves in order of battel Besides all this No intendment but our Navy should impeach them upon all assays if his Majesties forces should not in time be assembled of such strength as to be able before landing to give them battel yet any mean force assailing their Ships while their men are in landing cannot but greatly annoy them if not utterly defeat them Again An Invador will both forecast and prevent those dangers In most places if except the Enemy bring his tide justly with him he cannot land and then if part land and any mean resistance made to give impediment to the rest till the tide pass their divided forces may more easily be defeated Also You grant him victuals enough if he can land you say he shall find houses and Barns full It is no small time that is requisite to land an Army with Horse Carriage and Ordnance Munition and Victuals without which an Invader shall never be able to prevail And then if any mean resistance be made at the landing it much prolongeth the same time so as any storm happening the Winds Tides Shelves Rocks Bars and Seas fight for us in our favour and to the ruine of our Enemies and therefore I utterly disallow that opinion to give an Enemy leave quietly to land and then by device to temporize afterwards It behoueth an Invader to be as wary of burning and spoiling as your self lest he make himself odious to his own party Further If any such resolution by the Prince and people be taken that the invading enemy should be suffered to land quietly to spoil and burn at his pleasure and the inward forces of the Countrey not permitted even at the first landing to come to their rescues Let the Company come down to the Randesvouze as fast as they can so they give no battel it would cause no doubt the Inhabitants of the Coasts to abandon their Towns and leave the Frontiers desolate which the wise Kings and grave Counsellers of this Land have everto sought to make populous by granting many privileges and immunities to allure Inhabitants on the Frontiers But touching driving or carrying away of Victuals No great difficulty though not easily done as wished and leaving the Countrey waste thereby to famish our landed Enemies it is a thing more easily wished than performed By which retreiting and driving away of Victuals and keeping of streights and passages they starve and weary them that follow them I confess in Ireland where most of their substance consisteth of Kine it is easily done But in this rich and wealthy Countrey of England it is not possible but that the Enemy if he be once landed with all his force shall find houses full of provisions and barns full of all kind of Forrage That is where the prince is a Tyrant otherwise he shall be obeyed in all things that tend to the preservation of the Countrey and Corn all the Country over unless the King should command all to be wasted with fire which president we see seldome or never put in use neither in the Wars in France Flanders nor in any former invasion that we read of for it will make the Prince odious and alienate the Subjects minds therefore not to be used but upon a great extremity when all other means fail and here in England above all other Countreys it may worst be done for our Towns be poor weak and unprovided and unfortified the Countrey full of habitations populous rich and abundance of all commodities In the Low Countries by reason of their great store of strong well fortified Towns they might much more easily drive and carry to their Cities at hand all victuals and forrage c. And yet when the great Army of the States and Don John were in the Field I grant for Forrage because they came in harvest but all other victuals came out of the Towns behind their backs notwithstanding all the Boars and Country People were
fled and retired to the next walled Town and had knowledge long before of the approaching of the Armies yet were they not able so to drive and carry away their Victuals and forrage but that the Enemy found Barnes full in every place as the Enemy was never forced to forrage four miles from their Camp So difficult or rather impossible a thing it is to carry away our victuals or forrage or leave the Enemy a wast Country But if here in England we should drive or carry away our Victuals or Forrage to the next walled Towns Here he speakes as if the Enemy by his landing were straight master of the Field and no place left us but walled Towns to guard our Cattel and Victualls the Enemy being quietly landed with all his Munition should have his chief desire knowing not only how weak and unfortified our Towns are but also how unprovided of all necessaries to abide a Siege as if fortification on a suddain could be made Wherefore it is wished that all provident meanes should be used to give the Enemy all possible annoyance before and at his landing By reasons and presidents it is proved that an invadours landing cannot be prevented And by no meanes to suffer him to land quietly or to trust to that temporising course which is rather to be practised when all other means fail than to be relied upon at the beginning Too late to shut the Stable when the Steed is stollen It is granted perilous for a defendant Prince to hazard his Crown upon a Battel and more dangerous for men untrayned to encounter expert Disciplined Souldiers and most perilous to us that have no strong Towns to make head if we lose the Battel Therefore it is no part of judgement to wish our Prince to give an invading Enemy Battel with all our forces how well prepared and ordered soever they be but the meaning is to have such provisions in every Shire as we may be able readily on a sudden to give the Enemy all annoyance possible before and at his landing whilst the inward forces of our Country may the better assemble and put themselves in Military order to proceed after as shall be most convenient A Reply to the reasons aforesaid Now to come to the question and matter propounded whether it be better to fight with an Enemy at his landing or to defer battel A Distinguisher betwixt an Enemy Invador and an Enemy Borderer I will first distinguish between an Enemy Invador whom we do presuppose would be a conquerour to alter and change the state and another Enemy Borderer who either to procure a new quarrel or to revenge an old wrong may support some small company by shipping or dwelling upon the maine and make incursion into a Country only to burn and spoyle some part thereof such an Enemy may be fought withal at his first appearance or landing because there is a means and likelyhood to repulse him again with the only aid and strength of the Frontier forces as hath been already alledged Viz. That if the Enemy should intend but to land and burn some houses and villages near the Sea coast for the prevention thereof as much as may be it were good to appoint only those that dwell within two or three miles of the Sea side to repair thither to make resistance These may be termed the forelorn hope and for their succour to appoint the Horse men to draw down to the Plains next adjoyning who may also give them stop for stragling far into the Country and though you should receive a foyl there is no danger for his intent is not to dwell and tarry by it But for an Invadour as there is difference of his intention and force so must you make also a difference in the incounter and prevention accordingly who if he cannot be defeated by our Navy is alwayes preferred by the first trial although it be hardly gathered to the contrary against me which either I say might by contrary winds or other accidents happen to miss each other and so the Enemy come undiscovered upon our Coast As the Earl of Warwick did out of Normandy in Edward the fourths time or otherwise might land in despight of our shipping then my opinion was to restrain the Countries disorderly running down to the Sea Coast as a thing very dangerous being not able to withstand their landing first because it was said such an Enemy would land more men within three hours than would be meet in reason for you to fight in three dayes such a while will it be before the Country can come down to the Sea side as hath been seen by many false Alarms given to the Country for trial of the readiness thereof Next because it is Impossible so to man the Sea coast round as that an Enemy meaning to land and burn only might be prevented for that he will make shew to land in one place and the Country being drawn down thither may suddenly weigh Anchor and Saile further in few hours than your Army that you have provided in a readiness can march well in two dayes As for example How your prepared forces may be prevented The French made a shew in King Henry the eighth's days as though they would Land in the Isle of Wight or Portsmouth finding the Country drawn down thither by means of the Kings being there hoysed Sayles landed burnt at Brighthmesteed in Sussex in the Downs in Kent and after returned and landed in the Isle of Wight Then seeing the Enemies remove from place to place is so speedy and his landing place so uncertain and the knowledge thereof before hand impossible I would fain know how strong a resistance the Country can be able to make upon the sudden against an Invadour that will land a thousand or two at one instant or rather which hath imbarqued his men invessels of so small draught as the men may leap a shoar out of them The Opponent meaning to sail safely betwixt the two Rocks of Scylla and Charybdis imagineth he goes clear when as he striketh upon both who seeing to dislike of giving Battel would have the Country drawn down to make resistance and impeach their landing I would thereupon ask this question if the men you send down be once in fight whether you think it not requisite to second them and if you second them what do you else but ingage your self to Battel if you will not second them then do you most barbarously expose your men to the slaughter and butchery of your Enemy How great a discouragement that would be to your people and what inconvenience might follow I leave to your Judgement to consider But from whence proceedeth this opinion of the necessity or convenience of a rash and suddain incounter with an Enemy at his landing but from an excessive fear and doubtfulness conceived beforehand that all the Realm should be in hazzard to be lost if the Enemy
think few or none who be avouched The Priest of Saint Margaret with his Bow and Arrows unless the president of the Priest of Saint Margarets near Dover shall be admitted for one of whom the old Fletchers retain a memorial in honour of their Bowes who is said with his Bow and Sheaf of arrows to have kept down the French men that offered to land in a narrow passage up the Clift near Dover Who came for fresh water as was supposed where they found a gate fast barred and lockt to stop the same And he standing over them on the top of the Clift played a tall Bow mans part when as in these dayes the French had not any shot but some few Cross-bows that could not deliver an Arrow half way up the Clift to him and so it was given out that he kept them down till the Country was come down to the Sea side to repell them back to their Boats or rather I suppose my self knowing the place when they saw the gate was so fast as they could not suddenly break it open they returned before their coming But yet I must confess the Bow bare the bell before the Divel I suppose sent the musquet c. out of Hell But here lest the Authour be mistaken he prefers the force of the Harquebuz and Musquet far before the Bow yet in judgement doth not disallow the Bow but rather judge the same to be a serviceable and warlike weapon as well in Town as Field and although it be not greatly pertinent to this question yet it may be convenient to consider here how and wherein good use may be made of this weapon first in the field against the Horse men The use of the bow how serviceable though it be shot at the highest random only with the weight of the fall it galleth both Horse and Man and though the wound be not mortal yet both Horse and man are hereby made unserviceable then and long after if they escape death Secondly in rainy weather when men come near together it is a good weapon Thirdly in the night time it is a ready and a secret shot c. and the use of it may be good in the forcing of the Enemies Trenches in fallying out of Town or else Fourthly at an assault when all the defences are taken away in any Town you may deliver your Arrows over the wall and shroudly gall your Enemy with the fall of them Fifthly to shoot Arrows with wild fire to burn gate or draw bridge to fire thatched or shingled houses When our English Army was before Paris those of our Commanders wished they had brought Bow men over with them and I see no reason it should be wholly laid aside for the worst Bow man that can but draw his Bow is better than a bad fire man But if we should not make use of our Bow in any of our warlik enterprises it should be every Commanders care to chuse good fire men for Ammunition is much wasted by the unskifulness of the Musquetteer and execution not to expectation Mustermasters cure and as we have an order established for our Musquet bore I could wish the Mustermaster in every County would look so to it that they may not be too big as well as too little But now touching landing let us see what may be conceived out of the former experience Examples and presidents of landing Did not the Earl of Warwick notwithstanding the Duke of Burgundies great and puissant Navy which he had provided to joyn with Edward the fourth for the impeaching the Earls landing from out of France and the fleet being before the Haven in Normandy out of the which the Earl must come the Duke having also warned the King into what part and Port of England the Earl meant to make his descent whereby in all likelyhood he was or migt have been provided sufficiently to withstand the same yet I say did it not so fall out that the Earl of Warwick escaped their Fleet landed in England and drove the King to flee for succour into the Low Countries and enlarged Henry the sixth and set him in his former estate After this did not Edward the fourth with some small aid from the Duke of Burgundie given him Edward the fourth relanded in England and deposed Henry the sixth and that under hand both of shipping men and money transport himself into England again and in Battel slew the Earl of Warwick and his adherents deposed Henry the sixth resuming again unto himself the Kingdom of England Have not the Kings of England many times entered France by Navie and Scotland during the time of Wars betwixt them Queen Mary landed 5000. in Britany and burnt Conquet Did not Queen Mary land 5000 men in Brittany one of the most popular parts of all France and there sackt and burnt Conquet and other places our men remaining on shoar two dayes and a night burning and spoyling and were not or rather could not be resisted upon the suddain Have not our English though but small forces in Queen Elizabeths dayes landed in the Indies English landed in the Indies at sundry times sackt and ransacked their Towns brought away their Munition with other great spoyles and riches yet at their landing were not withstood English in Spain and Purtugal And did not our Army land in Spain and Portugal at sundry times and in sundry places they having knowledge a long time before of their coming whereby the Country was or might have been in that readiness themselves would have desired and yet by a temporizing course used against them they were driven to retire both feeble and broken whereas if they had been fought withall at their landing and had won the field there had been a great hope they might have prevailed in that enterprise The Spanish Forces landed in Portugal Did not the Spanish forces also land in Portugal his other Army by land under the conduct of the Duke of Alva who by wining the Battel won the Kingdom withal and drove the King quite out of his Countrey The French in Terceras And did not the French forces likewise land in the Terceras in despite of the Country And did not the Spanish forces after reland slay and drive all out again The Spanish relanded there Infinite are the presidents of landing and a rare matter to find any example of an Army coming to invaid to be prevented of landing by the Countries fury and running down to the Sea side and what Souldier or man of War would not undertake to land even a few men in comparison of a royal Army in any Princes Realmes and Dominions spoile and burn at his pleasure until such time they had assembled greater forces than the inhabitants of the Coasts Whatsoever a man cannot resist he must give way unto Reason and experience do plainly prove that it cannot be withstood but that a forceable Enemy will land
Lines 87 S V do represent the width of the Ditch or Moat that washes the Bulwork which you must always understand when there shall any mention be made of the width of the Ditch CHAP. VIII Wherein are determined the Orthographical dimensions or the Profiles of Fortifications and first those of the Rampar and Brestwork rais'd upon the Rampar THe sole and main business of the delineation hitherto expounded was truly to constitute or form the Rampars circumference compleated with Faces Flanque and Courtine which indeed is the fundamental principal work of all Martial Structures But now to prescribe the dimensions of the Rampar it self and the rest of its parts as to their height and thickness is the business of Orthography Every Fortification consists almost of these parts viz. Rampar Brestwork Fauss bray Ditch or Moat the Couvert way and an out-Brestwork Yet if the Ditch be dry the Fauss-bray both may and is wont to be omitted In this Chapter we shall speak of the dimensions of the Rampar and Brestwork The Spartans in former times would not defend their City with Walls and Ditches and King Agesilaus showing his armed citizens to one that asked why Sparta wanted Walls said that those were the Walls of Sparta This was plainly a foolish and empty ostentation of strength relying on no sound councel but only rashness which the experience of all nations hath condemn'd and which the Spartans had almost found fatal to themselves in the Theban War But leaving this wee 'l come to the purpose I. For the Stuff or matter to make the Rampar The Rampar must not be made of wood nor stone but Earth this is every where at hand and ready to come by and is easily heaped up to such a thickness that the Rampar may be Cannon Proof besides Earth by its yielding and giving way does sooner master and break the force of the Shot Yet I do not prefer a bare Earthen Rampar before one cased with stone of which I shall speak hereafter II. The Height of the Rampar There is hardly any thing so destructive to a Fortification as a high Rampar This errour hath been committed in most of the ancient Fortifications especially those of the most famous cities in Europe for these high Rampars flatter the sight and make a show of Strength where there is none when indeed they spoyl the whole defence and betray the Town to the Enemy and least so great mischief might be had gratis the Treasury must be also drain'd to obtain it The fault of high Rampars consists chiefly in this that they shelter the enemy when he draws near them from the Shot of the Townsmen This to its own great loss Breda hath taught us when it was last besieged by the Hollanders Prince Maurice had fortified this Town with great care and expence so that it might seem to be reckon'd one of the compleatest Fortifications of Europe but the height of the Rampar flattering his sight as I said deceived him The Inhabitants of Breda being afterwards besieged by Frederick Mauritius his Brother were not able from their high Rampar with all their Cannon to remove the enemy approaching nearer unto them nor his Blinds stealing by degrees upon them whence they were forced to cut holes in several places of their high Rampar that was rais'd at such great charges and pull it down and level it to make a place for lower Batteries from whence they might surer hit and break the fatal Blinds of the Enemy But these high Rampars cannot be so mended but they 'l be marr'd worse in another point for while they are cut in many places the binding together and joynting of the work is loosned so that 't will easily fall if batter'd with the Enemies Cannon But a Rampar that rises to an indifferent height hath not this deadly inconvenience Fig. 9. as is manifest in it self nay and Musquet Shot doth more Execution from a low Station than from a high one For let there be two heights A B the bigger A C the lesser and let the Line D E at the height of a man stand perpendicular upon the Horizon Now it is clear the line or Shot which is directed from C to E shall fall beyond that line or Shot which shall be directed from B to E and intercepts a larger space on the Earth D F whereas the other from B passing through E intercepts only the space D G Therefore more ground may be scowred from a low place than from a higher But perhaps those that are the Patrons of high Rampars will say they cannot be so easily climb'd and that the Enemies approaches may better be discovered from them I answer the inconvenience now alledged must prevail for an ordinary height will sufficiently hinder the ascent of the Enemy and for discovering his approaches you may raise Cavalliers in the Bulworks III. The Height is determin'd Therefore let not the height of the Rampar exceed 18 Rhynland feet nor be less then 10 feet for this would expose the City to the Enemies Shot the other suffices more would make you fall into the error spoken of before in the second number Engineers by reason of the several magnitudes of Fortifications prescribe several heights but meerly by guess In IV. V. VI. VII VIII c. The height of the Rampar feet 12. 14. 15. 16. 18 If Hills should hangover the Town you must not for that reason raise your Rampar above 18 feet but raise Cavalliers in your Bulworks or praeoccupate those higher places with Outworks IV. The Talu of the Rampar or Line forming the Sloape The Rampar must be so built that both without and within it may be sloaping for a body of Earth cannot like a Wall rise to a perpendicle Fig. 8. The inward Talu A B must be always equal to the height B L that upon any sudden occasion the Souldiers might easily run up to their Rampar The outward Talu E F is most commonly half the height and it would be requisite to make it less if the Earth be firm If the ground be very loose it may be made equal to two thirds of the height but if the outward Talu be too big it gives the Enemy an easie ascent as appear'd in the memorable taking of the Fort of Schenkin V. The upper thickness of the Rampar Fig. 8. The upper thickness of the Rampar L 3 must not be only such is may bear the force of Cannon but ought to be so big that after its Brestwork is set on whose lower thickness must be 24 feet else not Cannon Proof together with the step or Banquet D 4 three feet broad yet it may also have remaining a plain or walk called in French Terreplein 4 L large enough for the traversing great Guns Therefore 't will be most an end 51 or 57 Rhynland feet a thickness much exceeding this will be superfluous and for no other use than draining the Exchequer And here also your Engineers for the
therefore surer to do Execution as I shewed in the eighth chapter number the second Therefore the only End of a Fauss-bray is the defence of a Moat which help a dry ditch doth not stand in need of as shall be taught hereafter II. Its height and Structure Some Architects sharply contend that such a height ought to be given to the Fauss-bray as might make it able to command the Out-works But the defence of the Out-works will better be perform'd by the Rampar it self and as much as you shall add to the height of the Fauss-bray so much will you diminish from the defence of the graft Therefore let it not exceed humane stature The rest of its Structure is the same in all things as that of the Brestwork of the Rampar delivered in the eighth Chapter numb 8. III. The Walk of the Fauss-bray Chemin des Rondes Betwixt the Rampar and the Fauss-bray is left a space E 5 fit for the Besiegers to Plant and Traverse their great Guns which we call the Walk of the Fauss-bray It s greatest breadth is equal to two Rhynland Perches and the least is equal to one When upon occasion a Fauss-bray shall be drawn about the antient Rampar of Cities to be defended only by Musquetiers the breadth of the Walk may be taken somewhat less than a Perch If you have a mind to proportion it to the Polygons you may order it after this fashion In IV. V. VI. VII VIII IX  The walk of the Fauss-bray with its step or banquet  15. 18. 20. 24. 24. 24. c. This Width will serve to plant Guns in but not the biggest IV. The Bankside or Lisier At the foot of the Fauss-bray towards the Ditch is left a space of six feet R S for the strengthning and keeping up of the work least any of the Earth should fall into the Ditch CHAP. X. I. Whether a dry Ditch or Graft be better than a Moat THere is not a question more frequent amongst Engineers and many now prefer the dry one The inconveniences of a Moat are these it keeps the besieged in like Prisoners that they cannot sally out upon the Enemy unless a Covert way and Out-brestwork be rais'd beyond it at very great expences And when the Out-brestwork shall be taken it cannot defend it self since there is no going on it but by little boats Therefore the Galleries are easily brought over the Moat unto the Rampar as Experience hath often taught the Hollanders the water hindring the besieged that they cannot run down into the Ditch with handy blows to throw down the Fatal Engine This defect however is supplied by building a Fauss-bray Ravelins and Half-moons at vast expences and the entertainment of a far greater Garrison Therefore a Moat is both of it self weak and keeps the Towns-men in like Prisoners so that they cannot come to beat off the Enemy any other way than by firing at a distance though they see him spring his Mines and bring the last destruction to the Town besides the Fauss-bray is built only for the security of the Moat as is the Out-brestwork and the Couvert way and in fine all sorts of Out-works and it requires a far greater number of Souldiers to defend it A dry Ditch safe in its own strength doth not need these chargable Out-works especially an Out-brestwork it never wants For as the Moat keeps in the Souldiers like Prisoners the dry Ditch conveys them safe and unseen on the Enemy Neither have these that sally any need of a Couvert-way since the Ditch can hide them in its own bottom nor have they any need of an Out-brestwork since the out-side of the Ditch it self viz. if it have steps made to it is able to supply the place of an Out-brestwork Nay there is no sort of Out-work required since they are rais'd only to keep the Enemy from the Ditch and Rampar which will be better perform'd by Sallies which may be made safely through the dry Ditch Again a dry Ditch makes an easie and safe retreat for those that sally when they are wholly pursued by the Enemy But a wet Ditch would either exclude or drown them for there is no passage from Out-work to Out-work or from the Out-works to the principal Rampar but what is made by little narrow wooden bridges which can receive but few at a time and if they are crowded too much as commonly in such cases it happens they yield to their weight and are broken As it fell out when Breda was last besieged in the taking of Ginekens Horn-work with the great loss of their stoutest Souldiers perishing in the waters To conclude since a dry Ditch can safely be without Half-moons Ravelins Horn-works and Out-brestworks and all other Out-works or at least may neglect them far safer than a wet Ditch can we must confess that the Town if it were besieged would be defended with a far less Garrison It plainly appear'd at the siege of Mastreicht the sharpest of all the Dutch Sieges how far a dry Ditch is to be prefer'd before a wet one The ditches of the Town being partly wet partly dry the Prince of Orange consulted with his Captains which was best to fall upon who resolved to attempt the dry one but the taking of it was so slow and so difficult that the Prince confess'd his error and resolved after that never to try the taking of a dry Ditch before a wet one That I may omit the rest of the action in this most valiant defence The Townsmen from the Ditch it self brought forth their Mines to blow up the lines of Approaches with such facility and success that the Enemy was forced to spend five weeks to gain a Line of five Perches Then with Skirmishes Works and Countermines they so tired the Dutch that besieged them that the Prince despairing to bring his Line over the dry Ditch was constrain'd to carry a Mine into the Town under the bottom of it which was very near forty feet lower than the level of the Town Notwithstanding 't is to be confess'd the nocturnal attempts and surprises of the Enemy are better kept off by a wet Ditch than by a dry one yet there is great danger from the water it self being once frozen unless the Ice be always broke as appear'd in the taking of Wachtendonch by the Dutch and Philipsbourg by the Emperialists by a surprise in the dark over their Moats that were frozen Whilst these things are controverted on both sides This is my opinion that a dry Ditch is best against open Assaults and the wet one best against Surprises But because all surprises and suddain attempts may be prevented by the care and vigilancy of the Officers and Souldiers but open force no other way but by force it seems to me the dry Ditch is absolutely to be chosen if the nature of the ground will permit it Especially since a great deal of money is spared which otherwise would have been spent in building the Fausse-bray
farther than ordinary in one and the self same Piece if the Powder be gently driven home and wadded accordingly then the Shot being compassed with Paper Leather Oakam or such like to fill close to the Powder with a good Wadd putting after it a Tampion of Cork and with a Spunge moisten it with Oyl annoint the vacant Cylender and so Barricado the Piece that it may not reverse in the Discharge CHAP. XXIV A Discourse by way of Dialogue between a General and Captain concerning the Assaulting a Town or Work c. General HAving brought your Approaches near unto a Town or a Fortress whether would you choose a Bulwark or a Curtain to be battered with your Ordnance Captain A Town may be assaulted in divers places sometimes you assault one side when as you make your Battery on another sometimes you choose a Bulwark otherwhiles a Curtain to be battered with this intention to take in the Town as soon as possible may be As for me if I were to take in a great Town which is populous I had rather choose to batter a Curtain than a Bulwark which hath a high catt or mount upon it especially seeing that in great Towns the Bulwarks lying one far from another they do show the skirt of the Curtain very open Gen. Why would you rather choose a Curtain than a Bulwark Capt. Because your Bulwarks are alwayes stronger and better fortified than your Curtain and being it is the principal strength of a place and better furnished with Platforms Flanks c. it will require more time labour and charge to batter than your Curtain Gen. But what General is so ill experienced as to labour to batter a Curtain having two strong Bulwarks on both sides of him to flanker him when he is to put over his Gallery and to give an assault upon the Curtain peradventure for his labour and pains he may be well beaten Capt. Soft Good Sir Suppose that after a great deal of labour and pains you have battered a Bulwark and falling up to the breach to assault it you find it cut off an Enemy lodged in it must you not then begin to sap forward again to make a new battery whereas on a Curtain there is not that means of cutting it off as upon a large Bulwark Gen. Have you ever seen the experience of it Capt. Yes Sir the Prince of Orange took in the Bosch by a Bulwark and also Breda but Mastrick was taken in by making a breach and springing of a mine upon the Curtain between Jonger Port and a Bulwark howsoever the Town of Cortes upon the frontiers of Franee was first battered by the Arch-duke of Austria upon the point of a Bulwark near unto the very joynt of the Curtain where a high and a strong turret stood which did annoy us much so that we could not advance forward but were constrained to leave off our approach on that side and began to make a new Battery for a breach in a Curtain on the Field-side where there lay a strong Bulwark to defend it which did our men a great deal of harm but howsoever with great difficulty and much ado we took in the Town that way by lodging our selves in the Curtain Likewise the City of Cambray was battered and taken in upon a Curtain for all there were two strong Bulwarks that flankered it which if we had run our line upon a Bulwark we should not have forced it so soon yea such an occasion might present it self that a General may be forced to batter both the one and the other or to find out some secret way by undermining a wall and blowing it up with powder Gen. This is for your great Towns but what say you to a Castle a Cittadel or some narrow Fortress how will you go to work to take in those with the best advantage Capt. As for your Forts and Castles it is much better to batter them upon a mount or a Bulwark than upon a Curtain my reason is this that in these your Bulwarks lying close one by another will flank one another with the greater force and hide the Curtain much better to defend it so that one cannot so easily force it if the said defenses be not taken away Gen. Go to then a Town then being to be battered either upon a Curtain or a Bulwark how many Pieces of Ordnance would you have to do it and how and in what manner would you place and plant your Ordnance upon your batteries to make a good breach Capt. To effect this I would have 18 Pieces of Canon and half Canon for lesser Pieces for Battery are now grown out of use Gen. Whether would you choose more whole Canon or half Canon Capt. To batter a place well either upon a stony or earthy wall you may assure your self the more whole Cannon you have the greater and the more sufficient your breach will be for your great battering Pieces do spoil and beat down any thing which doth meet with their great force and violence Howsoever of late years experience hath taught at divers Seiges that your half Canon which are more portable having good store of them will do the business aswell as your whole Canon Gen. But at what distance would you make your Batteries for these 18 Pieces of Canon and how near unto the place which you intend to Batter Capt. I would counsel a General to approach as near unto that place as possible may be and make his Batteries some two or three hundred paces one from another and that if it were possible to advance covertly the Approach and sap even up to the Counter-scharfe and very brink of the Moat to prepare a way for his Gallery not only to Batter that place being at hand with the greater force but also to keep in and hinder an Enemy from Sallying out upon the Besiegers to discover and dismount their Ordnance in Casemates or if they have sunk any in their Walls or False-bray and so to terrifie them that they dare not stir out Gen. I am also of your opinion and hold it for good yet I fear this will not be so soon done and is sooner spoken than executed and that before you can bring your approach and sap so far it will cost you warm blood and a great many mens lives if you have a stout Enemy within to deal withal and one that is very Vigilant and careful to stand upon his Guard and his defence Capt. 'T is true this cannot be done without danger and the loss of men but he that is fearful must stay at home and not come into the Wars where there is neither place nor time which doth free or exempt him from danger yet the danger is not alwayes so great especially in such places where you have Earth enough to work with to cast up your sapps and to heighten and deepen your Approaches which will show you the way for the more higher you find the ground in Approaching to