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A63439 The six voyages of John Baptista Tavernier, Baron of Aubonne through Turky, into Persia and the East-Indies, for the space of forty years : giving an account of the present state of those countries, viz. of the religion, government, customs, and commerce of every country, and the figures, weight, and value of the money currant all over Asia : to which is added A new description of the Seraglio / made English by J.P. ; added likewise, A voyage into the Indies, &c. by an English traveller, never before printed ; publish'd by Dr. Daniel Cox; Six voyages de Jean-Baptiste Tavernier. English Tavernier, Jean-Baptiste, 1605-1689.; Phillips, John, 1631-1706.; Cox, Daniel, Dr. 1677 (1677) Wing T255; ESTC R38194 848,815 637

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the first it dismisses which empties it self into the Caspian-Sea having run a course of near 400 miles and received several other Branches from the foresaid River about 7 Leagues East off the main River He had newly began this City at the return of Rubriquis from his Embassage unto Mangu Chan in the year 1246 and called it Serai Which City was enlarged and beautified by all his Successors unto the time of its destruction by Tamerlane which was almost 150 years Bathy was succeeded by Barcah who was the first professed Mahumetan Emperour he by Hocola or Hoctay Contemporary with Hayton the Armenian who hath in his History largely discoursed concerning him I should here mention all the other Emperours interceeding between Hocota and Tucktamisch who was dispossessed by Tamerlane together with their Acts but that I hasten unto that which most immediately concerns our present Design and give some account of this City which as I said was first named Serai which interpreted signifies only a Dwelling or Habitation the beginning of it being a Palace built for Bathy You may see what our Traveller says concerning it Page 112. Besides him I find two Authors who make particular mention thereof the first is in the History of Arabshiade published by Golius This Author represents it as one of the greatest and most populous Cities in the Universe agrees with our Traveller in the situation only he calls that Branch which runs out of the Volga and passes to the South-East Sencle The other is Michovius who wrote his History of the Tartars in the year 1515. He afaffirms That in his time there remained the ruines of 300 Temples besides the Walls of the City and several other Magnificent Structures The Tartars have several times attempted to re-edifie ' it but divisions amongst themselves Wars with the Muscovites and attempts of the Cossacks caused them to retire unto places of greater security But because little mention is made of this great Revolution by any European Writer I shall here present the Reader with an account thereof out of the most Authentick Turkish Arabian and Persian Writers For Calcondilas is greatly mistaken who seems to have received by his confident way of writing most particular information when as nothing can be more remote from the truth than what he affirms viz That Tamerlane after several attempts and two or three Battels was forced to retire and glad to secure his Retreat by a Peace he first made with Tuckthamisch which was by both afterwards kept inviolably which is contrary to the Reports of much more Authentick Historians The Origin Progress and Event of this War was after the ensuing manner Tamerlane being in effect Prince but in name only Courachan the Greeks call it Kurgan that is Viceroy or General over all those Countries which are comprehended between the Oxus and Juxartes wherein Bochara Samarchand and several other famous Cities were contained extended his Conquests towards Balch and Chorasan the Aria of the Antients which progress of his filled Thuetamisch Emperour of Serai the City we have before mentioned with jealousies of his growing Greatness whereupon gathering a numerous Army he resolved to invade him using no formality or so much as pretence he thought to have surprized his Enemy but Tamerlane one of whose Master-pieces was to gain early Intelligence of whatsoever was designed or transacted by neighbouring Princes having timely notice of his intention gathering all his own Forces together with considerable assistance from his Confederates marched directly towards his Enemy and passing the Jaxartes met him to his no small astonishment on the Borders of his own Countrey for the Jaxartes only divided their Territories After a most obstinate bloody fight Tamerlane gained the Victory yet neither absolute nor without great loss but it was sufficient that he had secured his own Dominion After this Success he did for divers years attend other Conquests and having subdued a great part of India all Persia Media Armenia Assyria Mesopotamia Babylonia and Syria he resolved to requite the Invasion of Thuctamish whereupon having drawn together an Army of 500000 men he marched through Media Atropatia then and still called Shervan passed the Portae Caucasiae which the Persians name Derbent thence through Dabestan and the great Desart between that and Astracan then named Gitturchan and having wasted all that spacious Countrey on the West-side of the Volga depopulated and dismantled divers fair Cities the ruines of several being yet visible to those who Navigate the Volga as we are informed by Olearius he passed the Volga and on the East-side encountred Thuctamisch who had collected a mighty Force having besides his own Hords the assistance of the Tartars of Cassan Tumen Kalmuke and Dabestan and his Army by this accession was more numerous than that of his Enemy The Battel was long doubtful and exceeding all that happened in that Age for carnage and cruelty both Parties being full of hatred unto their Adversaries and knowing that this Fight would lose or gain them a mighty Empire They fought three days with little intermission and it could not be discerned which had the advantage But that which is thought chiefly to have occasioned Tamerlane's Victory was the departure of a great Tribe from Thuctamisch whose Prince Ectave pretended he had received some great injury or affront but 't was indeed thought he was corrupted For retreating unto Amurath the Turkish Emperour he after the same manner betrayed Bajazet who soon after succeeded revolting at the beginning of the fight unto Tamerlane Thuctamisch being defeated with great difficulty made his escape leaving his Countrey exposed unto the sury of the Zagataians whom so great a slaughter of their own Friends had highly exasperated They spared nothing that was capable of being spoiled demolished Serai together with Seraichick upon the Jaick and Gitturchan which were the only considerable Cities on the East-side of the Volga and leaving the Countrey a meer Desart killing or captivating the Inhabitants driving away the Cattle they returned into Persia with great Booty This happened in the 791 year of the Hegira A. C. 1388. Serai and Saraichick never regained their former splendour but Giturcan now Astracan did by degrees recover but never arrived to that heighth it attained unto during the Empire of the Chazari and Zavolgensian Tartars For Josaphat Barbaro and Ambrosio Contarini who were both Ambassadors from the Venetians unto Usun Cassan Emperour of Persia and well acquainted with those Parts Barbaro living sixteen years at the City Tana on the mouth of the River Tanais and Contarini being forced in his return from Persia to reside there some months They I say both tell us That this City before its destruction by Tamerlane was a very famous Emporium all the Silks most of the Spices and other Commodities which were afterwards brought down to Syria were then carried by Shipping to Astracan which they both name Citrachan and thence by Land in a few days to Tana whether the Venetians sent
concerning it I shall pass through it unto the Comukes Land of which I have obtained more perfect knowledge both by War and Traffick This Countrey is bounded on the South by Persia on the East by the Caspian Sea Westward by Circassia and on the North by the River of Tumeine on which stands a Town of the same Name from which unto Chahamate the most Northerly Habitation of Persia is 600 miles A great part of this Countrey especially Westward is very mountainous I could never learn where it doth exactly terminate I have been in four of their Towns The first is Tarkee where Gildar whom they own for their Prince doth ordinarily reside The second is Derbeine in the Mountains The third Derevena in the same mountainous Tract The fourth Kossa upon a River of the same Name not far from the place where it empties it self into the Caspian Sea These Comukes are proper Men and very couragious and that which makes them more daring and adventurous than most Tartars is the goodness of their Horses and the advantage of their Arms both offensive and defensive for they seldom engage in Wars without Helmets Jacks of Steel Shirts of Mail and Targets which excepting those times wherein they fight hang behind their backs being very light and not very large and therefore not cumbersome They have as other Tartars both Bows and Cymetars and withal never go without Lances which they use with great strength and dexterity In their Apparel they differ little from the Circassians but as for Religion they are generally Mahumetans and their Language is in substance the same with other Tartars their vicinity unto the Persians Muscovites and Sheercasses having somewhat disguised it The Countrey they inhabit abounds with Wood part of it is hilly with small pleasant Valleys between the Hillocks and in some places especially towards Persia and thence into the Land it hath many great and almost inaccessible Mountains by reason of their heighth and steepness This Land was reduced under the Government of the Russes many years ago after the ensuing manner Evan Vassillywich being Czar or Emperour of Russia after he had taken Cassan and Astracan sent part of his Army into Circassia where they took in Tumeine Another Body entred the Comukes Countrey and possessed themselves of Derevena Derbeine Tarkee and Kossa The Russe Emperour constituted a Voyvod whom he ordred to reside in Tarkee and left with him 10000 Men he ordered also at the same time another considerable Brigade to stay at Coisa where he left a great number of Boats and other Vessels who had brought supplies of Men and Provisions from Mosco and other Parts of his Dominions And having as he apprehended secured his new Conquests he returned unto Mosco Immediately after his retreat the Comukes gath'red their whole Force and set down before the Town of Tarkee which after a vigorous resistance they took and in it with the Voyvod several Officers of divers Nations whom with the common Souldiers they sold unto the Circassians Tartars and other neighb'ring Nations so that few were ever afterwards recovered From Tarkee they marched unto Koisa which by the instruction of Captives they did pretty regularly besiege and assault and after some repulses took it by storm killing all the Russes excepting such as escaped in the Ships and Boats which lay before the Town The Russe Emperour being speedily informed of these Successes immediately raised a great Army with which he ordred all the Cossacks between the Don and Volga unto the River of Tumeine to joyn his Forces and assist them in order unto the recovery of what he had lost and utter extirpation of the Comukes Who hearing how highly the Czar was exasperated and how great a Force was ready to invade them they began to be solicitous about the Event and having consulted together agreed to make some kind of submission and sue for pardon and peace Whereupon they sent Ambassadors unto Tumeine where the Russe Army was encamped and after a Treaty with the Czar's Plenipotentiaries they agreed upon these Articles That the Comukes should restore the Towns they had taken and aid the Emperour with such a number of Souldiers as he should require against any Enemy whatsoever whereunto their Heads being sworn they have inviolably observed the Agreement unto this day But it 's time we take our leave of Gildar Prince of Terki and his Comukes and proceed into Shercassen Land part of which as I hinted before lyes upon the Black Sea and extends it self unto the Caspian This side of Circassia which borders upon the Caspian Sea is a very plentiful Countrey and as for Fish it is so wonderfully plentiful that in Tumeine you may ordinarily purchase a good Sturgeon for two pence and sometimes for a penny a most prodigious quantity of Fish being taken in the River of the Weestra and about the Island of Chekeine which is off at Sea not far from Tumeine On the main Land over against this Fishery 4 miles above the River of Terike there is a great Well made by a Spring which falls from a Rock on the side of a great Hill and immediately fills this little Lake which whether it is Natural or Artificial I know not The Water of this Lake is so scalding hot that the Fishers flinging in their Sturgeon or other Fish it is in a short time boyled as if over a fire the heat being so intense that no Man can detain his Hand in it for a moment from which strange Quality it derives its Name being called by the Russes Goracha Colloda or the Scalding Well I shall conclude my Discourse with a short Account of the Little Nagoy or of that part thereof which confines upon the Caspian for all that space between Tumeine and Astracan is by many ascribed unto the Nagoy Tartars I did before declare That the Little Nagoy is for the most part a wide waste Desart the worst of which is all that Tract which lyeth between Tumeine and Astracan These Tartars have no Town but only Asshowa which is not properly theirs though lying in their Countrey being possessed by the Turks There is a sort of People in this Countrey whom the Tartars call Sigakes I could never learn what their Language is or from what Place or Nation they proceed nor could I understand after what manner they live whether they have any Religion or Civil Government Their chief Subsistence is what they gain from the Tartars for they gather sometimes 2 or 3000 and rob the smaller Hords of the Tartars and those which are most remote from help But sometimes the Tartars discovering the place of their Retreat or Rendevous surround them with their Carts and then fall in cut them all off never giving Quarter unto any no Crime being so severely punished amongst the Tartars as Thievery which makes me apprehend that these Sigakes are some of their own People who formerly deserted them upon some extraordinary occasion But whatsoever is the reason
every leaf they are like our Lilly's but much bigger And to drink the infusion of the Roots of these Lilly's especially those whose Leaves are blackest for fifteen days together is a most Soveraign remedy against the Pox. Not long after came a Person of a goodly Aspect who seem'd to be an Arabian but he spoke the Persian Language whom Solyman Kan had sent to Compliment the Ambassador He carry'd us to the Tent which the Governour had caus'd to be set up in a Garden near the Town where he also Lodg'd the Capuchins The Ambassador also sent to Compliment the Kan by my interpreter and when the hour was come that we were to set forward he gave order to six of the Captains of his Cavalry to accompany the Ambassador The House where the Governour liv'd in was one of the most beautiful in Persia. And as for the Governour himself we found him in a Gallery that look'd upon the Garden the Floor being all spread over with a Tapestry of Gold and Silk with large Cushions of Cloth of Gold all along the Wall After some Questions and discourse concerning the Affairs of Europe they serv'd in Supper which consisted of several Dishes but no Wine was to be had our drink being only Sherbet and the juice of Granates with Sugar for those that desir'd it We were a long time at Supper for 't is the custom of Persia that when one man rises another takes his place and falls too in so much that the Master of the Feast must have the Patience to stay 'till several have tak'n their turns and when every one has done the Cloth is tak'n away without any more to do Here the Ambassador committed an absurdity for there are no Silver or Gold Spoons in Persia but only long Wooden Ladles that reach a great way Now the Ambassador reaching his Ladle to a Purslane-Dish full of Pottage that was scalding hot clap'd it presently into his mouth but finding it so hot that he could not endure it after several scurvy faces he threw it out of his mouth again into his hand in the presence of all the Company After we had stay'd five days at Sneirne the Caravan-Bashi signifi'd his desire to pursue his Journey Thereupon the Ambassador took his leave of the Governour presenting him with a Watch and a pair of Pistols who in retaliation presented the Ambassador with a stately Horse and a Colt of two years old The next day we dislodg'd and pursu'd our Road to Amadan which is not above three days Journey from Sneirne Amadan is one of the largest and most considerable Cities of Persia seated at the foot of a Mountain where do arise an infinite company of Springs that water all the Country The Land about it abounds in Corn and Rice wherewith it furnishes the greatest part of the neighbouring Provinces Which is the reason that some of the Persian States-men hold it very inconvenient for the King of Persia to keep Bagdat as well by reason of the vastness of the Charge as also for that it draws from Amadan that which should supply other Provinces On the other side it is easie for the Grand Signor to hold it by reason of the neighbourhood of Mesopotamia Assyria and the Arabs Enemies to the Persians by which means Provisions are very cheap which the people would not know where to put off if the King of Persia were Lord of Bagdat We staid at Amadan about ten days by reason of the Rains during which time the Caravans cannot travel While we tarry'd there we were visited by several Babylonian Christians who were glad to see that we had escap'd the Clutches of the Basha of Bagdat who had giv'n order to the Basha of Karkou and the Bey of Sharassou that commands the Frontiers of Turkie to seize us and carry us back to Bagdat For which we might have thank'd the Ambassador and a malicious Rabbi that came along with us in the Caravan from Aleppo who finding the Feast of the Tabernacles to be at hand and that we had a great way to Ispahan left us at Niniveh to keep the Festival with the Jews of Babylon Where that he might insinuate himself into the Basha's favour he inform'd him that there was a Fringuiz in the Caravan whom he look'd upon as a Spy and that he was an Envoy into Persia from the Commonwealth of Venice for he carry'd no Merchandize but had three Chests full of rich Habits and several other things which he took for Presens to the Persian King For out of vanity or folly the Venetian had several times open'd his Chest and expos'd his Gallantry to view And yet he was so clutch-fisted and niggardly in every thing that when there was any occasion to reward the Kan's Servant or any of the Country-men that brought us the Dainties of the place it came all out of my Pocket So that I left him to my Interpreter and the two Capuchins and with three Servants and a Guide after I had staid at Amadan three days I took Horse for Ispahan When I came there the Nazar or Master of the King's Houshold hearing I had left an Ambassador behind me with the Caravan enquir'd of me what manner of Person he was but I pretended I had had little converse with him unwilling to discover his mean Spirit The Evening before his Arrival the Nazar sent to give the Fringuiz notice in the King's Name that they should be ready to go meet the Ambassador the next day which we did and brought him into the City and through Ali's Gate that joyns to the King's Palace Now 't is the custom for all Ambassadors to salute that Gate by reason of a white Marble Stone made like an Asses back and which serves for a Step being as they report brought anciently out of Arabia where Ali liv'd So soon as you have strid over that Stone without touching it which were a great crime you enter into a kind of a Gallery where there are Rooms on each side which serves for a Sanctuary for Criminals which the King himself cannot fetch out of that place That day that the new King receives his Ensigns of Royalty he goes to stride over that Stone and if by negligence he should chance to touch it there are four Guards at the Gate that would make a shew of thrusting him back again But now the Master of the Ceremonies being ready to conduct the Ambassador to the Apartment alotted him as an Ambassador that came from three great Monarchs and a potent Commonwealth he desir'd to lodge at the House of one Pietro Pentalet descended from Venetian Parents whereupon the Master of the Ceremonies conducted him thither and caus'd his Dinner to be brought him While we were eating I counted thirteen Languages spoken at the Table Latin French High-Dutch English Low-Dutch Italian Portuguez Persian Turkish Arabic Indian Syriac and Malaye which is the Language of the Learned that is spoken from the River Indus to China and
men cannot think upon any thing needful for them which is not to be found therein But instead of that satisfaction which I ought to have for having accomplish'd so great a work I find no reason but to be altogether griev'd When God demanding the cause the Angel Gabriel answer'd My God and Father I will tell you what afflicts me because that after the making of the World as I have done I foresee that there will come into it a prodigious number of Jews Turks Idolaters and other Infidels Enemies of your Name who will be unworthy to eat and enjoy the Fruits of our Labours To whom God thus reply'd Never grieve my Son there shall live in this World which thou hast built certain Christians of St. John who shall be my friends and shall be all sav'd Upon which the Angel admiring how that should be What said he will there not be several Sinners among those Christians and by consequence will not they be your Enemies To whom God thus concluded That at the day of Judgment the Good should Pray for the Wicked and by that means they should be all forgiv'n and obtain Salvation These Christians have a strange Antipathy against the Blew Colour call'd Indigo which they will not so much as touch For certain Jews dreaming that their Law should be abolish'd by St. John told it their Country-men Which they understanding and seeing that St. John prepar'd to Baptize Christ in a great rage fetch'd a vast quantity of Indigo which they call Nill in their Language and flung it into Jordan They add also that those waters continu'd unclean for some time and had hinder'd the Baptism of Christ had not God sent his Angels with a large Vessel of water which he caus'd them to fill out of Jordan before the Jews had defil'd it with Indigo for which reason God particularly Curs'd that Colour CHAP. IX A Continuation of the Road from Balsara to Ormus THe tenth of April we set out from Balsara for Bander-Congo for which passage we hir'd a Terrade or a Barque for the purpose for they which are laden with Dates are generally so overcharg'd that if a Storm rises they are in danger of being overset The River of Balsara is very dangerous by reason of the Sands which also lie up and down the Persian Gulf and are very prejudicial to Navigation in that place On both sides the Gulf that separates Persia from Arabia the Happy live a sort of poor people that follow no other Trade than fishing so poor that when they bring fish to your Vessel they require nothing for it but Rice and not the best neither but such course stuff as we feed our Hens and Pigs withall I gave them a Sack of thirty or forty pounds and bid them make merry with it but they told me they must be careful how they spent such Rice as that unless it were for their Sick or at their Weddings so that if the rest of Arabia the Happy be like that assuredly 't is rather a most unfortunate Country There are several Isles in the Persian Gulf but the chiefest of all is the Isle of Baharen where they fish for Pearls of which I have spoken in its proper place Near to the place where Euphrates falls from Balsarae into the Sea there is a little Island where the Barques generally come to an Anchor in expectation of the wind There we stay'd four days whence to Bandar-Congo it is fourteen days Sail and we got thither the twenty-third of April This place would be a far better habitation for the Merchants than Ormus where it is very unwholesom and dangerous to live But that which hinders the Trade from Bandar-Congo is because the Road to Lar is so bad by reason of the want of Water and craggy narrow ways which only Camels can endure but from Ormus to Lar the way is tollerable We stay'd at Bandar-Congo two days where there is a Portugais Factor who receives one half of the Customs by agreement with the King of Persia. By the way take notice that they who will go by Water from Ormus to Balsara must take the Natives for their Pilots and be continually sounding besides The thirtieth we hir'd a Vessel for Bander-Abassi and after three or four hours Sailing we put into a Village upon the Sea-side in the Island of Keckmishe Keckmishe is an Island three Leagues about and about five or six from Ormus It exceeds in Fertility all the Islands of the East that produce neither Wheat nor Barley but at Keckmishe is a Magazine of both without which Ormus would hardly subsist in regard it furnishes that City with most of their Provision for their Horses There is in the Island a Spring of good Water for the preservation of which the Persians have built a Fort least the Portugals when they held Ormus should get it into their Possession In 1641. aud 1642. the Hollanders falling out with the King of Persia about their Silk Trade besieg'd this Island For the Ambassadors of the Duke of Holstein coming into Persia the Dutch were jealous that they came to fetch away all the Silk and thereupon enhanc'd the Market from forty-two to fifty Tomans When the Ambassadors were gone the Dutch would pay no more than forty-four which was two Tomans more than they were us'd to do The King netl'd that they would not stand to their words forbid that they should make sale of their Goods 'till they had paid their Customs from which 'till that time they were exempted Thereupon the Hollanders besieg'd the Fortress of Keckmishe but the Heats were so intollerable that they were forc'd to quit their design with great loss of their Men and at length by great Presents to the chief Courtiers they obtain'd to pay no more than forty-six Tomans Larec is an Island nearer to Ormus than Keckmishe well inhabited and so stor'd with Stags and Hinds that in one day we kill'd five and forty From Keckmishe we Sail'd for Ormus where we arriv'd the first of May. I had put my choicest Goods in a Chest directed for the Hollaad Commander at Ormus by which means I got the Custom free The Persian Gulf is the most dangerous Gulf I know by reason of the shallowness and sharp Promontories that point out into the Sea and therefore the best way is to take a Pilot at Ormus or Bander-Congo and the most proper Pilots are the Fishermen who are only skill'd in that Sea and no farther The Soyl about the Persian Gulf is dry Sand and without Water so that it is impossible to Travel by Land from Ormus to Balsara The Merchants would be glad to find a way through the Coast of Arabia to get to Mascaté whence there might a cut be made to Sindi Diu or Surat which are the three chief Ports of India During the difference between the King of Persia and the Hollanders the Emir of Vodana an Arabian Prince offer'd to shew them an easie Road from Mascaté to
which extends it self from the Ocean toward the Province of Kerman and in several places is inaccessible It is possess'd by three petty Princes the one a Mahumetan the other two toward the East both Idolaters The first is the most potent of the three and nearest to the Province of Ormus He also assumes the title of Prince of Jasque as his Ancestors did before him Now after Sha-Abbas the first had conquer'd Ormus he went about to have made himself master of all the coast that extends it self beyond Cape Jasque but meeting with resistance he only obtain'd that the Prince of the Country should acknowledge the King of Persia for his Lord and that as his Vassal he should pay him an annual tribute And indeed during the raign of Sha-Abbas who knew how to make himself fear'd the Prince of Jasque pay'd his tribute very orderly But Sha-Sefi succeeding his Grandfather very young this tributary Prince shook off his yoak and refus'd to pay Which not being regarded in the raign of Sha Sefi the Prince of Jasque thought to do the same in the raign of Sha Abbas the second But at length after he had refus'd to pay for some years the Kan of Ormus pretending the Country to be under his Jurisdiction and that the Kings honour was concern'd in the Princes refusal incited Sha Abbas to send forces against him to reduce him to obedience The King granted the Commission to him that had undertaken the business who presently gathering together an Army of 20000 men the most part Horse thought to have surpriz'd his Enemy To which purpose that he might take the nearest way he march'd directly toward Cape Jasque But as it was the shortest cut it was the most dangerous insomuch that the Kan who hunted all the way he march'd according to the custom of Persia had the misfortune to fall into a bogg where he was stifl'd together with 20 or 30 horsemen more The death of the Kan being divulg'd the Army retreated back again but as soon as the King receiv'd the news he sent the Brother of the deceas'd Kan to succeed him In the mean while the Rebel Prince believing within himself that he was not to be thus at quiet and expecting to be attack'd by the new Kan stood upon his guard And indeed the new Kan march'd with all the speed he could and enter'd the territories of the rebellious Prince but being beat'n was forc'd to make more haste back again to Ormus with the loss of an abundance of men The Prince of Jasque puft up with this success did not believe that the Persians would be so hasty to come again and thereupon he resolv'd upon a Voyage for Mecca to give the Prophet thanks for his Victory To which end he embarqu'd at the nearest place he could to Cape Jasque thence to make fail toward Arabia But the Governor of Kan understanding his design by his spies way-laid him by Sea took him and brought him to Ormus At that time the heats being excessive the Governour was retir'd according to custome to the Mountains some ten or twelve Leagues from the City whither the Prince was carry'd and brought to the Kans tent But while the Kan was expecting the return of the Messenger which he had sent to the King for orders what to do with the Prisner the Princes wife hearing of her husbands misfortune and being a woman of a manlike courage taking along with her about five or six hundred horse with little noise and by long marches she at length fell unawares upon the Kan about midnight kill'd him with her own hand cut in pieces the greatest part of his men whom she found asleep carry'd away ten or twelve of his wives and set her husband at liberty in spite of the Persians who had not time to rally themselves The news of this defeat coming to Court the King being highly incens'd sent away the third Brother to be governour of Ormus with special command to the Governours of Schiras Lar and Kerman forthwith to raise 30000 horse to revenge affront and reduce the Rebel The Kan of Ormus march'd at the head of that Army and gave Battel but the Prince being succour'd by the other two Idolatrous Princes his neighbours the Persians were again beaten Only the Prince of Jasque lost his Lieutenant General a valiant Captain and a very good Souldier The King understanding that the Lieutenant General was the Kans Prisner gave him leave to do with him what he would in revenge of his Brothers death who thereupon devis'd the most cruel torments that ever were heard of For he first caus'd the body of the Lieutenant General to be larded with lighted Candles and then setting him upon a Camel order'd him to be led softly about the streets every day in the very heat of noon A torment almost insufferable which the heroic Indian nevertheless endur'd with an invincible courage After the Kan had tormented him in this manner three days together the chief of the Holland Company and other strange Merchants abhorring so much cruelty begg'd of the Kan to surcease his rigour who readily granted them their request CHAP. VIII Observations upon the raigne of Sha Soliman the present King ALi-Couli-Kan had bin three or four times exil'd from the Court for speaking with two much liberty For he was bold and could not keep his tongue between his teeth For which reason he was call'd the Kings Lyon who was wont to chain him up when he had no occasion for him and to let him loose when he had any business for him to do The last time he was exil'd he was kept five or six years in a Fortress out of which he had never stirr'd but one day having a smooth tongue he overperswaded the Commander to give him leave to go a hunting with him When he return'd with the help of some of his servants he fell upon the Commander and gave him so many Bastinadoe's upon the feet that he had like to have kill'd him telling him withall that it was to teach him his duty not to let a man go that the King had committed to his charge Sha Sephi though very young hearing of this and desirous to see Ali-Couli-Kan notwithstanding all the endeavours of the Grandees to hinder his return commanded him to be set at liberty and that he should have a better allowance to live upon Two or three days after the King sitting in Council the whole Assembly was amaz'd to see Ali-Couli-Kan enter who approaching his Majesty with a profound reverence told him that the Lyon being now let loose was humbly come to kiss his hands Thereupon the King fell a laughing and casting a favourable glance upon him told him he had done well Nor was it long ere the King finding him no less pleasant in conversation then a valiant and expert Captain made him Generalissimo of his Armies as he had bin in the raigne of Sha Abbas When the Court saw Ali-Couli-Kan so well
Portuguese Christians and several Armenians that came thither to trade But Father Ephraim having a particular Order to go to Pegu could not accept of his Offer yet when he went to take his leave of the Check he presented him with a Calaat the most noble that was in his Wardrobe being the whole habit the Cap the Cabay or large Vest the Arcalou or short Cassock two pair of Drawers two Shirts and two Scarfs which they wear about their necks and over their heads to keep off the heat of the Sun The Friar was surpriz'd at the present and gave the Check to understand that it was not proper for him to wear it however the Check would force him to take it telling him he might accommodate some of his Friends with it Two months after Father Ephraim bestow'd the same Present upon me being at Surat for which I return'd him thanks The Check seeing he could not detain the Father and unwilling he should go a foot from Golconda to Mastipatan oblig'd him to take an Oxe with two Men to lead it and because he could not perswade him to take also thirty Pagods which he presented the Father withall he commanded the two men when they came to Mastipatan to leave the Oxe and the thirty Pagods with him which they did very punctually for otherwise at their return to Golconda they had forfeited their lives I will finish the History of Father Ephraim when I come to the discription of Goa which is the principal place that the Portugals have in the Indies The second Daughter of the King of Golconda was married to Sultan Mahumad the eldest Son of Aurengzeb the occasion whereof was this Mirgimola Generalissimo of the King of Golconda's Army and who had been very serviceable to his Master to settle the Crown upon his head according to the custom left with the King as a mark of his fidelity both his Wife and Children in Hostage for he was sent to reduce certain Raja's in Bengala that were in Rebellion He had several Daughters but only one Son who had a great train and made a great noise at Court The reputation and riches which Mirgimola had gain'd rais'd him up several Enemies who endeavour'd in his absence to ruine him and to put him out of the Kings favour They pretended that the great power of Mirgimola was very much to be suspected that all his designs tended to dethrone him and to settle the Kingdom of Golconda upon his own Son that it behov'd him not to stay till the remedy were past cure but to rid himself of an Enemy so much the more to be fear'd the closer he kept his intentions and that the shortest and best way was to poyson him The King being easily perswaded gave them leave and authority to act as they pleas'd for his security but having miss'd of their design for three or four times together Mirgimola's Son began to smell the plot and immediately gave advice thereof to his Father It is not known what instructions he receiv'd from his Father but so soon as he had his answer he went to the King and spoke boldly to him taxing him with the services which his Father had done him and that without his assistance he had never come to the Crown The young Lord naturally of a fiery disposition kept on this discourse so displeasing to the King till at length his Majesty flung away and the Lords that were present fell upon the young man and basely misus'd him At the same time also he was arrested and committed to prison together with his Mother and Sisters Which action as it made a great noise at Court coming to Mirgimola's ears so incens'd him that having an Army under his command and being belov'd by the Soldiers he resolv'd to make use of the advantages he had to revenge himself for the injury done him He was then not far from Bengala being sent as I said before to reduce certain Raja's to obedience whose Territories lye upon the Ganges and Sultan-Sujah Cha-jehan's second Son being then Governour of Bengala the General thought it his best way to address himself to him as being the next Prince with whom he might join his Forces against the King of Golconda whom he look'd upon now no more as his Master but as one of his most inveterate Enemies Thereupon he wrote to the Prince to this effect That if he would join with him he would give him an opportunity to possess himself of the whole Kingdom of Golconda and that he should not neglect so fair an opportunity to enlarge the Dominions of the Great Mogul the succession whereof might as well concern him as any of the rest of his Brothers But the Answer which Sultan-Sujah sent him was contrary to his expectation who told him that he could not tell how to trust a person who as he went about to betray his King might more easily be drawn to betray a Foreign Prince whom he had inveigl'd only for the sake of his Revenge and that therefore he should not rely upon him Upon Sultan-Sujah's refusal Mirgimola wrote to Aurengzeb who was then in his Government of Brampoure who being not so nice as his Brother accepted of the proposal that was made him Thus while Mirgimola advanc'd with his Troops toward Bagnabar Aurengzeb hasten's toward Decan and both Armies being join'd they came to the Gates of Bagnabar before the King was in a posture to receive them He had only time to retreat into his Fortress of Golconda to which Aurengzeb after he had rifl'd the City of Bagnabar and plunder'd the Palace lay'd a close Siege The King seeing himself thus vigorously press'd sent away to Mirgimola his Wife and Children very honourably For there is vertue and generosity in the Indians as well as in the Europeans of which I will give you an illustrious Example in the person of the King of Golconda Some days after the Enemy had besieg'd the Fortress a Canoneer espying Aurengzeb upon his Elephant riding about to view the Fortifications of the Castle told the King being then upon the Bastion that if he pleas'd he would fetch off Aurengzeb with a Canon-shot and at the same time was about to give fire but the King holding his hand told him he perceiv'd it well enough but that it behov'd Kings to be better Husbands of the Lives of Princes The Canoneer obey'd the King and instead of shooting at Aurengzeb he took off the Head of the General of his Army who was a little before him which put a stop to the Assault they were about to have giv'n the Army being in a confusion upon his death Abdul-jaber-Beg General of the King of Golconda's Army lying not far from the Camp with a flying Army of four thousand Horse understanding the disorder of the Enemy by reason of the loss of their General laid hold of so favourable an opportunity gave them a desperate charge in that confusion and putting them to the rout pursu'd them
opinion that Elephants do great matters in War which may be sometimes true but not alwaws for very often instead of doing mischief to the Enemy they turn upon those that lead them and rout their own party as Aureng-Zeb found by experience at the Siege of this City He was twenty days before Daman and resolv'd at length to Storm it upon a Sunday believing that the Christians were like the Jews and would not defend it upon that day He that commanded the Place was an old Souldier who had serv'd in France and had three Sons with him In the Town were eight hundred Gentlemen and other stout Souldiers who came from all parts to signalize their valour at that Siege For though the Mogul had in his Army above forty thousand men he could not hinder relief from being put into Daman by Sea in regard that he wanted Ships The Sunday that the Prince intended to Storm the Governour of Daman as had been order'd at the Councel of War caus'd Mass to be said presently after Midnight and then made a Sally with all his Cavalry and some part of his Infantry who were to fall on upon that quarter which was guarded by two hundred Elephants Among those Elephants they flung a great number of Fire-works which so affrighted them in the dark of the Night that knowing not whither they went nor being to be rul'd by their Governours they turn'd upon the Besiegers with so much fury that in less than two or three hours half the Army of Aureng-Zeb was cut in pieces and in three days the Siege was rais'd nor would the Prince after that have any more to do with the Christians I made two Voiages to Goa the one at the beginning of the year 1641. the second at the beginning of the year 1648. The first time I stay'd but five days and return'd by Land to Surat From Goa I went to Bicholly which is upon the main Land thence to Visapour thence to Golconda thence to Aureng-abat and so to Surat I could have gone to Surat without passing through Golconda but my business led me that way From Goa to Visapour costes 85 Which takes up generally eight days journey From Visapour to Golconda costes 100 Which I travel'd in nine days From Golconda to Aureng-abat the Stages are not so well order'd being sometimes sixteen sometime twenty five sometimes twenty Leagues asunder From Aureng-abat to Surat takes up sometimes twelve sometimes fifteen sometimes sixteen days journey Visapour is a great scambling City wherein there is nothing remarkable neither as to the publick Edifices nor as to Trade The Kings Palace is a vast one but ill built and the access to it is very dangerous in regard there are abundance of Crocodiles that lie in the Water which encompass it The King of Visapour has three good ports in his Dominions Rejapour Daboult and Crapaten The last is the best of all where the Sea beats upon the foot of the Mountain and you have fourteen or fifteen Fathom Water near the Land Upon the top of the Mountain there is a Fort with a Spring of Water in it Crapaten is not above five days journey from Goa to the North. And Rabaque where the King of Visapour sels his Pepper is as far distant from it to the East The King of Visapour and the King of Golconda have been formerly tributary to the Great Mogul but now they are absolute of themselves This Kingdom was for some time disquieted by the revolt of Nair-seva-gi Captain of the King of Visapour's Guards After which the young Seva-gi his Son conceiv'd so deadly a hatred against the King that he made himself the head of certain Banditi and as he was both wise and liberal he got together so many Horse and Foot as made a compleat Army the Souldiers flocking to to him from all parts for the reputation of his Liberality And he was just about to have led them to action when the King of Visapour happen'd to dye without Children so that with little or no trouble he got possession of one part of the Coast of Malavar taking Rejapour Rasigar Crapaten Daboul and other places They report that upon his demolishing the fortifications of Rasigar he found vast Treasures which help'd him to pay his Souldiers who were alwayes well paid Some years before the death of the King the Queen perceiving no probability of having any Children adopted a little Boy upon whom she bestow'd all her affections and caused him to be brought up in the Doctrine of Haly's Sect The King upon his Death-bed caus'd this Adopted Son to be Proclaim'd King but Seva-gi having a numerous Army continu'd the War and much disturb'd the Regency of the Queen At length he made the first propositions for Peace which was concluded upon conditions that he should quietly enjoy the Territories which he had subdu'd that he should become Tributary to the King and pay him the half of all his Revenue The young King being thus fix'd in his Throne the Queen Regent went in Pilgrimage to Mecca and I was at Ispahan when she pass'd through the Town in her return home When I made my second Voiage to Goa I embark'd in a Dutch Vessel call'd the Maestricht which carry'd me to Mingrela where I landed the eleventh day of January 1648. Mingrela is a large Town extended half a League in length upon the Sea in the Territories of Visapour It is one of the best Roads in all India where the Hollanders take in fresh Provisions every time they sail to block up Goa as also when they are bound upon Trade for many other parts of India For at Mingrela there is both excellent Water and excellent Rice This Town is also very famous for Cardamoms which the Eastern people esteem the best of Spices not being to be had in any other Countrey which makes that sort of Commodity very scarce and very dear There is also made great store of course Calecuts that are spent in the Countrey besides great quantities of course Matting that serves to pack up goods So that both in respect of Trade as also for the furnishing their Ships with fresh Provisions the Hollauders have a Factory in the Town For as I said before not only all Vessels that come from Batavia from Japon from Bengala Ceylan and other places and those that are bound for Surat the Red Sea Ormus Balsara c. both going and coming come to an Anchor in the Road of Mingrela but also while the Hollanders are at Wars with the Portugals and lye before the Bar of Goa where they have usually eight or ten Sail they send their small Barks to Mingrela for Provisions For the Hollanders lye eight Months in a year before the mouth of the Port of Goa so that there can nothing pass into Goa by Sea all that time You must also take notice that the Bar of Goa is also stopt up some part of the year by the Sands which the South and West-winds that precede
pens These Pencils did him a great kindness For the Maltese calling for such a deal of Tobacco which is always cut and ti'd up in white-paper for the profit of the seller who weighs both Tobacco and Paper together these Papers Father Ephraim kept very charily and with his Pencil wrote therein whatever he had studi'd at any time though he lost the sight of one of his eyes through the darkness of the Chamber which had but one window half a foot square and barr'd with iron They would never so much as lend him a Book or let him have an end of Candle but us'd him as bad as a certain Miscreant that had been twice let out already with his Shirt sulphur'd and a St. Andrews-Cross upon his stomach in company with those that are lead to the Gallows and was then come in again Father Ephraim having staid 15 days in the Convent of the Capuchins to recover his strength after 20 months imprisonment return'd for Madrespatan and passing through Golconda went to return his humble thanks to the King of Golcolda and his Son-in-law who had so highly interess'd themselves for his liberty The King importun'd him again to stay at Bagnagar but seeing him resolv'd to return to his Convent at Madrespatan they gave him as before an Oxe two Servants and Money for his journey CHAP. XVI The Road from Goa to Maslipatan through Cochin here describ'd in the story of the taking of that City by the Hollanders AFter the Dutch had dispossess'd the Portugals of whatever they had in Ceylan they cast their eyes upon Cochin in the Territories whereof grows the Bastard Cinnamon which hinder'd the utterance of Ceylan Cinnamon For the Merchants seeing that the Hollanders kept up their Cinnamon so dear bought up that of Cochin which they had very cheap and that coming into request was transported to Gomron and distributed there among the Merchants that came from Persia from Tartary from Moscovia from Georgia Mingrela and all the places upon the black Sea It was also carried away in great quantities by the Merchants of Balsara and Bagdat who furnish Arabia as also by the Merchants of Mesopotamia Anatolia Constantinople Romania Hungary and Poland For in all those Countries they use it either whole or beaten in most of their meats to heighten the taste thereof The Army which was commanded out of Batavia for the Siege of Cochin landed at a place call'd Belli-Porto where the Hollanders had a Fort made of Palm-Trees It is near to Cranganor a small City which the Hollanders took the year before not being able to take Cochin then though they had made some attempts upon it So soon as the Army landed they murch'd within Cannon-shot of the City there being a River between them and the City That part where the Hollanders encamp'd is call'd Belle-Epine where after they had fortifi'd themselves as well as the Nature of the place would permit they rais'd some Batteries which could not much annoy the City by reason of the distance They lay there till they had recruits of more men for they had but three Ships full though he that commanded them were one of the bravest Captains of his time Some few days after the Governour of Amboyna arriv'd with two Ships more and afterwards a Dutch Captain brought a great number of Chinglas who are the Natives of the Island of Ceylan For the Forces of the Hollander would not be so considerable as they are did they not make use of the Natives of the Country to fill up the Companies which they bring out of Europe The Natives of Ceylan are good for digging Trenches and raising Batteries but for a Storm they signifie little Those of Amboyna are good Soldiers four hundred of which were left at Belle-Epine The Body of the Army took Shipping again and landed near to Cochin not far from a Church dedicated to St. Andrew where the Portugals with certain Malavares seem'd to have stay'd ashore for the Hollanders coming But seeing the Enemy to land with so much resolution they only gave them one Volly and retreated In their March the Hollanders descry'd certain Companies of Portugueses near the Sea-shore others somewhat farther up in the Land in a Church call'd St. Johns Thereupon they sent out some Horsemen to discover their number but the Portugals still retreated after they had set fire to the Church Thereupon the Hollanders made their approaches to the Town and after they had besieg'd it for some time a French Soldier who was under their pay seeing a Pannier ty'd at the end of a Cord hanging over one of the Bastions ventur'd notwithstanding all the Bullets that flew about his Ears to see what was in it But he was strangely surpriz'd to find nothing but a languishing infant which the Mother had hung there that she might not see it perish for hunger The Soldier mov'd to compassion took the Infant and gave it such as he had to eat at which the Dutch General was so incens'd saying that the Soldier should have let the Infant perish that he call'd a Council of War where he would have had the Soldier run the Gauntlet which was very cruel but the Council moderating the sentence condemn'd him only to the Strappado The same day ten Soldiers out of every Company were commanded to go to one of the Houses of the King of Cochin but they found no body there having plunder'd it the year before At which time the Hollanders slew four Kings of the Country and six hundred Blacks nor did there escape but only one ancient Queen who was taken alive by a common Soldier call'd Van Rez whom the Commander of the Army made a Captain immediately for his reward They left one Company in that House but the Queen stay'd there but six days for they gave her into the custody of Savarin one of the most potent of the petty Kings upon that Coast to whom the Hollanders had promis'd to give the City of Cranganor if they took Cochim provided he would be faithful to them Six weeks pass'd ere any thing considerable was done but then the Hollanders storming the Town by night were repuls'd and lost abundance of men slain and taken Prisoners through the Governour of Cranganors fault who commanded them and was drunk when the assault was made Two months after the General of the Hollanders resolv'd to make another assault in the same place and because he would not want men he sent for those that lay upon the side of Belle-epine But by misfortune the Frigat struck upon the Sands and splitting abundance of the Soldiers were drown'd They that could swim got to land near Cochin not finding any other place convenient and were all taken Prisoners by the Portugals being not above ten in all Soldiers and Mariners The General however would not give over the assault but causing the Sea-men to land he arm'd some with half-Pikes others with Swords to others he gave hand-Granadoes and about ten a Clock in
they do most irreconcileably hate each the other The most noted Places on that side the Little Nagoy which regards the Caspian Sea and lye all along the Coast from Tumeine to Astracan are Sheerlona Yeare where I was first taken Prisoner by the Tartars Peremetka Arsi Bash Moyackee Bealla Oshera Bashmachake Kaboylly Machakofska Chostoway and so over the Volga unto Astracan And to conclude all I shall here enumerate all the Places on the Coast near Astracan which have Names that are considerable for Havens Trade Fishing or any other remarkable Circumstance Soteeza Bockgra Ueuslowa Cossa Beerulska Cossa Ewanshoska Cossa Seamme Bogoroffe Tussocleoff Lapateene Chaska Cossa Crosna Bogore Cocklouska Cossa Owarska Cossa Comashaska Cossa Colloberinska Cossa Cocktabow Bussanska Lapaten Kara Bussan which last place is not far from Sheene Mare which I have formerly mentioned I cannot so exactly tell the Circumference of the Caspian as of the Black Sea having been only on the North and West side but howsoever I shall from what I have seen and learnt from Experienced persons be enabled to approach very near unto the Truth The Distance between Astracan and the Jaick is 500 miles from thence unto the Confines of Bochara 500 miles From Jaxartes to Persia and thence unto Gilan is according unto my Information 1100 miles From Gilan unto Koisa 500 miles From thence unto Astracan as much in all 3100 miles But if any person should endeavour by Land to Travel round this Sea or in a Voyage by Sea follow the Coast he would make at least a Thousand miles more for this Sea is full of great Gulphs Bays and broken ground so that the Calculation I make is upon a direct passage by Sea suppose from Astracan to Gilan from thence to the Oxus from the Oxus to the great North-East Bay into which the River Jem falls which is full of Islands and broken Grounds Shelves Sand and Shallow Water and from thence back to Astracan Having presented your Lordship with a short but true Account of those Countries encompassing and lying between the two forementioned Mediterranean Seas I shall no less briefly and faithfully declare by what Accidents I came unto this Knowledge which cost me so dear that I suppose the most inquisitive person would not purchase the gratification of his Curiosity at a far less Expence of time and trouble than I have imployed though often against my will in my Travels and Enquiries I was born in Ireland yet of English Extract My Family Noble but my Estate not corresponding with my Quality being ambitious and withal naturally inclined to fee Forraign Countries I hoped to Raise my Fortune by my Sword After I left Ireland before I had been long in England an opportunity presenting it self I engaged in the Service of the King of Sweden who had then Wars with the Muscovite having given some Considerable proofs of my Courage I was gradually raised unto a Considerable Command but being engaged too far in a Body of the Enemies I was unhappily taken Prisoner by the Russes and carried Prisoner unto Plescow then in their possession having at the same time Arrears due unto me from the Swede above 5000 Dollars The Swedes taking no care for my Enlargement being willing I suppose to save so great a Summe of Money as at my Return I should have challenged after Three years close Imprisonment I was proffered Liberty by the Muscovite upon condition I would faithfully serve him against all his Enemies whereunto assenting I was sent unto Moscow and there before the Chancellor sworn a Tolmack and preferred unto a Command little inferiour unto what I enjoyed before And the Poles advancing towards Moscow with a great Army fearing lest I should go over unto them I was sent unto Astracan where I remained 10 years being continually Employed against the Tartars and Circassians By which means I came to know Pettigor Sneesnagor Shadgore Cabardye and the Great and Little Nagoy the Comukes the Tartars of Cassan the Kalmukes Cassachy Horda Caragans Ungensh and Usbeg Tartars During which Wars I conflicted with great difficulties and hardship In making long Journies faring hardly Nor was it a small labour to make floates in order unto our passing over the great Rivers I have mentioned to say nothing of the Danger Besides we run great hazards in our Journeying over those waste wide howling Desarts which on every side surrounded us frequently wanting provisions and sometimes Guides so that had we failed never so little in our Conjectures we had all perished After Ten years hard Service in my Return frrom Convoying Shollohofe Knez into Shercassen Land I was taken Prisoner by the Tartars of the Little Nagoy and by them carried unto Assowa upon the Mouth of the Tana or Don. There I was sould unto a Precopensian Tartar who carried me along with him towards Crim But upon the shallow Waters I very happily made my Escape I had little Knowledge of the Country but having formerly understood by our Cossacks at Astracan that great Bodies of the same name mortal Enemies unto the Tartars dwelt upon the Nepper not far beyond Crim by the help of the Sun and Stars I journeyed due West many days without any disastrous Adventure until I found them who gave me a very kind reception In this escape I traversed almost the whole Desart of Ingile and Ungule Dorosensko who then Commanded all the Cossacks upon the Nepper immediately made me a Poskofneke from which time for the space of almost two years I did accompany them in divers Expeditions in which we visited most of those Countries which lye upon the Black Sea to the no small vexation and loss of the Inhabitants We kept a Correspondence with the Cossacks upon the Don and frequently assisted each other And being all Foot and the Country exactly level we travelled surrounded with Wagons which they call a Tabor for fear of the Tartars who often set upon us but were as often repulsed we being well accommodated with Fire-Arms and small Field-pieces which the Tartars do exceedingly fear and will not ordinarily attempt closely unless they have greatly the Odds in Number But at length it was my ill Fortune between the Nepper and the Don to be again taken by the Tartars and by them carried into Crim where I lived long in great misery and was at length sould unto a Timariot Spahi living in Anadoule Anatolia or Asia minor with whom I lived 5 years but in more easie servitude than among the Tartars And to make my service less irksome my Master bestowed on me a Wallachian Woman whom I received for my Wife though without the usual Solemnities of Marriage which are practised among Christians Understanding at length that a Lord Ambassador was resident at Constantinople in behalf of the King of Great Brittain and to manage the Affairs of the English Nation in Turkey I prevailed with my Master whose Favour I had gained to grant me my freedom together with my Wives if I
till night for four or five Leagues Some few days before the General 's death the King of Golconda finding that his provisions fail'd him in the Fortress was about to have deliver'd the Keys but as I said before Mirza-Mahomed his Son-in-Law snatch'd them out of his hand and threatn'd to kill him if he persever'd in that resolution Which was the reason that the King who lov'd him not before had ever after the greatest affection imaginable for him as long as he liv'd Aurengzeb being thus constrain'd to raise his Siege stay'd some days to rally his Troops and having receiv'd a recruit of fresh men return'd again to the Siege with new resolutions But Mirgimola who had still some kindness for the King remaining in his breast would not permit Aurengzeb to use the utmost of extremity but by his wit and good management gain'd a suspension of Arms. Cha-jehan the Father of Aurengzeb had formerly had great kindnesses shew'n him by the King of Golconda to whom he fled after he had lost the Battel together with his eldest Brother which he fought against Jehan-guir his Father with whom he made War The eldest Son was taken and Jehan-guir caus'd his eyes to be put out but Cha-jehan being more wary fled and was entertain'd by the King of Golconda with whom he enter'd into a particular and strict friendship Cha-jehan making an Oath to his Benefactor that he would never wage War against him upon any occasion whatever Mirgimola therefore knowing that it would be no difficult thing to bring two Kings that were Friends to an accommodation wrought underhand with both toward the conclusion of a Peace And he so brought his business about that the King of Golconda writ a Letter first to Cha-jehan wherein he submissively requested him to be an Arbitrator between Aurengzeb and him promising to submit wholly to him and to sign such Articles as he should propose By the same policy of Mirgimola Cha-jehan was advis'd in answer to the King of Golconda's Letter to propose a Match between his second Daughter and Sultan Mahomed the Son of Aurengzeb upon condition that after the death of the King her Father the Son-in-Law should inherit the Kingdom of Golconda This proposition being accepted the Peace was concluded and the Nuptials celebrated with an extraordinary Magnificence As for Mirgimola he quitted the service of the King of Golconda and went with Aurengzeb to Brampour Soon after Cha-jehan made him his Prime Minister of State and Generalissimo of his Armies and he it was that so potently assisted Aurengzeb to get the Crown by the defeat of Sultan-Sujah For Mirgimola was a person of great wit and no less understanding in Military than in State affairs I had occasion to speak with him several times and I have no less admir'd his justice than his dispatch to all people that had to do with him while he gave out several Orders and sign'd several Dispatches at the same time as if he had but one entire business in hand The other Princess of Golconda was promis'd to Sultan Sejed another Chek of Mecca and the Match went on so fairly that the day was appointed for the celebration of the Nuptials but Abdoul-Jaber-Beg General of the Army with six other Lords went to the King to divert him from his intention and they brought it so to pass that the Match was broken off and the Princess was given in Marriage to Mirza-Abdoul-Cofing the Kings Cousin by whom she has two Sons which have wholly annull'd the Pretentions of Aurengzeb's Son whose Father now keeps him in Prison in the Fort of Gavaleor for having taken his Uncle Sultan Sujah's part against him The Princess had been given before to Mirza-Abdoul-Cofing but for his debauchery which render'd him little regarded by the King But since his marriage he is very much reclaim'd Now the King of Golconda does not stand in so much fear of the Moguls for in imitation of them he keeps his Money in his own Country and has already hoarded up a Treasury sufficient to maintain his Wars Besides he is altogether addicted to the Sect of Haly so that he will not wear a Bonnet like the other Mahumetans because they say Haly wore none but another sort of attire for the head Which is the reason that the Persians that come into India to seek their fortune apply themselves rather to the King of Golconda then to the Great Mogul Such is the condition of the King of Visapour also whom the Queen Sister to the King of Golconda takes care to educate in the Sect of Haly which invites great numbers of Persians into her Service CHAP. XI The Road from Golconda to Maslipatan al. Masalipatan FRom Maslipatan they count it an hunder'd costes or leagues taking the right way But if you go by the Diamond-Mine which in the Persian Language is call'd Coulour in the Indian Gani they reckon it an hunder'd and twelve leagues and this is the Road which I generally took From Golconda to Tenara costes 4 Tenara is a sweet place where there are four very fair Houses to every one of which belongs a large Garden One of the four standing upon the left-hand along the High-way is much more beautiful then any of the other three It is built of Free-stone two stories high wherein there are several fair Galleries Halls Parlors and lodging-Chambers Before the front of the House is a large four-square Piazza little inferior to the Place Royale in Paris Upon every one of the other three fronts there is a great Portal on each side whereof there is a fair Platform rais'd from the earth above four or five-foot-high and well-Arch'd where Travellers of Quality are lodg'd On the top of each Portal there is a strong Baluster and a little Chamber for the Ladies When Persons of Quality care not to be in their Houses they set up Tents in their Gardens and you must take notice that there is no dwelling for any person but only in the three Houses for the fourth which is the fairest belongs only to the Queen When she is not there however any body may see it and take a walk in the Garden which is a very lovely place and well-stor'd with water The whole Piazza is encompast with several Chambers for the lodging of poor Travellers who every day toward the evening have an Alms bestow'd upon them of Rice or Pulse which they boil ready to their hands But for the Idolaters that eat nothing which is provided by other hands they give them flower to make Bread and a little Butter For when their Bread is bak'd like a broad thin Cake they dip it in the melted-Butter From Tenara to Jatenagar costes 12 From Jatenagar to Patengi costes 12 From Patengi to Pengeul costes 14 From Pengeul to Nagelpar costes 12 From Nagelpar to Lakabaron costes 11 From Lakabaron to Coulour or Gani of which I shall speak in my discourse of the Mines costes 11 The greatest part of the way from