Army subsist there that must over and above pass through a Country of about twenty Leagues that is wholly laid waste and in ashes and without any Cattle in it or any other sort of necessary Provision Put the Case now that the Imperialists should break through all these Difficulties and carry an Army even into the Lorrain it self the Country of Metzin or Burgundy which would take them up the best part of a Summer too all the strong holds are in the hands of the French and the Country laid so desolate that there 's no living for an Army there When 't is come to this they must resolve either upon a Battel or Siege If the former The French are at liberty whither they will Fight or no and there 's no compelling of them for they are among their strong holds and all 's their own both behind them and on each side and the Country either burnt or deserted But carry it farther yet and suppose the French forc'd upon the Risque of a Battel First the Imperialists are not sure to get the better of it And Secondly What if they should Nay to the Degree of an entire Victory All that would be expected more for that Year would be only to take in some considerable Post and make good the ground they had gotten for the next Campagne For it would be a madness to pâ—â—sue their Victory into the heart of an Enemies Country and leave so many Garrisons upon their backs which would undoubtedly cut off all their Convoys and starve them But this is still the supposing of a Thing not to be supposed for the French in this Case would stand upon the Defensive and not to come to a Battel Or in case they should and he worsted they have Men enough in Garrison for Recruits that would immediatly reinforce them Now on the other side what if the Imperialists should chance to be routed The Garrisons which the French hold in Lorrain Burgundy and Alsatia would in such Case totally destroy that broken Army and cut out such work in Germany as has has not been known in the Empire for many Ages In this extremity let us suppose that the Empire should yet bring another Army into the Field and try the Issue of a Second Battle and miscarry And that the disaffected Princes of the Empire should declare themselves for the Enemy all that part of Germany that lies within two or three Days Journey of the Rhine would be irrecoverably lost a great part of it being so harrased already that 't is not able so much as to furnish an Army upon a March much less for a Winter Quarter Now to the Business of a Siege the French have taught us by Philipsburg and Mastricht that they want neither Skill to fortifie a Place nor Courage to defend it So that without a great loss of Time and Men it cannot be expected that the Imperialists should make themselves Masters of any considerable Place and when they shall have carried it what will a Town in Lorain or Burgundy signifie to the saving of the Spanish Netherlands which if once lost are hardly ever to be retriv'd Now taking this for granted if England does not step in with all the Speed and Vigor imaginable see what will be the end on 't First That the French being Masters of all the Posts Passes and Strong-holds in Lorrain and Burgundy may dodge and trifle the Imperialists at Pleasure and make them spend out the Year without any Advantage to the Netherlands The way would have been for the Imperialists to have prest with an Army of 50000 Men directly into the Body of France and the Confederate Troops in the Low Countries to have made another Inrode by the way of Picardy or Bologne but since the taking of Valenciennes Cambray and St. Omer there 's no possibility of piercing France that way So that a very small Army now upon the Spanish Netherlands with the help of the French Garrisons is sufficient to amuse and tire out the whole Force of Spain and Holland upon that Quarter Secondly France being thus secured on that side will unquestionably fall in with all their Power upon the Empire unless diverted by the Alarm they have now received from England Now admitting this to be the Condition of France let any Man of Sense judge what Good the Imperial Army can do to the Netherlands upon which single point depends the Fortune of Christendom What if they should March up to the Borders of France with 50000 Men Will not the French encounter them there with as many or more And with this odds too that the Imperialists suffer a thousand Incommodities in their March through a ruin'd Country Whereas the French have good Quarters and plenty of all things at hand watching the others Motions and emproving all Advantages against them Thirdly In this Posture of Affairs the Confederates must never expect to do any great Matter upon the French in these Provinces unless they do very much out number them And it is likwise to be considered that these Troubles falling out in the Minority of his Catholick Majesty the Distractions of that Government the Revolt of Sicily and great Disorders upon the Frontiers of Spain the Netherlands have been much neglected till the Elevation of his Highness Don Joan of Austria to the Dignity of Prime Minister And that it is not possible for him by reason of the many Exigencies of that Crown nearer home to send any considerable Succour to the Low Countries otherwise then by Supplies of Money So that by that time the Imperialists and the Hollanders are got into their Winter-Quarters or at least before they take the Field again the French from time to time will be ready with fresh Troops out of their Garrisons to prosecute their Conquests which by Degrees must needs break the hearts of the poor Inhabitants when they find that neither their Faith nor their Courage is able any longer to protect them And when that Day comes what by their Armies and what by other Influences the French will have as good as Subjected Two thirds of Europe And there will also occur these farther Difficulties First No body knows where the French will begin their Ataque which will oblige the Spaniard and Hollander to strengthen all their Garrisons as far as their Men will reach Secondly When the Spanish and Holland Troops shall be so dispers'd wheresoever the French sit down they must then give themselves for lost for want of an Army to relieve them beside their furious and obstinate manner of Assault for they care not how many Men they lose so they carry the place And then most of the Men too are made Prisoners of War Nor is the Season of the Year any Discouragement to them neither witness their First Irruption into Burgundy and the restless Activity of their Troops even at this Instant So soon as their work in Flanders is over which only England under Heaven is able to
prevent or Check the French will have an Army of at least 50000 Men about Lorain Luxenburg and Burgundy to face the Imperialists and at the same Time with as many more perhaps they will seize upon the Dutchy of Juliers and of Cleves and from thence pass the Rhine to countenance those that are of the French Cabal on the side of Westphalia and so in due time several other Princes of the Empire It is remarkable that in Three Years War against the Confederates his most Christian Majesty has not only stood his ground without losing so much as one Inch of his Ancient Patrimony but actually and almost without Opposition taken several Towns and some entire Provinces from the Principals of the Confederacy And made himself almost as considerable at Sea as he is at Land Not only in the Mediterranean and upon the Coasts of Spain and Italy but in America too where he has laid a Foundation of great Mischief both to England and Holland in the point of Commerce if not timely prevented And he does little less by his Money than by his Arms for he pays all and with French Money under pretext of Neutrality maintains considerable Armies in the very heart of the Empire which 't is feared will be ready enough upon any distaster to joyn with the Common Enemy It is the French Court that manages the Counsels of Poland and they govern the Swisse no less who by the Conquest of the Franche County are made little better then slaves And yet by a fatal Blindness that Republick still furnishes the French with the best of their Soldiers and helps forward the Destruction of Europe never dreaming that they themselves are to be undone too at last But it is no great matter you 'l say to impose upon the Swisse which are a heavy and Phlegmatick People but the French Charms have bewitch'd even Italy it self though a Nation the most Clear-sighted and suspicious of all others For their Republicks lie as quiet as if they were asleep though the Fire is already kindled in Sicily and the Danger brought home to their own Doors It is a wonder that they lay things no more to heart considering First the Passages the French have to favour their Entry Secondly That they are many and small States weak and easily to be corrupted if not so already Thirdly that though they have been formerly very brave and many particulars remain so still yet in the generality they are soft and effeminate And Fourthly that the French is there the Master of the Seas These Reflections methinks might convince any Man of the Condition they are in And certainly they that were not able to defend themselves against Charles the Eighth will be much less able to encounter Lewis the 14th Or if he gets in to drive him out again as they did the Other For they must do it wholly upon their own Strength having only the Turk in Condition to help them For Germany and Spain are sunk already And the Swisse will neither dare to venture upon 't nor are they able to do it if they had a mind tot As for Spain it is neither Populous nor fortifi'd and perhaps want of Provisions may keep it from an Invasion And yet for all that with a Body of Thirty or Forty Thousand Men by the way of Fontaraby and as many by Catalonia the French may if they please in two Campania's make themselves Masters of Navarre Arragon Catalonia and Valentia and then it is but fortifying the Frontiers and making his Catholick Majesty a Tributary in Castile Who must content himself to take what they please to give him over and above in consideration of his Dominions in Italy and the Spanish Indies A Possibility that England and Holland shall do well to think of For when he has the Mines in his Power and Europe under his Feet there will be no contending After this they have only the Swisse or the English to fall upon next For the Former they are neither fortified nor united in Affections or Religion As for England They are a People not naturally addicted to the French sensible of their Honour and of their Interest and the whole World is convinced of their Courage They are United under the Government of a Gracious Prince and their Concerns are at this Instant lodged in the hands of the most Loyal and Publick-spirited Representatives that ever acted in that Station beside the Strength of the Island by Situation So that the French would find it a hard matter either to make a Conquest here or if they should surprize it to keep it But yet they have finer Ways to Victory than by Force of Arms and their Gold has done them better Service than their Iron What have we now to do then but in a Common Cause to arm against a Common Oppression This is the time or never for Italy to enter into a League for their Common Safety and not only to keep but if possible to force the French from their Borders while the Imperial Army holds the Capital Power of France in Play And this is the time too for the Swisse to recal all their Troops out of the French Service and to strike a general League also for the Recovery of Burgundy the only Outwork of their Liberties and to expel the French Garrisons and deliver the places into the hands of the Right Owners And will it not concern Poland as much as any of the rest that stands and falls with the Empire as the Defence of Christendom against the Turks and whose own turn is next This Alarm methinks should call off the Princes from the Acquisitions they have made upon part of the Swedes Possessions in the Empire to the Assistance of the Spanish Netherlands and make all the French Mercenaries in the Empire to bethink themselves of returning from the Delusions which either the French Artifice or Money has imposed upon them He that has no regard for the Head will have less for the Dependences when he has them at his Mercy Nay the very French themselves should do well to contemplate the Slavery that is now prepar'd for them Their Laws and Liberties are trampled upon and till the French Government be reduc'd to the Bounds of its Ancient Constitution neither the People nor their Neighbours can ever be secure In this dangerous Crisis of Affairs it has pleas'd Divine Providence to leave England the Arbitress of the Fate of Europe and to annex such advantages to the Office that the Honour the Duty and Security of this Nation seem to be wrapt up together In the Point of Honour what can be more Generous than to succour the Miserable and the Oppress'd and to put a stop to that Torrent that threatens Christendom with an Universal Deluge Beside the Vindication of our selves for those Affronts and Indignities both Publick and Private that we have suffer'd upon our own Account And then in matter of Duty It is not only Christendom
the People 2. There is a mutual compact tacit or express between a Prince and his Subjects and that if he perform not his duty they are discharg'd from theirs 3. That if lawful Governors become Tyrants or govern otherwise than by the Laws of God and Man they ought to do they forfeit the Right they had unto their Government Lex Rex Buchanan de Jure Regni Vindiciae contra tyrannos Bellarmine de Conciliis de Pontifice Milton Goodwin Baxter H. C. 4. The Sovereignty of England is in the three Estates viz. King Lords and Commons The King has but a co-ordinate Power and may be over-ruled by the other two Lex Rex Hunton of a limited and mix'd Monarchy Baxter H. C. Polit. Catech. 5. Birthright and proximity of Blood give no title to Rule or Government and it is Lawful to preclude the next Heir from his Right of Succession to the Crown Lex Rex Hunt's Postscript Doleman History of Succession Julian the Apostate Mene Tekel 6. It is Lawful for Subjects without the Consent and against the Command of the Supreme Magistrate to enter into Leagues Covenants and Associations for defence of themselves and their Religion Solemn League and Covenant Late Association 7. Self-preservation is the Fundamental Law of Nature and supersedes the Obligation of all others whenever they stand in competition with it Hobbs de Cive Leviathan 8. The Doctrine of the Gospel concerning patient suffering of Injuries is not inconsistent with violent resisting of the higher Powers in case of Persecution for Religion Lex Rex Julian Apostat Apolog. Relat. 9. There lies no Obligation upon Christians to Passive Obedience when the Prince Commands any thing against the Laws of our Country And the Primitive Christians chose rather to die than resist because Christianity was not yet settled by the Laws of the Empire Julian Apostate 10. Possession and strength give a right to Govern and Success in a Cause or Enterprize proclaims it to be Lawful and Just to pursue it is to comply with the Will of God because it is to follow the Conduct of his Providence Hobbs Owen's Sermon before the Regicides Jan. 31. 1648. Baxter Jenkin's Petition Octob. 1651. 11. In the state of Nature there is no difference between good and evil right and wrong the state of Nature is a state of War in which every Man hath a right to all things 12. The Foundation of Civil Authority is this natural right which is not given but left to the Supreme Magistrate upon Men's entring into Societies and not only a Foreign Invader but a Domestick Rebel puts himself again into a state of nature to be proceeded against not as a Subject but an Enemy And consequently acquires by his Rebellion the same right over the Life of his Prince as the Prince for the most heinous Crimes has over the Life of his own Subjects 13. Every Man after his entring into a Society retains a right of defending himself against Force and cannot transfer that right to the Common-wealth when he consents to that Union whereby a Common-wealth is made and in case a great many Men together have already resisted the Common-wealth for which every one of them expecteth Death they have liberty then to joyn together to assist and defend one another Their bearing of Arms subsequent to the first breach of their Duty though it be to maintain what they have done is no new unjust act and if it be only to defend their Persons is not unjust at all 14. An Oath superadds no obligation to pact and a pact obliges no further than it is credited And consequently if a Prince gives any Indication that he does not believe the Promises of Fealty and Allegiance made by any of his Subjects they are thereby freed from their subjection and notwithstanding their Pacts and Oaths may lawfully rebel against and destroy their Sovereign Hobbs de Cive Leviathan 15. If a People that by Oath and Duty are oblig'd to a Sovereign shall sinfully dispossess him and contrary to their Covenants chuse and covenant with another they may be obliged by their latter Covenant notwithstanding their former Baxter H. C. 16. All Oaths are unlawful and contrary to the Word of God Quakers 17. An Oath obliges not in the sense of the Imposer but the Takers Sheriffs Case 18. Dominion is founded in Grace 19. The Powers of this World are Usurpations upon the Prerogative of Jesus Christ and it is the Duty of God's People to destroy them in order to the setting Christ upon his Throne Fifth-Monarchy Men. 20. The Presbyterian Government is the Scepter of Christ's Kingdom to which Kings as well as others are bound to submit and the King's Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Affairs asserted by the Church of England is injurious to Christ the sole King and Head of his Church Altare Damascenum Apolog. relat Hist Indulgen Cartwright Travers 21. It is not lawful for Superiors to impose any thing in the Worship of God that is not antecedently necessary 22. The duty of not offending a weak Brother is inconsistent with all human Authority of making Laws concerning indifferent things Protestant Reconciler 23. Wicked Kings and Tyrants ought to be put to Death and if the Judges and inferior Magistrates will not do their office the Power of the Sword devolves to the People if the major part of the People refuse to exercise this Power then the Ministers may Excommunicate such a King after which it is lawful for any of the Subjects to kill him as the People did Athaliah and Jehu Jezabel Buchanan Knox. Goodman Gilby Jesuits 24. After the sealing of the Scripture-Canon the People of God in all ages are to expect new Revelations for a rule of their Actions * Quakers and other Enthusiasts and it is lawful for a private Man having an inward motion from God to kill a Tyrant †Goodman 25. The example of Phineas is to us instead of a Command for what God has commanded or approved in one Age must needs oblige in all Goodman Knox. Naphtali 26. King Charles the First was lawfully put to Death and his Murtherers were the blessed Instruments of God's Glory in their Generation Milton Goodwin Owen 27. King Charles the First made War upon his Parliament and in such a case the King may not only be resisted but he ceaseth to be King Baxter We decree judge and declare all and every of these Propositions to be False Seditious and Impious and most of them to be also Heretical and Blasphemous infamous to Christian Religion and destructive of all Government in Church and State We farther decree that the Books which contain the foresaid Propositions and impious Doctrines are fitted to deprave good Manners corrupt the Minds of unwary Men stir up Seditions and Tumults overthrow States and Kingdoms and lead to Rebellion murther of Princes and Atheism it self And therefore we interdict all Members of the University from the reading the said Books under the Penalties
of so great an indiscretion or rather Imposture as to write such a Letter of his own Head The Letter it self Demonstrates that whoever writ it is no Fool and the Circumstances I have marked show that he is no Knave And indeed the Substance of it is not new it only repeats to his Majesty the same Answer which the Prince and Princess had formerly given to his Majesties Envoy there In short you may leave the whole Matter to this plain Issue If this Letter be a false one it will be disowned if a true one it will be owned Their Highnesses love not to do things that will not bear the Light It is evident they did not intend the Matter of it should be a Secret having told it to Monsieur D' Albeville as often as he in his discreet VVay necessitated them to do it But how it came to be printed I cannot inform you justly however you shall have my Conjecture I remember as soon as it was noised about Town that Mr. Stewart had received a Letter of such a Nature from Monsieur Fagle care was taken that the VVriter of the common News Letters which are dispersed over the Kingdom should insert in them that their Highnesses had declared themselves for the Repeal of the Test This Pia Fraus might I suppose give occasion to the printing of the Letter as the VVisdom and Policy of our States-men in putting Mr. Stewart on writting such Letters had procured 〈◊〉 I say Letters for Monsieur Fagel had five or six on that Subject before he answered so unwilling were they in Holland to return an Answer since they could not give one that was pleasing or do any thing that looked like medling The third thing you desired to be satisfied in is Whether the Dissenters may reâ—y on their Highnesses Word I am as apt to mistrust Princes Promises as you are But shall now give you my Reasons why I think the Dissenters may safely do it And at the same time because of the Affinity of the Matter I will tell you why I think we may all rely on their Highness for our Civil Liberties as well as the Dissenters may do for Liberty of Conscience Much of what I have to say is equally applicable to them both yet because I know you have had an Account of Her Royal Highness better than I can give you I shall for the most part speak only of the Prince My first Reason is the certainest of all Reasons That it will be His Highnesses Interest to settle Matters at Home which only can be done by a Legal Tolleration or Comprehension in Matters of Religion and by restoring the Civil Liberties of the Nation so much invaded of late That this will be his Interest is evident if his Designs lye abroad as it 's certain they do Designs at home and abroad at the same time are so inconsistent that we see his Majesty tho raised above his Fears at home by his late Victory and invited abroad by all that can excite his Appetite for Glory cannot reconcile them The Truth is one that would undertake it is in the same Condition with Officers that beat their Men to make them fight they have Enemies before and behind But you may happily object that Princes do not always follow their true Interests of which it is not difficult in this Age to give several fatal Instances I answer That it is to be presumed that Princes as well as other Men will follow their Interests till the contrary appear and if they be of an Age to have taken their Fold and have till such an Age kept firm to their Interests the Presumption grows strong but if their Inclinations the Maxims of their Families the Impressions of their Education and all their other Circumstances to side with their Interest and lead them the same way it is hardly credible they should ever quit it Now this being the present Case we have all the certainty that can be had in such Matters The Prince of Orange has above these 15 years given so great proof of his Firmness and Resolution as well as of his Capacity and Conduct in opposing the Grand Ravisher I may add the Betrayers too of Liberty and Religion that he is deservedly by all impartial Men owned to be the Head of the Protestant Interest A Headship which no Princes but the Kings of England should have and none but they would be without it Now one may rationally conclude That when the Prince shall joyn to his present Possession of this Headship a more natural Title by being in a greater Capacity to act he will not degrade himself nor lay aside Designs and Interests which ought to be the Glory of England as they are indeed the Glory of his Family acquired and derived to him by the Blood of his Ancestors and carried on and maintained by himself with so much Honour and Reputation I might add here That the Prince is a Man of a sedate even Temper full of Thoughts and Reflections one that precipitates neither in Thinking Speaking nor Acting is cautious in resolving and promising but firm to his Resolutions and exact in observing his Word Inform your self and you 'll find this a part of his Character and conclude from hence what may be presumed from his Inclinations Now as to the Maxims of his Family let us compare them a little where it may be decently done The French King broke his Faith to his Protestant Subjects upon this single Point of Vain glory that he might shew the World he was greater than most of his Predecessors who tho they had the same Inclinations were not potent enough to pursue them effectually as he has done to the everlasting Infamy of his Name and Reign The Maxims of the French Kings have been how to outvie each other in Robbing their Neighbours and Oppressing their Subjects by Perfidiousness and Cruelty But those of the Family of Orange on the contrary have been to Rescue Europe from its Oppressors and maintain the Protestant Interest by Vertue Truth Honour and Resolution knowing that such Methods are as necessary to make Protestant Princes and States flourish as Vice and Oppression are to maintain Popish Government No Popish Prince in Europe can pretend to have kept his Word to his Protestant Subjects as the Princes of Orange have always done to their Popish Subjects at Orange and elsewhere and the Papists have often broke their Word to that Family and have been and are its declared Enemies and tho the Princes two Great Grand-Fathers Admiral Coligny and Prince William were assassinated by the Authority and with the Approbation of that whole Party yet it cannot be made appear that ever the Princes of that Family failed in keeping their Word even to such Enemies or used their own Popish Subjects the worse for it in making distinction between them and their other Subjects or influenced the States to use theirs so I say the States who a low their R.
thro a sentence inflicted upon them by no legal Court of Judicature but by 5 or 6 mercenary persons supported by a tyrannous and arbitrary Commission his Majesty in his Proclamation for Toleration in Scotland bearing date Febr. 12. doth among many other Laws cass disable and dispense with the Law enjoining the Scots Test tho it was not only enacted by himself while he represented his Brother as his high Commissioner but hath been confirmed by him in Parliament since he came to the Crown Surely it is as easie to depart from a promise made in a Declaration as 't is to absolve and discharge himself from the obligation of a Law which he first concurred to the enacting of and gave the creating Fiat unto as the late King's Commissioner and hath since ratified in Parliament after he was come to the Throne As there is no more infidelity dishonor and injustice so there is less of absolute power and illegality in doing the one than the other Nor is it possible for a rational man to place a confidence in his Majesty's Royal word for the protection of our Religion and the Ch. of England mens enjoying their possessions seeing he hath not only departed from his Promise made to the Council immediately after his Brother's death but hath violated his Faith given to the Parliament of England at their first Session which we might have thought would have been the more sacred and binding by reason of the Grandeur State and Quality of the Assembly to which it was pledged If we consider how much Protestants suffered what number of them was burnt at the Stake as well as Murdered in Goals beside the vast Multitudes who to avoid the Rage and Power of their Enemies were forced to abandon their Country and seek for shelter in foreign Parts and what Endeavors of all kinds were used for the Extirpation of our Religion under Q. Mary we may gather and learn from thence what is to be dreaded from James II. who is the next Popish Prince to her that since the Reformation hath sat on the Throne of England For though there be many things that administer grounds of Hope that the Papists will not find it so easie a matter to bring us in shoals to the stake nor of that quick and easie dispatch to suppress the Protestant Religion and set up Popery at this time as they found it then yet every thing that occurs to our Thoughts or that can affect our Understandings serves not only to perswade us into a belief that they will set upon and endeavor it but to work us up to an Assurance that his Majesty would take it for a diminution of his Glory as well as reflection upon his Zeal for the Church of Rome not to attempt what a Woman had both the Courage to undertake and the Fortune to go through with And there is withal a Concurrence of so many things both abroad and at home at this Juncture which if laid in the ballance with the Motives to our hope of the Papists miscarrying may justly raise our Fears of their prospering to a very sad and uncomfortable height Whosoever shall compare these two Princes together will find that there was less danger to be apprehended from Mary and that not only upon the score of her Sex but by reason of a certain gentleness and goodness of Nature which all Historians of Judgment and Credit ascribe unto her than is to be expected from the present King in whom a Sourness of Temper Fierceness of Disposition and Pride joined with a peevishness of humor not to bear the having his will disputed or controlled are the principal Ingredients into his Constitution and which are all strangely heightned and enflamed by contracted distempers of Body and thro' furious Principles of Mind which he hath imbib'd from the Jesuits who of all Men carry the Obligations arising from the Doctrines of the Popish Religion to the most outragious and inhuman Excesses Nor can I forbear to add that whereas the Cruelty which that Princess was hurried into even to the making her Cities common Shambles and her Streets Theatres of Murder for Innocent Persons for which she became hated while she lived and her Memory is rendred infamous to all Generations that come after was wholly and entirely owing to her Religion which not only proclaims it lawful but a necessary duty of Christianity and an Act meriting a peculiar Crown of Glory in Heaven to destroy Hereticks 't is to be feared there will be found in the present King a spice of revenge against us as we are Englishmen as well as a measure heapt up and running over of furious Papal Zeal against us as we are Protestants Beside the Wrath he bears unto us for our departure from the Communion of the Romish Church and our Rebellion against the Triple Crown the War wherein many of the Kingdom were engag'd against his Father and the issue of it in the Execution of that Monarch is what he hath been heard to say That he hopes to revenge upon the Nation And all that the City of London underwent thro' that dreadful Conflagration 1666. of which he was the great Author and Promoter as well as the Rescuer and Protector of the Varlets that were apprehended in their spreading and carrying on the fire is but earnest in respect of what is design'd farther to be paid them for the having been the great Supporters of that War both by continu'd Recruits of Men and repeated Supplies of Treasure Tho' it was Qu. Marys misfortune and proved the misery of Protestants that she was under the Influence of Popish Bishops and of Religious of several Orders by whom she was whetted on and provoked to those Barbarities wherewith her Reign is stain'd and reproach'd yet she had no Jesuits about her to whom all the other Orders are but punies in the arts of wheedling and frighting Princes forward to Cruelty The Society being then but in its Infancy and the distance between its Institution which was in 1540. and the time of her coming to the Crown which was A. 1553. not affording season enough for their spreading so far abroad as they have since done nor for the perfecting themselves to that degree in the methods of Butchery and in the Topicks whereby to delude Monarchs to serve and promote their sanguinary Passions as they have in process of time attain'd unto Nor have the Protestants now any security for their Religion whereby it or themselves may be preserv'd from the attempts of his Majesty for the Extirpation of both but what our Predecessors in the same Faith had in the like kind tho' not to the same measure and degree when Qu. Mary arrived at the Throne For tho' our Religion was of late fenced about with more Laws and we had Royal Promises oftner repeated for the having it preserv'd and our selves protected in the Profession of it yet it is certain that it had not only receiv'd a legal Establishment under K.
and of which you have seen so fresh an instance that we need not put you in mind of it You know how many of your Fellow-Officers have been used for their standing firm to the Protestant Religion and to the Laws of England and you cannot flatter your selves so far as to expect to be better used if those who have broke their word so often should by your means be brought out of those Straits to which they are reduced at present We hope likewise that you will not suffer your selves to be abused by a false Notion of Honour but that you will in the first place consider what you owe to Almighty God and your Religion to your Country to your Selves and to your Posterity which you as Men of Honour ought to prefer to all private Considerations and Engagements whatsoever We do therefore expect that you will consider the Honour that is now set before you of being the Instruments of serving your Country and securing your Religion and We will ever remember the Service you shall do Us upon this Occasion and will promise unto you that We shall place such particular Marks of our Favour on every one of you as your Behaviour at this time shall deserve of Us and the Nation in which we will make a great Distinction of those that shall come seasonably to join their Arms with ours and you shall find us to be Your Well-wishing and Assured Friend W. H. P. O. Prince George 's Letter to the King SIR WITH a Heart full of Grief am I forced to Write what Prudence will not permit me to say to your Face And may I e'er find Credit with your Majesty and protection from Heaven as what I now do is free from Passion Vanity or Design with which Actions of this Nature are too often accompanied I am not ignorant of the frequent Mischiefs wrought in the World by factious pretences of Religion but were not Religion the most justifiable Cause it would not be made the most specious pretence And your Majesty has always shewn too uninterested a Sense of Religion to doubt the just Effects of it in one whose Practices have I hope never given the World cause to censure his real conviction of it or his backwardness to perform what his Honour and Conscience prompt him to How then can I longer disguise my just Concern for that Religion in which I have been so happily Educated which my Judgment throughly convinces me to be best and for the Support of which I am so highly interested in my Native Country And is not England now by the most endearing Tie become so Whilst the restless Spirits of the Enemies of the REFORMED RELIGION back'd by the cruel Zeal and prevailing Power of France justly alarm and unite all the Protestant Princes of Christendom and engage them in so vast an Expence for the support of it can I act so degenerous and mean a part as to deny my Concurrence to such worthy Endeavours for disabusing of your Majesty by the Reinforcement of those Laws and Establishment of that Government on which alone depends the well-being of your Majesty and of the PROTESTANT RELIGION in Europe This Sir is that irresistible and only Cause that cou'd come in Competition with my Duty and Obligations to your Majesty and be able to tear me from You whilst the same Affectionate Desire of serving You continues in me Could I secure your Person by the Hazard of my Life I should think it could not be better Employed And wou'd to God these Your distracted Kingdoms might yet receive that satisfactory Compliance from your Majesty in all their justifiable pretensions as might upon the only sure Foundation that of the Love and Interest of your Subjects establish your Government and as strongly Unite the Hearts of all your Subjects to You as is that of SIR Your Majesty's most Humble and most Obedient Son and Servant The Lord Churchill 's Letter to the King SIR SInce Men are seldom suspected of Sincerity when they act contrary to their Interests and though my dutiful Behaviour to your Majesty in the worst of Times for which I acknowledge my poor Services much over paid may not be sufficient to incline You to a charitable Interpretation of my Actions yet I hope the great Advantage I enjoy under Your Majesty which I can never expect in any other change of Government may reasonably convince Your Majesty and the World that I am acted by a higher Principle when I offer that violence to my inclination and interest as to desert Your Majesty at a time when your Affairs seem to challenge the strictest Obedience from all your Subjects much more from one who lies under the greatest personal Obligations imaginable to Your Majesty This Sir could proceed from nothing but the inviolable Dictates of my CONSCIENCE and a necessary concern for my RELIGION which no good man can oppose and with which I am instructed nothing ought to come in Competition Heaven knows with what partiality my dutiful Opinion of Your Majesty hath hitherto represented those unhappy Designs which inconsiderate and self-interested men have framed against Your Majesty's true Interest and the Protestant Religion But as I can no longer joyn with such to give a pretence by Conquest to bring them to effect so will I always with the hazard of my Life and Fortune so much your Majesty's due endeavour to preserve Your Royal Person and Lawful Rights with all the tender Concern and dutiful Respect that becomes SIR Your Majesty's most Dutiful and most Obliged Subject and Servant The Princess Ann of Denmark 's Letter to the Queen Madam I Beg your pardon if I am so deeply affected with the surprising News of the Princes being gon as not to be able to see You but to leave this Paper to Express my humble Duty to the King and your Self and to let You know that I am 〈◊〉 to absent my self to avoid the King's Displeasure which I am not able to bear â—ur ther against the Prince or my Self And I shall stay at so great a distance as not to return before I hear the happy News of a Reconcilement And as I am confident the Prince did not leave the King with any other design than to use all possible means for His Preservation so I hope You will do me the Justice to believe that I am uncapable of following Him for any other End Never was any one in such an unhappy Condition so divided between Duty and Affection to a Father and a Husband and therefore I know not what to do but to follow one to preserve the other I see the general falling off of the Nobility and Gentry who avow to have no other end than to prevail with the King to secure their Religion which they saw so much in danger by the Violent Counsels of the Priests who to promote their own Religion did not care to what dangers they exposed the King I am fully perswaded that the Prince of