if the General lose the point of that present service though his Commission carry no warrant for it he may hazard to posterity both his fame and credit and may which is more endanger the state or Prince whom he serveth But as the jealousie of the Romans for the conservation of their liberty and state burst out in these strict Commissions so I shall wish that for the preservation of ours all expert States-men upon most weighty considerations doe advise such as the multifarious exigencies of affaires require for I am no wayes to direct Section 5. Difference betweene Battels and Duels that Generals may refuse challenges with some passages betwixt Hannibal and Scipio in their warres NOw to returne to our Battels from which we have digressed I observe great ods betwixt battels and duels for in battels neither Generals of Armies repute it a point of disparagement or discredite if either they refuse to fight when they are bravado'd by their enemy nor yet a point of disgrace to sue for conditions of peace and friendly compositions when all things all the cleare in the field any of which or both in matter of duels should be reputed a perpetuall disgrace unlesse it were in such termes as the Barons did mentioned in the Chapter of combats Of the first we have the example of Fabius Maximus whom Hannibal bravadoed so insolently that Fabius's owne souldiers had him in derision And of late the Duke of Parmas example who relieved the Towne of Paris from that terrible siege wherewith King Henry the third and last of the Valoyses had beleagured it for rising in armes against him in fauour of the house of Guise I say this Duke having raised this siege at last releeved the City with necessaries in spight of all King Henry the great then of Navarre his valour and hard pursuit yea and offer of battell yet he returned the way he came without apprehending any disgrace but deferred till he thought fitting againe to give him battell And on the other part if any of all the worthy Ancients had reputed it an aspersion or imputation either to their fame valour or fortune who so unlikely to sue for putting off fighting as that witty wise valorous and till then fortunate Hannibal and that at the hands of the man on earth with whom he stood most upon points of credit and reputation viz. Scipio his Antagonist And yet the History represents unto us that the sixteenth yeere of the Punick warres when Scipio the African had invented and prosecuted that stratagem of warre to draw Hannibal out of Italy by kindling the fire of war in his own Countrey yea at the Gates of Carthage which accordingly as he had invented he put in execution so that the Countrey and Citie at the first approach of the Roman army posted away Commissioners unto Hannibal to hast him over into Africk with all his force or else that all was undone Hannibal I say considering that policy and withall remembring unto what extremity he had both driven Rome and almost all Italy and what he might have done if he had not beene so soone fatally recalled moreover being landed and finding his forces not able enough to encounter Scipio both Armies being in sight of other before the battell should begin desired parly with Scipio and in these or the like termes the History makes Hannibal in mid-field to speake unto him after serious eying each other The Heavens be propitious unto our meetings now that I who am the elder sue for cessation from fighting this day great Scipio impute it unto fortune whom now I perceive like a woman to favour thee at this time who art the younger the variablenesse of these events mee thinks should move thee to condescend unto the peace I plead for yea as willingly and effectually as I crave it if you doe but ponder in the ballance of an impartiall and not preoccupied minde what diversity of chances have fallen out since the beginning of our warres and how even now this same Citie which offereth conditions of peace had both your glorious Rome and in it all Italy quaking and trembling under the auspices of my fortunate successes and how I am still the same man as before and withall how the Gods have a watching eye and revenging hand when they are invocated as witnesses unto equall conditions offered and refused for the preserving of humane bloud And as they ever were so still they are able to turne the chance against all whose swelling presumption would hinder the perpetuall peace of both Empires I am confident yet great Scipio saith he that the sense of vicissitude in martiall affaires shall touch thee so as not to indanger all thy fresh former Trophees under the hazard of a doubtfull battell Call but to minde the fatall examples of so many brave wariours and particularly of your countrieman Attilius Regulus seeing home-bred experiences are most sensible who having attained the verticall point of honour and preferment by the fortunatenesse of his succesfull victories while hee did not command his felicities was plunged in the miserablest of misfortunes c. Sect. 6. That the exploits of our moderne warriours have bin every way comparable to those of the Ancient with some examples to that effect AS no judicious man can be so unjust as not to retribute due honour to the never dying Worths and valours of the many renowned Roman and Greek Commanders with others in all former Ages so ought no man to be so transported with their so largly famed deeds as thereby to derogate from the true worths the many most admirable exploits the undaunted courages of the many excellent and most warlike Commanders that have of later Ages like so many Comets shined in their times over Christendome of whom our own Countries without ostentation I say it have filled up a very large number It is not to be doubted but that in these our latter ages there are men every way equall for all manner of warlike exploits whether stratagems policie or undaunted courage to the so famed Hannibal Scipio Fabius Maximus and the rest That exploit of Hannibals indeed when Fabius Maximus had enlabyrinthed him in that straight of the Apennine Mountaines was preferable to any in my conceit with which I ballance that admirable stratagem of Sir Francis Drake in firing the Spanish Armado in 88. That it bred the ruine of that so huge and expensive Navie and so formidable to this whole Iland It is observed of Hannibal that being in that straight and recollecting his wits how to escape with his armie hee gathered together all the Oxen in the country about him and under cloud of night having tyed unto their hornes bundles of vine branches like little fagots which he kindled and therewith chased them along the Mountaines Now they being so terrifyed with the flames of fire burning about their eares made such a noyse and dreadfull show along the sydes of the mountaines
than the assurance and undismayed countenance of that ever famous Q. Elizabeth ryding in the front of her troupes with a Iaveline in her hand like an armed Pallas as the Bishop of Ely in his treatise of the 88. most appositely relateth Philippe de Commines observeth nothing more worthy of re-marke in the battell of Fornouncie which the Italians call the battell of Tarr which was strooke at the foote of the Appennine mountaines by the French King Charles the eight against the Venetian an armie under the conduct of the Marquise of Mantua their generall at the Kings returne from Naples homeward then the young King his generous encouraging of his people with a chearefull countenance and so much the more because that the night before the armie was so terribly frighted with thunder flashes of fire from heaven horrible tempests of winde and raine all which he perswaded his Souldiers were onely ominous prodigies to dismay their enemies So then when I seeme to admit or allow the presence of a King in his Armie rather than to devolve that charge on Deputies it is not to bee understood that therefore hee should play or act the part of a Souldier exposing his sacred person unto danger and palpable hazard which are onely for common Souldiers but onely by his advice and countenance to encourage direct and ensure all things stetit aggere fulti Cespitis intrepidus vultu meruitque timeri Nil metuens As Lucane speaking of Iulius Caesar exquisitly remarketh neither yet is it to be understood that a King should in person be in his battels and armies at all occasions but then only and especially when the enemy is within or approaching his Countrey for otherwayes hee may very conveniently doe his businesse abroad by his Lievetenants Provided alwayes that he who is imployed be not of such eminency as thereby he bee able to encroach upon his estate and then armed with men power and strength favour and meanes attempt against his Soveraignety but that by consanguinity or other obliging bonds the Prince bee assured of this great mans fidelity and trust as examples of former Ages can yeeld sufficient testimony to have beene practised to which purpose I will onely instance that notable authority of Velleius Paterculus in his abridgement of the Romane History when he speaketh of that great imployment intrusted unto Pompey in scouring the whole Seas of those mighty and many Pirats which infested it Idem autem saith he in Marci Antonii praetura ipsi concreditum fuit populus id aequo animo ferebat and why Quia rarò eorum invidetur honoribus quorum vis non timetur tum demum verò extrema eorum formidantur qui vim in potestate habent Next it is most requisite in the deputed expeditions that two Commanders be not placed over one armie the Heavens cannot abide two Sunnes as Darius was told by the Macedonian Alexander omnisque potestas Impatiens consortis erat But leaving former examples or later miserable experiences of this wee have in hand I cannot but applaud that memorable Motto of the Duke de Mayne on his Colours and other Ensignes which doth well to this purpose for when he had taken upon him the conduct of his Brother the Duke of Guyse's forces after hee was killed at Blois had these words for his Motto vno avulso non deficit alter Aureas simili frondescet virga metallo Section 8. Of the Romans prudency and foresight in sending two Commanders abroad with their Armies and why the Grecians conjoyned two in their embassies and of the danger of too strict Commissions IF it be objected here that the Romans and Grecians who were chief Masters of this military Art did in all their expeditions send two Consuls or Deputies together yet that maketh not any wayes against the former assertion for as the severall effects thereof proved not alwayes successefull as their lamentable warres can testifie and particularly the bloudy fights betwixt Silla and Marius each vindicating to himselfe the honour of captivating the Numenian Iugurtha they commonly were sent so that either alternatively they should beare rule or the younger was accoupled to the elder that the younger might submit and give way to the gravity yeares and authority of his Senior or finally these Consuls were so attemperated in that charge that one of a slow and procrastinating disposition was still joyned to one of a sudden and forward nature yet none of all scarce ever proved successefull to the Citie For what desolation Terentius Varro his suddennesse brought unto the State that day that befell him to command although against the will or consent of the elder Paulus Aemilius at the battell of Cannes their Histories yet may beare record in letters of bloud And though Marcellus and Fabius were so joyned that Marcellus impatiency was tempered and allayed by the delaying nature of Fabius yet there are few Fabii Maximi to endure the upbraiding and insolent bravadoes of a camarade as he did yea and of his whole Armie for not fighting at such occasions as they thought advantagious of whom the Poet said well Vnus homo nobis cunctando restituit rem And of both their legender Plutarch That Marcellus was the Sword of Rome and Fabius the Buckler and defence That the Grecians sent alwayes two together either to wars or in Embassage was rather to the effect each should pry into and controll the others actions to save their Common-wealth unbetrayed then for advancing the businesse they were sent about as in the lives of Lisander and Calicrates is manifest every one of them for envy emulation and ambition undoing that which the other had plotted Now as the Romane and Greeke examples above rehearsed doe make little for the authority of two Generals over an Armie seeing the formerly particularized evils doe ensue In as little doe I thinke their example to be imitated in these our dayes for prescribing particular and precise injunctions unto Generals in so farre that they may not in a jot transgresse the limits of their Commission For though the Romane History affordeth examples enow of Fathers who when their own sons had returned victorious and the businesse they went about well and honourably performed for which the first day they were honoured with the Ovations and Triumphs due unto victors yet the next day were put to death for having gone beyond the points of their Commission yea but for halting one day more by the way than punctually they were enjoyned to doe though peradventure they had brought the enemy unto such a passe that if that day had escaped from giving battell or any other thing of like consequence the state of the Common-wealth might have beene imperilld or the enemy escaped or the like Yet I know not how their doings by Lawes of a well managed state may be lawfully warranted For in wars it may be that the opportunity of doing well presenteth it selfe so that
as they ranne that the Roman army which lay in the valley being astonied at such a sight it being in the night when all things are most dreadfull did betake it selfe unto the opposite Mountaine and made way to the Carthaginian armie which then marched to escape neither think I but for all the fame of these ancient illustrious deeds registrated in their records but if either they had chanced to have adoe with the people of these ages where the acts of warre are better refined and purified then in those times Or yet if our commanders had served in that age but they had come shorter of victories here then ours had done in their atchievements there But as Alexander reputed Achilles happy who had a Homer to sound his praises even so these brave Heroes were a like happy whose Histories have not beene sparing to set them out in their fullest dimensions Sect. 7. The difference betwixt the ancient manner of warrefare and the moderne how farre the moderne engines of Warre exceed those of the ancient Greekes and Romans IN marshalling of our armies and Battels our moderne plans jump almost with those of the Ancient yet our Sieges beleaguring of townes and instruments of war doe far exceede theirs whether by Sea or by land And first that the forme of drawing up of our armies is not far different from theirs appeareth in this Our armies consist of so many regiments the regiment of so many companies and our companies of so many Souldiers then subdivided amongst themselves Our armies in whole having their Generalls commanding them our Regiments their Colonells our Companies their Captaines and every one of these their Lievtenants and under-officers conformable unto the stations of their charge such as Sergeant Majors Quarter-masters Ancient Corporalls Serjeants of companies c. Even so the Roman armies were composed of so many legions the legion made up of 6000. souldiers over which a Tribune had command these againe were subdivided into so many Cohorts the Cohorts into so many Manipuli which being redivided in Centuries were againe subdivided in Contuberneys which were the meanest company in a legion These had a Captaine a Lievtenant and Ensigne bearer wherefore they were called Subsignarii Milites Thus two centuries made up a Manipulus 3. Manipuli a Cohort 10. Cohorts a legion and so many Legions an armie lesse or more according to the exigencie of their affaires When a Legion stood in battell array the least squadron of it was a Manipulus wherein was two Ordaines conjoyned together making 10. in front and their Lievtenant in the reire this excellent order of the old Roman warre-fare is well nigh imitated by our moderne warriours as I was saying in the fields when both then and elsewhere their armies were like well governed Citties Yet on the other side the Roman sieges and all their engines of warre come short in comparison of our manner of beleaguring now adayes notwithstanding their testudines vineae aggeres and Turres which were hurdells and plankes of Timber built in such sort that Souldiers might securely fight under them or like Mounts of earth rolled before them under which they might make approach unto Walles either for scaling or undermining these and all others of this sort when they come in comparison with our fire workes but chiefly our thundring Cannons they are found to be but of little availe But what shall we say Truly we may conclude that in these dayes true valour and strength had their just assayes cum latus lateri dextra dextrae pes pedi as Plautus saith were opposed to one another Whereas now the bravest and most venturous fellows without much proofe of their undoubted courages are prostrate on the ground So that for any thing I either heare or can reade in the French Histories where manifest fights have beene in these latter ages and since these Vulcanian Thunderers have beene in request I understand I say yea even by those who were present and had borne a part of the play themselves that so soone as the fire and showers of shot were spent the victory almost beganne to incline unto one side or other before the push of Pikes wherein commonly the strength of battels coâ—sist the Romans indeed had their fundi and hurling Darts but what were all these unto the former Sect. 8. That the Ancients in their warres had greater opportunities to try their prowesse in battell then the modernes have AND as in their field battells and seiges of Cities their people had occasion afforded by the lacke of these shot to prove themselves and show sufficiently unto their commanders testimonyes of their valour strength and dexterity Soin their Sea-fights though they had no Ships of any bignesse but Galleys which then as now were of a low tyre yet whensoever they encountred they had occasion to exhange blowes enow Whereas our Sea-fights as they say now adayes are able to astonish Nepture himselfe no mercie being to be found nor almost place secure within our Ships exposed as butts unto the fury of the roaring Cannon That their numbers in these kind of fights exceeded ours beyond compare there is no question their Histories doe verifie it but if ever in their time there was such a Naumachie or sea-fight in their seas as the battell of Lepanto betwixt us and the Turkes I doubt of it Where the favour of the Lord of Hoasts secoâ—ding the Christians order valour Commanders and Souldiers willingnesse and affections to that fight purchased that victory worthy to be sung by a King yea the best since Salomon of one that bore Crowne KING Iames of blessed memorie which at length is to beseene in the Turkish Historie and in Du Bartas small workes Sect. 9. The manner how the Greekes and Romans ordered their battells both by Sea and by land the battells of Cannas and Trasimenes described AS for the disposition of the Roman or Greeke Sea-fights and battells I find little other order then that they were drawne up in a cressant and so was the battell of Lepanto But for their land battels I read of foure kinds of pitching of them For they were either into a straight front by them called recta acies very usuall amongst them Or else the manner of imbattelling observed by Caesar against Ariovistus was in request which was when one corner of the army was advanced neerer the neerest point of the enemies army then the other was to the effect the one being wearied the other might advance to renew the charge a fresh which by him in his Commentaries was called acies obliqua The third I understand to bee that observed by Scipio in Spaine called acies sinuata in manner of halfe Moone whose points were advanced as the Sea-battells spoken of before And his reason of marshalling of them thus was because he understood his enemies best men to be placed in the middle of their army and so by advancing his cornets he discomfited
where Philippin his fortune was to be before this fatall fight Crekie likewise had vented and vaunted that hee had dipt his hand in the 〈◊〉 bloud which wrongs at least so pretended by him accumulated together drove him if the French History say right for Fides sit penes Authorem to undertake the challenge yet not without the valorous Duke his brothers threatning instigation the time place weapons judges and all agreed upon they fought couragiously both but yet so that the French having the advantage of the Sun which even then was tending towards the West by good fortune and it may be by the equity of the challenge for Perkins holds Duels not to be examens of innocency left the Savoiard dead upon the field The Spanish duell was more remarkable in its circumstance howbeit inferiour in the dignity of the combarants and in the event of their fight for although it be proverbially spoken that the French in single combat or duell are better than the Spaniard and the Spaniard in battels and greater numbers doe surpasse the French even so in Italy I have oftentimes heard that the Florentine alone is more wise and subtle than the Venetians but they againe in counsell are more wise and deliberate than the Florentines In this combate the Spaniards gave very sound proofes both of their courage and daring The discourse of it is at length and in its punctuall circumstances set downe in their Countrey story which I will briefly touch In the dayes of Charles the 5. that fortunate Prince for the time both Emperour and King of Spaine there lived in his Court Peter Torello Hierome Anca Arragonois both Gentlemen of note for so they were called and withall entire and loving Comerades these two on some occasion faling to contradictory termes from words they fell so foule that it came to a challenge from challenge to a meeting from that to fighting in which combate after some bouts Peter Torello was overthrowne by the default of his Rapier which either broke or else was beaten out of the hilt by his Antagonists furious blowes by whom he was forced instantly either to dye or sue for life who being put to that extremity condescended to accept of his life but conditionally that on the faith of a Gentleman hee should reveale that secret to none living which he might doe the more trustily seeing no other were witnesses to it but more especially seeing it was not through lack of courage on his part nor of daring but rather by chance of warre Things thus put up they returne to Court living together after their old fraternity as if never such a thing had beene amongst them never so much as a motion or whispering of it till within a certaine space of time a report of Torello his overthrow burst out which comming to his eare after it had beene blazed through the whole Court he pondered with himselfe that hee could not be avenged on his companions perfidiousnesse by a private duell againe whom hee perswaded himselfe was the onely revealer of his disgrace and that secret notwithstanding Hierome Anca certainly affirmed the discovery therof to be by a Neat-heard who unknowne of them overheard and saw them Torello therefore being set on revenge to repaire his disgrace which he beleeved was whispered and talked of by every one had recourse to the Emperour and begged at his Majesties hands that it might please him for the recovery of his reputation now in question to grant him a publike combat with his enemy who perfidiously against his plighted faith had revealed the matter whereof he made a particular rehearsall whereunto the Emperour after many instant solicitations gave way but with this restriction that first they should fight armed next that when hee should throw in betwixt them a golden rod which at solemne times he bore in his hand they should give over and not fight to death as in other combats these conditions were accepted by both parties the day and place appointed where in the Emperours presence and face of the whole Court with great pompe and solemnity the two combatants did appeare clothed first in their most sumptuous attire and accompanied with their most honorable friends from whence after low and humble reverences done first to the Emperour sitting there in his Chaire of state next to the Chancelor whom the Story highly regardeth they were conveighed every one to their own pavilion at the ends of the Carieer from whence comming forth againe armed at all peeces and as they say Cap ape they re-entred the precinct of their appointed place where after solemne oathes made that no other quarrell brought them to that hazardous encounter but the defence of their honour they commenced that memorable duell to the admiration of their beholders with uncertaine victory till in the end the Emperour throwing his golden rod betwixt them approving the courage and proofes of both caused them to be parted though without great difficulty they could not be separated Sect. 3. How Combats may bee thought permissible The relation of a Combat betwixt Iarnacke and Chastigneray in the Presence of King Henry the second of France citations of the Canon law against combats Example of a Combat where the innocent was killed that the decision of all such questions whereupon Duells were permitted ought to be left to God IN the former combats Spanish was more remarkable then the French that first it was authorized by an Emperour and then countenanced by him Wherin if any would inferre that by this I would seeme to authorize Duells hereafter the contrary shall appeare But thus much I may say If any sort of Duels should be tolerated in a Common-wealth I thinke that that which is performed after this manner wherein as in his Miles gloriosus Plautus speakes Pes pedi dextra dextrae latus lateri opponitur it is more dispensable then otherwise to permit men to butcher one another true valour strength dexterity and courage being then put to the essay although with the hazard of their lives yet not with the infallible losse of any or both as in other Combats These two examples I have brought in out of the French and Spanish Histories brieflier couched here then in their owne Countrey Registers Where they are at length and in their smallest circumstances set downe Now as here I allow of the Spanish sort of Duells if any way to be tolerated so can I not but disapprove the French King Henry the second his admitting and permitting of a Duell not betwixt two men of a privat estate nor by themselves in private neither for any remarkable injury done by one to another but in the face and presence of himselfe and Court in their shirts and so to inevitable death of either or both and for nothing but a leger or slight French quarrell as a demanti betwixt two notable persons of two illustrious houses Iarnak and Chastaigneray where
Poictouvin 2 man of his owne coate but younger falling to contradictory termes for a naughty matter because in the Kings house they durst not put hand to their swords did agree to meet elsewhere time place and armes are designed the Gascon that same morning betimes calling on his page commands him to provide a bottle of Wine and to have it in readinesse at the place appointed before hee came where he himselfe following and presently espying his adversary both being demounted and in their shirts before they began to lye at their guard in these or the like termes the Elder bespake the younger That I as the Elder doe take upon me to speake first impute it not to any presumption I have of my worth but to the priority of my yeares Wee reade in the Roman History that two of their Consulls who before had bin at mortall enmity and variance going together with their Armies against the enemy being a pretty way from the City the elder should say to the younger Camerad seeing we goe together on a publike charge in conjunct offices let us lay downe all former grudges under this stone now if thou please at our returne lift thou it up againe and reassume them you may advise but for the present I thinke this best which was agreed unto to the great contentment of the younger So say I to thee if it please thee for so petty and frivolous a quarrell that wee expose our lives and estates to the hazard of a doubtfull fight and of a variable fortune I will not decline it For as none doubteth of your courage So I trust that none dare call mine in question so then if you list Cavalier with the worthy Roman let us bury in this Boule of wine our yesternights rash words so we shal procure Gods blessing upon our soules and bodies and our Prince his favour by our good examples to his quarrelling courtiers and withall indissolubly tye our loves together for ever without any disparagement of our credit or reputation which being accepted by the younger and related to the King they were by him in presence of the whole Court condignely praysed as most duely they deserved Now albeit it be not of those or the like voluntary duels I treat of here but of these which are tolerated by permission of the Prince or Magistrate for the eschewing of murther greater bloud-shed in the common-wealth upon apparent conject res of wrongs received yet I thought it not altogether imperinent to insert this story Now for the other Although some have permitted them as of old Fraton King of Denmarke and are yet tolerated in Muscovia yet we finde that Rhotaris King of Lombardy absolutely discharged them and although his successor for the inconvenience which thereafter ensued licensed them againe yet hee protested that it was against his will and conscience and as these good Kings inhibited them so many of the French Kings as Philip le bel Lewis the 9th Charles the 9th King Henries 3d. and 4th and many moe of the best governed Common-wealths have done the like Which maketh mee admire why Bodin in his 7. Chapter of his 4. Booke of Republick giveth way to their toleration they being both repugnant to the Law of God and contrary to the Civill and Canon Lawes and the constitutions of best governed Kingdomes Indeed the said Bodin admits them onely to be permissible when legall proofes are wanting provided that they be only for matter of honor not wealth and consequently among persons honourable for the preventing of further bloud-shed averting of kinsfolkes murthers and such like evils which might ensue to which if he had subjoyned Charles the 5th his condition of fighting armed I thinke his reasons might have beene more passable But however in elder times duels were tolerated by certaine Kings which by appearance the necessity of those times required as common Stewes were for eschewing of greater inconveniencies yet they being practises so ill-grounded so unnaturall and so farre both against the Lawes of God and Man Succeeding Kings in every Nation almost have enacted most strict Lawes against them with most exemplary punishments to be executed on the rash infringers of them all which being well knowne every where were superfluous to be inserted in this small Treatise A TREATISE OF DEATH And of diverse Orders and Ceremonies of Burials Section 1. The remembrance of death requisite in all men Ceremonies for the remembrance of it some documents against the feare of it what death Iulius Caesar wished of Autocides of selfe-murtherers c. THERE is nothing whereof a Christian should be more mindefull than of death The Ethnickes that wanted the true consolation which a beleeving and faithfull Christian hath had nothing more frequent in their mouthes than Death The Poets are full of these passages Vive memor quà m sis aevi brevis Nascentes morimur mors rediviva brevis Especially Horace with Tribullus Catullus Propertius Seneca Tragoedus Persius Iuvenall Claudian Ovid Lucianus and the rest whereof to make mention were to fill up a little Volume there is nothing almost under the heavens but may serve man as a memoriall thereof the Sunne setteth at evening the day giveth place to the night Summer to Winter infancy to childhood that to youth it to man-hood this againe to decrepit old age whence it may be inferred that the best fruits we can reap of all our studies yea chiefly of Philosophy are to prepare us for this death neither almost to any other end tend all their documents than to live w th pleasure in reason here then to dye in patience no wayes dismaid at the approach of death because of its inevitablenesse of our our obedience to the Law of Nature of the examples of al Ages sexes and conditions of men to this houre who have gone before us so that the principall aime of vertue whereof they made such account was to induce prepare all that have beene are or shall succeed to a patient acceptance or rather a contempt of it that we might passe our lives more peaceably here which otherwise by the perpetuall feare of it would be a never-dying life For this cause it should seeme the Ancients did institute Graves Monuments and Tombes to be either in the Churches or Church-yards adjoyning thereunto as in the most conspicuous and usuall places where the living frequented most I cannot but wonder that what the Philosophers thought fit continually to bee thought on Iulius Caesar should wish to come upon him suddenly and at unawares Histories relate that while some Philosophers were reasoning before him What sort of death was best some alledging one kinde and some another He maintained that a sudden and unfore-seene death was the best for howsoever unto a man of his high estate and profession it might seeme a word dispensable yet to a Christian who is learned to say A morte subita improvisa libera me Domine it cannot so well