the Helvetians had matched his sister by his Mother and others of his kâ— into other States For that affiâ—ty he favoured and wished well to the Helvetians and on the other side hated the Romans and specially Caesar of all others for that by their coming into Gallia his power was weakened and Divitiacus his brother restored to his ancient honour and dignitie If any miscasualtie happened to the Romansâ—is â—is hope was to obtain the Principalitie by the favour of the Helvetians whereas the soveraigntie of the Romans made him not onely despair of the kingdom but also of the favour or what other thing soever he now injoyed And Caesar had found out by inquirie that the beginning of the slight when the Cavalrie was routed came from Dumnorix and his horsemen for he commanded those troups which the Heduans had sent to aide Caesar and out of that disorder the rest of the Cavalrie took a fright Which things being discovered forasmuch as these suspicions were seconded with matters of certainty in that he had brought the Helvetians through the confines of the Sequans had caused hostages to be given on either side and done all those things not onely without warrant from the State but without acquainting them therewith and lastly in that he was accused by the Magistrate of the Heduans he thought it cause sufficient for him to punish him or to command the State to do justice upon him One thing there was which might seem too oppugne all this the singular affection of Divitiacus his brother to the people of Rome the great love he bare particularly to Caesar his loyaltie justice and temperance and therefore he feared least his punishment might any way alienate or offend Divitiacus sincere affection And therefore before he did any thing he called Divitiacus and putting aside â—he ordinarie Interpreters he spake to him by M. Valerius Procillus one of the principall men of the Province of Gallia his familiar friend whom he specially trusted in matters of importance and took notice what Dumnorix had uttered in his presence at a Councell of the Galles shewing also what informations he had privately received concerning him and therefore by way of advice desired that without any offence to him either he himself might call him in question or the State take some course in the same Divitiacus imbracing Caesar with many tears besought him not to take any severe course with his brother he knew well that all those things were true neither was there any man more grieved thereat then himself For whereas he had credit and reputation both at home and amongst other States of Gallia and his brother being of small power by reason of his youth was by his aide and assistance grown into favour and authoritie he used those meanes as an advantage not onely to weaken his authoritie but to bring him to ruine And yet neverthelesse he found himself overruled through brotherly affection and the opinion of the common people And if Caesar should take any strict account of these offences there was no man but would think it was done with his privitie considering the place he held in his favour whereupon would consequently follow on his behalf a generall alienation and distaste of all Gallia As he uttered these things with many other words accompanied with tears Caesar taking his right hand comforted him and desired him to intreat no further for such was the respect he had unto him that for his sake and at his request he forgave both the injurie done to the Commonwealth and the displeasure which he had justly conceived for the same And thereupon called Dumnorix before him and in the presence of his brother shewed him wherein he had deserved much blame and reproof told him what he had understood and what the State complained on advised him to avoid all occasions of mislike for the future that which was past he had forgiven him at Divitiacus his brothers intreaty Howbeit he set espials upon him to observe his courses that he might be informed what he did and with whom he conversed The same day understanding by the Discoverers that the Enemy was lodged under a Hill about eight miles from his Camp he sent some to take a view of the Hill and of the ascent from about the same Which was found accordingly reported unto him to be very easie In the third watch of the night he sent away T. Labienus the Legat with two legions and those Guides that knew the way commanding him to possesse himself of the top of that Hill Himself about the fourth watch marched on after the Enemy the same way they had gone sending all his horsemen before P. Causidius that was held for a great souldier first in the Army of L. Sylla and afterwards with M. Crassus was sent before with the Discoverers At the breaking of the day when Labienus had got the top of the Hill and himself was come within a mile and a half of the Helvetian Camp without any notice to the Enemy either of his or Labienus approach as was afterwards found by the Captives Causidius came running as fast as his horse could drive and told him that the Hill which Labienus should have taken was held by the Galles which he perceived plainly by the Armes and Ensignes of the Helvetians Whereupon Caesar drew his forces to the next Hill and imbattelled the Army Labienus according to the directions he had from Caesar not to fight unlesse he saw his forces near the Enemies Camp that they might both at the same time assault them from divers parts at once when he had took the Hill kept his men from battel expecting our Army At length when it was farre in the day Caesar understood by the Discoverers that the Hill was possessed by his Party as also that the enemy was dislodged and that Causidius was so astonished with fear that he reported to have seen that which he saw not The same day he followed the Enemy at the distance he had formerly used and incamped himself three miles from them The day following forasmuch as the Army was to be paid in Corn within two days next after and that he was but eighteen miles distant from Bibract a great and opulent City of the Heduans he turned aside from the Helvetians and made towards Bibract THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe getting of this hill as a place of advantage was marvellous important to the happy successe of the battel for the advantage of the place is not only noted as an especiall cause of easy victory throughout this history but in all their wars from the very cradle of their Empire it cleared their Armies from all difficulties to what extremities soever they were put The first reason may be in regard of their Darts and Slings and especially their Piles which being a heavy deadly weapon could not any way be so availeable being cast countermont or in a plain levell as when the deâ—livity and downfall of a swelling
to hold it in as great reputation as any weapons whatsoever which may be thought worthy executioners of the deeds of Armes THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN the second place we may observe that there was no Nation so barbarous for I understand the Germans to be as barbarous in regard of the motions of religion as any known Nation of that time being in a Climate so near the North that it afforded no contemplation at all that could not make use in their greatest affairs of that superstition to which their mind was naturally inthralled and forge prophesies and divinations as well to stirr up as to moderate the irregular motions of a multitude according as they might best serve to advantage their proceedings Neither did Caesar let slip the occasion of making use of this their religion for understanding by their prisoners that their divinations forbad them to fight before the new Moon he used all the means he could to provoke them to battell that their religious opinion of mischieving might prejudice their resolution to return Conquerers Which may serve to prove that a superstitious people are subject to many inconveniences which industry or Fortune may discover to their overthrow It is recorded that Columbus being Generall of some forces which Ferdinando king of Castile sent to discover the West Indies and suffering great penury for want of victuals in the I le of Jamaica after that he had observed how the Ilanders worshipped the Moon and having knowledge of an Eclipse that was shortly after to happen he told the inhabitants that unlesse they would furnish him with such necessaries as he wanted for the time the wrath of their God should quickly appear towards them by changing his bright shining face into obscurity and darknesse which was no sooner happened but the poor Indians strucken with a superstitious fear of that which the course of nature required kept nothing back that might assist their enemies to depopulate and over-run their own Country Chap. XIX Caesar seeketh meanes to give them battel and the Germans dispose themselves thereunto THe next day Caesar left a sufficient Garrison in each of his Camps and forasmuch as the number of his legionary souldiers was small in respect of the multitude of the Germans he placed all the Auxiliarie troups for a shew before the lesser Camp and putting his legions in a triple battell he marched towards the Camp of Ariovistus And then at length were the Germans constrained to bring out their power setting every Tribe and people by themselves in like distance and order of battell as the Harudes Marcomans Triboces Vangiones Nemetes Sedusians and Swevians and environing their whole Army with Carts and carriages that there might be no hope at all left to save any man by flight And in these they placed their women that they by their out-stretched hands and teares moving pity might implore the souldiers as they descended by course to the battell not to deliver them into the bondage and thraldome of the Romans Caesar assigned to every legion a Legat and a Questor that every man might have an eye-witnesse of his valour and he himself began the battell with the right Cornet forasmuch as he perceived that part of Ariovistus Army to be the weakest THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe Romans even from the infancy of their state were ever zealous admirers of true honour and alwayes desired to behold with the eye to what measure of vertue every man had attained that the tongue with greater fervency of spirit might sound out the celebration of Macte virtute which imported more honour then any wealth that could be heaped upon them Neither was this the least part of their wisedome considering that the most pretious things that are lose much of their worth if they be not suted with other correspondent natures whose sympathy addeth much more excellency then is discerned when they appear by themselves without such assistance For how small is the beauty which Nature hath given to the eye-pleasing Diamond when it is not adorned with an artificiall form or what perfection can the form give without a foile to strengthen it or what good is in either of them if the light do not illuminate it or what avail all these where there wanteth an eye to admire it a judgement to value it and an heart to imbrace it Such a union hath Nature imprinted in the diversitie of creatures concurring to perfection and especially in morall actions in whose carriage there is a far greater exactnesse of correspondencie required to approve them honourable then was requisite to make the jewel beautifull And this did Caesar in all his battels amongst the rest that at Alesia is particularly noted in this manner Quod in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur neque recte aut turpiter factum celari poterat utrosque laudis cupiditas timor ignominiae ad virtutem excitabat And when Livie would expresse how valiantly an action was carried he saith no more but in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur which is as much as to say that forasmuch as the Romans were diligent observers of every mans worth rewarding vertue with honour and cowardise with reproch every man bent his whole endeavour to deserve the good opinion of his Generall by discharging that duty which he owed to the Commonwealth with all loyalty and faithfulnesse of spirit THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Romans had four formes of the front of their battell The first was called Acies Recta when neither the cornets nor the battell was advanced one before another but were all carried in a right line and made a straight front this was their most usuall manner of imbattelling The second forme of the front was called Obliqua when as one of the cornets was advanced nearer unto the enemy then the rest to begin the battell and this was commonly as Vegetius noteth the right cornet for the right cornet of an Army had great advantage against the left of the enemies in regard of their weapons and furniture But Caesar did it in this place because he perceived that the enemy was weakest in that part following a Maxime of great authority That the weakest part of an enemy is in the beginning to be charged with the strength of an Armie for so favourable are mens judgements to that which is already happened that the sequele of every action dependeth for the most part upon the beginning Dimidium facti qui bene coepit habet saith a Poet and not without great reason so forcible continually is the beginning and so connexed to the sequele by the nature of a precedent cause that the end must needs erre from the common course when it doth not participate of that quality which was in the beginning Neither can there be any good end without a good beginning for although the beginning be oftentimes disastrous and unluckie and the end fortunate and happy yet before it came to that end there was a fortunate beginning
at his pleasure kept the passages and left notwithstanding a sufficient garrison in his Camp by which means corn and provision would in time grow scarce with him whilst the enemy waxed every day stronger he thought it his best course not to linger any longer but presently to give them battel The matter being referred to a Councell of warre when he understood that all men were of the same opinion he appointed the next day to give them battel and in the dawning putting his men in a double battel and placing the Auxiliarie forces in the middest he attended to see what the enemy would do The Galles although they were perswaded that they might adventure battel both in regard of their multitude and ancient prowesse of warre as also in respect of the paucity of the Romans yet they thought it better to block up the passages and so cut off all carriages and convoies of corn and so the victory would follow without bloudshed and if the Romans for want of Corn should offer to make a retreat they would then set upon them as they marched wearied with travell heavily laden with their burthens and dejected in their spirits This resolution being approved by the whole Councell of the Galles when the Romans imbattelled their forces they kept their men within their Camp THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Sertorius had followed the faction of Marius and Cinna and when Sylla had overthrown both the elder and younger Marius he fled into Spain and there maintained the quarrell on foot against Pompey and Metellus and overthrew them in many battels but in the end was treacherously slain by Perpanna at a banquet He was a man of great spirit and of admirable dispatch and under him were these Captaines brought up which Caesar commendeth for their skill in Armes THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN histories propounding to our consideration the deeds and monuments of former ages we may observe two especiall means which the great Commanders of the world have entertained to atchieve victory and over-master their enemies the first by cunning and wise carriage of a matter before it come to triall by blows the second by forceable means and waging of battel the one proceeding from wisdome and the better faculties of the soul and the other depending upon the strength and ability of the body Concerning the first it hath ever been held more honourable as better suting the worth of the spirit and the divine essence of our nature so to direct the course of an action that the adverse part may be weakned by wit and prevented in the projects of their better fortunes by anticipation of means and occasions and so through advantages taken from their own proceedings to be driven to that exigent which may determine of the controversy before they come to blows and conclude the matter by terms of Art taken from the directions of good providence For to speak a truth the action of battel as it is the last part in that faculty so it is the worst in regard of Christian duty and better fitteth the progeny of Lamech his second wife which the Divines do note to be born to the ruine and destruction of mankind then the children of grace whose joy consisteth in peace and love Caesar in the first of the Civile wars respected the same thing but from other grounds for having shut up Afranius and Petreius in a place of disadvantage so as he might have cut them off without further trouble yet forasmuch as he foresaw the victory coming towards him without blow or wound he thus answered his Captains that were earnest upon the enemy Cur etiam secundo praelio aliquos ex suis amitteret cur vulnerari pateretur optime de se meritos milites cur denique fortunam periclitaretur Why should he lose any of his souldiers in battel though he got the day why should he suffer those to be wounded who had deserved so highly at his hands or why should he hazard his good fortune And this course did these Galles take which under Sertorius had learned the Roman Art and the Roman industry and were now become so expert that they had almost beaten the Romans at their own weapon This first means is principally to be imbraced as the safest way in these uncertain and casuall events for that which resteth upon corporall strength and maketh execution the means to a conclusion is very terrible even to the better party full of hazard and of little certainty For it were a miracle of Fortune never heard of yet so to carry a battel upon what advantage or means soever that the victor Army should buy so great a fortune without bloudshed or losse of men and erect a Trophy to Honour at the sole cost of the Enemy without losse or expense of his own treasure And for the uncertainty in a battel who knoweth not what infinite chances and changes may happen in every small moment of time to turne the fortune of the day to this or that partie and make both sides unconstant in their affections by presenting them interchangeably with hope and fear joy and sorrow And therefore Caesar thought it not best to tempt the waywardnesse of Fortune when by other means he might obtain his desires This I say is chiefly to be imbraced if our means will afford us that happinesse but howsoever I hold it wisedome so to entertain this course of victory that we omit not the chiefest helps of furtherance when it cometh to blows but to think of this conquest by art and wit as necessary if our means will serve us to compasse it of the other as necessary whether we will or no for the history maketh it plain that when Brutus found himself destitute of means to undertake that course of victory which proceedeth from providence and discreet carriage he then betook himself necessarily to the later and by the help of battel sought to free himself from those disadvantages into which the Galles had brought him THE THIRD OBSERVATION I Observe further out of this place that what course soever be taken a discreet Leader will not easily forgoe an advantage without great assurance of a better fortune nor change the certainty of a benefit upon probabilities of other hopes untill it have paid him the interest of his expectation and wrought that effect which it promised to perform For so he might forgo his fortune by presuming too much upon the favour of future chances which are often seen to crosse our purposes rather then to further the way which is taken THE FOURTH OBSERVATION FUrther I observe this double battel to be answerable to the paucity of the Roman forces for their usuall manner was to make a triple battel that the first might have a second and a third help but where their number would not afford that commodity they then made two battels that there might be the succour of a second supply But they never fought with one single battel for
which is stirred up by an eagernesse to fight this a Generall should not crush but cherish So that it was not without cause that in old times they had a custome that the whole army should make a noise and raise a generall shout whereby they supposed as the enemies were affrighted so their own men were incouraged Two contrary effects proceeding from a cause which to common sense carrieth no shew of any such efficacy Vox praeterea nihil a bare voice and nothing more as one said of the Nightingale in another sense But such as do seriously look into the reasons thereof shall find the saying true which is ascribed to the elder and wiser Cato Verba plus quam gladium voces quam manum hostes territare in fugam vertere Words will do more then Swords and Voices sooner then Hands may affright the enemy and put him to flight The ear as I have already noted will sooner betray the soul to the distresse of fear then any other of the five senses Which Josephus well understood although peradventure he applyed not so fit a remedy when he commanded his men to stop their ears at the acclamations of the Roman legions lest they might be daunted and amazed thereat The reason may be for that our discourse diligently attending upon a matter of that consequence which calleth the lives of both parties in question and valuing every circumstance at the utmost doth alwayes presuppose a cause answerable to such an effect of joy and assurance For these shouts and acclamations are properly the consequents of joy and are so availeable that they deceive both parties for such as take up the shout by way of anticipation do seem to conclude of that which is yet in question and the enemy thereupon apprehendeth danger when there is none at all whereby it happeneth Hostes terreri suos incitari that the enemies are affrighted and our own men encouraged as Caesar noteth Besides these examples I might alledge the authority of Holy Writ but that it might seem both unsavoury and unseasonable to make a commixture of such diversities I will therefore content my self with a practice of our time at the battel of Newport where after divers retreats and pursuits either side chasing the other as it were by turn and mutuall appointment and as it often falleth out in such confrontments at last commandement was given to the English to make head again and after some pause to charge the enemy with a shout which being accordingly performed a man might have seen the enemy startle before they came to the stroak and being charged home were so routed that they made not head again that day For the prevention of such a disadvantage there can be no better president then that which Plutarch noteth touching the battel between the Romans and the Ambrons a part of that deluge of people which came down into Italy with the Cimbri and Teutones for these Ambrons coming out to give battel to the end they might strike fear into the Romans made an often repetition of their own name with a lowd sounding voice Ambrons Ambrons Ambrons The Italians on the other side that first came down to fight were the Ligurians inhabiting the coast of Genoa who hearing this noise and plainly understanding them made answer with the like cry sounding out their own name Ligurii Ligurii Ligurii Whereupon the Captains of both sides made their souldiers cry out altogether contending for envy one against another who should cry it loudest and so both sides were encouraged and neither of them disadvantaged Clamore utrinque sublato whilst both sides continued the cry THE THIRD OBSERVATION THis Labienus was a great souldier and well acquainted with Caesars manner in leading an army and made many good fights while he continued under his command but after he betook himself to Pompeys part and joyned with a faction against his first master he never atchieved any thing but losse and dishonour Dux fortis in armis Caesareis Labienus erat nunc transfuga vilis Once Labienus was a Captain stout On Caesars side now a base Turn-about And upon that occasion he is often mentioned as a memoriall of his disloyalty to prove that good successe in matter of war doth follow the Generall rather then any inferiour Captain For it is observed of divers whose fortune hath been great under the conduction of some commanders and as unlucky under other leaders like plants or trees that thrive well in some grounds and bear store of fruit but being transplanted do either dye or become barren And doubtlesse there may be observed the like sympathy or contrariety in the particular courses of mans life wherein they are carried upon the stream of their fortunes according to the course of their first imbarking And therefore such as happen in a way that leadeth to successfull ends shall much wrong themselves either to turn back again or to seek by-paths whose ends are both unknown and uncertain and herein the French saying may serve to some purpose Si vous estes bien tenez vous la If you find your self well hold your self there CHAP. VI. Caesar carrieth his army over the Rhene into Germany Caesar being come from the Menapii to the Treviri did resolve to passe the Rhene for two causes the one was for that the Germans had sent succours and supplies to the Treviri the other that Ambiorix might have no reception or entertainment among them Upon this resolution a little above that place where he carried his army over before he commanded a bridge to be made after the known and appointed fashion which by the great industry of the souldiers was ended in a few dayes and leaving a sufficient strength at the bridge least any sudden motion should rise amongst the Treviri he carried over the rest of his forces both horse and foot The Ubii which before time had given hostages and were taken into obedienâ—â— sent Ambassadours unto him to clear themselves from imputation of disloyalty and that the Treviri had received no supplies from their State they pray and desire him to spare them least the generall distast of the Germans should cause him to punish the innocent for the guilty and if he would ask more hostages they would willingly give them Caesar upon examination of the matter found that the supplies were sent by the Suevi and thereupon he accepted the satisfaction of the Ubii and inquired the way and the passages to the Suevi Some few dayes after he understood by the Ubii that the Suevi had brought all their forces to one place and had commanded such nations as were under their dominion that they should send them forces of horse and foot Upon this intelligence he made provision of corn chose a sit place to encamp in He commanded the Ubii to take their cattel and all their other goods from abroad out of the fields into their towns hoping that the barbarous and unskilfull men
and the other violent and rash and yet both attain the like good fortune by two contrary courses or otherwise as oftentimes it falleth out the more heedless the more happy have been perswaded that all things are so governed by fortune that the wisdome of man can neither alter nor amend them and therefore to spend much time or tedious labour either in carefull circumspection or heedfull prevention of that which is unchangeable they hold as vain as the washing of an Aethiopian to make him white Of this opinion Sylla seemed to be professing himself better born to fortune then to the wars and acknowledging his happiest victories to have proceeded from his most heedless and unadvised resolutions And the great Alexander so carried himself as though he had been of the same opinion of whom Curtius saith Quoties illum fortuna à morte revocavit quoties temere in pericula vectum perpetua felicitate protexit How many a time did Fortune call him back from the brink of death how often did she happily defend and save him when he had by his rashness brought himself into dangers And Plutarch saith that he had power of time and place Others are not willing to ascribe so much to Fortune as to make themselves the Tennis-ball to her Racket and yet they are content to allow her half of every thing they go about reserving the other moitie to their own directions And so like partners in an adventure they labour to improve their share for their best advantage Some other there are that will allow Fortune no part at all in their actions but do confront her with a goddess of greater power and make industry the means to annul her Deitie Of this opinion was Timotheus the Athenian who having atchieved many notable victories would not allow of the conceipt of the painter that had made a table wherein Fortune was taking in those cities which he had won with a net whilst he himself slept but protested against her in that behalf and would not give her any part in that businesse And thus the heathen world varied as much in their opinions touching Fortune as Fortune her self did in her events to themward which were so divers and changeable as were able to ensnare the deepest wits and confound the wisedome of the greatest judgements whereby the word Fortune usurped a Deity and got an opinion of extraordinary power in the regiment of humane actions But our Christian times have a readier lesson wherein is taught a soveraign Providence guiding and directing the thoughts of mens hearts with the faculties and powers of the Soul together with their externall actions to such ends as shall seem best to that omnipotent wisedome to whom all our abilities serve as instruments and means to effect his purposes notwithstanding our particular intendments or what the heart of man may otherwise determine And therefore such as will make their wayes prosperous unto themselves and receive that contentment which their hope expecteth or their labours would deserve must use those helps which the rules of Christianity do teach in that behalf and may better be learned from a Divine then from him that writeth Treatises of War THE SECOND OBSERVATION QUintus Curtius speaking of Alexander saith Nullam virtutem Regis istius magis quam celeritatem laudaverim I can commend no vertue in this King before his speed celerity whereof this might be a ground that he followed Darius with such speed after the second battell he gave him that in eleven dayes he marched with his army six hundred miles which was a chase well fitting Alexander the Great and might rest unexampled notwithstanding Suetonius giveth this generall report of Caesar that in matter military aut aequavit praestantissimorum gloriam aut excessit he either equalled or exceeded the glory of the best and for this particular he saith quod persaepe nuntius de se praevenit that he was very often the messenger of his own success And to speak truly he seemeth to challenge to himself expedition and speed as his peculiar commendation grounding himself upon the danger which lingering and foreslowing of time doth usually bring to well advised resolutions according to that of Lucan the Poet Nocuit semper differre paratis Delay did alwayes hurt those that were ready For by this speedy execution of well-digested directions he gained two main advantages First the prevention of such helps and means as the enemy would otherwise have had to make the war dangerous and the event doubtfull And secondly the confusion and fear which doth consequently follow such main disappointments being the most dangerous accidents that can happen to any party and the chiefest points to be endeavoured to be cast upon an enemy by him that would make an easie conquest For proof whereof amongst many other examples I will onely alledge his expedition to Rome when he first came against Pompey according to Plutarchs relation In the mean time saith he news came to Rome that Caesar had won Ariminum a great city in Italy and that he came directly to Rome with a great power which was not true for he came but with 3000. horse and 5000. foot and would not tarry for the rest of his armie being on the other side of the Alpes in Gallia but made hast rather to surprize his enemies upon the sudden being afraid and in garboile not looking for him so soon then to give them time to be provided and so to fight with them in the best of their strength which fell out accordingly For this sudden and unexpected approach of his put all Italy and Rome it self into such a tumult and confusion that no man knew what way to take for his safetie for such as were out of Rome came flying thither from all parts and those on the other side that were in Rome went out as fast and forsook the citie And the amazement was such that Pompey and the Senate fled into Greece whereby it happened that Caesar in threescore dayes was Lord of all Italy without any bloudshed Besides this manner of prevention by sudden surprize we may see the like expedition in the very carriage and form of his wars For if the enemy had taken the field he laboured by all means to bring him to sight or otherwise if he refused to take the field he then endeavoured with the like speed to besiege him or block him up in some hold to the end he might bring the matter to a speedy upshot as he did with Vercingetorix at Alesia But that which is most memorable touching this point at the first taking in of Spain in the garboil of the civile wars he defeated two armies overthrew two Generals and took in two Provinces in the space of fourty dayes Neither did he make use of expedition only in his carriage of a war but also in the action and execution of battel for he never forsook an enemy overthrown and
of these great difficulties which came so suddenly upon him he knew there was no help to be had but that which the vertue of his mind would afford him and therefore calling a councell a little before the evening he adhorted them to excoute such things as he commanded both with diligence and industry and so taking the ships which he had brought from Melodunum he divided them amongst the Roman horsemen and after the first watch he commanded them to go four miles down the river in silence and there to attend him He left five cohorts which he thought to be too weak for any fight as a garrison to the camp and sent the other five cohorts of the same legion about midnight with all the carriages up the river commanding them to make a great noise and tumult as they went He sought out all barges and boats and sent them up the river with much noise and beating of oars and a little while after he himself went quietly with three legions to the place where he had commanded the ships to abide him At his coming thither the enemies discoverers which were disposed on all parts of the river were suddenly and at unawares surprised by our men by reason of a sudden tempest that did rise in the mean time and the army and the horse were by the diligence of the Roman Knights to whom he had committed that businesse carried over At the same time a little before day-light the enemy had intelligence that there was an extraordinary noise and tumult in the Roman camp and a great troup went up the river and the beating of oars was heard that way and a little below the souldiers were carried over Which being known forasmuch as they judged that the legions were carried over in three places and that they were so perplexed at the revolt of the Hedui that they fled away they divided their forces also into three parts for a garrison being left right over against the Roman camp and a small band sent towards Glossendium which was to go so far as the boats went they carried the rest of their army to meet Labienus By the dawning of the day all our men were carried over and the enemy was discovered ranged in battel Labienus adhorting the souldiers to bethink themselves of their ancient vertue and to recall the memory of their fortunate battels and to suppose that Caesar himself was present under whose leading they had oftentimes overthrown the enemy he gave the sign of battel Upon the first affront on the right wing where the seventh legion stood the enemy was beaten back and put to flight in the left cornet where the twelfth legion was the former ranks of the enemy being pierced through and beaten dead down with the piles the rest notwithstanding did stoutly resist neither did any man give suspicion of flying Camulogenus the Generall was present with his men and encouraged them to sight the victory being uncertain When the Tribunes of the seventh legion understood what was done in the left wing they shewed the legion behind on the back of the enemy and there began to charge them and yet none of them for sook his place but were all inclosed and slain Camulogenus ending his dayes by the same fortune Such of the enemy as were left over against the Roman camps understanding that the battel was begun came to second their fellowes and took a hill but were not able to abide our conquering souldiers but joyning themselves to the rest that fled were neither protected by the woods nor the mountains but were all slain by the horsemen This businesse being ended Labienus returned to Agendicum where the carriages of the whole army were left and from thence came to Caesar with all the forces THE FIRST OBSERVATION LAbienus being to passe the river of Seine which was strongly guarded by the Galles was forced to seek a means out of the vertue of his mind as Caesar saith and to lay such a project as might amuse the enemy and keep him in suspence what way to take to prevent his passage untill he had effected that which he desired Which bringeth to our consideration the saying of Epaminondas the Theban that there is nothing more necessary or behovefull for a Generall then to understand the purposes of the enemy A point so much the more commendable by how much it is in it self difficult and hard to be discovered for it were hard to understand their secret deliberations which for the most part are only known to the Generall or to such chief Commanders as are near about him when then very actions which every man knoweth and such things as are done in the open view of the world are oftentimes doubtfull to an enemy Livie hath a notable story to this purpose Sempronius the Roman Consul giving battel to the Aequi the fight continued untill the night parted them not without alteration of fortune sometimes the Romans prevailing and sometimes the Aequi the night coming on both sides being weary and half routed they forsook their camps and for their better safety took each of them a hill The Roman army divided it self into two parts the one part followed the Consul and the other a Centurion named Tempanius a fellow of great spirit and had shewed much worth in the battel The next morning the Consul without further inquiry made towards Rome and so did the Aequi withdraw their army back into their country either of them deeming themselves overthrown and casting victorie upon each others shoulders It happened that Tempanius with that part of the army that kept with him inquiring after the enemy found him to be overthrown and fled whereupon he first went to the Roman camp and made that good and then marched to the camp of the Aequi which he took and riâ—â—ed and so returned victor to Rome The morning following the battell of Agincourt Montâ—oy the French Herald coming to enquire for prisoners King Henry asked him who had won the field To which he answered That the French had lost it which was unknown known to that worthy Conquerour Plutarch writeth that Cassius killed himself upon the like errour not knowing the fortune of the right wing of his army And therefore it must needs be a commendable matter to understand the deliberations of an enemy when the issue of a battell is oftentimes so uncertain THE SECOND OBSERVATION CAmulogenus hath the report in this place of singular knowledge and experience in matter of war and being of a grea age he fought as resolutely as the youngest gallant of them all which may bring to our consideration the fittest age of life to be wished in a General for the atchieving of noble and worthy exploits Wherein we are to consider that the youth and former years of a mans age are plentifully stored with hot bloud and nimble spirits which quickly apprehend the conceptions of the mind and carry them with such violence to execution that they
in sieges and in all other parts of what site or nature soever where the horsemen cannot shew themselves Whereby it appeareth that the infanterie extendeth its service to more purposes then the cavalrie and maketh the warre compleat which otherwise would prove lame and uneffectuall Touching the weight of the businesse when it cometh to a day of battel it resteth for the most part upon the foot troups for the horsemen are profitable to the army wherein they serve by making discoveries by harrying the enemies countrey by giving succour or rescue upon a suddain by doing execution upon an overthrow and by confronting the enemies horse but these are but as second services and fall short of the main stroke which for the most part is given by the footmen Neither doth a rout given to the cavalrie serving an army royall concern the body of that army further then the services before mentioned but the armie doth oftentimes go on notwithstanding and may well atchieve a happy victory whereas upon the overthrow of the infanterie the horsemen have nothing to do but to shift for themselves and get away to their own home So that it appeareth that the foot companies are the bulk and bodie of the armie and the horse as the armes and outward parts having expedient and necessary offices but alwayes subordinate to the main stroke given by the foot If any man look for proof hereof by example he shall not need to seek further then the Romans being masters of the art military who by an ancient law interdicting the Dictator to have the use of a horse in the warres for his private case intimated as Plutarch saith the strength of their army to consist in their footmen which the Generall in a day of battell should assist with his presence and in no wise forsake them if he would But touching the use of warre amongst them their Equites were so farre short of the service performed by their foot troups that when they would stand to it indeed they forsook their horses and fought on foot as in the battell with the Latines at the lake Regillus which I have already mentioned in my former observations Neither were the Romans tood horsemen as it seemeth by Caesar for he took the horses from the Tribunes and the Roman Equites and gave them to the Germans as better Rutters then any Romans But howsoever a State that aboundeth in horse and trusteth more in them then in foot companies may harrie a champain countrey but shall never be able to follow a warre with that strength as is requisite to make it fortunate CHAP. XXX Caesar besiegeth Alesia and fighteth with the enemies cavalry CAesar having viewed the site of the town and knowing the enemie to be much troubled for the overthrow of their horse in whom they put all their hopes exhorting the souldiers to take a little pains he determined to inclose the town round about with a ditch and a rampier Alesia was sited on the top of a hill in a very eminent place and not to be taken but by a continued siege At the foot of the hill ran two rivers on each side of the town before the town there lay a plain of three miles in length the other sides were inclosed round about in a reasonable distance with hills of equall height with the town Under the wall on the East side lay all the forces of the Galles having drawn a ditch and a drie wall on that part of eight foot in height the whole circuit of the works which the Romans made to inclose the town about contained eleven miles Their camp was sited in a convenient place where there were made three and twentie castles which in the day time were kept by garrâ—sons to prevent any suddain attempts of the enemy and in the night by strong watches The work being begun there happened a skirmish between the cavalrie of both sides in that plain which lay before the town of three miles in length They fought eagerly on both sides Our men being overcharged Caesar sent the Germans to second them and set the Legions before the camp lest there might happen any suddain sally by the foot of the enemy Upon the safegard of the Legions our men took courage The enemy was put to flight and being many in number one hindred another and stuck in heaps in the streight passage of their gates The Germans followed them close to their fortifications and made a great execution amongst them Many of them forsaking their horses attempted to leap the ditch and to climbe over the drie wall Caesar commanded the legions imbattelled before the camp to advance a little forward The Galles that were within the fortification were no little troubled for thinking the enemie would presently have come unto them they made an alarme some were so frighted that they brake into the town Vercingetorix commanded the gates to be shut lest the camp should be left naked of defendants Many of the enemie being slain and very many horses taken the Germans fell off and returned to Caesar OBSERVATIONS FOrasmuch as casualtie and chance have oftentimes the prerogative of a service and in misdeeming opinions do carrie away the honour from vertue and valour the first triall of a fortune is not of that assurance nor so much to be trusted as when it is seconded again with the like effect for when a matter by often triall falleth out to be of one and the same qualitie it sheweth a certainty of a cause producing ends of like condition The Galles as it seemeth were much discouraged upon the first overthrow of their horse in whom they so much believed and altered the course of their high resolutions so farre as where before they sware the overthrow of the Romans they were now content to take the protection of a strong town but this second foil which they received did so assure them of a harder confrontment and stronger opposition then they were able to bear that they never thought of any further triall but were content to go away losers rather then to hazard their lives in a third combat And thus when a second event backeth a former fortune it taketh away the suspicion of casualtie and maketh the winner bold and the loser desperate Pompey was so transported with joy for the blow which he gave Caesar at Dyrrachium that he sent letters of that daies victory into all parts of the world and made his souldiers so secure touching the issue of that warre ut non de ratione belli cogitarent sed vicisse jam sibi viderentur that they never thought how the warre was to be carried on esteeming themselves already absolute victors not remembring as Caesar saith the ordinary changes of warre wherein oftentimes a small matter either of a false suspicion or of a suddain fright or some other accident doth indanger an army which the enemy taketh to himself perinde ac si virtute vicissent as if
out of curious suspicion or idle fear yet it fell out to be no more then was requisite and expedient Which may teach a Generall to be carefull even of possibilities and to prevent contingencies with the certaintie of industrious directions accounting alwaies that which may happen to be as certain as any thing we most expect THE FOURTH OBSERVATION COncerning Spain we are to note that the Romans at first divided it into two Provinces which they called the Nearer and the Further or according to Strabo the Utter and the Inner and they were separated asunder by the river Iberus now Ebro And thence also they were called Cis Iberum ultra Iberum Spain on this side Ebro and Spain beyond The Nearer Province being the lesser continued without alteration during the Roman's government and was sometimes called Tarraconensis Provincia of Tarraeo the principall town of the same But the Further in processe of time was divided into two parts the one called Betica and the other Lusitania and so the whole Region of Spain came to be divided into three Provinces It was first entered by the Romans by occasion of the notable siedge of Saguntum upon which P. Scipio having subdued the Carthaginians reduced Spain into a Province and left it governed by Proconsuls unto the time of Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Stertinius Afterwards it was governed by Propraetors and sometimes by Praetors according as the Empire came to be inlarged and had thereby many governments for the preferment of such as had supplied the better places of dignitie in the State Neverthelesse in the times of trouble the Governours had alwaies Consularie power as in the warre against Scrtorius Quintus Metellus Proconsul and Cn. Pompeius Questor cum Consulari potestate missi sunt were sent with consular power And at this time Pompey governed it by two Deputies or Legates Touching the form and figure of the Countrey Strabo likeneth it to an Oxe hide the neck whereof joyneth to the Pyrenean hills which rise in towers from one Sea to another as limits and bounds between France and Spain taking their name as some think from Pyrene the Maid that Hercules deflowred whom Sil. Ital. mentioneth lib. 3. Pyrene celsa nimbo si verticis arce Divisos Celtis late prospectat Iberos Atque aeterna tenet magnis divortia terris Nomen Bebrycia duxere à virgine colles Hospitis Alcidae crimen qui sorte laborum Gerionis peteret cum longa tricorporis arva Possessus Baccho saeva Bebrycis in aula Lugendam â—ormae sine virginitate reliquit Pyrenen and a little after Defletumque tenent Montes per secula nomen The lofty tower of Pyren's cloudy head O're looks th' Iberi whom it parts from Celts For aye dividing those two spacious lands From Bebryx daughter first these hills took name Ravish'd by Hercules who as he went The triple-bodied Gerion's land to seize Drunk at the time and lodg'd in Bebryx Court Pyrene left to be bewail'd by beauty No more a Virgin And her lamented name the Hills still keep But according to the opinion more generally received they are so called of the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for that Shepheards and Heardsmen set them once on fire as witnesseth Diodorus Siculus And Aristotle In Hiberia inquit combustis aliquando pastoribus Sylvis calenteque ignibus terra manifestum argentum defluxisse cumque postmodum terrae-motus supervenisset eruptis hiatibus magnam copiam argenti collectam atque inde Massiliensibus proventus non vulgares obtigisse He saith that on a time in Spain the Shepheards having set fire on the Woods the ground was so heated thereby that plain rills of silver flowed from the hills and that afterwards by reason of earthquakes severall gapings being made in the said place they gathered great plenty of silver which the Marscillians made no small benefit of The Countrey of Spain is commended for many things as may appear by divers Elogies amongst which that of Claudianus the Poet is written as though the Author had been a Pensioner to the Kingdome Quid dignum memorare tuis Hispania terris Vex humana valet primo lavat aequore solem India tu fessos exacta luce jugales Proluis inque tuo respirant sydera fluctu Dives equis frugum facilis pretiosa metallis Principibus foecunda piis What noted thing in Spain can man commend As Indian seas first drench the morning Sun So his tir'd steeds wash here when day is done In Spanish waves the wearied stars take breath Spain store of horse fruits precious metals hath Breeds pious Princes CHAP. XV. Caesar coming to his Armie advanceth forward and incampeth near unto the Enemie WIthin two dayes after Caesar came into the Camp with nine hundred horse which he had kept with him for a convoy The bridge broken by the tempest was almost re-edified and that which remained undone he commanded to be finished in the night And having seen the nature and situation of the place he left six cohorts to keep the Camp and the bridge with all the carriages of the Armie And the next day putting all his forces into a triple battell he marched towards Ilerda and there standing a while in Armes offered battell in an equall and indifferent place Afranius brought out his forces and made a stand in the midst of the hill under his Camp Caesar perceiving that Afranius at that time was not disposed to fight determined to incamp himself some 400 paces from the foot of the hill And least the souldiers should be interrupted in their works by the sudden assaults and incursions of the enemy he forbad them to fortifie it with a rampier or wall which must necessarily be discovered and seen afarre off but caused a ditch to be made of fifteen foot in breadth in the front of the Camp next unto the Enemie The first and second battell according as was directed continued in Armes and the third battell performed the work behind them unseen before it was understood by Afranius that Caesar would incamp in that place Which being finished he drew his legions within the ditch and so stood in Armes all night The next day he kept all his Armie within the ditch And forasmuch as the matter to make the Rampier was to be fetched farre off he kept the like course for the finishing of the rest allotting each side of the Camp to be fortified by a severall legion with a ditch to be sunk about of the same scantling and in the mean time made the other legions to stand ready in Armes against the enemie Afranius and Petreius to the end they might amuse the souldier and hinder the work brought down their forces to the foot of the hill and provoked them to fight Howbeit Caesar intermitted not the work trusting to three legions in Armes and the munition of the ditch The Enemy not making any long stay or advancing further then the foot of the
of them fought on each side entring valiantly the enemies ships killing a great number of the Highlanders and Shepheards Part of the ships they sunk some they took with the men and the rest they beat back into the Haven That day the Massilians lost nine ships with those that were taken This news was brought to Caesar at Ilerda THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Have formerly observed the manner of their sea-fight consisting of three parts The first was their nimble and skilfull managing of their ships either forcibly to assault or to lavire and bear off as might fall for their best advantage wherein the Massilians by reason of the skilfulnesse of their Pilots had great confidence The second was their fight before they came to grappling as well with great engines such as were their Balistae and Catapultae casting stones and logs of wood one against another as also with slings arrows and daâ—ts resembling our great artillery and small shot for which purpose their ships were built with fore-caâ—â—les and turrets and other advantages of height for their casting weapons The third was their grappling and forcible entry wherein forasmuch as the matter was referred to the arbitrement of valour the legionary souldier carried the cause Whence we may observe that their legioâ—s were the 〈◊〉 of their valiant and worthy men as well for the sea as the land being â—itted by the discipline of their Military exercises to undertake any service subject to humane industry whereof they gâ—ve an account worthy the School wherein they were instructed Neither is 〈◊〉 at any time but that such kingdomes as 〈…〉 to train up their men in Academies of vertuous Actualâ—y do alwaies keep then honour at a high 〈◊〉 affording at all times men of absolute and compleat carriage both for designment and performance THE SECOND OBSERVATION I Have a little before shewed out of Livie that the Antesignani were ordinarily taken for the Hastati which being the easiest sort of souldiers according to the generall division of a legion doth seem to contradict the passage in this Chapter Sed delectos ex omnibus legionibus fortissimos viros Antesignanos Centuriones Caesar ei classi attribuerat But Caesar having pickt the valiantest of the Antesignani out of all the Legions put them into this Fleet as Centurions For the better clearing whereof we are to note that as the Hastati or first battel of a legion were generally taken for the Antesignani as standing before the Eagle and other the chiefest Ensignes which were alwaies amongst the Principes or second battell so every Maniple having an Ensign in the midst of the troup the souldiers that stood in front before the Ensign were likewise called Antesignani and were the best souldiers in the Company for the Centurion standing alwaiâ—s in the head of the troup was accompanied with the valiantest and worthiest men the rest filling up the rere consorted with the Lieutenant who thereupon was called Tergi-ductor Whence we may admire the temperature and disposition of a Roman Army being first generally divided into three battels whereof the meanest were in the vantguard to make triall of their strength and to spend the heat of their young bloud in the first affront of an enemy The Veterani or old souldiers being left in the rereward to repair any losse which either force or casualty should cast upon their Leaders And again to counterpoise themselves in such a manner as the weakest might not alwaâ—â—s go to the wall their private Companies were so ordered that the best men were alwayes in front Whereby they made such an exquisite temper as kept every part of the Army in their full strength CHAP. XX. Upon the making of the Bridge at Ilerda the Enemy resolveth to transferre the warre into Celtiberia VPon Caesar's making of his Bridge Fortune suddenly changed The enemy fearing the courage and valour of our cavalry did not so freely range abroad as they had wont to do sometimes seeking forrage within a small distance of the Camp to the end they might find a safe and easy retreat if occasion required sometimes fetching a great compasse about to avoid the guards and stations of our horsemen And if they had received but the least check or had but descried the Cavalry afarre off they would have cast down their burdens and fled away At last they omitted forraging for many dayes together and which was never used by any Nation sent out to seek it in the night In the mean time those of Osca and Calaguris being in league together sent Embassadours to Caesar with offer of their service in such sort as he should please to command it Within a few dayes the Tarraconenses Lacetani and Ausetani together with the Illurgavonenses which border upon the River Ebrus followed after Of all these he desired supplies of Corn and provision which they promised to furnish and accordingly got horses from all quarters and brought grain into the Camp In like manner the Regiment of the Illurgavonenses understanding the resolution of their State left the Enemy and came unto him with their Colours and suddenly a great alteration of things appeared The bridge being perfected five great Cities and States being come in unto him a course settled for provision of Corn and the rumour blown over of the succours and legions which Pompey was said to come withall by the way of Mauritania many other towns farther off revolted from Afranius and clave to Caesar's party The enemy being much affrighted and abashed at these things Caesar to avoid the great circuit by which he continually sent his horsemen about by the bridge having got a convenient place resolved to make many trenches of thirty foot in breadth by which he might drain some part of the river Sicoris and make it passable by a foord These trenches being almost made Afâ—anius and Petreius did thereupon conceive a great fear lest they should be cut off altogether from victuall and forrage forasmuch as Caesar was very strong in horse and therefore they determined to leave that place and transferre the warre into Celtiberia being the rather thereunto induced for that of those two contrary Factions which in the former warre had stood for L. Sertorius such Cities as were subdued by Pompey did yet stand in aw of his Name and Authority and such as from the beginning had continued firm unto him did intirely love him for the great benefits they had received from him amongst whom Caesar's name was not known There they expected great succours both of horse and foot and made no doubt but to keep the warre on foot untill winter This advice being agreed upon they gave order to take up all the boats that were on the river Iberus and to bring them to Octogesa a town sited upon Iberus twenty miles from the Camp There they commanded a bridge of boats to be made and transporting two legions over Sicoris fortified their Camp with a rampier of twelve foot
out to feeding and went on their journey Which Caesar perceiving rose and followed after leaving a few Cohorts to keep the carriages and about the tenth hour commanding the forragers and horsemen to be called back to follow after instantly the Cavalry returned and betook themselves to their accustomed charge The fight was very sharp in the rere insomuch as they were ready to turn their backs Mâ—ny souldiers and some of the Centurions were slain Caesar's troups prâ—ssed hard upon them and threatned the overthrow of their whole Army insomuch as they had neither means to chuse a fit place to incamp in nor to proceed forward in their march Whereby they were necessarily inforced to make a stand and to pâ—â—h their Camp far from any water in an unequall and disadvantageous place But Caesar forbare to meddle with them for the same reasons that have been formerly declared and for that day would not suffer the souldiers to set up their Tents that they might be the readier to follow after at what time soever by night or by day they should offer to break away The Enemy having observed the defect of our Camp imployed all that night in advancing their works and in casting their Camp with an opposite front to our Army The like they did all the next day but so it fell out that by how much their Camp was brought farther on and the fortification grew nearer to finishing by so much farther off they were from water and so remedied one evil with a worse mischief The first night none of them went out of their Camp to fetch water and the next day they led out all their troups together to water but sent no man out to forrage Whereby Caesar finding them oppressed with many inconveniences chose rather to force them to a composition then to fight with them THE OBSERVATION IN this troublesome and confused retreat which these Commanders undertook to regain the advantages that formerly they had quitted at Ilerda we may observe the difficulties attending a weaker party when they would free themselves from the pressures of a strong confronting enemy For the frailty of humane fortune is alwayes so yoaked with incumbrances and hath so many lets from the native weaknesses of its own endeavour that if the opposition of forreign malice shall therewithall unhappily concurre to stop the current of our desires there is little hope of better successe then that which the ordinary condition of extremity doth afford which is to hazard the perill of a wound in seeking to avoid the smart of a rod and to fall into Scylla upon a desire we have to shun Charybdis according as it befell this party Wherein let us farther note the advantage which a Commander hath either to take or leave when he is able to over-master the Enemy in Cavalry for the horsemen serving an Army Royall by making discoveries by forraging by giving rescue upon a suddain by doing execution and retarding an Enemy in his march if over-awed by the Cavalry of the Enemy they cannot perform these services as is requisite the contrary party is the stronger by so many advantages CHAP. XXVI Caesar goeth about to inclose the Enemy and he to hinder Caesar HOwbeit Caesar laboured to inclose them about with a ditch and a rampier to the end he might with better ease hinder their suddain sallies and eruptions to which he thought the Enemy would necessarily betake themselves The Enemy being streightened for want of forrage and to the end also they might be the readier to escape away caused all their horses of carriage to be killed and in these works and consultations were two dayes spent The third day a great part of Caesar's works being already perfected the enemy to hinder the businesse intended concerning the fortifications about two of the clock in the afternoon made the Alarmes brought out the legions and imbattelled themselves under their Camp Caesar calleth back the legions from their work and commanding all his horse to troup together putteth his Army in battell For having made such a shew of unwillingnesse to buckle with the enemy against the will of the souldier and opinion of all men he found himself subject thereupon to much inconvenience howbeit he was resolved for the reasons already specified not to strike a battel and the rather at this time for that the space between his Camp and the enemies was so little that if he had put them to flight it could not have much availed him for the gaining of a perfect and absolute victory For their Camps were not above two thousand foot asunder whereof the Armies took up two parts and the third was left for incursion and assault So that if he had given battel in that nearnesse of the Camp they would have found a speedy retreat upon their overthrow For which cause he resolved to stand upon his defence and not to give the onset and charge them first Afranius had put his Army in a double battel the first consisting of five legions and the Auxiliary cohorts which usually served in the wings were now placed for succours and made the second battel Casar's Army was ordered in a triple battel the first was of four cohorts a piece of the five legions the second of three and the third again of three of each legion following in order The Archers and Slingers were in the midst and the Cavalry on the sides Being thus both imbattelled they seemed to obtain their severall ends Caesar not to fight unlesse he were forced to it and the Enemy to hinder Caesar's fortification But the matter being drawn out in length they stood imbattelled untill sun-seting and then returned both into their Camps THE FIRST OBSERVATION COntra opinionem enim militum famamque omnium videri praelio diffugisse magnum detrimentum afferebat Having made a shew of unwillingnesse to buckle with the enemy against the will of the souldier and the opinion of all men he found himself subject to much inconvenience saith the history Whence we may observe two points First that a Commander in striking a field must partly be directed by his Army for he may neither fight against the liking of the souldier nor withhold them from fighting when they are willing to embrace it if other circumstances do indifferently concurre therewithall For when men are commanded to do what they would do the matter is throughly undertaken and the issue is commonly answerable to the readinesse of their desires but being restrained in their affections and put besides their aptnesse of their voluntary disposition there groweth such a contrariety between the Generalls order and the souldiers oâ—edience as will hardly sympathize to beget good fortune And if a Leader of that same and opinion and so well known to his Army as Caesar was grew into distaste with his souldiers upon so good causes which he had to shun a battel what hazard that Commander runneth into who seldome or never
Army and ingaged them in fight Amongst whom Caesar opposed his horsemen and intermingled with them four hundred expedite souldiers of them that had place before the Ensigns who so much prevailed in the encounter that they drave them all away before them slew many of them and returned themselves in safety to their troups Caesar having made a just daies march according to his first determination and brought his Army over the River Genusus he lodged in his old Camp over against Asparagus and kept all the souldiers within the Rampier commanding the horse that went out to forrage to be presently taken in by the Decumane Port. THE FIRST OBSERVATION ALbeit that of Cato be true that an Errour in â—ight is not capable of amendment yet out oâ— that which happeneth amisse may alwaies be somewhat gathered to repair the disadvantage and to dispose a Party to better carriage for the future Accordingly we may note Caesar's notable temper and demeanour after so great a losse recalling the courage of his souldiers and settling their minds in a course of good resolution with as many valuable reasons as humane wisdome was able to afford him without which all their other advantages either of valour or experience and use of Arms or their assurednesse after so many victories or what other thing soever that made them excell all other Armies had been utterly buried in this overthrow For his better furtherance wherein he thought it fit to use the help of time before he brought them to the like triall For that which is said of grief If reason will not give an end unto it time will is to be understood of any other passion of the mind which cannot possibly be so great but time will consume it THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe second thing which cometh to be handled is the manner of Caesar's retreat being as exquisite a pattern in this kind as is extant in any story and is the rather to be considered forasmuch as it is one of the principall points of Military Art and worthiest the knowledge of a Generall to be able upon all occasions to make a safe and sure retreat For those that can do nothing else can easily put themselves into a war but to return them home again in safety is that which concerneth the honour of a Leader Many are the causes that may move a Commander to dislodge himself and to leave his Adversarie for a time but the means to do it safety depend specially upon these two points The one is To advance himself onward at first as far as possibly he can to the end he may get the start before the enemy be ready to follow him and is taught by Xenophon who after the death of Cyrus in the battell against King Artaxerxes brought back a thousand men into Greece from an Army of two hundred thousand horse that pressed hard upon them for five hundred leagues together Which retreat is exactly storied by the said Author in seven books containing all the difficulties concerning this point amongst which we find this passage It much imported us saith he to go as far at first as possible we could to the end we might have some advantage of space before the Enemy that pressed so near behind For if we once got before and could out-strip them for a daies journey or two it was not possible for them to overtake us forasmuch as they durst not follow us with a small troup and with great forces they could never reach us besides the scarcity and want of victuall they fell into by following us that consumed all before them Thus far goeth Xenophon And according to this rule Caesar ordered his retreat for he got the start of Pompey so far the first day by that eight miles he gained in the afternoon as it followeth in the next Chapter that he was never able to overtake him The second thing for the assuring of a retreat is So to provide against the incumberances of an Enemy that he may not find it easie to attack him that would be gone Of all retreats which may any way be taken from example of Beasts that of the Wolf is most commended who never flies but with his head turned back upon his adversaries and shews such teeth as are not to be trusted After the Wolfs manner marched Caesar for howsoever the body of his Army retreated one way yet they turned so terrible a countenance towards the Enemy as was not to be endured And upon these two hinges is turned the carriage of a skilfull retreat Howbeit for the better furtherance hereof it shall not be impertinent to adde hereunto some inventions practised by great Commanders which may serve to amuse an Enemy while a Generall doth prepare himself to observe the former points King Philip of Macedon desirous to leave the Roman Army sent a Herauld to the Consul to demand a cessation of Armes while he buried his dead which he purposed to perform the next day with some care and solemnity Which being obtained he dislodged himself secretly that night and was got far on his way before the Romans perceived it Hanniball to clear his Army from that of the Romans which was commanded by the Consul Nero about midnight made many fires in that part which stood next the Roman Camp leaving certain Pavillions Lodgings with some few Numidians to shew themselves upon the Rampier he departed secretly towards Puteolis As soon as it was day the Romans according to their custome approaching the Counterscarp the Numidians shewed themselves and then suddainly made after their fellows as fast as their horses could carry them The Consul finding a great silence in the Camp sent two Light-horsemen to discover the matter who returning told him of the Enemies departure In like manner Varus as is formerly related left a Trumpeter in the Camp near Utica with certain Tents and about midnight carried his Army secretly into the Town Mithridates willing to leave Pompey that cut him off short the better to cover his departure made shew of making greater provision of forrage then he was accustomed appointed conferences the next day made great store of fires in his Camp and then in the night escaped away The Persians in the voyage which Solyman the Turk made against them in the year one thousand five hundred fifty four being driven to a place where the Ottomans thought to have had a hand upon them gathered every man a fagot and making a great heap thereof set them all on fire in the passage of the Turks Army which burned so furiously as the Persian escaped before the Enemy could passe by the fire CHAP. XXVI Caesar goeth on in his retreat Pompey ceaseth to follow him IN like manner Pompey having that day marched a full journey betook himself to his former lodging at Asparagus And for that the souldiers were not troubled with fortifying their Camp by reason all the works were whole intire many
to compell them CHAP. VII A new waâ— raised in the territories of the Pictones C. Fabius putteth to flight the forces of Dumnacus subdueth the Carnutes and Areâ—orici IN the mean season C. Caninius the Legate understanding by the messengers and letters of Duracius who had continued alwayes firm to the friendship of the people of Rome that a great number of enemies were assembled in the borders of the Pictones forasmuch as a part of that City had renounced their obedience went to the town of Lemovicum When he came near the town and understood by his prisoners â—ow that Dumnacus Captain of the Andes with many thousands of men had enclosed Duracius and that Lemovicum was besieged he durst not with his weak legions adventure upon his enemies but pitched his Camp in an advantageous ground Dumnacus hearing of the approach of Caninius turned all his power against the Roman legions determining to set upon them in their Camp After he had spent many dayes in the assault and had lost many of his men and yet could not break down any part of their fortifications he returned again to besiege Leâ—ovicum At the same time C. Fabius receiveth many Cities by composition and assureth them with hostages and is advertised by Caninius letters of those things that were done among the Pictones Upon the knowledge whereof he setteth forth to rescue Duracius But Dumnacus understanding of Fabius coming forasmuch as he thought he should hazard the losing all if at once he should be compelled both to abide the Romans his enemies without and also to have an eye to and stand in fear of the town retired suddenly with all his forces from the place and could not think himself to be sufficiently in safety before he had passed his army over the river Loire which by reason of the greatnesse thereof was to be passed by a bridge and not otherwise Although Fabius was not yet come within fight of his enemies not had joyned with Caninius yet forasmuch as he was throughly informed by such as knew the coast of the countrey he suspected that his enemies would take that way which they did Therefore he marcheth with his army to the said bridge where his enemies had passed and commanded his horsemen to go no farther before the footmen then that they might upon occasion reâ—iâ—e into the same Camp without tiring their horses Our horse aâ— was commanded them overtook the host of Dumnacus and set upon them and assaulting them flying and amazed as they marched with their luggage at their backs slew a great number and took a great prey and so with good successe retired into their camp The night following Fabius sent his horsemen before so provided that they might encounter the enemy and stay all the whole army untill he should overtake them Q. Atius Varus the commander of the horse a man of sinlar courage and wisdome having encouraged his men and overtaken the body of his enemies disposed certain of his troups in places convenient and with the rest of his horsemen gave charge upon his enemies The cavalry of the enemy fought so much the more boldly because their foot were ready to assist them who being mingled through the whole army as often as occasion was did succour them against our men The encounter was very sharp For our men despising them whom they had vanquished the day before and remembring that the legions followed at their heels ashamed to give ground and desirous to get the day before their coming fought very valiantly against the footmen On the other side our enemies believing that no greater forces of ours were behind according as they had seen the day before thought a fair opportunity offered them to destroy our cavalry utterly When they had fought a good while very eagerly Dumnacus made a battel to relieve his Cavalry when occasion should be But on the suddain our enemies espied our legions coming up close together at the sight of whom their horse were stricken into such a fear and the foot so amazed that breaking through their carriages with great clamour and confusion they betook themselves every where to flight Then our Cavalry who a little before had their hands full being heartened with joy of the victory raised a great shout on all sides and casting themselves amongst them as they fled made slaughter of them as farre as their horses breaths would serve to pursue them and their arms were able to strike them Insomuch that having slain above twelve thousand men armed and such as for fear had cast away their arms they took all their carriages none escaping Out of the which chase forasmuch as it was certainly known that Drapes the Senon was escaped who when Gallia first began to rebel gathering to him men of desperate fortunes out of all places setting bondmen at liberty entertaining outlawes of all countries and receiving high-way thieves had cut off the carriages and victuals of the Romans was going toward the Province with five thousand men at the most which he had rallied after the chase and that Luterius of Cahors joyned himself with him who in the former Commentary is said to have attempted an invasion of the Province at the first insurrection of Gallia Caninius the Legate with two legions pursued after them lest some great dishonour might be received by those loose fellows terrifying and harrasing the Province C. Fabius with the rest of the army went against the Carnutes and the other States whose power he knew to be crushed in the battel that was fought against Dumnacus For he doubted not but he should find them more tractable to deal with by reason of the late overthrow whereas if he should give them time of respite by the instigation of the said Dumnacus they might be raised again Fabius with marvellous good luck and speed brought those States to submission For the Carnutes who had been oftentimes before ill-handled by us yet would never listen to peace now gave hostages and came into subjection And the rest of the States situate in the farthest parts of Gallia bordering upon the sea which are called Armoricae following the example of the Carnutes at the coming of Fabius with his legions amongst them performed his commandments without delay Dumnacus thus driven out of his own countrey wandring and lurking in corners alone was compelled to betake himself to the uttermost countreys of all Gallia CHAP. VIII Drapes and Luterius seize upon Vxellodunum Caninius pursueth them overthroweth their forces taketh Drapes prisoner and with Fabius besiegeth Vxellodunum BUt Drapes and Luterius when they understood that Caninius approached with his army perceiving they could not without manifest perill enter the bounds of the Province considering how the army pursued them nor yet range abroad on thieving at their pleasure stayed together in the countrey of the Cadurci There Luterius who in times past while he was in prosperity was able to sway greatly with his countreymen and had gotten great estimation
Consulship which obtain'd he carried himself in it with that reputation that his Co-Consul Bibulus left all to his managery To maintain the authority he had got he himself took to wife Calpurnia the daughter of Lucius Piso who was to succeed him in the Consulate and bestowes his own Daughter Iulia on Pompey and so taking in Crassus they make a League and being equally ambitious conspire to invade the Common-wealth Caesar chuses for his Province the Galls or France Crassus Asia Pompey Spain whither they went with three puissant Armies as if the world had been to be trichotomiz'd among these three What Caesar did in his Province what Battels he fought what people he subdued what valour policy successe follow'd him every where may be seen in his own Commentaries of that war approv'd by his very enemies as modest and impartiall and attested by Cicero Plutarch Suetonius Appianus Alexandrinus Lucan Paulus Orosius Florus Eutropius too great a testimony against one censorious Asinius Pollio By this war Caesar got the reputation of the greatest Captain that ever was subduing all France from the Pyrenean hills to the Alps and so to the Rhene But to forbear particular instances as that he conquer'd the Suissers and Tigurins who were according to Plutarch 300000. men whereof 19000. were well disciplin'd this is most worth our remark that during these so great warres he omitted not both by intelligence and presents to endear his friends both at Rome and elsewhere doing many things without the Senate's leave upon the score of the League with Pompey and Crassus Nay his courting of all sorts of people both Souldier and Citizen was none of his least master-pieces by which means he had supplanted Pompey in matter of esteem before he perceiv'd it To this purpose hath Pliny observed Lib. 33. cap. 3. that in the time of his Aedility that is to say his Shrievedome he was so prodigall that all the Vtensills and armes that he made use of at publick sports and combats were all of silver which yet afterwards were bestow'd among the people and that he was the first that ever brought forth the beasts in chariots and cages of silver This it was made some suspect him guilty of rapine and that he plunder'd Temples and Cities saepius ob praedam quam ob delictum But this reputation of Caesar begat jealousy in Pompey which the tye of their correspondence being loos'd by the death of Iulia was easily seen to break forth into a flame especially now that Crassus the third man was together with divers stout Roman Legions buried with infamy in Parthia Thus the foundations of Friendship and Alliance in great ones being once taken away the superstructures fall down immediately Nothing could decide the emulation of two so great persons as Pompey and Caesar the one defying superiority the other equality but as great a war It could not but be universall when Senate Armies Kingdomes Cities Allies all were some way or other embarqu'd in the quarrell There was on one side 11. Legions on the other 18. The seat of the warre was Italy France Epirus Thessaly Aegypt Asia and Africk through all which after it had ravag'd 5. yeares the controversy was decided in Spain That Ambition the imperfection onely of the greatest minds might have been the occasion of so inveterate a warre hath been the opinion of divers others who charge not Pompey with so great discoveries of it as Caesar to whom they assign a greater then the Empire as if their mutuall distrust and jealousy of one another should be able to cause so many tragedies through so many Countries Besides Caesar had his Enemies at Rome and among others Cato who threatned to impeach him when he was once out of command What bandying there was against him we find somewhat in the later end of the eighth Commentary to this purpose Lentulus and Marcellus both of Pompey's Faction being Consuls it is mov'd in the Senate that Caesar might be call'd home and another sent to supply his command of the Army then in Gallia since that he having written for the Consulship should according to Law have been personally in Rome Caesar demands to be continued in Commission and Government and that he might demand the Consulship absent This Pompey opposes though he himself as much contrary to Law had had the Consulship and other dignities before he was at full Age. This deny'd Caesar proposes that he would come to Rome as a private man and give over his command so that Pompey quitted his employment in Spain About this the Senate was much divided Cicero proposes a mediation but Pompey's party prevailing it was decreed that Caesar should by a certain time quit his command and should not passe his Army over the River Rubicon which bounded his Province declaring him an enemy to the Roman State in case of refusall C. Curio and M. Antonius the Tribunes of the people out of their affection to Caesar endeavouring to oppose this decree were thrust disgracefully out of the Senate which occasion'd them to repair to Caesar whereby they endear'd the affections of the Souldiery to him the office of the Tribunes being ever held sacred and unviolable Caesar understanding how things stood at Rome marches with 5000. foot and 300. Horse to Ravenna having commanded the Legions to follow Coming to the fatall passage of Rubicon he entered into a deep deliberation considering the importance and miseries that might ensue that passage At last in the midst of his anxiety he was animated to a prosecution of his designes by the apparition of a man of an extraordinary stature and shape sitting near unto his army piping upon a reed The Souldiers went down to the River side to heare him and approach'd so near that he caught one of their trumpets and leaping into the River began with a mighty blast to sound and so went to the bank of the other side This resolves Caesar who cry'd out Let us go whither the Gods and the injurious dealings of our enemies call us With which he set spurs to his horse and past the River the army following Who would be more particularly inform'd may be satisfi'd out of Appianus Alexandrinus Suetonius Plutarch in the lives of Caesar Cato and Cicero St. Augustine l. 3. de c. d. Caesar himself in his Commentaries Florus Livy Paulus Orosius Eutropius Lucan Pliny de viris illustribus Valerius Maximus c. Having pass'd the River and drawn the Army together the Tribunes came to him in those dishonourable garments wherein they had fled from Rome Whereupon he made an excellent oration to the Souldiery opening to them his cause which was answer'd with generall acclamations and promises of duty and obedience to all commands This done he seizes Ariminum and divers other Towns and Castles as he past till he came to Corfinium where Domitius who was to succeed him in his command was garrison'd with 30. Cohorts Caesar's advance and intentions astonished Rome Senate and people nay
those late and fresh injuries for that they had attempted to pass through the Province by force of Armes sacked and pillaged the Heduans Ambaâ—s and Allobrogians that did so insolently vaunt of their victorie admiring that these injuries were suffered so long time to rest unrevenged came all in the end to one passe For the immortall Gods were went sometimes to give happinesse and long impunitie to men that by the greater alteration of things the punishment should be the more grievous for their offences Howbeit if they would give Hostages for the performance of those things which were to be agreed upon and satisfie the Heduans and Allobrogians together with their Allies for the injuries they had done unto them he would be content to make peace with them Divico replied that they were taught by their Ancestours to take Hostages rather then to give them whereof the people of Rome were witnesses and thereupon departed The next day they removed the Camp and the like did Caesar sending all his horse before to the number of four thousand which he had raised in the Province and drawn from the Heduans and their Associates to understand which way the Enemy took who prosecuting the rereward overhotly were forced to undertake the Helvetian Cavalry in a place of disadvantage and thereby lost some few of their Company The enemy made proud with that encounter having with five hundred horse beaten so great a multitude did afterwards make head with more assurance and sometimes stuck not to â—ally out of the Rereward and assault our Partie Caesar kept back his men from fighting and held it enough for the present to keep the Enemy from spoiling and harrying the Country and went on for fifteen daies together in such manner as there were but five or six miles between the first troupes of our Armie and the Rereward of theirs OBSERVATION THis example of the Helvetians may lesson a Commaunder not to wax insolent upon every overthrow which the enemie taketh but duely to weigh the true causes of a victorie gotten or an overthrow taken that apprehending the right current of the action he may neither vaunt of a blind victorie nor be dismaâ—ed at a casuall mishap And herein let a heedfull warinesse so moderate the sequels of victorie in a triumphing spirit that the care and jealousie to keep still that sweet-sounding fame on foot may as farre surpasse the induâ—trie which he first used to obtain it as the continuance of happinesse doth exceed the beginning of good fortunes For such is the nature of our soul that although from her infancie even to the manhood of her age she never found want of that which she lusted after yet when she meeteth with a counterbuffe to check her appetite and restrain her affections from their satisfaction she is as much troubled in that want as if she had never received any contentment at all for our will to everie object which it seeketh after begetteth alwaies a new appetite which is not satisfied with a former quittance but either seeketh present paiment or returneth discontentment unto the mind And as our soul is of an everlasting being and cannot think of an end to her beginning so she seeketh a perpetuall continuance of such things as she lusteth after which he that meaneth to hold Fortune his friend will endeavour to maintain Chap. VI. Caesar sendeth to get the advantage of a hill and so to give the Helvetians battell but is put off by false intelligence The opportunitie being lost he intendeth provision of Corn. IN the mean time Caesar pressed the Heduans from day to day to bring in Corn according to their promise for by reason of the cold temperature of Gallia which lieth to the Northward it happened not only that the Corn was farre from being ripe but also that there was scarce forrage for the horses And the provisions which were brought along the river Arar stood him in small stead at that time forasmuch as the Helvetians had taken their journey clean from the River and he would by no means forsake them The Heduans putting it off from one day to another gave out still it was upon coming But when Caesar found the matter so long delayed and that the day of meting out Corn to the souldiers was at hand calling before him the chiefest Princes of the Heduans of whom he had great numbers in his Camp and amongst them Divitiacus and Liscus who for that time were the soveraign Magistrates which they call Vergobret being yearly created and having power of life and death he did greatly blame them that he was not supplied with Corn from them the Enemy being so near and in so needfull a time that it could neither be bought for money nor had out of the fields especially when for their sake and at their request he had undertook that warre Whereat he was the rather grieved because he found himself forsaken of them At length Liscus moved with Caesars speech discovered which before he had kept secret that there were some of great authority amongst the Commons and could do more being private persons then they could do being Magistrates These by sedicious and bad speeches did defer the people from bringing Corn shewing it better for them sith they could not attain to the Empire of Gallia to undergo the soveraigntie of the Galles then the Romans for they were not to doubt but if the Romans vanquished the Helvetians they would bereave the Heduans of their libertie with the rest of all Gallia By these men are our deliberations and counsels or whatsoever else is done in the Camp made known to the Enemy â—hat they were not able to keep them in obedience That he knew well withall what danger he fell into by acquainting Caesar with these things which was the cause he had kept them from him so long Caesar perceived that Dumnorix Divitiacus brother was shot at by this speech of Liscus but forasmuch as he would not have those things handled in the presence of so many he speedily braâ—e off the Councell retaining Liscus asked privately after those things which he had delivered in the Assembly whereunto he spake more freely and boldly then before And inquiring secretly of others he found it to be true that Dumnorix was of great courage singularly favoured for his liberality of the Common people desirous of novelties and changes and for many years had kept at a low rate the Taxes and Impositions of the Heduans forasmuch as no man durst contradict what he would have done By which courses he had increased his private estate and got great means to be liberall for a great number of horsemen did onely live upon his entertainment and were continually about him being not onely powerfull at home but abroad also amongst divers of the neighbour States and for this cause had married his Mother to a great Rich man and of a Noble house in the Countrey of the Bituriges himself had took a wife of
bank did naturally second their violent impression Neither can the shock at handy-blowes be any thing so furious which was a point of great respect in their battels when the souldiers spent their strength in franchising the in jury of a rising Mountain as when the place by a naturall inclination did further their course And to conclude if the battel succeeded not according to theâ— desire the favour of the place afforded them meanes of a strong retreat in the highest part whereof they had commonly their Camps well fenced and fortified against all chaunces If it be demanded whether the upper ground be of like use in regard of our weapons I answer that in a skirmish of shot I take the advantage to ly in the lower ground rather then on the hill for the peeces being hastily charged as commonly they are after the first volley if the bullet chance to ly loose when the nose of the peece is lower then the breech it must needs flie at randome and be altogether uneffectuall but when the nose shall be raised upward to the side of a hill the bullet being rammed in with his own weight shall fly with greater certainty and fury considering the nature of the powder to be such that the more it is stopt and shut in the more it seeketh to enlarge his room and breaketh forth with greater violence and fury Concerning other weapons I take the upper ground in the shock and incounter to be advantageous as well for the sword as the pike and would deserve as great respect if the controversy were decided by these weapons as seldome times it is THE SECOND OBSERVATION BY Causidius his demeanour we see that verified which Physicians affirme That nothing will sooner carrie our judgement out of her proper seat then the passion of fear and that amongst souldiers themselves whom custome hath made familiarlie acquainted with horrour and death it is able to turn a flock of Sheep into a squadron of Corselets and a few Canes or Oliers into Pikes and Lanciers Which may serve to advise a discreet Generall not easily to credit a relation of that nature when a man of reputation in so perfect a discipline and so experienced in the service of three famous Chiefs was so surprised with fear that he could not discern his friends from his enemies But I will speak more of this passion in the war with Aâ—â—ovistus THE THIRD OBSERVATION IN every relation throughout the whole course of this historie the first words are commonly these Re frumentaria comparata as the foundation and strength of every expedition without which no man can manage a war according to the true maximes and rules of the Art Military but must be forced to relieve that inconvenience with the losse of many other advantages of great consequence Which gave occasion to Gaspar de Coligm that famous Admirall of France amongst other Oracles of truth wherewith his mind was marvellously inriched often to use this saying That he that will shape that beast meaning war must beginne with the belly And this rule was diligently observed by Caesar who best knew how to express the true pourtraiture of that beast in due proportion and lively resemblance The order of the Romans was at the day of measuring to give corn to every particular souldier for a certain time which was commonly desined by circumstances and by the measure which was given them they knew the day of the next paiment for every footman received after the rate of a bushell a week which was thought sufficient for him and his servant For if they had payed them their whole stipend in money it might have been wasted in unnecessarie expenses but by this meanes they were sure of provision for the time determined and the sequell of the war was providently cared for by the Generall The Corn being delivered out was husbanded ground with hand-milles which they carried alwayes with them and made into hasty cakes dainty enough for a souldiers mouth by no other but themselves and their servants Neither could they sell it or exchange it for bread for Salust reckoneth this up amongst other dishonours of the discipline corrupted that the souldiers sold away their corn which was given them by the Treasurer and bought their bread by the day And this manner of provision had many speciall commodities which are not incident to our custome of victualling for it is impossible that victuallers should follow an Armie upon a service in the Enemies Countrey twenty or thirty dayes together with sufficient provision for an Armie And by that meanes the Generall cannot attend advantages and fittest opportunities which in tract of time are often offered but is forced either to hazard the whole upon unequall termes or to found an unwilling retreat And whereas the Victuallers are for the most part voluntarie respecting nothing but their gain and the souldiers on the other side carelesse of the morrow and prodigall of the present in that turbulent marre-market where the seller hath an eye onely to his particular and the buyer respecteth neither the publick good nor his private commoditie there is nothing to be looked for but famine and confusion Whereas the Romans by their manner of provision imposed the generall care of the publick good upon the chief Commander whose dutie it was to provide store of Corn for his Armie and the particular care upon every private souldier whom it especially concerned to see that the allowance which the Commonweale had in plentifull manner given him for his maintenance might not be wasted through negligence or prodigalitie which excellent order the nature of our victuals will no way admit Their Provinces and the next consederate States furnished their Armies continually with Corn as it appeareth by this place that for provision of grain he depended altogether upon the Hedui and when they were in the Enemies Countrey in the time of harvest the souldiers went out to reap and gather Corn and delivered it threshed and cleansed to the Treasurer that it might be kept untill the day of paiment But to leave this fiugall and provident manner of provision as unpossible to be amitated by this age let us return to our historie and see how the Helvetians were led by a probable errour to their last overthrow Chap. VII The Helvetians follow after Caesar and overtake the Rereward He imbattaileth his legions upon the side of a hill and giveth order for the battel WHereof the Enemy being advertised by certain fugitives of the troup of horse commanded by L. Emilius presently whether it were that they thought the Romans did turn away for fear and the rather for that the day before having the advantage of the upper ground they refused to sight or whether they thought to cut them off from provision of Corn they altered their purpose and turning back again began to attack our men in the Rere Which Caesar perceiving drew his forces to the next hill and sent the Cavalrie
about their head and so to cast out the bullet Virgil speaking of Mezentius saith Ipse ter adducta circum caput egit habera He fetcht the rein three times about his head But Vegetius preferreth that skill which cast the bullet with once turning it about the head In Suidas we find that these Baleares did commonly cast a stone of a pound weight which agreeth to these names in Caesar fundas librales The leaden bullets are mentioned by Salust in the warre with Jugurth and by Livie where he saith that the Consul provided great store of arrows of bullets and of small stones to be cast with slings This weapon was in request amongst divers nations as well in regard of the readinesse and easy reiterating of the blow as also for that the bullet fled very farre with great violence The distance which they could easily reach with their sling is expressed in this verse FunduÌ„ Varro vocat quem possis mittere funda Fundum according to Varro is so much ground as a man may sling over Which Vegetius interpreteth to be six hundred foot Their violence was such as the same authour affirmeth in his first book and sixteenth chap. that neither helmet gaberdine nor coâ—selet could bear out the blow but he that was hit with a sling was slain sine invidia sanguinis as he saith in the same place Lucrece Ovid and Lucan three of the Latine Poets say that a bullet skilfully cast out of a sling went with such violence that it melted as it flew whereof Seneca giveth this reason Motion saith he doth extenuate the ayre and that extenuation or subtilty doth inflame and so a bullet caâ—â— out of a sling melteth as it flieth But howsoever Diodorus Siculus affirmeth that these Balearean slingers brake both target head-piece or any other armour whatsoever There are also two other sorts of slings the one mentioned by Livie and the other by Vegetius That in Livie is called Cestrophendo which cast a short arrow with a long thick head the other in Vegetius is called Fustibalus which was a sling made of a cord and a staffe But let this suffice for slings and slingers which were reckoned amongst their light-armed souldiers and used chiefly in assaulting and defending towns and fortresses where the heavy-armed souldiers could not come to buckle and present the place of our Harquebusiers which in their proper nature are levis armaturâ— milites light-armed souldiers although more terrible then those of ancient times Chap. V. Caesar confronteth the Belgae in form of battell but without any blow given the Belgae attempt the passing of the river Axona but in vain and to their losse they consult of breaking up the war CAesar at the first resolved not to give them battel as well in regard of their multitude as the generall fame and opinion conceived of their valour notwithstanding he daily made triall by light skirmishes with his horsemen what the enemy could do and what his own men durst do And when he found that his own men were nothing inferiour to the Belgae he chose a convenient place before his camp and put his Army in battell the bank where he was encamped rising somewhat from a plain levell was no larger then would suffice the front of the battell the two sides were steep and the front rose aslope by little and little untill it came again to a plain where the legions were imbattelled And least the enemy abounding in multitude should circumvent his men and charge them in the flank as they were fighting which they might easily do with their number he drew an overthwart ditch behind his Army from one side of the hill to the other six hundred paces in length the ends whereof he fortified with bulwarks and placed therein store of engines And leaving in his Camp the two legions which he had last enrolled in Lombardy that they might be ready to be drawn forth when there should need any succour he imbattelled his other six legions in the front of the hill before his Camp The Belgae also bringing forth their power confronted the Romans in order of battell I here lay between both the Armies a small Marish over which the enemy expected that Caesar should have passed and Caesar on the other side attended to see if the Belgae would come over that his men might have charged them in that troublesome passage In the mean time the Cavalry on both sides incountered between the two battells and after long expectation on either side neither party adventuring to passe over Caesar having got the better in the skirmish between the horsemen thought it sufficient for that time both for the encouraging of his own men and the contesting of so great an Army and therefore he conveighed all his men again into their Camp From that place the enemy immediately took his way to the River Axona which lay behind the Romans Camp and there finding foords they attempted to passe over part of their forces to the end they might either take the fortresse which Q. Titurius kept or break down the bridge or spoile the territories of the state of Rhemes and cut off the Romans from provision of corne Caesar having advertisement thereof from Titurius transported over the river by the bridge all his horsemen and light-armed Numidians with his Slingers and Archers and marched with them himself The conflict was hot in that place the Romans charging their enemies as they were troubled in the water slew a great number of them the rest like desperate persons adventuring to passe over upon the dead carkases of their fellowes were beaten back by force of weapons and the horsemen incompassed such as had first got over the water and slew every man of them When the Belgae perceived themselves frustrated of their hopes of winning Bibrax of passing the River and of drawing the Romans into places of disadvantage and that their own provisions began to fail them they called a councell of war wherein they resolved that it was best for the State in generall and for every man in particular to break up their Camp and to return home unto their own houses and into whose confines or territories soever the Romans should first enter to depopulate and wast them in hostile manner that thither they should hasten from all parts and there give them battell to the end they might rather try the matter in their own country then abroad in a strange and unknown place and have their own houshold provision alwayes at hand to maintain them And this the rather was concluded for as much as they had intelligence that Divitiacus with a great power of the Hedui approached near to the borders of the Bellovaci who in that regard made hast homeward to defend their country THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe the Art which he used to countervail the strength of so great a multitude by chusing out so convenient a place which was no broader in front then would
therefore it was called agmen quadratum or a square march inasmuch as it kept the same disposition of parts as were observed in quadrata Acie in a square body For that triple forme of imbatteling which the Romans generally observed in their fights having respect to the distances between each battel contained almost an equall dimension of front and file and so it made Aciem quadratam a square body and when it marched Agmen quadratum a square march Polybius expresseth the same in effect as often as the place required circumspection but altereth it somewhat in regard of the carriages for he saith that in time of danger especially where the country was plain and champain and gave space and free scope to clear themselves upon any accident the Romans marched in a triple battel of equall distance one behind another every battell having his severall carriages in front And if they were by chance attacked by an enemy they turned themselves according to the opportunity of the place either to the right of left hand and so placing their carriages on the one side of their Army they stood imbattelled ready to receive the charge The contrary form of marching where the place afforded more security and gave scope to conveniency they named agmen longum a long march or train when almost every maniple or order had their severall carriages attending upon them and strove to keep that way which they found most easy both for themselves and their impediments Which order of march as it was more commodious then the former in regard of particularity so was it unsafe and dangerous where the enemy was expected and therefore Caesar much blamed Sabinus and Cotta for marching when they were deluded by Ambiorix longissimo agmine in a very long train as though they had received their advertisements from a friend and not from an enemy And albeit our modern wars are farre different in quality from them of ancient times yet in this point of discipline they cannot have a more perfect direction then that which the Romans observed as the two poles of their motions Safety and Conveniencie whereof the first dependeth chiefly upon the provident disposition of the leaders and the other will easily follow on as the commodity of every particular shall give occasion Concerning safety in place of danger what better course can be taken then that manner of imbattelling which shall be thought most convenient if an enemy were present to confront them for a well-ordered march must either carry the perfect forme of a battel or contain the distinct principles and elements thereof that with little alteration it may receive that perfection of strength which the fittest disposition can afford it First therefore a prudent and circumspect Leader that desireth to frame a strong and orderly march is diligently to observe the nature and use of each weapon in his Army how they may be placed for greatest use and advantage both in respect of their different and concurring qualities as also in regard of the place wherein they are managed and this knowledge will consequently inferre the best and exactest disposition of imbattelling as the said forces are capable of which if it may be observed in a march is no way to be altered But if this exactnesse of imbattelling will not admit convenient carriage of such necessary adjuncts as pertain to an Army the inconvenience is to be relieved with as little alteration from that rule as in a wary judgement shall be found expedient that albeit the form be somewhat changed yet the principles and ground wherein their strength and safety consisteth may still be retained Neither can any man well descend to more particular precepts in this point he may exemplify the practices of many great and experienced commanders what sort of weapon marched in front and what in the rereward in what part of the Army the Munition marched and where the rest of the carriage was bestowed according as their severall judgements thought most expedient in the particular nature of their occurrences But the issue of all will fall out thus that he that observed this rule before prescribed did seldome miscarry through an unsafe march Let a good Martia list well know their proper use in that diversity of weapons in his Army how they are serviceable or disadvantageous in this or that place against such or such an Enemy and he will speedily order his battel dispose of his march and bestow his carriages as shall best fall out both for his safety and conveniency Caesars custome was to send his Cavalry and light-armed footmen before the body of his Army both to discover and impeach an Enemy for these troups were nimble in motion and fit for such services but if the danger were greater in the rereward then in the front the horsemen marched in the tayl of the Army and gave security where there was most cause of fear But if it happened that they were found unfit to make good the service in that place as oftentimes it fell out and especially in Africa against the Numidians he then removed them as he best found it convenient and brought his legionary souldiers which were the sinews and strength of his forces and marched continually in the bulk of the Army to make good that which his horsemen could not perform And thus he altered the antique prescription and uniformity of custome according as he found himself best able to disadvantage an Enemy or make way to victory Chap. IX The Romans begin to fortify their camp but are interrupted by the Nervii Caesar maketh hast to prepare his forces to battell THe Roman horsemen with the slingers and archers passed over the river and encountred the Cavalry of the Enemy who at first retired back to their companies in the wood and from thence sallied out again upon them but the Romans durst not pursue them further then the plain and open ground In the mean time the six legions that were in front having their work measured out unto them began to fortify their camp But as soon as the Neâ—vii perceived their former carriages to be come in sight which was the time appointed amongst them to give the charge as they stood imbattelled within the thicket so they rushed out with all their forces and assaulted the Roman horsemen which being easily beaten back the Nervii ran down to the river with such an incredible swiftnesse that they seemed at the same instant of time to be in the woods at the river and charging the legions on the other side For with the same violence having passed the river they ran up the hill to the Roman camp where the souldiers were busied in their intrenchment Caesar had all parts to play at one instant the flag to be hung out by which they gave the souldiers warning to take Arms the battel to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet the souldiers to be recalled from their work and such as were gone farre
ought that may be gathered by their histories THE FIFTH OBSERVATION THe last thing which I observe is the place where Crassus bestowed the Auxiliary forces in the disposition of his troups to battel which is here said to be in mediam Aciem for as their Armies were divided into three battels so every battel was divided into three parts the two cornets and the battel wherein these Auxiliary forces were in this service bestowed of these he afterward saith that inasmuch as he durst not put any confidence in them he commanded them to serve the Romans in time of battel with stones and weapons and to carry earth and turf to the Mount The reason why suspected troups are placed in the battel rather then in either of the cornets is for that the battel hath not such scope to fling out or take advantage of place to do mischief as the cornets have for wheresoever there have been set battels fought the strength of their Army consisted alwayes in the cornets as the two principall instruments of the battel and as long as these stood sound the victory went alwayes certain on that part for the cornets both kept the enemy from incompassing about the body of their Army and had the advantage also of charging upon the open side of their adversary At the battel of Cannae Hannibal put the weakest of his forces in the battel and advancing them towards the enemy left the two cornets behind so that when the enemy came to charge upon the battel they easily beat them back and as they followed the retreat fell in between the two cornets wherein the strength of the Army consisted and being by them incompassed on each side were defeated and overthrown And thus we see the advantage which a Generall hath when his two cornets stand firm although the battel shrink in the encounter Hannibal in the battel he had with Scipio in Africk placed the Strangers in the front and in the rereward according peradventure as he found their number and the use of their Armes which are circumstances to be considered in this case and depend rather upon the judgement of a Generall then of any prescription that can be given in this matter CHAP. XI Crassus taketh the Camp of the Galles and with their overthrow endeth that warre CRassus understanding their drift and finding his men chearfull and willing to fight the whole army crying out that they would stay no longer but immediately set upon the enemies in their camp incouraged his souldiers and to the contentment of all men went directly to the place where they were lodged and as some began to fill up the ditch and others with casting weapons to beat the Galles from the rampier he commanded the Auxiliary forces of whom he had no great assurance to bring stones and weapons to the souldiers that fought and to carry earth and turf to the Mount that so they might make a shew of fighting And on the other side as the enemy began valiantly to make resistance to cast their weapons from the higher ground to the great hurt of the Roman souldier the horsemen in the mean time riding about the Camp of the Galles brought word to Crassus that the rampier at the Decumane port was not fortified with such diligence as they found it in other places but would admit an easy entrance Crassus dealt earnestly with the Commanders of the horse to incourage their men with great promises and rewards and instructed them what he would have done They according to their instructions took four cohorts that were left in the Camp fresh and no way tired and carrying them a further way about that they might not be discovered by the Enemy while all mens eyes and minds were intent upon the fight they speedily came to the place of the fortifications which the horsemen had found to be weak which being easily broken down they had entered the Camp before the Enemy either saw them or could tell what was done And then a great clamour and shout being heard about that place the Roman legions renewing their force as it falleth out alwayes in hope of victory began to charge them afresh with great fury The Galles being circumvented on each side and despairing of their safety casting themselves over the rampier sought by flight to escape the danger But forasmuch as the Countrey was open and champain the horsemen pursued them with that execution that of fifty thousand which came out of Aquitanie and Spain there scarce remained the fourth part Vpon the news of this fight the most part of the Aquitani yielded to Caesar and of their own accord gave him hostages amongst these were the Tarbelli Bigerriones Preciani Vocates Tarusates Elusates Garites Ausci Garumni Sibutzates and Cocasates Only some few that lived farther off trusting upon the coming on of winter held off and did not submit themselves OBSERVATION FRom this place Brancatio taketh occasion to dispute how an Enemy that is strongly incamped and for some advantage will not remove may be dislodged whether he will or no. A point of great consequence in matter of warre and therefore deserveth due consideration Concerning which he layeth this down for a maxime that all sorts and strong holds are taken by the foot and that camps and lodgings are taken by the head By which is meant that he who purposeth to win a fortresse well manned and provided must first get the foot and take hold of the ditch and then seise himself upon the rampier and so get the place for he saith that mounts and eminent elevations are of little use against fortresses or sconses unlesse they over-top them which may be easily prevented by raising the parapet of the fortresse in front and the curtain in slank according as the enemy shall carry his mounts aloft and so they shall never come to over-top the holds But all Camps and lodgings are taken by the head that is by mounts and elevations which by the advantage of their height command the champain for he holdeth it impossible to raise a mount within the Camp in so short a time to contest that which the enemy shall make without This foundation being laid he proceedeth to discover a way how to raise a mount maugre the enemy which shall dislodge them by force of Artillery or murther them all within their trenches And this he taketh from Caesar at the siege of Gergobia The substance of the matter consisteth in a double dâ—tch running like unto the line which the 〈◊〉 call Helicall By this double ditch he maketh his approach to any place of most advantage where he may in a night raise a mount high enough for the ordinance to play upon any quarter of the Camp The censure of this practice I referre to our judicious souldiers who may if it please them take a better view of the particularities of this stratagem in Brancatio himself Thus much I dare affirm in the behalf of these
that course which reason appointeth as the best means to a fortunate successe alwayes remembring that all his actions are presented upon a stage and passe the censure of many curious beholders which applaud grave and patient motions as the greatest proof of true wisdome and disallow of passionate and head-strong affection as derogating from the sincere carriage of an action how just soever otherwise it seemeth Concerning execution and fury of battel I take anger to be a necessary instrument to set valour on foot and to overwage the difficulties of terrour with a furious resolution for considering that the noblest actions of the mind stand in need of the impulsions of passions I take anger to be the fittest means to advance the valiant carriage of a battel for as fear is treacherous and unsafe so anger is confident and of an unquencheable heat And therefore a Commander ought by all means to suggest matter of anger against an Enemy that his men may behold them with a wrathfull regard and thirst after the day of battel to satisfy their fury with the bloud of their adversaries If any urge that it hath been heretofore observed of the Galles that in the beginning of a battell they were more then men and in the later end they were lesse then women and therefore a cholerick disposition is not so fit for service as we seem to make it I answer that there is a difference between a disposition to choler such as was observed in the Galles and the passion of anger well kindled in the mind for the first is subject to alteration and contrariety of actions but the other is furious invincible never satisfyed but with revenge And so that of Aristotle is proved true that anger serveth oftentimes as a weapon to vertue whereunto some answer very pleasantly saying it is a weapon of a strange nature for we do manage other weapons and this doth manage us our hand guideth not it but it guideth our hand it possesseth us not we it as it happened in the reign of Tiberius amongst the mutinous legions at Vetera and therefore a Commander ought to take great heed whom he maketh the object of that anger which kindleth in his Army For as it is a passion of terrible execution and therefore needeth to be wisely directed so is it dangerous in regard of obedience which was the only thing which Caesar required in his souldiers But to leave this hasty matter and fall nearer that which we seek after I may not omit the Prognostication which Caesar made of the consequence of this accident by the naturall disposition of the people the event whereof proved the truth of his predictions which sheweth what advantage a learned Generall that hath been somewhat instructed in the school of Nature hath gained of him whom only experience hath taught the active rudiments of the war and thinketh of no further lession in that art then that which the office of a Serjeant or Lancepresado containeth CHAP. III. Caesar cometh to his Army marcheth towards the Germans and by the way treateth of conditions of Peace CAesar being come to his Army found that to have happened which he before suspected for some of the States of Gallia had sent messengers unto the Germans to leave the banks of Rhene and to come further into the Continent where they should find ready whatsoever they desired Whereupon the Germans began to make further incursions and to waste the land as farre as the confines of the Eburones and the Condrusi who were under the protection of the Treviri The Princes of the Galles being called together Caesar thought it best to dissemble what he had discovered concerning their revolt and confirming their minds with an approbation of their loialty he commanded certain troups of horse to be levied and resolved to make war upon the Germans and having made provision of corn he directed his march towards them From whom as he was on the way within a few dayes journey of their Camp he received this message The Germans as they were not willing to make war upon the Romans first so they would not refuse to make triall of their manhood if they were justly provoked for their ancient custome was to answer an Enemy by force and not by treaty yet thus much they would confesse that they came thither very unwillingly being driven by violence out of their possessions If the Roman people would accept of their friendship and either give them territories to inhabit or suffer them to keep that which they had got by the law of Armes they might prove profitable friends unto them They only yielded to the Suevi to whom the Gods in feats of Arms were inferiour any other Nation they would easily conquer To this Caesar answered what he thought fit but the purport of his speech was That he could not make any league with them if they continued in Gallia neither was it probable that they that could not keep their own would get possessions out of other mens hands Gallia had no vacant place to entertain so great a multitude but if they would they might find a welcome amongst the Ubii whose agents were at that instant in his Camp complaining of the injury of the Suevi and desiring aid against them thus much he himself would intreat of the Ubii The messengers went back with these Mandates promising within three dayes to return again to Caesar in the mean time they desired him not to bring his Army any nearer their quarters Which request Caesar denyed For understanding that a few dayes before a great part of their Cavalry were passed over the Mosa to the Ambivariti there to pillage and get provisions he suspected that this delay imported nothing more then the return of their horsemen The river Mosa hath its rise from the mount Vogesus in the dominions of the Lingones and having run farre it receives the river Walis which is a part of the Rhene these two joyning make the island of the Batavi fourscore miles below which it falleth into the sea The Rhene ariseth amongst the Lepontii a people inhabiting the Alpes and after a tedious course through the Nantuates Helvetii Sequani Mediomatrices Triboci and Treviri drawing near the sea it divides into severall branches and so makes many considerable islands most of which are inhabited by savage and barbarous people some whereof live only upon fish and the eggs of birds after this the river empties it self at severall mouthes into the Ocean When Caesar was come within twelve miles of their Camp their Ambassadours returned and meeting him on the way entreated him earnestly to march no further towards them But being denyed of their suit they besought him to send to those troups of horse which marched before the Army that they should not fight nor make any hostile incounter and that he would give them leave to send messengers to the Ubii of whose entertainment they would willingly accept if the
otherwise to seek their safety by flight Which tumult and fear was no sooner perceived by the Roman souldiers but calling to mind their perfidious treachery they brake into the Camp and were at first a little resisted In the mean time the women and children for they had brought all they had over the Rhene fled every one away which Caesar perceiving sent his horsemen to pursue them The Germans hearing the clamour and scrâ—echings behind their backs and seeing their friends pursued and slain did cast away their weapons forsake their ensigns and fled out of the Camp and coming to the confluence of the Mase and the Rhene such as had escaped cast themselves into the river where what through fear wearinesse and the force of the water they were all drowned In this conflict the Romans lost not a man The number of the enemy was 430000 with women and children To them whom he had retained in his Camp he gave leave to depart but they fearing the cruelty of the Galles for the mischief they had done them desired that they might continue with the Romans which Caesar agreed unto OBSERVATION THis relation affordeth little matter of war but only a severe revenge of hatefull treachery notwithstanding I will hence take occasion to discover the offices of the Quaestor and the Legates and shew what place they had in the Army And first concerning the Quaestor we are to understand that he was elected by the common voice of the people in the same Court which was called to create the Generall His office was to take charge of the publick treasure whether it came out of their Aâ—rarium for the pay of the Army or otherwise was taken from the enemy Of him the souldiers received their stipend both in corn and money and what other booties were taken from the enemy he either kept them or sold them for the use of the Commonweal The Legates were not chosen by the people but appointed by the Senate as Assistants and Coadjutoâ—s to the Emperour for the publick service and were altogether directed by the Generall in whose absence they had the absolute command and their number was for the most part uncertain but proportioned according to the number of legions in the Army CHAP. VI. Caesar maketh a bridge upon the Rhene and carrieth his Army over into Germany THe German war being thus ended Caesar thought it necessary to transport his Army over the Rhene into the Continent of Germany for many causes whereof this was not the least that seeing the Germans were so easily perswaded to bring their Colonies and their vagrant multitudes into Gallia he thought good to make known unto them that the Roman people could at their pleasure carry their forces over the Rhene into Germany Moreover those troups of horse which were absent at the late overthrow of the Germans being gone as I said before for spoil and provision over the Mosa after they saw their friends overthrown were fled into the confines of the Sicambri and joyned with them To whom when Caesar sent Messengers to demand them to be sent unto him they answered that the Roman Empire was limited by the Rhene and if the Germans were interdicted Gallia why should Caesar challenge any authority in their quarters Lastly the Ubii who amongst all the rest of the Germans had only accepted of Caesars friendship and given pledges of their fidelity had made earnest sute unto him to send them aid against the Suevi or at the least to transport his Army over the Rhene that would serve their turns that would be help and incouragement enough to them for the name and opinion of the Roman Army was so great and of such fame what with Ariovistus overthrow and this last service that it sounded honourable amongst the farthest Nations of Germany so that it was the greatest safety to have them their friends For these reasons Caesar resolved to passe the Rhene but to carry his Army over by boat was neither safe nor for his own honour nor the majesty of the people of Rome And albeit it seemed a matter of great difficulty by reason of the breadth swiftnesse and depth of the river to make a bridge yet he resolved to try what he could do otherwise he determined not to passe over at all And so he built a bridge after this manner At two foot distance he placed two trees of a foot and halfe square sharpened at the lower end and cut answerable to the depth of the river these he let down into the water with engines and drove them in with commanders not perpendicularly after the fashion of a pile but gablewise and bending with the course of the water opposite unto these he placed two other trees joyned together after the same fashion being forty foot distant from the former by the dimension between their lower parts in the bottome of the water and reclining against the course of the river These two pair of couples thus placed he joyned together with a beam of two foot square equall to the distance between the said couples and fastened them at each end on either side of the couples with braces and pins whereby the strength of the work and nature of the frame was such that the greater the violence of the stream was and the faster it fell upon the timber-work the stronger the bridge was united in the couplings and joynts In like manner he proceeded with couples and beams untill the work was brought unto the other side of the river and then he laid straight planks from beam to beam and covered them with hurdles and so he made a floor to the bridge Moreover on the lower side of the bridge he drove down supporters which being fastened to the timber-work did strengthen the bridge against the force of the water and on the upper side of the bridge at a reasonable distance he placed piles to hinder the force of trees or boats or what else the enemy might cast down to trouble the work or hurt the bridge Within ten dayes that the timber began to be cut down and carried the work was ended and the Army transported Caesar leaving a strong garison at either end of the bridge went into the confines of the Sicambri In the mean time Embassadours came to him from many cities desiring peace and the friendship of the Romans whom Caesar answered courteously and required hostages of their fidelity OBSERVATION IT shall not be amisse to enter a little into the consideration of this bridge as well in regard of the ingenious Architecture thereof as also that we may somewhat imitate Caesar whom we may observe to insist with as great plenty of wit and elâ—quence in presenting unto us the subtilty of his invention in such manner of handy-works as upon any other part of his actions as this particular description of the bridge may sufficiently witnesse besides the fortifications at Alesia and the intrenchments in Britany for the safety of his shipping with many
greater assurance then the harquebuse wherein there are many parts belonging to the action as the powder the stone the spring and such like whereof if the least fail of his part we likewise faile of our fortune But how probable soever this seemeth this is certain that in the course of the Roman wars the horse were ever defeated by the foot as is manifestly proved in the first of these books CHAP. VII Caesar giveth the Britans two severall overthrowes THe next day the Enemy made a stand upon the hills a far off from the camp and shewed themselves not so often neither were they so busie with our horsemen as they were the day before But about noon when Caesar had sent out three legions and all his cavalry to get forrage under the conduction of Caius Trebonius a Legate they made a suddain assault upon the forragers and fell in close with the Ensignes the legions The Romans charged very fiercely upon them and beat them back neither did they make an end of following them untill the horsemen trusting to them put them all to flight with the slaughter of a great number of them neither did they give them respite either to make head to make a stand or to forsake their chariots After this overthrow all their Auxiliary forces departed from them neither did they afterward contend with the Romans with any great power Caesar understanding their determination carried his Army to the river Thames and so to the confines of Cassivellaunus which river was passable by foot but in one place only and that very hardly At his coming he found a great power of the Enemy to be imbattelled on the other side and the bank fortified with many sharp stakes and many other also were planted covertly under the water These things being discovered to the Romans by the Captives and fugitives Caesar putting his horse before caused the legions to follow suddenly after who notwithstanding they had but their heads clear above the water went with that violence that the enemy was not able to endure the charge but left the bank and betook themselves to flight OBSERVATION THis attempt of Caesar seemeth so strange to Brancatio that he runneth into strange conclusions concerning this matter as first that he that imitateth Caesar may doubt of his good fortunes for his proceeding in this point was not directed by any order of war and that a great Commander hath nothing common with other Leaders but especially he crieth out at the basenesse of the Britans that would suffer themselves so cowardly to be beaten But if we look into the circumstances of the action we shall find both Art and good direction therein for being assured by the fugitives that the river was passable in that place and in that place only he knew that he must either adventure over there or leave Cassivellaunus for another Summer which was a very strong inducement to urge him to that enterprise The difficulty whereof was much relieved by good direction which consisted of two points First by sending over the horsemen in the front of the legions who might better endure the charge of the enemy then the footmen could that were up to the neck in water and withall to shelter the footmen from the fury of the Enemy Secondly he sent them over with such speed that they were on the other side of the water before the enemy could tell what they attempted for if he had lingered in the service and given the enemy leave to find the advantage which he had by experience his men had never been able to have endured the hazard of so dangerous a service It is hard to conjecture at the place where this service was performed for since the building of London bridge many foords have been scoured with the current and fall of the water which before that time carried not such a depth as now they do CHAP. VIII The conclusion of the Brittish war Caesar returneth into Gallia CAssivellaunus having no courage to contend any longer dismissed his greatest forces and retaining only four thousand chariots observed our journeys keeping the wood-Countries and driving men and cattell out of the fields into the woods where he knew the Romans would come and as their horse strayed out either for forrage or booty he sent his chariots out of the woods by unknown wayes and put their horsemen to great perill in regard whereof the horsemen durst never adventure further then the legions neither was there any more spoil done in the Country then that which the legionary souldiers did of themselves In the mean time the Trinobantes being almost the greatest State of all those Countries from whom Mandubratius had fled to Caesar into Gallia for that his father Imanuentius holding the kingdome was slain by Cassivellaunus sent Embassadours to Caesar to offer their submission and to intreat that Mandubratius might be defended from the oppression of Cassivellaunus sent unto them to take the kingdome Caesar having received from them forty pledges Corn for his Army sent Mandubratius unto them The Trinobantes being thus kept from the violence of the souldiers the Cenimagni Seguntiaci Ancalites Bibroci and Cassi yielded themselves to Caesar By these he understood that Cassivellaunus his town was not far off fortified with woods bogs well stored with men cattell The Britans call a town a thick wood inclosed about with a ditch and a rampier made for a place of retreat when they stood in fear of incursions from the borderers Thither marched Caesar with his Army found it well fortified both by Art and Nature as he assaulted it in two severall places the enemy unable to keep it cast himself out of the town by a back way and so he took it Where he found great store of cattel and slew many of the Britans While these things were a doing Cassivellaunus sent messengers into Kent which as was said lies upon the sea and wherein there were four severall Kings Cingetorix Carvilius Taximagulus and Segonax them he commanded with all the power they could make to set upon the camp where the Navy was kept The Kings coming to the place were overthrown by a sally which the Romans made out upon them many of them being slain and Lugotorix a great commander taken prisoner This battell concurring with the former losses and especially moved thereunto with the revolt of the forenamed cities Cassivellaunus intreated peace of Caesar by Comius of Arras Caesar being determined to winter in the Continent for fear of suddain commotions in Gallia and considering that the Summer was now far spent and might easily be lingred out he commanded pledges to be brought unto him and set down what yearly tribute the Britans should pay to the Romans giving withall a strict charge to Cassivellaunus to do no injury either to Mandubratius or the Tribonantes The hostages being taken he carried back his Army to the sea where he found his shipping repaired which
let him look into the lives of king Pyrrhus Demetrius Hannibal and Caâ—us Marâ—us whose later ends or shutting up of their lives were not answerable to their excellency in deeds of armes for want of that judiciall disposition of their businesse which Caesar might boast of of whom it may be truly said that notwithstanding the many battels which he fought yet he did plura consilio quam vigerere do more by his head then his hand CHAP. V. Labienus overthroweth the Tâ—eviri by a guile WHile Caesar was about these things the Tâ—eviri having raised great forces both of horse foot had a purpose to assault Labienus wintering in their confines with one legion And as they were within two dayes journey of him they had intelligence of two legions more which Caesar had sent unto him whereupon they encamped themselves some fifteen miles distant from him and resolved there to attend the Germans forces Labienus being advertised of their resolution hoping through their rashnesse to find some good opportunity of encounter he left five cohorts for the safety of the carriages and with five and twenty other cohorts besides great forces of horse he marched towards the enemy and encamped himself within a mile of them Between Labienus and the enemy there ran 〈…〉 the passage whereof by reâ—son of the broken banks was very hard and difficult 〈…〉 purpose to passe himself and doubted the enemy would not be drawn to do it They had every day more hopes of fresh 〈◊〉 In the meetings and councels of war â—e gave out that forasmuch as the Germans were said to be at hand he would neither hazzard himself nor the fortunes of the army but he would rather remove his camp the next day very early in the morning This was quickly carried to the enemy as amongst many of the Galles that were with him some of them did naturally favour the proceedings of their own nation Labienus having in the night time called unto him the Tribunes of the souldiers and the Centurions of the first Orders acquainted them with his purpose and to the end he might give greater suspicion of fear to the enemy he caused the camp to be dislodged with more noise and tumult thâ—n the Roman discipline had usually observed and thereby made the retreat not unlike a slight or escape which before day-light the two camps being so near one to the other was by the discoverers brought to the enemy The last troups of the Romans were scarce gone out of the camp but the Galles incouraging one another not to lose so hopefull a prey thinking it long â—pecially the Romans being thus affrighted to expect the German forces and that it stood not with their dignity being so able and so many in number not to adventure upon a handfull of men 〈◊〉 from them and troubled besides with baggage and burden and therefore they doubted not to passe the river and to give them battel in a place of disadvantage Labienus suspecting that which now had happened to the end he might draw them all over the river he made as though he would go on forward At length sending the carriages a little before and placing them upon a hill Ye have now said he fellow souldiers that opportunity which ye desired the enemy in a cumbersome and unequall place only afford me your Leader at this time that valour which oftentimes heretofore you have shewed to your Generall imagine him to be 〈◊〉 and to see this service with his own eyes And withall be commanded the Ensignes to be carried towards the enemy and the army to be imbattelled and leaving a few troups of horse with the carriages he dâ—sposed the rest in the wings of the army The Romans taking up a cry and a shout did speedily cast their pikes at the enemy who when they saw the Romans ready to assault them whom they had thought had fled from them for fear they were so discouraged that even in the first close they betook themselves to flight towards the next woods Labienus pursuing them with his horsemen killed many of them and took more prisoners and within a few dayes took in the whole state of the Treviri for the Germans which came to their succour understanding of their overthrow returned home again and with them went also the kinsmen of Induciomarus the authours of that defection The soveraignty and government was given to Cingetorix who from the beginning had ever been true and loyall to the Romans THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Have already handled this practice of a pretended fear which the History doth so often recommend to our consideration and have shewed the inconvenience of over-light credulity leading such easy weeners to a disappointment of their hopes and consequently to the hazzard of their fortune I will now proceed to that which is further implyed in this relation and respecteth the chiefest duty of a chief commander and that is what specially is required of a Generall in the carriage and direction of a battel Concerning which point as there is nothing more materiall to the effecting of any businesse then opportunity of time conveniency of place and an orderly disposition of the means according to time and place so in question of encounter or waging battel the duty of a Leader may be included in these three circumstances Concerning the quality of the place as the chiefest and first respected in the choice of a judiciall directour the whole scope of the Roman discipline from the time of their first Kings even to the last of their Emperours did alwayes aim at the advantage of place as a necessary help for the obtaining of victory which I have already noted in the Helvetian action Yet forasmuch as the wisdome and experience of those times did deem it a circumstance of such importance give me leave once again to inforce the use thereof by these examples Habetis milites saith Labienus in this place quam petiistis facultatem hostem iniquo atque impedito loco tenetis praesâ—are eandem nobis ducibus virtutem quam saepenumero Imperatori praestitistis Ye have fellow-souldiers that opportunity which ye desired c. Whereby he cleareth himself of all imputation of ill direction as having performed the uttermost duty of a Commander and given such helps by the advantage of the place as are requisite to an easy victory leaving the rest to the execution of the souldiers Caesar at the losse he received at Dyrrachium cleared himself to his souldiers in this sort Quod esset acceptum detrimenti cuivis potius quam suae culpae debere tribui locum securum ad dimicandum dedisse c. the damage that was received was to be attributed to any body rather then him he had chosen them a safe place of fighting c. And as it followeth in the seventh Commentary being imbattelled upon the side of a hill right over against the army of the Galles which stood likewise in a readinesse to entertain the
Roman valour he would not suffer his men to hazzard themselves in the passage of a bogge of fifty foot in breadth lying between both the armies but rather perswaded his souldiers disdaining the confrontment of the enemy to endure their contumely rather then to buy a victory with the danger of so many worthy men and patiently to attend some further opportunity Which passage of Caesar even in the said terms as it is there related was urged to good purpose by Sir Francis Vere in the year one thousand six hundred at a consultation before the battel of Newport For the army of the Netherlanders being possest of the Downs which are small swelling hils rising unevenly along the sea shore upon the coast of Flanders and the enemy making a stand upon the sands at the foot of those hils and so cutting off the passage to Osâ—end it was disputed by the Commanders whether they should leave the Downes and go charge the enemy where he stood imbattelled upon the sands or attend him in the fastnesse of the Downes whereof they were possest The whole Councell of war were earnestly bent to forsake the Downes and to hazzard the fight on equall terms as impatient that their passage and retreat to Ostend should be cut off But Sir Francis Vere well knowing how much it imported the businesse of that day to hold a place of such gain and advantage perswaded Count Maurice by many reasons and specially by this of Caesar which I last alledged not to forgo the help of the Downs but to expect the enemy in that place and so make use of that benefit upon the first encounter rather then to adventure the successe of the battel in worse terms in hope of clearing the passage and shewing also many probable conjectures that the enemy would not continue long in that gaze Wherein as his opinion then prevailed so all that were present were eye-witnesses both of the truth of his conjecture and the soundnesse of his judgement For the enemy within a while after coming on to charge the troups of the States was received with such a counterbuffe from the hils and were violently beaten back in such rude manner as our men had the execution of them for the space of a quarter of a mile or more which was no small advantage to the fortune of that day Touching the opportunity of time which Pindarus calleth the Mother of worthy exploits and oftentimes dependeth upon the circumstance of place a Generall ought carefully to advise that he neither precipitate nor foreslow the occasion which is well expressed in this particular service of Labienus For where his purpose was to draw the enemy over a river that had steep and uneasy banks and thereby of a hard and difficult passage he would not shew his resolution untill he had drawn them all over the river for he was well assured that the Roman legions would so charge the enemy upon their first encounter with the unresistable weight of their piles that in their giving back they could not escape the danger of the river And therefore to make the victory more absolute and compleat he suffered them all to come over the water that all might be endangered in their passage back again And this is the benefit which opportunity bringeth which is the rather to be attended with all carefulnesse forasmuch as Non saepe ac dâ—u eadem occasio est a man hath neither often nor long the same opportunity Concerning the last circumstance of the apt and fit disposition of the forces according to time and place which is necessarily required in the duty of a General it is referred to this end only that they may be ranged in such manner that as one man is assistant to another in their severall files and ranks so one troup may be in subsidiis assistant to another to the end that no part may stand naked or fall in the singlenesse of its own strength but that one may second another from the first to the last C. Sempronâ—us a Roman Consul having fought unadvisedly and received an overthrow Julius the Tribune of the people caused Tempanius a horseman that was present at the battel to be called and as Livie reporteth it Coram eis Sexte Tempani inquit arbitreris ne C. Sempronium Consulem aut in tempore pugnam intisse aut firmasse subsidiis aciem he said thus before them Sextus Tempanius do you believe that C. Sempronius the Consul chose a good time to fight or that he took order for assistant supplies to his army for Livie saith he fought incaute inconsulteque non subsidiis firmata acie non equite apte locato heedlesly and without good advice neither strengthening his army with supplies nor well placing his cavalry And of these three circumstances consisteth the duty and office of a Generall touching the direction of a battel wherein whosoever faileth doth hazzard the prerogative of his command over that army whic he leadeth according to that of Caesar in the first of his Commentaries Se scire quibuscunque exercitus dicto audiens non fuerit aut male re gesta fortunam defuisse aut aliquo facinore comperto avaritiae esse convictum that he knew well whensoever an army refused to be obedient to their Commander it was either because upon some ill successe they saw he was unfortunate or that by the discovery of some notorious matter they found him convict of avarice Which Caesar himself needed not to fear if we may believe Plutarch who writeth that he was indowed by nature with an excellent promptitude and aptnesse to take opportunity in any businesse THE SECOND OBSERVATION I May not omit to insist a little upon this noise or shout which the souldiers took up in the instant of the charge and is related in this place as a materiall point in their carriage at this service A matter ancient and usuall in the Roman armies as well in the time of their first Kings as their first Consuls Fusi primo impetu clamore hostes the enemies were overthrown at the first onset and shout saith Livie concerning Romulus And not long after Consul nec promovit aciem nec clamorem reddi passus the Consul neither marched his army forward nor suffered them at all to shout Caesar in the censure which he gâ—ve concerning Pompey his direction for the battel at Pharsalia doth expresse a double use of this clamour or shouting first the terrour of the enemy and secondly the encouragement or assurance of themselves Est quaedam animi incitatio saith he atque alacritas naturaliter innata omnibus quae studâ—o pugnae incenditur hanc non reprimere sed augere imperaâ—ores debent neque 〈◊〉 ant qu tus institutum est ut signa und que concinerent clamorem universi tollerent quibus rebus hostes terreri suos incitari existimaverunt There is a certain raising and chearfulnesse of the mind imbred naturally in all
discomfited untill he had taken their camp and defeated them of their chiefest helps which Pompey felt to his utter overthrow for the same day he routed him at Pharsalia he took his camp and inclosed a hill with a ditch and a rampler where 25000. Romans were fled for their safety and brought them to yield themselves unto him and so making use as he saith of the benefit of fortune and the terrour and amazement of the enemy he performed three notable services in one day And this he used with such dexterity and depth of wisdome that commonly the first victory ended the war as by this at Pharsalia he made himself Commander of the East and by that at â—apso he made himself Lord of Africk and by the battel at Monda he got all Spain To conclude this point I may not forget the like speed and expedition in his works In fifteen dayes he cast a ditch and a rampier of fifteen foot in height between the lake at Geneva and S. Claudes hill containing nineteen miles He made his bridge over the Rhene in ten dayes At the siege of Marseilles he made twelve gallies and furnished them out to sea within thirty dayes after the timber was cut down And the rest of his works with the like expedition CHAP. XII Cativulcus poysoneth himself Caesar divideth his armie into three parts NOw whether Ambiorix did not make head and assemble his â—orces of purpose for that he determined not to fight or whether he were hindered by the shortness of the time and the suaden coming of the horsemen thinking the rest of the army had followed after it remaineth doubtfull but certain it is that he sent privie messengers about the countrey commanding every man to shift for himself and so some â—led into the forrest Arduenna others into sens and bogs and such as were near the Ocean did hiae themselves in such Islands as the tides do commonly make many forsook their Countrey and committed themselves to their fortunes to more strangers and unknown people Cativulcus the king of the one half of the Ebuâ—ones who was a party with Ambiorix in this matter being now grown 〈◊〉 and unable to undergo the labours either of war or of slying detesting Ambiorix with all manner of excerations as the authour of that matter drank the juice of Yew whereof there is great store in Gallia and Germany and so died The Segni and Condrusi of the nation and number of the Germans that dwell between the Eburones and the Treviri sent messengers to Caesar to intreat him not to take them in the number of the enemy and that he would not adjudge all the Germans dwelling on this side of the Rhene to have one and the same cause for their part they never so much as thought of warre nor gave any did to Ambiorix Caesar having examined the matter by the torture of the captives commanded them that if any of the Eburones should flie unto them to bring them unto him and in so doing he would spare their countrey Then dividing his forces into three parts he left the baggage of the whole army at Vatuca a castle in the middest of the Eburones where Titurius and Aurunculeius were lodged He made choice of this place the rather for that the fortifications made the year before continued perfect and good to the end he might ease the souldier of some labour and there left the fourteenth legion for a guard to the cariages being one of the three which he had last enrolled in Italy making Q. Tullius Cicero their Commander and with him he left two hundred horse The army being thus divided he commanded Titus Labienus to carry three Legions towards that part of the sea coast which bordereth upon the Menapii and sent Trebonius with the like number of Legions to wâ—â—â—t and harry that country which confineth the Aduatici he himself with the other three determined to go to the river Scaldis which runneth into the Mase and to the furthest parts of the wood Arduenna for that he understood that Ambiorix with a few horsemen was fled to those parts At his departure he assured them that he would return after the seventh dayes absence for at that day he knew that corn was to be given to that legion which he had there left in garrison He counselled Labienus and Trebonius to return likewise by that day if they conveniently could to the end that after communication of their discoveries and intelligence of the projects of the enemy they might think upon a new beginning of war OBSERVATIONS THis sudden surprise upon Ambiorix and the Treviri prevented as I have already noted their making head together and put the enemy to such shifts for their safety as occasion or opportunity would afford them in particular And albeit the Treviri were by this means dispersed yet they were not overthrown nor utterly vanquished but continued still in the nature and quality of an enemy although they were by this occasion defeated of their chiefest means And therefore the better to prosecute them in their particular slights and to keep them disjoyned he divided his army into three parts and made three severall inroads upon their country hoping thereby to meet with some new occasion which might give an overture of a more absolute conquest for diversity of motions do breed diversity of occasions whereof some may happily he such as being well managed may bring a man to the end of his desires But herein let us not forget to observe the manner he used in this service for first he left a Rendez-vous where all the carriages of the army were bestowed with a competent garrison for the safe keeping thereof to the end the souldiers might be assured of a retreat what difficulty soever might befall them in that action according to that of Sertorius that a good captain should rather look behind him then before him and appointed withall a certain day when all the troups should meet there again â—t rursus as he saith communicato consilio exploratisque hostium rationibus aliud in 〈◊〉 belli capere possint That after communication of their discoveries c. CHAP. XIII Caesar sendeth messengers to the bordering States to come out and sack the Eburones THere was as I have already declared no certain band or troup of the enemy no garrison or town to stand out in armes but the multituâ—e was dâ—spersed into all parts and every man lay hid either in some secret and unknown valley or in some rough and wooddy place or in some bog or in such other places as gave them hope of shelter or safety which places were well known to the States of that country And the matter required great diligence and circumspection not so much in regard of the generall safety of the army for there could no danger happen unto them the enemy being all terrified and fled as in preserving every particular souldier which notwithstanding dâ—d in part concern
enemy in which course if any part should be circumvented and cut a pieces yet they hoped the rest might save themselves Others thought it better to make good the hill and all of them to attend one and the same fortune This advise the old souldiers did not like of who as I said before went out with the others that were sent a harvesting all under one ensign by themselves and therefore encouraging one another Caiâ—s Trebonius a Roman horseman being their captain and commanding them at that time brake through the thickest of the enemy and came all safe into the camp The boyes and horsemen following hard after them were likâ—wise saved by the valour of the souldiers But those that took the hill having never had any use of service had neither the courage to continue in that resolution which they had before chosen to defend themselves from that place of advantage nor to imitate that force and speed which they had seen to have helped their fellowes but endeavouring to be received into the camp fell into places of disadvantage wherein divers of their Centurions who had lately been taken from the lowest companies of other legions and for their valours sake preferred to the highest and chiefest companies of this legion least they should lose the honour which they had before gotten fighting valiantly died in the place Part of the souldiers by the prowess of these men that had removed the enemy beyond all hope got safe into the camp the rest were defeated and slaâ—n by the Germans THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis circumstance doth afford us two observable points The one how much an old experienced souldier hat hath the use and knowledge of service exceedeth the rawness of such as are newly inrolled The second which dependeth upon the former that valour and military vertue is a consequent of use and practise rather then any inherent gift of nature Camillus being sent with an army against the Thuscans the Roman souldier was much affrighted at the greatness of the hoast which the enemy had put on foot which Camillus perceiving he used no other motives of perswasion to strengthen their weakned minds and to assure them of a happy day but this Quod quisque dâ—dicâ—t aut consuevâ—t faciat Let every man do that which he hath been taught and used to as well knowing where to rouze their valour and in what part their greatest strength rested For as men cannot prevail in that wherein they are unexperienced but will â—e wanting in the supplies of their own particular and miscarry even under the directions of another Annâ—bal so a known and beaten track is quickly taken and the difficulties of a businesse are made easy by acquaintance Use maketh Masteries saith our English Proverb and Practice and Art do far exceed Nature Which continuall exercise and use of arms amongst the Romans attained to such perfection as made militum sine rectore stabilem virtutem the valour of the souldiery firm without their Commander as Lâ—vâ—e witnesseth And as Antiochus confessed to Scipâ—o Quod si vâ—ncuntur non minuuntur animis tamen though they were overcome yet their courage abated not Caesar in all his battels had a speciall respect to the inexperience of the new inrolled bands placing them either behind the army for a guard to their carriages as he did in the Helvetâ—an action or leaving them as a defence to the camp or shewing them aloof off signifying thereby as Livie saith of the Sidicini Quod magis nomen quam vires ad praesidium adferebant that they made more noise of an army then they did good Whereby it consequently followeth that military vertue proceedeth not so much from nature or any originall habit as it doth from exercise and practise of arms I grant there is a disposition in nature and a particular inclination to this or that Art according to that line of the Poet Fortes creantur fortibus bonis Stout men are got by stout and good But this disposition must be perfected by use and falleth short of valour or military vertue which consisteth of two parts The first in knowledge of the discipline of warre and the rules of service whereby they may understand the course of things and be able to judge of particular resolutions The second is the faithfull endeavour in executing such projects as the rules of warre do propound for their safety Both which parts are gotten onely by use For as the knowledge of Military discipline is best learned by practise so the often repetition thereof begetteth assurance in action which is nothing else but that which we call Valour In which two parts these new enrolled bands had small understanding for they were as ignorant what course to take in that extremity as they were unassured in their worser resolutions THE SECOND OBSERVATION THis Cuneus or troup of souldiers disposed into a Triangle was the best and safest way to break through an â—nemy For an Angle hath a renting and dividing property and is so sharp in the meeting of the two side lines that the point thereof resembleth indivisibility and therefore is apt and proper to divide asunder and to make a separation of any quantity Which form Nature hath also observed in the fashion of such creatures as have a piercing and dividing motion as in Fishes that have all heads for the most part sharp and thence Angle-wise are inlarged into the grosseness of their body And Birds likewise the better to divide the aire have sharp bills and little heads with a body annexed of a larger proportion The manner of the Romans was as I have already shewed to strengthen the piercing Angle with thick compacted targets and then enlarging the sides as occasion served either to the quantity of an acute or a right or an obtuse Angle they gave the charge in such sort ut quacunque parte percutere impetu suo vellent sustineri nequeant that wheresoever they fell on they were not long to be endured as Livie saith CHAP. XVII The Sicambri give over their purpose and depart THe Germans being out of hope of taking the Camp forasmuch as they saw our men to stand upon the works they returned over the Rhene with the bootâ—e which they had in the woods And such was the fear of the Roman souldier even after the enemy was gone that Caius Volusenus being sent that night to the camp with the horsemen they would not believe that Caesar and the army were returned in safety Fear had so possest their minds that they did not let to say that all the legions were overthrown and the horse had escaped by flight and desired there to be received for they could not be perswaded the army being safe that the Germans would have attempted to surprise their camp Of which fear they were delivered by Caesar's arrivall He being returned not ignorant of the events of war complained of one thing onely that the cohorts that kept the watch were sent from their
perswading the Hedui diligently to make supply of necessary provisions he sent to the Boii to advertise them of his coming to encourage them to continue loyall and nobly to resist the assaults of the enemy and leaving two Legions with the carriages of the whole army at Agendicum he marched towards the Boii The next day coming to a Town of the Senones called Vellaunodunum he determined to take it in to the end he might leave no enemy behind him which might hinder a speedy supply of victuals and in two dayes he inclosed it about with a ditch and a rampier The third day some being sent out touching the giving up of the town he commanded all their arms and their cattell to be brought out and six hundred pledges to be delivered Leaving C. Trebonius a Legate to see it performed he himself made all speed towards Genabum in the territories of the men of Chartres who as soon as they heard of the taking in of Vellaunodunum perswading themselves the matter would not rest so they resolved to put a strong garrison into Genabum Thither came Caesar within two dayes and incamping himself before the Town the evening drawing on he put off the assault unto the next day commanding the souldiers to prepare in a readinesse such things as should be necessary for that service And forasmuch as the town of Genabum had a bridge leading over the river Loire he feared least they of the town would steal away in the night for prevention whereof he commanded two Legions to watch all night in arms The townsmen a little before midnight went out quietly and began to pass over the river Which being discovered by the Scouts Caesar with the Legions which he had ready in armes burnt the gates and entring the Town took it the greatest number of the enemy being taken and a very few escaping by reason of the narrowness of the bridge and the way which shut in the multitude The town being sacked and burned and given for a booty to the souldiers he caried his army over the river Loire into the territories of the Bituriges THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT is a known and an approved saying E malis minimum est eligendum of evils the least is to be chosen but in a presentment of evils to be able to discern the difference and to chuse the least Hic labor hoc opus here 's all the skill and work Vercingetorix besieging Gergovia a stipendary town belonging to the Hedui that of long time had served the Roman Empire at such a time of the year as would not afford provision of victuall for the maintenance of an army but with great difficulty and inconvenience of carriage and convoy Caesar was much perplexed whether he should forbear to succour the town and raise the siege or undergo the hazard of long and tedious convoyes A matter often falling into dispute although it be in other terms whether honesty or honourable respect ought to be preferred before private ease and particular commodity Caesar hath declared himself touching this point preferring the honour of the people of Rome as the majesty of their Empire and the reputation which they desired to hold touching assistance and protection of their friends before any inconvenience which might happen to their army And not without good reasons which may be drawn as well from the worthiness of the cause as from the danger of the effect for duties of vertue and respects of honesty as the noblest parts of the mind do not onely challenge the service of the inferiour faculties of the soul but do also command the body and the casaulties thereof in such sort as is fitting the excellency of their prerogative for otherwise vertue would find but bare attendance and might leave her scepter for want of lawfull authority And therefore Caesar chose rather to adventure the army upon the casualties of hard provision then to blemish the Roman name with the infamy of disloyalty Which was less dangerous also in regard of the effect for where the bond is of value there the forfeiture is great and if that tie had been broken and their opinion deceived touching the expectation of assistance and help all Gallia might have had just cause of revolt and disclaimed the Roman government for non-protection To conclude then let no man deceive himself in the present benefit which private respect may bring upon the refusall of honest regard for the end will be a witness of the errour and prove honesty to be best policie THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT is observed by some writers that Caesar never undertook any action or at the least brought it not to triall but he first assured himself of these four things The first was provision of victuals as the very foundation of warlike expeditions whereof I have already treated in the first Commentary the difficulty whereof made him so doubtfull to undertake the relief of Gergovia And doubtless whosoever goeth about any enterprize of warre without certain means of victuall and provision must either carry an army of Camelions that may live by the aire or intend nothing but to build castles in the aire or otherwise shall be sure to find his enemy either in his bosome or as the Proverb is in Plutarch to leap on his belly with both his feet The second thing was provision of all necessaries which might be of use in that service wherewith he alwayes so abounded that there might rather want occasion to use them then he be wanting to answer occasion And these were the instruments whereby he made such admirable works such bridges such mounts such trenches such huge armadoes as appeareth by the sea-â—ight with the maritime cities of Gallia according to which his former custome forasmuch as the day was far spent before he came to Genabum he commanded such things to be sitted and had in a readiness as might serve for the siege the next day The third thing was an army for the most part of old souldiers whom the Romans called Veteram whereof he was likewise at this time provided for the two legions which were fresh and lately inroled he left at Agendâ—cum with the carriages taking onely the old souldiers for this service as knowing that in pugna usum amplius prodesse quam vires usefulness is more serviceable in warre then numbers The fourth thing was the triall and experience of the enemies forces which the former victories assured him to be inferiour to the Romans it being alwayes a rule in the Roman discipline as I have already noted by light and easie skirmishes to acquaint the souldiers with the manner of the enemies fight Ne eos novum bellum novus hostis terreret least a new kinde of fight or enemy might affright them as Lâ—vy saith CHAP. VI. Caesar taketh in Noviodunum and beateth the enemy coming to rescue the Town VErcingetorix understanding of Caesars coming left the siege and went to meet him Caesar resolved to take
he propoundeth to the world as an absolute pattern both of military and civile vertue CHAP. XXIII The Romans continue the assault and are beaten off with losse THe contention was not indifferent to the Romans neither in place nor in number of combatants being wearied withall both with the long race which they had run and with the continuance of their fight whereby they did not so easily bear the enemy being whole and fresh Caesar seeing the fight to be in an unequall place and the enemy still to increase their forces fearing his people he sent to T. Sextius the legate whom he had left to command the lesser camp to bring out the cohorts speedily and to place them at the foot of the hill on the right side of the enemy to the end that if our men were forced to forsake their place yet the enemy might be terrified from following them over freely he himself removing a little out of that place where he stood with the legion attended the event of the battel And as they fought at hand very fiercely the enemy trusting in the place and in the multitude and our men in their valour the Hedui suddenly appeared on the open side of our men whom Caesar had sent up by another ascent on the right hand to keep off part of the enemy These by the likenesse of their armour did wonderfully astonish our men who although they saw their right arms shewed or put forth which was a sign of peace yet they doubted lest the enemy had used that policy to deceive them At the same instant L. Fabius the Centurion and those that climbed up upon the wall with him being slain were cast down from the wall again and M. Petreius a Centurion of the same legion as he was about to cut down the gates being oppressed with the multitude and despairing of his own life having received many wounds Forasmuch saith he to his souldiers that followed him as I cannot save my self and you too I will certainly provide for your safety whom I have brought into danger whilst I thirsted after honour You while you may shift for your selves And withall he brake through the thickest of the enemy and with the slaughter of a couple he removed the rest from the gate And as his souldiers went about to help him In vain saith he do you endeavour to save my life which bloud and strength have already forsaken and therefore get you hence while you have means and betake your selves to the legion and so fighting fell down dead but saved his men Our men being overcharge don all sides with the losse of six and fourty Centurions were beaten down from the place but the tenth legion which stood for a rescue in a more equall place hindred the Galles from following over eagerly And again the cohorts of the thirteenth legion which Sextius had brought out of the camp seconded that legion having got the advantage of the upper ground The legions assoon as they came into the plain stood still and turned head to the enemy Vercingetorix drew back his men from the foot of the hill and brought them into their camps That day few lesse then seven hundred souldiers were wanting OBSERVATIONS ANd this is the end of presumptuous rashnesse when men are become so pregnant as to take upon them more then is required But as they say of fair weather that it is pity it should do hurt so is it great pity that valour and resolution should prove disadvantageous For this over-doing of a service is but the spirit of valiant carriage and the very motion of prowesse and courage memorable in the offenders themselves as we may see by this particular report of Fabius and Petreius and much to be pitied that vertue should at any time be overquelled with a greater strength At this service the Romans stood in these terms they were overmatched in number they had spent their strength in speedy running to the place which in it self was not favourable unto them but almost as great an enemy as the Galls only they trusted in their valour and thought by vertue to clear all difficulties The Galles had the favour of the place a far greater number of fighting men they came fresh to the battel and were alwaies seconded with fresh supplies Caesar seeing the two armies ingaged one with another could neither part them nor recall his souldiers but set such forces as were free in such convenient places as might rescue his people in the retreat and keep the Galles from following the chase or making any great slaughter of the Roman souldier Whereby it happened that in so great an inequality where there were so many swords drawn to make way to death there were not seven hundred men lost of the Roman army And yet it happened to be the greatest losse that ever he received in those wars in his own presence when the issue of the conflict gave the enemy the better of the day CHAP. XXIIII Caesar rebuketh the rashnesse of his souldiers and maketh light but successfull skirmishes upon the enemy CAesar the next day calling the army before him rebuked the temerity and cupidity of the souldiers forasmuch as they had took upon them to judge how far they were to go or what they were to do neither would they stay upon the sounding of a retreat nor hearken to the Tribunes nor the Legates that would have kept them back He laid open unto them how avaiâ—eable the inequality of the place was and what he himself thought of it when at Avaricum he took the enemy without a Generall and without cavalry yet did forgo a most assured victory lest in the buckling he might have received a small losse through the inequitie of the place How admirable was the greatnesse of their spirit whom neither the fortifications of the camps the height of the hill nor the wall of the town could stop or hinder Wherein he blamed their licentious arrogancy the more forasmuch as they had took upon them to judge better of the victory and the successe of that service then the Generall himself neither did he so much desire to find courage and vertue in his souldiers as modesty and sobriety This speech being delivered and in the end confirming their minds that they might not be discouraged at the matter nor attribute that to the worth of the enemy which indeed was in the nature of the place keeping his former purpose of departure he brought the legions out of the camp imbattelled them in a convenient place and finding that Vercingetorix would not be drawn into an indifferent place after a light skirmish of horse wherein the Romans had the better he caried his armie back again into the camp and doing the like the next day thinking it sufficient to abate the pride of the Galles and to strengthen the courage of his souldiers he removed his camp into the State of the Hedui the enemy refusing to make after him OBSERVATIONS
tend to the weakning of that authority which preferred them in dignity before all other States of that Continent and was as a Remora to divers other Nations of Gallia from shewing that defection by plain and open revolt which they had so long before conceived in their minds But when it appeared notwithstanding any precedent benefit or the merit of imperiall favours that the Hedui did affect the common cause of their Countries liberty and were content to ingage themselves therein as far as their lives or fortunes could any way be valued it was not to be doubted but that such other Commonweals as before that time had remained neutrall and had less cause then the Hedui to keep back their hands from a work of that piety would apprehend the matter as a business importing the safety of their Countrey whereunto Caesar and the Legions were common enemies The consideration whereof made Caesar to think of returning back into the Province had not the dishonour of such a retreat and the desire he had to joyn with Labienus hindred that purpose CHAP. XXVI Labienus cometh to Lutetia with four Legions WHile these things were done by Caesar Labienus having left those supplies which came last out of Italy at Agendicum for the safetie of the carriages went himself with four Legions towards Lutetia a town of the Parisians built in an Island in the river Sequana The enemy understanding of his coming great forces were speedily brought together out of the countries near about The chiefest command was given to Camulogenus of the nation of the Aulerci who notwithstanding his great age was called to that honour for his singular knowlege in matter of warre He finding it to be a continued bog that ran into Sequana and much hindered all that place did stay there with his army and purposed to hinder the passage of the Romans Labienus did first endeavour to drive the vines to fill up the bog with hurdles and earth and so to make the passage firm but after that he perceived it to be very hard to effect in the third watch of the night he went out of the camp with silence and the same way that he came he went to Melodunum a town of the Senones situate in an Island of Sequana as Lutetia is and having surprised some fiftie shippes and boats and manned them with souldiers the townsmen being affrighted with the noveltie of the matter of whom a great part were called out to that warre he possest himself of the town without any resistance The bridge being repaired which the enemie had cut down a few dayes before he transported over the armie and went down along the river towards Lutetia The enemy having notice thereof by such us escaped from Melodunum commanded Lutetia to be burned and the bridges of the town to be broken they themselves for saking the bog sate down upon the banks of Sequana right over against the camp of Labienus By this time Caesars departure from Gergovia was known abroad with the revolt of the Hedui and rumours were brought of a secondrising and motion in Gallia It was certainly confirmed that the Galles were in consultation that Caesar was kept back both by the difficulties of the passage and the river Loire and for want of corn was constrained to return into the Province The Bellovaci also understanding of the revolt of the Hedui whereas they were before treacherous and disloyall of themselves did now begin to raise forces and prepare for open warre Labienus upon so great a change of things understood that it was necessary for him to take another manner of course then was before intended For now he thought not of making any conquest or urging the enemy to battell but to bring he army back in safety to Agendicum For on the one side the Bellovaci stood ready to charge him being a people that had the name for deeds of arms of all the nations in Gallia the other side was kept by Camulogenus with an army ready in the field and last of all the Legions were kept from their garrison and their carriages with a great river that ran between them and it OBSERVATIONS THe great alteration which the revolt of the Hedui made in Gallia caused Labienus to let fall his former resolutions and to shape such a course as might best answer the extremitie of the tempest For he that will attain the end of his desires or make peace with the affections of his mind must not think at all times to carry away contentment with the strength of his means or subdue resistance with force of arms but must be well pleased to be driven with the stream untill he meet with a tide of better opportunitie for oftentimes it falleth out that the opposition of resisting power is more available then ten Legions commanded by Caesar or what the Roman Empire could adde besides to so great an army For there is no quantitie so great but there may be found a greater nor none so little but there may be a less which may teach a man neither to conceit himself in a matchless singularity nor to despair of a weak condition And this is that which is so often recommended to the consideration of discreet Governours whether they be Magistrates in peace or Commanders in warre to put them in mind of the condition of times and to carry themselves answerable thereunto forasmuch as fortunate and happy success riseth for the most part from such means as have respect to the occurrences of the time not running alwayes upon one biass nor failing at all times with a fore-wind but sometimes to press forward and sometimes to give back according as the circumstances of the time shall make way to good fortune Fabius the great Roman thought it no scorn to be called coward or to undergo the displeasure of the people of Rome while he gave place to the fury of the Carthaginian and refused to receive a third overthrow And thus he altered the course of the Roman warfare according to the time and overthrew that enemy by shunning to encounter him which in a battell would have hazarded the conquest of Rome In like manner Cn. Sulpitius the Dictator did imitate this wisedome of Fabius against the Galles by lingring out the warre Nolens se fortunae committere adversus hostem as Livy saith quem tempus deteriorem indies locus alienus fuceret Not willing to put the triall to Fortune when as he dealt with an enemy which time and ignorance of the place rendred every day weaker and weaker And to conclude this point Caesar upon the loss which he received at Dyrrachium Omnem sibi commutandam belli rationem existimavit thought it his best way to alter the whole course of the warre as the Story saith which was nothing else but varying with the time and helping a bad Fortune with new directions CHAP. XXVII Labienus passeth the river Sequana and fighteth with the Galles FOr the avoiding
to sight amongst the horse At their arrivall forasmuch as they were not well fitted with horse he took the horses from the Tribunes the Roman Knights and the Evocati and distributed them amongst the Germans OBSERVATIONS THere are three principall means to draw a State into a partie which of it self standeth neutrall or to win the minds of men when they carrie equall or indifferent affections The first is by favour or friendship the second by authoritie and the third by money Friendship relieth upon former respects and the exchange of precedent courtesies Authority concludeth from future dangers and the inconveniences which may follow the refusall Money doth govern the present occasion and is more generall then either favour or authoritie The Galles were not wanting to make their partie good in any of these three perswading motives but as Caesar saith Quantum gratia authoritate pecunia valent ad sollicitandas civitates nâ—tuntur they sollicited the neighbour States as farre as friendship authority and money would go Wherein as they went about to lay the stock upon it so they left themselves but one triall for the right of their cause and joyned issue for all upon the fortune of that action for when they should see their best possibilities too weak and their uttermost endeavours profit nothing against a mighty prevailing enemy the greater their hopes were which they had in the means the greater would be their despair when such means were spent for it is a shrewd thing for men to be out of means and not to drive a hope before them It is usuall upon such main occasions to imploy the chiefest man in a State in whom the souldiers may have most assurance and to accompany him with such means as the strength of the Commonweal may afford him but if their greatest hopes die in his ill successe or wax faint through cold fortune the kingdome receiveth losse and the enemy getteth advantage as may appear by the sequele of this great preparation CHAP. XXIX The Cavalrie of the Galles do set upon the Roman army and are beaten WHile these things were a doing the enemies forces and the horsemen that were commanded to be levied in all Gallia met together and came out of the territories of the Arverni A great number of these being gathered together as Caesar marched against the Sequani by the borders of the Lingones to the end he might the easier relieve the Province Vercingetorix sate down about ten miles from the Romans in three severall camps and calling the Captains and Colonels of horse to counsell he told them that the time of victory was now come for the Romans left Gallia and fled into the Province which was sufficient for the obtaining of their present libertie but availed little for the peace and quiet of future time forasmuch as the Romans did not purpose to make an end of the warre but to return again with greater forces And therefore it was necessary to set upon them in their march ladâ—â— with carriages If the foot did assist their horse then they were not able to make any way or proceed in their journey But if which he hoped would rather happen forsaking their carriages every man shifted for himself they would depart both robbed of their necessaries and of their honour for they need not doubt of the enemies horse of whom he was most assured that they durst not go out from amongst the foot forces And to the end they might be the better incouraged he would draw all the forces in a readinesse out of the camp and place them so as they might be a terror to the enemy The horsemen cried out all together that this resolution might be strengthened with an holy oath Let him never be received under any roof or have accesse to his wife children or parents that did not twice runne through the army of the enemy The thing being well likâ—d of and every man forced to take that oath the next day he divided his cavalrie into three parts two armies shewed themselves on each side and the third began to make stay of the vauward Which being known Caesar divided his horses likewise into three parts and sent them to make head against the enemy At the same time they fought in all parts the army stood still the carriages were received within the Legions if our men were overcharged any where Caesar bent the Legions that way which did both hinder the enemy from following them and assure our men of hope of rescue At length the Germans having possest themselves of a hill on the right side did put the enemy from their place and followed them as they fled even to the river where Vercingetorix stayed with the foot companies and slew many of them Whereupon the rest fearing lest they should be encompassed about betook themselves to flight execution was done in all places Three of the Nobilitie of the Hedui were taken and brought to Caesar Cotus the Generall of the horse who at the last election of Magistrates stood in controversie with Convictolitanis and Cavarillus who after the revolt of Litavicus commanded the foot troups and Eporedorix under whose command before Caesars coming into Gallia the Hedui made warre with the Sequani All the cavalrie being put to flight Vercingetorix drew in his forces which he had imbattelled before his camp and immediately after began to march towards Alesia a town of the Mandubii commanding the baggage to be speedily brought out of the camp and to follow him Caesar having conveyed his carriages to the next hill under the custody of two Legions he followed the enemy as long as the day would give him leave and having slain some three thousand of the rereward the next day following he encamped at Alesia OBSERVATIONS THe Galles were much stronger then the Romans in Cavalry both according to quantitie and qualitie but the Roman Infanterie was greater in vertue and worth then any foot forces of the Galles notwithstanding their inequalitie in number Which sheweth that the Romans did more rely upon their legionary souldiers then upon their Equites and may serve for an argument in the handling of that question which is so much debated amongst men of warre whether the horse or the foot companies be of greater importance in the carriage of a warre Which indeed is a question à male dâ—visis being both so necessary for the perfect execution of martiall purposes as they cannot well be disjoyned And if we look particularly in the nature of their severall services we shall easily discern the differences and be able to judge of the validitie of their parts Wherein first it cannot be denied but that foot companies are serviceable to more purposes then troups of horse for the horsemen are of no use but in open and champain places whereas footmen are not only of importance in fielden couâ—treys but are necessary also in mountainous or woodie places in valleys in ditches
he had overcome by his valour CHAP. XXXI Vercingetorix sendeth away the horse Caesar incloseth Alesia with a strong wall VErcingetorix thought it best to dismisse all the horse and send them away in the night before the fortifications were perfected by the Romans At their departure he commanded them that every man should repair unto his own State and send all to the warre that were able to bear arms He layeth open his deserts towards them and doth adjure them to have regard to his safety and not to suffer him to be delivered over to the torture of the enemy that had so well deserved of the common libertie wherein if they should prove negligent fourscore thousand chosen men would perish with him in that place And looking into their provisions he found that they had corn scarce for thirty dayes but by sparing and good husbandry it might be made to serve longer With these mandates he sent out the horsemen in silence about the second watch of the night at that part of the town where the works were not perfected he commanded all the corn to be brought unto him upon pain of death The cattel he distributed to the souldiers by pole whereof there was great store brought out from the Mandubii the corn he began to measure out very sparingly All the forces which he had placed before the town he received within the walls and so he purposed to attend the supplies of Gallia Which being known by therunne-awayes and captives Caesar appointed to make these fortifications He drew a ditch of twenty foot in breadth and depth with streight sides as broad at the bottome as at the top The rest of the work he made fourty foot short of that ditch which he did for these reasons that the whole body of the Romans might not easily be inclosed about with an army of souldiers which he thought to prevent by taking in so great a circuit of ground and secondly lest the enemy sallying out upon a suddain should in the night come to destroy the works or in the day-time trouble the souldiers with darts and casting weapons as they were busied about the works This space of fourty foot being left he made two ditches of fifteen foot in breadth and depth the innermost whereof being carried through the fields and the lower ground he filled with water drawn out of the river Behind them he made a ditch and a rampier of twelve foot and strengthened it with a parapet and pinacles and with great boughes of trees cut in cags like unto a Harts horn which he set where the hovels were joyned to the rampier to hinder the enemy from climbing up and made towers round about the whole work in the distance of fourscore foot one from another At the same time the Roman souldiers were both to get stuffe for the fortification to go a harvesting for provision of corn and to make such great works Our forces being much weakened and being to seek corn and stuffe farre off from the camp the Galles also oftentimes attempting to destroy the works and to sally out of the town at divers ports therefore Caesar thought it fit to adde thus much more to the foresaid works that the fortifications might be made good with the lesse number of men He made ditches round about the works of five foot deep and in them he planted either the bodies of trees or great firm boughs sharpened into many pikes and snags being bound together at the bottome that they might not be easily plucked up and spreading themselves at the top into very sharp cags There were of these five ranks so combined and infolded one in another that which way soever the enemy should enter upon them he would necessarily runne himself upon a sharp stake these they called Cippi Before these in oblique courses after the manner of a quincunce were digged holes of three foot deep narrow at the bottome like a sugar loaf these they set with round stakes of the bignesse of a mans thigh with a sharp hardened point in such sort that they stuck not above four fingers out of the earth and for the better fastening of them they stuck all a foot within the ground the rest of the hole for the better ordering of the matter was hid with osiers and spreads Of these were eight courses three foot distant one from another and these they called Lillies from the resemblance they had to the figure of that flower Before these were galthrops of a foot long fastened in the earth and headed at the top with barbed hooks of iron sowed up and down in all places in a reasonable distance one from another and these they called Stimuli The inner fortifications being thus perfected he followed the even and level ground as much as the nature of the place would give him leave and took in fourteen miles in circuit and made the like fortifications in all points against the enemy without as he had done against the town to the end that if he were driven upon occasion to depart and leave the works it might be no danger for him to leave the camp forasmuch as a few men would defend it He commanded every man to have forrage and provision of corn for thirty dayes THE FIRST OBSERVATION I Promised in my former observation to speak somewhat touching the Roman works and to shew the use they made of them in their greatest occasions but this description of the works at Alesia doth so far exceed the inlargement of commenting words that it hath drowned the eloquence of great Historians and in stead of expositions and inforcements hath drawn from them speeches expressing greater admiration then belief Circa Alesiam saith Paterculus tantae res gestae quantas audere vix hominis perficere nullius nisi Dei fuerit So great things were done at Alesia that they might seem too great for any man to attempt or any but a god to effect To inclose a town with a ditch and a rampier of eleven miles in circuit was a matter worthy the Roman army but to adde such variety of works and to make such strange trapes and oppositions against an enemy was admirable to the hearer and not that only but to make the like works without to keep the Galles from raising the siege did double the wonder by which works he did besiege and was besieged took the town and overthrew the enemy in the field Such as since that time have imitated this industry only by a small ditch and a rampier for I think no man ever made such works have wrought wonders in matter of warre Castruccio got the name of renewing the ancient military discipline in Italy chiefly for that he besieged Pistoia and with the help of a double trench according to the example of Caesar he kept in the Pistoyans on the one side and kept out an army on the other side of thirtie thousand foot and three thousand horse in such manner as in the end he
hill led back their troups into the Camp The third day Caesar fortified his Camp with a Rampier and commanded the rest of the cohorts and the carriages which were left in the other Camps to be brought unto him OBSERVATION IT may be observed for Caesar's custome throughout the whole course of his wars to approch as near the enemie as conveniently he could that so he might the better observe his passages and be ready to take the favour of any opportunitie which either the nature of the place or the motions of the adversary would afford him Which was the rather his advantage in regard of his dexteritie and superlative knowledge in the use of Armes together with the experience of his old legions whereby he was able not onely to improve his own designes to the utmost of an honourable successe but to return the disgrace of any attempt made upon his Armie upon the heads of them that were authors of the same For otherwise his accosting so near an enemie might have turned to his own losse as being full of hazard and subject to more casualties then he that standeth further off And therefore the rule is That he that desireth to â—it near his adversarie must be exceeding circumspect and sure of some advantage either from the place or the over-awing power of his forces or else out of his own vertue or by some other means to over-sway the inconveniences which attend such ingagements As may appear by that which Frontinus observeth hence touching the straight whereinto Caesar was fallen being either to give battel which the enemie refused or to make good that place from whence he could not retreat but with danger Whereupon a little before night be stole the making of a ditch on the back of his Armie and retiring himself within the same stood in Armes all night for his better safetie The use of such ditches are of much importance and have oftentimes redeemed an Army from great extremities and were so frequent upon all occasions with the Romans that he that shall deny them to be good ditchers shall do them wrong And not onely they but other Nations could tell how to make use of the Spade Pericles of Athens being forced by them of Peloponnesus into a place that had but two out-lets of escape sunk a ditch of a great latitude thwart one of the passages as though he meant to keep out the enemie and set his souldiers to break out the other way The Peloponnesians thinking he could no way escape by the passage where the trench was cut applied themselves wholly to the other place where the souldiers made shew of breaking out whereby through the help of bridges which he had formerly provided he escaped over the ditch without resistance Sometimes they added other helps to these trenches especially when they sought handsome means to get themselves away whereof Sertorius may be an instance who having the enemie pressing him in the rere and being to passe a River drew a ditch and a rampier at his back in the fashion of a half-moon which rampier he heaped with wood and combustible matter and so setting it on fire kept off the enemie and passed with ease over the water In like manner Herculeius one of Sertorius Legates having rashly entered with a small power into a long and narrow passage between two hills and finding himself pursued by great forces of the enemy sunk a crosse trench between the two Mountains and piling the rampier with wood set it on fire and so cut off the enemie CHAP. XVI Caesar's attempt to possesse himself of a small hill what disadvantage he ran into by missing of his purpose what means he used to recover himself BEtween the town of Ilerda and the next hill where Petreius and Afranius were incamped there was a Plain of about three hundred paces in the midst whereof stood a little Mole rising higher then the rest which if Caesar could get and fortifie he hoped to cut off the enemy from the town and the bridge and from such victuals and provisions as were brought to the town Hereupon he took three legions out of the Camp and having put them into order of battell he commanded the Antesignani of one legion to run before possesse the place Which being perceived the cohorts that kept watch before Afranius Camp were presently sent a nearer way to take that Mount The matter came to blows but forasmuch as Afranius partie came first to the place our men were beaten back and by reason of new supplies sent against them were constrained to turn their backs and retire to the legions The manner of fight which those souldiers used was first to run furiously upon an enemy to seize any place boldly and with great courage not much respecting their orders or ranks but fighting in a scattered and dispersed fashion If they chaunc't to be throughly charged they thought it no shame to give way and retire accustomed thereunto by frequenting the Lusitanians and other barbarous people using that kind of fight as it commonly falleth out that where the souldiers have long lived they get much of the usage and condition of those places Notwithstanding our men were much troubled thereat as unaccustomed to that kind of â—ight for seeing every man leave his rank and run up and down they feared least they should be circumvented and set upon inflank and on their bare and open side whereas themselves were to keep their order and not to leave their places but upon extraordinarie occasion Upon the routing of the Antesignani the legion that stood in the corneâ— left the place and retreated to the next Hill almost all the Armie being affrighted upon that which had happened beyond every mans opinion contrary to former use Caesar encouraging his men brought out the ninth legion to second them by that means compelling the enemy insolent of good successe and shrewdly pursuing our men to turn their backs and to retire to the town of Ilerda and there to make a stand under the walls But the souldiers of the ninth legion carried on with endeavour and going about to repair their losse rashly followed the enemy into a place of disadvantage and came under the Hill whereon the town stood and as they would have made their retreat they were charged afresh from the upper ground The front of the place had an uneasie broken ascent and was on each side steep extended onely so much in breadth as would serve three cohorts to imbattell in neither could the Cavalrie come to help them The Hill declined easily from the town about four hundred paces in length and that way our men had some conveniency of retreat from the disadvantage to which their desire had unadvisedly led them The fight continued in this place which was very unequall both in regard of the straightness thereof as also for that they stood under the foot of the Hill whereby no weapon fell in vain amongst them Notwithstanding
Afranius in the compasse of a few daies triumphed of Caesar's overthrow and fled away for fear of his power Whence we may note the advantage coming to a party when they shake off any eminent distresse for as the extremity thereof threatneth ruine and destruction so the alteration bringeth with it an opinion of victorie And surely such is the condition of all sorts of Miserie that when the storm is over and the bitterness of the affliction alaid good times come redoubled upon the Patients as though the vicissitude of things did inforce contrary effects And therefore a Commander knowing the advantage of such an opportunity must indeavour to improve the same as may best serve to a speedy end CHAP. XXI The Enemy setteth forward and is staied by Caesar THe Enemy thereupon thought it expedient for him to make the more haste and therefore leaving two Auxiliary cohorts for the safe keeping of Ilerda he transported all his forces over the River Sicoris and incamped himself with the two legions which formerly he had carried over There remained nothing for Caesar to do but with his Cavalrie to impeach and trouble the enemy in their march And forasmuch as it was a great compasse about to go by the bridge whereby it would come to passe that the Enemy would get to Iberus a farre nearer way he passed over his horsemen by the foord About the third watch as Petreius and Afranius had raised their Camp upon a suddain the Cavalrie shewed themselves in the rere swarming about them in great multitudes began to stay and hinder their passage As soon as it began to be day-light from the upper ground where Caesar lay incamped it was perceived how the rereward of the enemy was hard laid to by our Cavalrie and how sometimes they turned head again and were neverthelesse broken and routed sometimes their Ensignes stood suddenly still and all their foot troups charged our horse and forc't them to give way and then turning back went on their way again The souldiers walking up and down the Camp were grieved that the enemy should so escape their hands whereby the matter would consequently be spun out into a long war and went unto the Centurions and Tribunes of the souldiers praying them to beseech Caesar not to spare them for any danger or labour for they were ready and willing to passe the River where the horse went over Caesar moved through their desire and importunity albeit he feared to expose his Army to a river of that greatness yet he thought it expedient to put it to triall and therefore commanded that the weakest souldiers of all the Centuries should be taken out whose courage or strength shewed a disabilitie to undertake that service and these he left in the Camp with one legion to defend the same bringing out the other legions without carriage or burden and having set a great number of horses and cattell both above and below in the river he transported his Army over Some few of the souldiers being carried away with the stream were succoured and taken up by the horsemen insomuch as not one man perished The Army carried thus over in safety he ranged them in order and marched forward with a three-fold battell Such was the endeavour of the souldier that albeit they had set a circuit of six miles to the foord and had spent much time in passing the river yet by the ninth houre they did overtake the enemie that rose about the third watch of the night Assoon as Afranius and Petreius had discovered the legions afarre off being terrified with the noveltie of that pursuit they betook themselves to the upper ground and there imbattelled their troups In the mean time Caesar refreshed his Armie in the field and would not suffer them being wearie to give battell and as the enemy tried again to go on in their march he followed after and staied them whereby they were forced to incamp sooner then was purposed for there were hills a little before them and for five miles together the passages were very difficult and narrow By which means being advanced between the hills they hoped to be free from Caesar's Cavalrie and by keeping the passages to hinder the Armie from following after to the end they themselves might without perill or fear put their forces over the river Iberus which by all means was to be effected Neverthelesse being wearied with travailing and fighting all day they put off the business to the next morning Caesar also incamped himself on the next hill and about midnight some of their partie being gone out from the Camp somewhat far off to fetch water were taken by the horsemen By them Caesar was advertised that the Enemy with silence began to remove and to lead their troups out of their Camp Whereupon he commanded the signe of rising to be given and the cry dislodging and trussing up their baggage to be taken up according to the discipline and use of souldiers The Enemy hearing the cry fearing least they should be impeached in the night and forced to fight with their burdens on their backs or to be shut up in those straight passages by Caesar's horsemen staied their journey and kept their forces within their Camp OBSERVATIONS THis passage over Sicoris was in the same manner as he carried his Armie over the River Loire in the seventh Commentarie of the war of Gallia Vado per Equites invento pro rei necessitate opportuno ut Brachia modo atque Humeri ad sustinenda arma liberi ab aqua esse possent disposito equitatu qui vim fluminis frangerent incolumem exercitum transduxit The horsemen having found a foord indifferent convenient in regard of the necessity they were put to to the end that the souldiery might have their arms and shoulders at liberty and not be hindered by the water from carrying their weapons he so disposed his horse that he broke the force of the river with them and so carried his Army over in safety The horse that stood above brake the force of the water and those that were below took up such as were overcome with the stream and withall gave courage to the souldier to venture with better assurance seeing the passage impaled in on each side to keep them from miscarrying His attempt upon Sicoris to abate the swelling pride of that River by dividing it into many streams was in imitation of the first Cyrus who taking displeasure at the River Cyndes next unto Euphrates the greatest River of Assâ—ria drew it into three hundred and threescore channels Croesus not finding the River Halis passable by a foord and having no means to make a bridge sunk a great trench behind the Camp from the upper part of the River and so drew all the water behind his Army Vegetius hath a particular discourse of passing an Army over a River whether it be by bridge or boat or by wading or swimming
or any other way to which I referre the Reader CHAP. XXII Asranius seeketh to take the Straights between certain Mountains but is prevented by Caesar THe next day following Petreius went out secretly with a few horse to discover the Countrey and for the samepurpose some went likewise out of Caesar's Camp L. Decidius Saxa was sent with a small troup to view the site of the Place And either party returned with the same report that for five miles the way was open and champain and afterwards very rough and mountainous and whosoever first took those straight might easily impeach the enemy from going further The matter was disputed in the Councell of war by Petreius and Afranius the time of their setting forward was debated Most of them thought it fit to take their journey in the night for by that means they might come to those straights before it were perceived Others were of opinion that it was not possible to steal out in the night as appeared by the cry of rising taken up the night before in Caesar's Camp upon their removing and Caesar's horsemen did so range abroad in the night that all places and passages were kept and shut up Neither were they to give occasion of night fights but to avoid the same by all the means they could forasmuch as in civile dissension the ordinary souldier would rather suffer himself to be over mastered by fear then continue firm in the allegiance which he had sworn unto whereas in the day time every man hath shame and dishonour before his eyes together with the presence of the Centurions and Tribunes with which respects a souldier is restrained and kept within the bounds of duty And therefore the attempt was by all means to be undertaken in the day time and although it â—ell out to some losse yet neverthelesse the body of the Armie might pass in safety and possesse that place which they sought for This opinion prevailing in their consultation they determined by break of day the next mornning to set forward Caesar having diligently viewed the Countrey as soon as day began to appear drew all his forces out of his Camp and marched forward in a great circuit keeping no direct way For the waies which led to Iberus and Octogesa were taken up with the Enemies Camp insomuch as they were to passe over great and difficult vallies And in many places broken Rocks and stones did so hinder them that they were necessarily forced to give their weapons from hand to hand the souldiers lifting up one another and so they passed most part of the way Howsoever no man thought much of the labour for that they hoped to give an end to all their travell if they could keep the enemy from passing over the River Iâ—erus and cut off his â—â—â—ualls At the first Afranius souldiers ran joyfully out of their Camp to see the Army casting out words of derision and reproch that for want of victuall they fled and returned to Ilerda for the way they held was quite contrary to that they intended whereby they seemed to go back again and the Commanders themselves did much approve their own counsell that they had kept their troups within the Camp For that which confirmed them in their opinion was that they perceived they were come out without their carriages whereby they hoped necessity would not suffer them to continue long there But when they saw the troups by little and little to wind to the right hand and that they perceived how those that were in front had fallen backward beyond their Camp there was no man so dull but thought it expedient presently to march out and make head against them Whereupon they cried to Arme and all their forces excepting some few cohorts which were left to keep the Camp went out and marched directly towards Iberus The whole business consisted in speed and celeritie which of the two should first take the straights and possesse the hills Caesar's Army was hindered by the difficulty of the way and Afranius partie was retarded by Caesar's Cavalry The matter was come to that upshot that if Afranius party did first get the hills they might haply quâ—â— themselves of danger but the baggage of the whole Army and the cohorts left in the Camp could not be saved for being intercepted and sâ—â—luded by Caesar's Armie there was no means to relieve them It 〈◊〉 that Caesar first attained the place and being come out from among those great Rocks into a plain champain put his Army in order of battell against the enemy Afranius seeing the enemy in front and his rereward hardly charged by Caesar's Caâ—alry got the advantage of a small hill there made his stand and from thence sent four cohorts bearing round bucklers unto a Mountain which in all mens sight was higher then the rest commanding them to run as fast as they could and possesse that hill intending to follow after with all his forces and altering his course to get along the ridges and tops of the Mountains to Octogesa As the cohorts were advanced forward by an oblique circuit Caesar's Cavalry perceiving their intendment set upon them with such violence that they were not able any time to bear their charge but were surrounded by them and all cut in pieces in the fight of both Armies THE FIRST OBSERVATION PEtreius and Afranius in their Councell of war resolved by all means to shun night encounters as a thing full of hazard and uncertainty and apt for looseness and disobedience for the night being neither a discoverer of errours nor yet a distinguisher either of actions or persons but wrapping up both the vertuous and the faultie in her Mantle of obscuritie doth not admit of directions to follow an opportunity or to help a mistaking but rather giving way to impunitie and licentious confusion leaveth no hope of what is wished Whereas the light is a witness of every mans demeanour and hath both honour and rebuke to make dutie respected For which causes Curio as it followeth in the next Commentarie in his harangue before that untimely expedition against king Juba thus rejected their advice that would have had him set forward in the night At etiam ut media nocte proficiscamur addunt quo majorem credo licentiam habeant qui peccare conantur namque hujusmodi res aut pudore aut metu tenentur quibus rebus nox maxim adversaria est Further then this they advise us to set out in the middle of the night that so I think those men who have a mind to do mischief may take the greater liberty for in the day-time they would be restrain'd either through shame or fear to both which the darkness of the night is a great adversary And that the danger may appear as well by effect as by discourse let the Reader take notice of that battell by night between Antonius Primus on the behalf of Vespasian and the Vitellian legions near unto
the Tribune of the souldiers to keep such ordinances as their Militia required untill at length that the corruption of time falsifying the simplicity and truth of words did inforce them to give an oath as the surest bond of faith and obedience as is noted by Livie at large The souldiers saith he which was never before that time practised were sworn by the Tribunes to appear upon summons from the Consuls and not to depart without leave For untill then there was nothing required of them but a solemn promise which the horsemen made by their Decuries and the foot troups by their Centuries not to leave their Colours by flight or through fear not to forsake their rank unlesse it were either to assault an enemy to take up an offensive weapon or to save a Citizen which being at first but the offer of a free mind was now by the Tribunes required by obligation of an oath The form of this oath was diversly varied as appeareth by Aul. Gel. and more specially in the times of the Emperours for Caligula made this addition to the souldiers oath That they should hold neither their lives nor their children dearer unto them then the Emperour Caiâ—s and his sisters Concerning the respect had of this Military oath that which Tully reporteth of Cato is of excellent note Popilius having charge of the Province of Macedonia had amongst other Roman youths Cato's son a young souldier in his Army and being occasioned to dismisse a legion discharged likewise young Cato being one of that legion But he desirous to bear Arms in that war continued still in the Army whereupon Cato writ from Rome to Popilius requiring him that if he suffered his son to remain in that war he would by any means swear him again for being discharged of his first oath he could not lawfully fight against the Enemy Ever since Constantine the great the souldiers were sworn by a Christian oath as Vegetius noteth to obey all things the Emperour should command them not to leave their warfare without license not to shun death for the service of the Publick weal. And at this day amongst other Nations an oath is given to the souldier upon his inrollment to this effect Well and lawfully to serve the King towards all men and against all without exception of persons and if they know any thing concerning his service to reveal the same incontinently not to leave their Colours without leave either of the Generall or his Lieutenant The ancient Romans did charge their solemn and publick oathes with many ceremonies as appeareth by that form which was used in ratifying Treaties and Transactions Their Heralds killed a hog and cried out withall that the like would happen to him that first falsified his faith Polybius reporteth that he that read the oath whereby the Romans and Carthaginians sware their accord had the hair of his head tiedup in an extraordinary manner the parties invocating their Jupiter to grant all prosperity to him that without fraud or deceit did enter into that agreement But if said he that took the oath I shall either doe or purpose otherwise all the rest being safe and sound let me alone in the midst of the laws and justice of my Countrey in my own habitation and dwelling and within my proper Temples and Sepulchers perish most unfortunately even as this stone flieth out of my hand And as he spake those words he cast away a stone I do not â—ind the use of a Military oath in our Nation Howbeit the common form of our oath is as ceremonious and significative as any other whatsoever which may be observed by the 3 parts it containeth as I have seen them allegorized in some Antiquities For first the book being alwayes a part of holy writ implyeth a renunciation of all the promises therein contained Secondly the touching it with our hands inferreth the like defiance of our works never to be successfull or helping unto us Thirdly the kissing of the book importeth a vain mispending of our vows praiers if we falsify any thing thereby averred CHAP. XXV The endeavour which Asranius used to return to Ilerda but failed in his design FHe matter being in this extremity of two means which were left unto them it was thought the readier and more expedient to return to Ilerda For having left there behind them a little Corn they hoped to take some good course for the sequele Tarraco was further off and thereby subject to more casualties concerning their passage In regard whereof they resolved of the former course and so dislodged themselves Caesar having sent his Cavalry before to incumber and retard the rere-guard followed after himself with the legions The hindmost troups of their Army were constrained without any intermission of time to fight with our horsemen And their manner of fight was thus Certain expedite Cohorts free of carriages marched in the rere of their Army and in open and champain places many of these Cohorts made a stand to confront our Cavalry If they were to ascend up a Hill the nature of the place did easily repell the danger wherewith they were threatned forasmuch as such as went before might easily from the higher ground protect them that followed after but when they came to a valley or descent that those that were in the former ranks could not help them in the rere the horsemen from the upper ground did cast their weapons with great ease and facility upon the Enemy And then continually they were in great hazzard danger and still as they approached near unto such places they called to the legions and willed them to make a stand with their Ensignes and so by great force and violence repelled our Cavalry Who being retired back they would suddenly take a running and get all down into the valley And presently again being to ascend into higher ground they would there make a stand for they were so far from having help of their own Cavalry whereof they had a great number that they were glad to take them between their troups being much affrighted with former incounters and so to shelter and protect them of whom if any chanced upon occasion to stray aside out of the rout the Army held they were presently attached by Caesar's horsemen The fight continuing in this manner they proceeded slowly on their way advancing forward but by little and little and oftentimes stood still to succour and reliâ—ve their party as thâ—â— it fell out For having gone but four miles on their way being very hardly laid to and much pressed by our Cavalry they took to an exceeding high hill and there putting themselves into one front of a battel fortified their Camp keeping their carriages laden upon their horses Assoon as they perceived that Caesar's Camp was set and that the tenâ—s were up and their horses put to grasse they rose suddenly about mid-day upon hope of some respite by reason of our horse put
is as well made of Wheat as of the lees of Wine Flesh is good to make Wrastlers of a grosse and heavy constitution as Plutarch noteth but the Roman souldier stood in need of an effectuall and sinewy vigour able to undergo carriages fitter for a Mule then a Man together with such works as later ages do rather hear then believe and was attained by feeding onely upon bread The Rabbines and Thalmudists do write that the Giants of the old world first fell to the eating of flesh making no difference between a man and a beast but grew so execrable that they made women cast their fruit before their time to the end they might eat it with more tenderness and delicacy Which is also said to be practised by the Canniballs upon the first discovery of the Indies Viginere reporteth that he knew some great Men in France so friand that they caused oftentimes Does ready to foan to be killed and the young ones took out alive to be made meat for monstrous appetites But there is no indifferent Parallel to be drawn between the sobriety of the ancient Roman souldier and the gluttony of these times far exceeding that of Agamemnon which Achilles noted with words of high reproach calling him Hogs-head of Wines eyes of a Dog and hart of a Dear THE THIRD OBSERVATION THirdly from this elaborate well-couched speech we may note that Eloquence is a very beautifull ornament to Princes and great Commanders besides the use it hath to lead a multitude to such ends as is wished for smooth words prevail where force booteth not According to that of Cicero Cum populum persuaderi posse diffidimus cogi fas esse non arbitremur If the people will not be perswaded let us not think it fit to go about to compell them CHAP. XIV Curio bringeth out his troups and putteth Varus Army to flight THe souldiers moved with this Oration did oftentimes interrupt him in his speech signifying with what grief they did indure the suspicion of infidelity And as he departed from the Assembly every man exhorted him to be of a good courage and not to doubt of giving battell or to make triall of their fidelity and valour By which means the minds disposition of all men being changed Curio resolved out of a generall consent as soon as any occasion was offered to give battell The next day having brought out his forces he made a stand and imbattelled them in the same place where he stood in Armes the day before And Varus likewise drew out his troups whether it were to solicite the souldier or not to omit the opportunity of fighting if it might be afforded in an indifferent place There was a valley as we have formerly declared between the two Armies of no very hard or difficult ascent and either of them expected who should first come over it to the end they might fight in a place of more advantage when upon a suddain all Varus Cavalry that stood in the left Cornet of the Army together with the light-armed souldiers that stood mingled amongst them were seen descending into the Valley To them Curio sent his Cavalry together with two cohorts of the Marrucini The Enemies horsemen were not able to indure the first incounter of our men but having lost their horses fled back to their party The light-armed men that came out with them being left and forsaken were all slain by our men in the view and sight of Varus whole Army Then Rebilus Caesar's Legate whom Curio for his knowledge and experience in matter of war had brought with him out of Sicily said Curio thou seest the Enemy affrighted why makest thou doubt to use the opportunity of time Curio without making any other answer then willing the souldiers to remember what they had assured unto him the day before commanded them to follow him and ran formost himself The Valley was so cumber some and difficult that in gaining the ascent of the hill the formost could hardly get up unlesse they were lifted up by their followers Howbeit the Enemy was so possessed with fear for the flight and slaughter of their fellows that they did not so much as think of resisting for they took themselves all to be already surprised by the Cavalry so that before any weapon could be cast or that our men could approch near unto them all Varus Army turned their backs and fled into their Camp In this flight Fabius Pelignus a certain souldier of one of the inferiour Companies of Curio his Army having overtaken the first troup of them that fled sought for Varus calling after him with a loud voice as though he had been one of his own souldiers and would either advise him or say some-thing else to him And as he being often called looked back and stood still inquiring who he was and what he would he made at Varus shoulder which was unarmed with his sword and was very near killing him howbeit he avoided the danger by receiving the blow upon his target Fabius was instantly inclosed about by such souldiers as were near at hand and slain In the mean time the gates of the Camp were pestered and thronged with multitudes and troups of such as fled away and the passage was so stopped that more died in that place without blow or wound then perished either in the battell or in the flight Neither wanted they much of taking the Camp for many left not running untill they came to the town But the nature of the place and the fortification of the Camp did hinder their accesse and Curio his men coming out prepared onely for a battell wanted such necessaries as were of use for the taking of the Camp And therefore Curio carried back his Army with the losse of no one man but Fabius Of the Adversaries were slain about six hundred and many more wounded who all upon Curio his departure besides many other that feigned themselves hurt left the Camp for fear and went into the town Which Varus perceiving and knowing also the astonishment of the Army leaving a Trumpeter in the Camp a few Tents for shew about the third watch he carried his Army with silence out of the Camp into the town OBSERVATIONS IT is a part of wisdome and oftentimes a main help to victorie to attend the advantage of an Enemies rashness and to see if his folly will not make way to his overthrow Whereof Curio made good use for he kept his Army in the upper ground untill the Cavalry of the Adversarie were loosely fallen into the Valley and then set upon them and cut them all in pieces The sight whereof maskered the whole Army and kept Curio in safety upon the like disadvantage in the cumbersome passage of the same Vale by means whereof he put to flight the whole forces of the Enemy and made a great slaughter in the party Wherein I may not forget that trick of a Roman
no man in cold bloud could better advise then Curio or fore-see with better providence yet his youthfull boldnesse over-swaied his discourse and drew all to a mischief in despight of his wisedome The second was Superioris temporis proventus the happy issue of former proceedings which of all other conditions is to be suspected and needeth Gods assistance more then any other fortune for that no man sooner erreth or is more uncapable of order then such as are in prosperity And therefore Plato refused to make lawes for them of Cyrene as a matter of great difficulty to give ordinances to men that were in happinesse And doubtless such is the exorbitancie of our nature that nothing better informeth it then crosses which are as instructions and warnings for the preventing of ruining calamities Wherein Curio was not beholding to Fortune at all that dandled him in her lap for a while to cast him out at length headlong to his ruine It had been much better she had exchanged a frown with a favour rather then to have given him much good together and reserve an irrecoverable disgrace for the upshot The third was Fiducia rei bene gerendae which savoureth more of folly then any of the former it being alwaies an argument of an imprudent man to assure himself of good fortune For Presumption being ever accompanied with Negligence is subject to as many casualties as those that go unarmed upon extremity of danger And these were the three things that miscarried Curio Out of which we may observe with Xenophon that Ingens arduum opus est recte imperare it is a weighty and difficult matter to command well CHAP. XVI Curio pursueth the Enemy with more haste then good successe THat which the Cavalry had exploited was certainly a matter of great service especially the small number of them being compared with the great multitude of the Numidians and yet notwithstanding they spake of these things with greater ostentation then the truth would bear as men are willing to divulge their own praises Besides they shewed much spoil which they had taken Captives and Horses were brought out that whatsoever time was omitted seemed to be a let and hinderance to the victory by which means the desires and endeavours of the Souldiers were no way short of the hope which Curio had conceived Who commanding the Cavalry to follow him marched forward with as much haste as he could to the end he might find the Enemy distracted and astonished at the flight and overthrow of their fellows But the horsemen having travelled all night could by no means follow after Whereby it happened that some staied in one place some in another yet this did not hinder or discourage Curio in his hopes Juba being advertised by Sabura of the conflict in the night sent instantly two thousand Spanish and French horse which he kept about him for the safety of his Person and such of the foot-troups as he most trusted to succour and relieve him he himself with the rest of the forces and forty Elephants followed softly after Sabura suspecting by the horsemen coming before that Curio himself was at hand imbattelled all his forces commanding them that under a pretence of counterfeit fear they should retreat by little and little himself when occasion served would give them the signe of battell with such other directions as should be expedient Curio was strengthened in his former hope with the opinion of the present occasion For supposing the Enemy had fled he drew his forces from the upper ground into the Plain wherein after he had marched a good space the Army having travailed sixteen mile he made a stand Sabura gave the signe to his men of beginning the battell led on his Army went about his troups to exhort and encourage his souldiers Howbeit he used his foot-men onely for a shew a farre off and sent the Cavalry to give the charge Curio was not wanting to his men but wished them to set all their confidence in their valour The souldiers howsoever harried and wearied and the horsemen although but a very few and those spent with travell yet wanted no courage or desire to fight But these being but two hundred in number for the rest staied by the way what part of the Army soever they charged they forced the Enemy to give way but they could neither follow them far as they fled nor put their horses to any round or long career At length the Cavalry of the Enemy began from both the wings to circumvent our Army and to mall them down behind and as our Cohorts issued out from the battell towards them the Numidians through their nimblenesse did easily avoid the shock and again as they turned back to their ranks inclosed them about and cut them off from the battell so that it neither seemed safe to keep their order and place nor to advance themselves out and undergo the hazard of adventure OBSERVATIONS THe Principles and Maximes of War are alwaies to be held firm when they are taken with their due circumstances for every Rule hath a qualified state and consisteth more in cautions and exceptions then in authority of precept It is true that nothing doth more advantage a victorie then the counsell of Lamachus the third Duke of the Athenians which was to set upon an Enemy when he is affrighted and distracted for so there is nothing to be expected on is behalf but despair and confusion But either to be mistaken therein or otherwise to make such haste to observe this rule of war as Curio did that the best part of the Army shall he by the way and the rest that go on shall be so spent with labour as they are altogether unfit for service and yet to make the matter worse to bring them into a place of disadvantage to incounter a strong and fresh Enemy is to make the circumstances oversway the Rule and by a Maxime of Warre to be directed to an overthrow neglecting altogether that which is observed by Sextus Aurelius Victor Satis celeriter fit quicquid commode geritur that which is well done is done soon enough CHAP. XVII Curio defeated and slain Some few of the Army get passage to Sâ—cily the rest yield themselves to Varus THe Enemy was oftentimes renforced by succours from the King our men had spent their strength and fainted through weariness such as were wounded could neither leave the battell nor be conveighed into a place of safety The whole Army being incompassed about with the Cavalry of the Enemy whereby despairing of their safety as men commonly do when their life draws towards an end they either lamented their own death or recommended their friends to good fortune if it were possible that any might escape out of that danger all parts were filled with fear and lamentation Curio when he perceived the souldiers to be so affrighted that they gave care neither to
and worse the winds growing more easy and gentle OBSERVATIONS BY how much easier it is to keep the out-let of one Port then to guard the Coast of a large Countrey by so much was Libo more likely to prevail in seeking to shut up the Haven of Bâ—undusium to hinder these supplies from coming unto Caesar then the other that went about to guard all the Maritime parts of Epirus to keep them from landing after they were at Sea But such is the uncertainty of enterprises of war that albeit our course be rightly shapen yet it doth often fail of leading us to that which is desired For howsoever he was possessed of this Iland that lay thwait the mouth of the Haven and had thrust out the guard of horsemen and so became confident of blocking up the Port yet there was means found by the adverse Party to give him such an affront as made him quit the place with more dishonour then could be recompensed by any thing he got CHAP. IX Caesar's supplies passe over into Greece and take landing CAesar troubled at these things writ very sharply to them at Brundusium not to omit the opportunity of the next good wind but to put to Sea and to shape their course to Oricum or to the Coast of Apollonia because there they might run their ships on ground and these places were freest from Guards by reason they could not ride far from the Ports They according to their accustomed courage and valour Marcus Antonius and Fusius Calenus directing the businesse and the Souldiers themselves being forward thereunto as refusing no danger for Caesar's sake having got a South wind weighed Anchour and the next day passed by Apollonia and Dyrrachium but being discovered from the Continent Quintus Coponius Admirall of the Rhodian Navy lying at Dyrrachium brought his ships out of the Haven And as he had almost upon a slack wind overtaken our men the same South wind began at length to blow stiff by which means they escaped Yet did not he desist from pursuing them but was in hope by the labour and industry of the Mariners to overweigh the force of the tempest and followed them notwithstanding they were past Dyrrachium with a large wind Our men using the favour of Fortune were neverthelesse afraid of the Enemies Navy if the wind should chance to slack and having got the Port called Nymphaeum three miles beyond Lissus they put in with their ships This Port lay sheltered from the South-west wind but was not safe from a South wind howsoever they accounted an ill road lesse dangerous then the Enemies fleet and yet they were no sooner put in but the wind which had blown southerly for two dayes together did now most happily come about to the South-west And here a man may see the suddain alteration of Fortune for they which of late stood in fear of a dangerous Road were now by that occasion received into a safe harbour and those which threatened danger to them were forced to bethink themselves of their own safety So that the time thus changing the tempest saved our Party and sunk theirs Insomuch as sixteen of the Rhodian ships were all shaken in pieces and perished with shipwrack and of the great number of oar-men and souldiers part were dashed against the Rocks and slain and part were taken up by our men all which Caesar sent home in safety Two of our ships coming short and overtaken with the night and not knowing where the rest had taken shore stood at Anchour right over against Lissus Them did Otâ—cilius Crassus Governour of Lissus go about to take with Skiffs and other little ships which he had prepared for that purpose and withall treated with them of yielding themselves promising life and safety upon that condition One of the ships carried two hundred and twenty men of the legion made of young souldiers in the other were lesse then two hundred old Souldiers And here a man may see what assurance and safety consisteth in courage and valour of mind for the new made souldiers terrified with the multitude of ships that came against them and spent with Sea-sicknesse upon oath made not to receive any hurt did yield themselves to Otacilius who being brought all unto him were contrary to his oath most cruelly slain in his sight But the souldiers of the old Legions howsoever afflicted with the inconvenience of the tempest and noisomnesse of the Pump did not slack any thing of their ancient valour for having drawn out the first part of the night in conditions of treaty as though they meant to yield themselves they compelled the Master to run his ship a-shore and having got a convenient place they there spent the rest of the night As soon as it was day Otacilius sent four hundred horse which had the guard of that part of the coast with others of the garrison to assault and take them but they valiantly defending themselves slew divers of them and so got to our men in safety Whereupon the Roman Citizens residing in Lissus which town Caesar had formerly given them to be kept and guarded received in Antonius and assisted him with all things needfull Otacilius fearing himself fled out of the town and came to Pompey Antonius sent back the greatest part of the ships that had brought over his troups which were three legions of old souldiers one of new souldiers and eight hundred horse to transport the rest of the souldiers and horse that remained at Brundusium leaving the Pontones which are a kind of French shipping at Lissus to this end that if haply Pompey thinking Italy to be empty and unfurnished should carry over his Army thither Caesar might have means to follow him and withall sent Messengers speedily to Caesar to let him know where the Army was landed and what men he had brought over THE FIRST OBSERVATION DOlus an virtus quis in hoste requirat It is no matter whether the enemy does his businesse by Valour or subtilty is not so justifiable by the laws of true Vertue as that of Achilles who professed to hate that man more then the gates of hell that promised one thing and purposed another Neither do the Jurists conclude otherwise having for the more apparency of truth drawn it to a Question An perfidia in perfidum uti Jus sit whether it be lawfull to break faith with a faith-breaker alledging Labienus practise against Comius of Arras together with that which admitteth no Answer that their example standeth as a president to deal with them as they deal with others But to falsifie religion as Otacilius did and to make an oath the Broaker of unworthy ends is abhorred by God and Man and accordingly succeedeth The most remarkable instance in this kind is that which is to be wished were forgotten of Lewis King of Hungaria who having concluded the honourablest peace that ever Christian Prince had before that time made with any of
foot from that place was raised another Rampier with the front the contrary way but somewhat lower then the â—ormer For some few daies before Caesar fearing that place least our men should be circumvented with their ships had caused double fortifications to be made in that place that if peradventure they should be put to their shifts they might neverthelesse make good resistance But the greatnesse of the works and the continuall labour they daily endured the fortifications being carried eighteen miles in circuit would not suffer them to finish it Whereby it happened that he had not as yet made a Rampier along the Sea-shore to joyn these two fortifications together for the defence thereof which was informed Pompey by these two Savoiens and brought great damage and losse to our people For as the Cohorts of the ninth Legion kept watch and guard upon the Sea suddenly by the break of day came Pompey's Army which seemed very strange unto our men and instantly thereupon the souldiers from a shipboard assaulted with their weapons the inner Rampier the rest began to fill up the Trench The legionary souldiers appointed to keep the inner fortifications having planted a great number of Ladders to the Rampier did amuse the Enemy with weapons Engines of all sorts a great number of Aâ—chers were thronged together on each side But the coverings of Osiers which they ware on their head-pieces did greatly defend them from the blowes of stones which was the only weapon our men had for that purpose And as our men were overlaid with all these things and did hardly make resistance they found out the defect of the fortification formerly mentioned and landing their men between the two Rampiers they charged our people in the rere and so driving them from both the fortifications made them turn their backs This Alarme being heard Marcellinus sent certain Cohorts to succour our men who seeing them fly could neither re-assure them by their coming nor withstand the fury of the Enemy themselves insomuch as what relief soever was sent was distracted by the fear and astonishment of them that fled away Whereby the terrour and the danger was made much the greater and their retreat was hindered through the multitude of people In that fight the Eagle-bearer being grievously wounded and fainting for want of strength looking towards the horsemen This have I said he in my life time carefully and diligently defended for many years together and now dying with the same fidelity do restore it unto Caesar suffer not I pray you such a dishonour the like whereof never happened in Caesar's Army but return it unto him in safety By which accident the Eagle was saved all the Centurions of the first Cohort being slain but the first of the Maniple of the Principes And now the Enemy with great slaughter of our men approached near Marcellinus Camp The rest of the Cohorts being greatly astonished M. Antonius holding the next Garrison to that place upon notice thereof was seen to come down from the upper ground with twelve Cohorts Vpon whose coming Pompey's Party was repressed and staied and our men somewhat re-assured giving them time to come again to themselves out of that astonishment And not long after Caesar having knowledge thereof by smoak made out of the Forts according to the use of former time came thither also bringing with him certain Cohorts out of the Garrisons OBSERVATIONS IT is an old saying that Thieves handsell is alwaies naught But Traitors handsell is much worse as appeareth by the falling away of these two Savoiens who were the first that left Caesar in this war and the first that brought Pompey good fortune themselves standing culpable of as great an offence as if they had alienated the whole Army In the course whereof we may see plainly that which I have formerly noted that it is an excellent thing to be still attempting upon an Enemy so it be done upon good grounds and cautions for while Pompey stood upon the defensive ward the honour of the contention fell continually upon Caesar And doubtlesse he that observeth Caesar's proceedings in the carriage of all his warres shall find his fortune to have specially grown from his active and attempting spirit In this Eagle-bearer we may see verified that which Paterculus affirmeth of Mithridates That a valiant spiâ—it is sometimes great by the favour of Fortune but alwayes great in a good courage For these titles of degrees as Princeps prior and the rest here mentioned having formerly discoursed at large of the parts of a legion and the Hierarchie of their discipline I will rather refer the Reader thereunto then bumbast out a volume with distastefull repetitions CHAP. XXIII Caesar purposeth to alter the course of warre and attempteth to cut off one of Pompey's Legions CAesar understanding of the losse and perceiving that Pompey was got out of the fortifications and was incamped upon the Sea in such sort as he might freely go out to forrage and have no lesse accesse to his shipping then formerly he had changing his course of warre which had not succeeded to his expectation he incamped himself fast by Pompey The works being perfected it was observed by Câ—sar's Discoverers that certain Cohorts to the number of a Legion were brought behind a wood into the old Camp The site of the Camp was after this manner The dayes before Caesar's ninth Legion opposing themselves against Pompey's forces and working upon the fortifications as is before declared had their Camp in that place adjoyning unto a wood and not distant from the sea above four hundred pases Afterwards Caesar changing his mind for some certain causes transferred his lodging somewhat farther off from that place A few dayes after the same Camp was possest by Pompey And forasmuch as he was to lodge more legions in that place leaving the inner Rampier standing he inlarged the fortification so that the lesser Camp being included in the greater served as a Castle or Cittadell to the same Besides also he drew a fortification from the right angle of the Camp four hundred pases out-right to a River to the end the souldiers might water freely without danger And he also changing his mind for some causes not requisite to be mentioned left the place too so that the Camp stood empty for many dayes together and all the fortifications were as perfect as at the first The Discoverers brought news to Caesar that they had seen an Ensign of a Legion carried thither The same was likewise confirmed from certain Forts which stood upon the higher grounds The place was distant from Pompey's new Camp about five hundred pases Caesar hoping to cut off this legion and desirous to repair that dayes losse left two cohorts at work to make a shew of fortifying and he himself by a contrary way in as covert a manner as he could led the rest of the Cohorts in number thirty three amongst whom was the ninth
high a hill to climb up unto them and yet he thought to come so near them with his host as that they might not depart out of the place where they were without danger our men being hard at hand ready to fall upon them Therefore whereas he perceived that the troublesome marish parted Camp from Camp the difficult passage whereof might hinder the speedy pursuit of our enemies and that the same ridge of the hill which went from the farther side of the marish almost to the camp of the enemies was parted from their said camp with a small valley he made bridges over the marish and passing over his army got quickly into the plain of the said ridge the which on two sides was fortified with a steep descent There embattelling his men he came to the farthest end of the ridge and ordered his battels in such a place from whence with an engine artillery might be shot amongst the thickest of the enemies The Galles trusting to the advantage of the place when they would neither have refused the encounter if perchance the Romans should have adventured up the hill against them nor yet durst by little and little diminish their battel by severing themselves lest when they had been out of array they might hap to have been set upon kept themselves in order of battel Whose wilfulnesse Caesar perceiving kept twenty Cohorts in a readinesse and pitching his tents in the same place commanded his camp should be fortified As soon as the works were finished he set his Legions in array before the Rampier and appointed the horsemen to their standings with their horses ready bridled When the Bellovaci saw the Romans in a readinesse to pursue them and that themselves could not without perill either lodge that night or continue any longer in the same place where they were they devised this shift to recover themselves In the place where they were set together for it is declared in Caesar's former Commentaries how the Galles are wont to sit down in the battel they received from hand to hand one of another bundles of straw and fagots whereof there was great store in their camp and cast it all on a heap before their battell and in the later end of the day at a watch-word that was given they set it on fire all at one instant by means whereof the continuall flame suddenly took away the sight of all their army from the Romans and therewithall the savage Galles fled away as fast as their legs could bear them Albeit that Caesar could not perceive the departing of his enemies by reason of the flame that was betwixt them yet notwithstanding forasmuch as he suspected it to be a deceit practised by them that they might the safelier fly away he marched his footmen forward and sent his â—orsemen to pursue them Howbeit for fear of treachery in the businesse least perhaps his enemies should abide still in the same place and only draw us forth into a ground of disadvantage he went the slower pace His horsemen fearing to venture into the smoke and thick flame and if any were so resolute as to enter it they could scarce see the fore-parts of their own horses lest they should be intrapped gave the Bellovaci free liberty to recover themselves whither they would Thus our enemies by their flight which was mixt with fear and subtilty escaping without any losse went but ten miles off and encamped themselves in a very advantageous ground From whence by laying ambushes both of horse and foot in divers places they did the Romans great displeasure as they went a forraging After this had happened many and sundry times Caesar learned of a captive that Corbeus Captain of the Bellovaci had chosen out of his whole host six thousand of the valiantest footmen and a thousand horsemen which he had laid in ambush in the same place whether for the plenty of provision and corn that was there he judged the Romans would send to forrage This being known Caesar bringeth forth more legions then usuall and sendeth his horsemen before as he was wont to do to safe-conduct his forragers Among them he mingleth for their assistance many light-armed footmen and himself with his legions followeth as near as possibly he might The enemies that were laid in ambush having chosen a field for their purpose not above a mile over every way environed round about either with cumbersome woods or else a very deep river beset it with their ambushment as it had been with a toil Our men forasmuch as they were privy to the design of their enemies beforehand being ready both with heart and hand to fight seeing their legions followed hard after them would refuse no encounters but went rank by rank down into the said place At whose coming Corbeus thinking an occasion of doing some good to be fallen into his hands first discovereth himself with a small number and giveth charge upon the next troups Our men stoutly withstand the brunt flock not many into one place at once which in skirmishes of horse is wont commonly to happen through fear and their clustering together turneth to their own losse They being thus engaged in small parties and having a care still that their fellows should not be circumvented the rest brake out of the woods while Corbeus was fighting Then was the encounter hot and doubtfull After it had continued indifferent a good space by little and little came their footmen in array out of the woods which compelled our horsemen to give back But they were quickly relieved again by the light-armed footmen which as was said were sent before our legions who being intermixed among the horsemen fought stoutly The encounter continued a good while doubtfull But as the course of warre requires they that had withstood the first brunt of them that lay in ambush for them had thus much the advantage that they received not unawares any foil at their hands In the mean while our legions drew nearer and divers messengers brought word both to our men and to our enemies at one and the same time that the Generall was at hand with his army in battel array Which thing being known our horsemen trusting to the help of the Cohorts lay about them very eagerly lest if they should have delayed the matter they might have given the footmen part of the honour of the victory Upon this our enemies hearts began to fail and they sought to fly by severall wayes but all was in vain For by the disadvantage of the same places in which they would have inclosed the Romans were they themselves taken tardy and could not get out Notwithstanding being vanquished and altogether out of heart when they had lost the greatest part of their company like men amazed they betook themselves to â—light and some made toward the woods others toward the river where being overtaken by our men that followed eagerly after them they were all slain In the mean time Corbeus whose heart could by no
least of his vertues yet argu'd some conscience of his own weaknesse at this time For he was extreamly perplex'd that the other part of his Army was not come in so much that he embarqued in a Brigandine disguized to fetch them Having pass'd down the River the sea was so tempestuous that the master of the vessell would not adventure out whereupon as it is said Caesar discovered himself and said to him Friend thou carriest Caesar and his fortune Whereat the master being encourag'd ventur'd out into the sea but the Tempest was so violent that it brought Caesar back again This action of his was like to have rais'd a mutiny in his Army as a thing which though it spoke courage yet was a stranger to discretion which it may be is the reason that Caesar hath made no mention of it in his Commentaries But some few dayes after Antonius arrives with four Legions of the remaining part of the Army and sends back the ships for the rest These joyning with Caesar there past divers skirmishes and pickeerings being so nearly lodg'd between both Armies but that which was most remarkable was near the City of Dyrrachium wherein Caesar's Troups were so routed that no threats or entreaties could stay them from running to their Camp which though fortifi'd yet was abandon'd by some Pompey in the mean time either out of fear that the slight might be feigned and in order to some ambush or that he thought Caesar sufficiently conquer'd doth not prosecute the victory Which weaknesse in him Caesar dissembled not when afterwards he said to his men that that day had ended the war if the enemy had had a Captain that knew how to overcome But Caesar as no Prosperity disorder'd him so in Adversity he had a courage and such a confidence of Fortune that he was nothing cast down He lost in that engagement besides the Common-Souldiery 400 Roman Knights 10 Tribunes and 32 Centurions with as many Colours This successe obtained Pompey sends the news of it into all parts of the world so advantageously to himself as if Caesar were utterly routed who though he did not decline fighting yet thought it not policy to engage his men lately worsted though indeed exasperated with shame and indignation at their losse with those that were animated and flesh'd with a victory He therefore disposes his maimed men into Apollonia and in the night takes his way towards Thessaly both to hearten and refresh his Army as also to draw the enemy further from the Sea-coast where his main force and all his provisions lay or at least to meet with Scipio who he had intelligence was to join with Pompey This unexpected departure of Caesar's brought Pompey almost to a Resolution to return into Italy to recover that with France and Spain and afterwards to meet with Caesar But the Roman Lords that were about him a sort of proud insolent indisciplinable people who indeed prov'd his ruine disswaded him and caused him to alter his design and so he fell upon the hot pursuit of Caesar who making a stay in the fields of Pharsalia till that his men had reassumed their courage and resolution was now willing and eager to fight But Pompey perceiving this readiness of Caesar to proceed from want of Provision and a fear his Army should diminish purposely avoided fighting and would have prolong'd the warre and so have defeated his enemy without hazzarding his own Army But the murmurings mutinyes and importunity of those that were about him had such a prevailing influence over him as Plutarch Lucan and Caesar himself acknowledgeth that they forced him contrary to his intentions and policy to give Battell which was such that all the flower and force of Rome was engaged in it Caesar's Army according to the computation of most writers amounted to half Pompey's but in compensation his men were more active and versed in warre and knew their advantages whereas the other 's was a tumultuary sort of people raked together besides what Romans he had The exact number of both these Armies is not agreed on by Authors some raise them to 300000. of which opinion was Florus others bring them down to 70000. But if we agree with Appianus we must conceive that so many countries and nations having sent in their assistances on either side there must needs be vast Armies on both sides and therefore those who pitched upon the lesser number meant onely the number of Romans who were the maine force and hope of both Generalls But here we may make a strange remark upon the uncertain events of warre We have two of the greatest Captains that ever were the stoutest Armies that ever met such as experience force and valour was equally divided between and to be short the most exasperated parties that could be and yet it proved but a very short sight so weak is the confidence and assurance that is onely placed in number We may further note the strange influence of Religion upon Mankind in general in that it enforces man in the greatest exigencies to consultation for Pompey met with divers things that might somewhat have informed him of the successe of that famous Battel The running away of the beasts destined for Sacrifice the swarming of bees the sky darkned and his own fatall dream of being in mourning in the Theatre seconded by his appearance in the head of his main Battel the next day in a black robe which might signifie he mourned for the liberty of Rome beforehand Being both resolved to give Battel they put their Armies in such order as they thought fit and harangued their Souldiers according to their severall pretences In the beginning Pompey's horse consisting most of the Roman Gentry and Nobility prevailed over Caesar's and made them give ground which he perceiving causes a Battalion set apart for that purpose to charge them with order to aime altogether at the face which Pompey's horse not able or not willing to endure began to retreat and so made way for the totall overthrow by which means the foot being discourag'd and seeing Caesar's horse falling on the Victory was soon decided on Caesar's side Pompey flying to his camp and leaving the field to his adversary Here was the greatest misfortune of Pompey to out-live the Liberty of his Country which he pretended so much to fight for and his own glory in this Battell being forc'd to a dishonourable flight and to deliberate whither he should retire whether into Parthia Africk or Aegypt Caesar being thus Master of the field and meeting with no opposition falls upon Pompey's camp which without any great difficulty he entered Whereupon Pompey disguizing himself takes up the first horse he met and with four more his own Son Sextus Pompeius the two Lentuli and Favonius makes his escape and stayes not till he came to Larissa where meeting with some of his own horse who were in the same condition of running away he continued his flight till he came to the
had a Son call'd Caesario establish'd Queen Caesar takes his march towards Asia through Syria having receiv'd intelligence that while he was engag'd in the warres of Aegypt King Pharnaces the Son of the mighty Mithridates taking his advantage of the dissensions among the Romans entertained some hopes of recovering what his Father had lost having in order thereto overthrown Domitius whom Caesar had left Governour in those parts and taken in by force the Provinces of Bithynia and Cappadocia expelling thence Ariobarzanes a friend and subject to Rome The like he intended to have done with Armenia the lesse which King Dejotarus had made subject to the Romans But Caesar coming upon Pharnaces before he expected him they in a few dayes came to a Battell which in a few hours was dispatched to the overthrow of the King and the infinite slaughter of his people which he himself escaped by flight This Victory gave Caesar more satisfaction then any of his former because of the great desire he had to return to Rome where he was informed many scandalls were spread and insolencies committed by the encouragement of his absence He had also understood that Pompey's eldest Son had seiz'd a great part of Spain and out of those that M. Varro had left there and some gleanings of his Father's troups had gotten together some considerable force He also knew that most of the principall Romans who had escaped the Battel at Pharsalia were gathered together in Africk and headed by M. Cato surnamed Vticensis for having kill'd himself at Vtica and Pompey's Father-in-Law that they had a great part of Pompey's navy that with the assistance of Iuba King of Mauritania they had subdu'd all that Country and had a great Army in readinesse against Caesar having chosen Scipio for their General because that name had been fortunate in Africk Caesar upon intelligence of all these transactions with his wonted celerity and diligence recovers all that Pharnaces had usurped chasing him from Pontus regained all those Countries which he recommended to the government of Caelius Minucius with two Legions where having reconciled differences decided all controversies and settled all things by rewarding and gratifying those Kings and Tetrarchs who had continued firm to the Common-wealth and interest of Rome he made no longer aboad in Asia but passing with all expedition into Italy he came to Rome within a little more then a year after he had departed thence wherewith if we compare his great expeditions and adventures it would prove matter of faith and astonishment to consider how such vast Armies should passe through so many countries in so short a time Some few dayes after his coming to Rome he is created the third time Consul and as farre as time and the exigencies of his affairs permitted studied the reformation of what disorders there then were For that his Enemies before-mentioned should be Masters of Africk was a thing he could not easily digest Therefore with his ordinary expedition he marches thitherward and commands his forces to follow He took shipping in Sicily and so passed into Africk having no great force with him however such was his confidence of his Fortune that he staid not the arrivall of either his Army or navy Being landed with his small forces near unto the City of Adrumetum he marches unto another called Leptis where he was received and where he took occasion by some conflicts to keep the enemy in action so to divert them from augmenting their forces In fine his Legions being arrived he very earnestly set himself to the prosecution of the war in which though it lasted but four Months from the beginning of Ianuary to the end of Aprill there happened many encounters and Battels For having dispatched what work Petreius and Labienus found him he came to deal with Scipio and King Iuba who had brought an assistance of 8000. men whereof one half were Cavalry Africa at that time being very abundant in horse as may appear partly in that Caesar's enemies had among them raised in that Country besides eight Legions of foot 20000. horse Hirtius Plutarch Lucan and Florus have written at large of this warre and tell you that Caesar was many times in very great danger as to his own person yet at last by the assistance of his forces and the compliance of his great Fortune he put a period to that warre by one signall Battel wherein there being slain of the Enemies side 10000. they were utterly defeated Caesar remained Master of the field and shortly after of all the Country The principall Captains of the adverse party though they escaped death at the fight died most of them miserably and unfortunately King Iuba himself being for want of refuge brought to that despair that fighting with Afranius and killing him he commanded one of his own slaves to dispatch himself Marcus Cato being in Vtica hearing of Caesar's approach though confident not onely of his pardon but his particular favour yet either out of an indignation to be oblig'd by his enemy or an extravagant zeal to Liberty laid violent hands on himself Cicero wrote a book in commendation of Cato to justify that action which Caesar answer'd with another which he called Anti-Cato both which are lost The Ceremony of his death was very remarkable for upon hearing of the miscarriage of most of his partners he embraces his Son and Friends and bids them good night pretending to go to bed Resting upon his bed he took into his hand Plato's book of the immortality of the Soul wherein having satisfied himself he about the relieving of the watch with a Roman resolution drew his sword and ran himself into the Body Being not quite dispatch'd Physitians came in and apply'd something to the wound which he suffer'd while they staid with him but assoon as they were departed he pull'd all off and thrust his dying hand into the wound Scipio the Generall in this war having escaped and shipp'd himself in certain Gallies was met by Caesar's navy but to avoid being taken by them he gave himself some wounds and leapt over-board and so was drown'd Caesar being by this means absolute Victor spends some time in ordering the Provinces of Africk which done and reducing Iuba's Kingdome into a Province he comes to Vtica whence he embarqued the third of Iune for Sardinia where having staid some few dayes he arrives at Rome Iuly 25. whither as soon as he was come there were granted unto him four Triumphs The first was for his conquest and Victories in France wherein were set forth the Rivers of Rhodanus and the Rhene wrought in gold In the second which was for Aegypt and King Ptolemey were represented the River Nile and the Pharos of Alexandria burning The third was for his Victory over King Pharnaces wherein a certain writing represented the celerity he used in the prosecution of that Victory which onely contain'd three words Veni Vidi Vici I came I saw I overcame The fourth was for his
reduction of Africk wherein was placed Iuba's Son as a captive As for the Battel against Pompey Caesar would not triumph for it because it was against Roman Citizens These triumphs ended and great rewards scatter'd among the Souldiery who had been assistant in so great Transactions the People being also entertained with feasts sports and presents Caesar is chosen the fourth time Consul But there yet remain'd some sword-work to do for Gneius Pompeius Great Pompey's Son had got together most of the remainder of the African Army and was gone into Spain to joyn with his Brother Sextus who as was hinted before was there and had possess'd himself of a great part of Spain with the Cities of Sevill and Cordova the Spaniards being ready enough to come in to their assistance Caesar takes with him his most experienc'd veterane Souldiers and with extraordinary speed arrives in Spain within a few dayes being accompany'd with his Nephew Octavius who was about sixteen years of Age. Being come into Baetica now Andaluzia where the two Pompeys were with such Legions as they had got together he soon began a hot and bloudy war whereof to be short the issue was this Caesar and Gneius Sextus being in Cordova near Munda join battell which proves the sharpest and most obstinate that ever was It lasted almost a whole day and that with such indifference as to point of Victory that it was adjudg'd sometimes to one side sometimes to another Suetonius and Eutropius tell us that Caesar one time upon his mens giving ground was in such a plunge that he was almost resolv'd to have kill'd himself so to have avoided the shame and dishonour of being conquer'd and that in that heat of indignation and despair he snatched a Target from one of his Souldiers saying with a loud voice as Plutarch relates If you are not asham'd leave me or deliver me into the hands of these Boyes for this shall be the last day of my life and your honour With which words the Souldiers being animated and heighten'd by his example regain their lost ground turn by degrees the scales of the Battell and towards the evening the enemy fainting and flying become apparent Victors The Enemy lost in this field 30000. men Caesar beside the common Souldiery 1000. all persons of quality This did Caesar account the most glorious of all his Victories the commemoration of hazzards and suffering being to some the greatest satisfaction conceiveable for he would often say afterwards that at other times he fought for Fame and Victory but that that day he fought for his Life which he had never fought for before Pompey who had performed all that a wise and stout captain could persecuted by a malicious fortune and seeing there was no other remedy escaped by flight but being hopelesse and refugelesse he was at last surpriz'd by some of Caesar's friends kill'd and his head brought to him which was also the fate of Labienus Sextus upon this quits Cordova and shortly after Spain leaving all to Caesar who in a short time reduc'd and settled the whole Country Which done he returns to Rome and triumphs for the warres of Spain which was his fifth and last triumph Having thus conquer'd the greatest part of the world and by consequence gain'd the reputation of the most famous and most powerfull man in it it was at least a pardonable ambition if he thought no title name or dignity too great for him It requires some faith to believe that such vast bodies as Roman Armies consisting of many Legions could at an ordinary rate march through so many Countries and crosse so many Seas had they had no enemy to engage but to conquer them transcends it and must be attributed to Miracle for within lesse then five yeares through infinite conquests and Victories he consummated the Roman Monarchy making himself perpetuall Dictator Sovereign Lord or Emperour Which later title though it had not that height of signification which his Successors have rais'd it to yet was it the greatest attribution of honour which that or after-Ages have acknowledg'd But if his thoughts were so high and his ambition so exorbitant as to deserve a severe Censure certainly it may prove so much the more excuseable by how much it was enflam'd by the generall acclamations and acknowledgments For both the Senate and peole of Rome some out of feare some out of affection some out of dissimulation were forward enough to invent those appellations of honour and preeminence and afterwards to elevate them to the height of his ambitious mind Hence was he call'd Emperour Father Restorer and Preserver of his Country hence created perpetuall Dictator and Consul for ten yeares and perpetuall Censor of their Customes his Statue erected among the Kings of Rome hence he had his thrones and chaires of state in the Theatre and Temples which as also all publick places were filled with his pictures and images Nay their adoration ascended to that point that from these humane honours they attributed to him divine finding marble little enough for Temples and Statues for him which were dedicated to him with the same veneration as to their Gods and metall little enough to represent his high and almost incredible adventures But all the power and command of so many nations as he had conquer'd was inconsiderable as to the extent of his mind whereby we may see what small acquaintance there is between Ambition and Acquiescence It was not sufficient to have been personally engag'd in fifty signall Battels and to have lay'd with their Bellies to the Sun a million ninety and odd thousand men abating all those that fell in the Civile warres but there yet remains something to do greater then all this The fierce Parthians break his sleep they are yet unconquer'd which once done t' were easy like lightning to passe through Hyrcania and other Countries to the Caspian Sea and so scoure the Provinces of Scythia Asiatica and so passing over the River Tanais to come into Europe and bring in Germany and the bordering Provinces under the wings of the Roman Eagle In order to this expedition had he in sundry places raised 10000. horse and 16. Legions of choice foot but another greater power thought fit he should leave some work for his successours Nay some things he aim'd at beyond Man's attempt correcting even nature it self As that design of making Peloponnesus an Island by cutting of that neck of Land which is between the Aegeaan and Ionian Seas He thought to have altered the courses of the Rivers Tiber and Aâ—ien and made them navigable for ships of the greatest burthen He had begun to levell diverse hills and mountains in Italy and to dry up Lakes and Fenns He re-edified and re-peopled the once famous Carthage and Corinth These and many other things he had done without doubt had not an unexpected and barbarous death surpriz'd him in the midst of his designations Which because it is the tragicall part of this Relation we
in the furthest parts of the nearer Province into the confines of the Vocontii a people of the further Prâ—vince from whence he led them into the territories of the Allobroges and so unto the Sabusians that are the first beyond the Rhone bordering upon the Province By that time the Helvetians had carried their forces through the straights and frontiers of the Sequans into the Dominions of the Heduans and began to forrage and pillage their Country Who finding themselves unable to make resistance sent Messengers to Caesar to require aid shewing their deserts to be such from time to time of the people of Rome that might challenge a greater respect then to have their Country spoiled their children led into captivity their townes assaulted and taken as it were in the sight of the Roman Army At the same instant likewise the Ambarri that had dependency and alliance with the Heduans advised Caesar that their Countrey was utterly wasted and they sâ—arce able to keep the Enemy from entring their townes In like manner also the Allobroges that had farmes and possessions beyond the Rhone fled directly to Caesar complaining that there was nothing left them but the soil of their Country With which advertisements Caesar was so moved that he thought it not convenient to linger further or expect untill the fortunes of their Allies were all wasted and that the Helvetians were come unto the Santonâ—s The river Arar that runneth through the confines of the Heduans and Sequans into the Rhone passeth away with such a stillnesse that by view of the eye it can hardly be discerned which way the water taketh This river did the Helvetians passe over by Flotes and bridges of boats When Caesar was advertised by his Discoverers that three parts of their forces were already past the water and that the fourth was left behind on this side the river about the third watch of the night he went out of the Camp with three legions and surprising that part which was not as yet got over the river slew a great part of them the rest fled into the next woods This part was the Tigurine Canton and the Helvetians being all parted into four divisions this Canton alone in the memory of our fathers slew L. Cassius the Consul and put his Army under the Yoke So whether it were by chaunce or the providence of the Gods that part of the Helvetian State which gave so great a blow to the Roman people was the first that did penance for the same Wherein Caesar took revenge not only of the publick but of his particular losse too forasmuch as the Tigurines had in that battel with Cassius slain L. Piso the Grandfather of L. Piso his father in law THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis defeat being chiefly a service of execution upon such as were taken at a dangerous disadvantage which men call unaware containeth these two advisoes First not to neglect that advantage which Sertorius by the hairs of his horse taile hath proved to be very important that beginning with a part it is a matter of no difficultie to overcome the whole Secondly it may serve for a caveat so to transport an Armie over a water where the enemie is within a reasonable march that no part may be so severed from the bodie of the Armie that advantage may thereby be taken to cut them off altogether and separate them from themselves The safest and most honourable way to transport an Armie over a river is by a bridge placing at each end sufficient troups of horse and foot to defend the Armie from suddain assaults as they passe over the water And thus went Caesar over the Rhene into Germanie two severall times THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the circumstance of time when Caesar went out of his Camp which is noted to be in the third watch we must understand that the Romans divided the whole night into four watches every watch containing three houres and these watches were distinguished by severall notes and sounds of Cornets or Trumpets that by the distinction and diversitie thereof it might easily be known what watch was founded The charge and office of sounding the watches belonged to the chiefest Centurion of a legion whom they called Primipilus or Primus Centurio at whose pavilion the Trumpeters attended to be directed by his houre-glasse The first watch began alwaies at sunne-setting and continued three houres I understand such houres as the night contained being divided into twelve for the Romans divided their night as well as their day into twelve equall spaces which they called houres the second watch continued untill midnight and then the third watch began and contained likewise three houres the fourth was equall to the rest and continued untill sunne-rising So that by this phrase de tertia vigilia we understand that Caesar went out of his Camp in the third watch which was after midnight and so we must conceive of the rest of the watches as often as we shall find them mentioned in historie Chap. V. Caesar passeth over the river Arar his horsemen incounter with the Helvetians and are put to the worse AFter this overthrow he caused a bridge to be made over the river Arar and carried over his Army to pursue the rest of the Helvetian forces The Helvetians much daunted at his suddain coming that had got over the river in one day which they could scarce do in twenty sent Embassadours unto him of whom Divico was chief that commanded the Helvetians in the warre against Cassius who dealt with Caesar to this effect That if the people of Rome would make peace with the Helvetians they would go into any part which Caesar should appoint them but if otherwise he would prosecute warre that he should remember the overthrow which the people of Rome received by their valour and not to attribute it to their own worth that they had surprized at unawares a part of their Army when such as had passed the river could not come to succour them They had learned of their forefathers to contend rather by valour then by craft and devices and therefore let him beware that the place wherein they now were did not get a Name or carie the marke to all future ages of an eminent calamity to the people of Rome and of the utter destruction of his Army To this Caesar answered That he made the lesse doubt of the successe of these businesses in that he well remembred and knew those things which the Helvetian Commissioners had related and was so much the rather grieved thereat because it happened without any cause or desert of the people of Rome who if he were guiltie of any wrong done unto them it were a matter of no difficultie to beware of their practices but therein was his errour that he could think of nothing which he had committed that might cause him to fear neither could he fear without occasion And if he would let passe former insolencies could he forget
had received great gifts Which favour fell but unto a few and was by the Romans given only to men of great desert whereas he without any occasion of accesse unto them or other just cause on his behalf had obtained those honours through his courtesy and the bounty of the Senate He shewed him further what ancient and reasonable causes of amity tied them so firm to the Heduans what Decrees and orders of Senate had oftentimes been made in their favour and behoof That from all antiquity the Heduanâ— had held the principality of Gallia and that long before they were in amity with the Romans The people of Rome had alwayes this 〈…〉 not only to endeavour that their Allies and confederates should not lose any thing of their proper but also that they might increase in dignity and reputation and therefore who could endure to see that forced from them which they quietly possessed when they entered league with the Romans In like manner he required the performance of such things which he had formerly given in charge to his Embassadours that he should not make war either upon the Heduans or their Associates that he should restore their hostages and if he could not return any part of the Germans back again over the Rhene yet he should forbear to bring any more into that Counâ—â—y Ariovistus made little answer to Caesars demands but spake much of his own vertues and valour That he was come over the Rhene not out of his own desire but at the mediation and intreaty of the Galles that he had not left his house and kindred but with great hope of high rewards the possessions he had in Gallia were given him by themselves their hostages were voluntarily delivered unto him he took tribute by the law of Arms which was such as Conquerours might lay upon the vanquished he made no war upon the Galles but the Galles made war upon him All the States of Gallia came to fight against him and had put themselves into the field whose forces were in one battell all dispersed and overthrown If they were desirous to make another triall he was ready to undertake them but if they would have peace it were an injury to retract that tribute which of their own accord they had paid untill that time He expected that the Amity of the people of Rome should be rather an honour and a safety then a losse unto him and that he had sought it to that end but if by their meanes the tribute due unto him should be retracted he would as willingly refuse their friendship as he had desired it In that he had brought so many Germans into Gallia it was rather for his own defence then of any purpose to subdue the Country as might appear by that he had not come thither but upon intreaty and set no warre on foot but for his own defence He was seated in Gallia before the Romans came thither neither had the people of Rome before that time carried their Army beyond the bounds of their Province and therefore he knew not what he meant to intrude himself into his possessions This was his Province of Gallia as that was ours and as it was not lawfull for him to command in our quarters so it was not fitting that they should disturb his government In that he alleadged the Heduans were by decree of Senate adopted into the amity of the people of Rome he was not so barbarous or unacquainted with the course of things as to be ignorant that in the last warre of the Allobroges they were aiding and assisting to the Romans and in the quarrell the Heduans had with the Sequans the Romans were in like manner assisting unto them Whereupon he had good occasion to suspect that Caesar under pretence of league and amity kept his Army in Gallia for his ruine and destruction and that if he did not depart and withdraw his Army out of those Countries he would no longer take him for a friend but for an enemy And if his fortune were to stay him he should perform a very acceptable service to many noble and chief men of Rome as he had well understood by Letters and Messengers he had received from them whose favour and amity he should purchase by taking away his life But if he would depart and leave him the free possession of Gallia he would gratify him with great rewards and what war soever he desired to be undertaken should be gone through withall without his perill or charge Many things were spoken by Caâ—sar to shew why he could not desist from that course for neither was it his use nor the custome of the people of Rome to forsake their wel-deserving Associates neither could he think that Gallia did rather belong to Ariovistus then the Romans The Arveâ—s and Rutenes were in due course of warre subdued by Q. Fabius Maximus whom the people of Rome had pardoned and not reduced to a Province or made them stipendiaries And if antiquitie were looked into the people of Rome had good claim to that Countrey but forasmuch as the intention and will of the Senate was they should remain a free people they were suffered to be governed by their own lawes and left unto themselves notwithstanding any former conquest by force of Armes Whilst these things were treated of in parlee it was told Caesar that Ariovistus horsemen did approach nearer to the Mount and that accosting our men they assaulted them with stones and other weapons whereupon he brake off and betook himself to his Party commanding them not to cast a weapon at the enemy For albeit he well perceived he might without peril of that elect legion give battel to his Cavalry yet he thought sit to refrain least it should be said he had intrapped them with a parlee contrary to faith made and agreement After it was reported amongst the vulgar souldiers how arrogantly Ariovistus had carried himself in the treaty forbidding the Romans to frequent any part of Gallia and that their Cavalry had assaulted our men and that thereupon the parlee brake off the Army was possessed with a greater alacrity and desire to fight then before Two dayes after Ariovistus sent Messengers to Caesar signifying that he desired to treat with him concerning those things which were left unperfect and thereupon willed him to appoint another day of meeting or if he liked not that to send some unto him with authority to conclude of such things as should be found expedient Caesar was unwilling to give any further meeting and the rather for that the day before the Germans could not be restrained from violence and force of Armes Neither did he think he might safely expose the person of any of his followers to the inhumanity of such barbarous people and therefore thought it fittest to send unto him M. Valerius Procillus the sonne of C. Valerius Caburius ae vertuous young man and well bred whose father was made free of Rome by C. Valer. Flaccus which he
to make it more plain of many examples I will only alledge two the one out of Livie to prove that the Roman horsemen were not comparable for service to footmen the other out of Hirtius to shew the same effect against strangers Numidian horsemen In the Consulships of L. Valerius and Marcus Horatius Valerius having fortunately overthrown the Equi and the Volsci Horatius proceeded with as great courage in the war against the Sabines wherein it happened that in the day of battell the Sabines reserved two thousand of their men to give a fresh assault upon the left Cornet of the Romans as they were in conflict which took such effect that the legionary footmen of that Cornet were forced to retreat Which the Roman horsemen being in number six hundred perceiving and not being able with their horse to make head against the enemy they presently forsook their horses and made hast to make good the place on foot wherein they carried themselves so valiantly that in a moment of time they gave the like advantage to their footmen against the Sabines and then betook themselves again to their horses to pursue the enemy in chase as they fled For the second point the Numidians as Caesar witnesseth were the best horsemen that ever he met with and used the same Art as the Germans did mingling among them light-armed footmen And Ambuscado of these Numidians charging the legions upon a suddain the history saith that primo impetu legionis Equitatus levis armatura hostium nullo negotio loco pulsa dejecta est de colle And as they sometimes retired and sometimes charged upon the rereward of the Army according to the manner of the Numidian fight the history saith Caesariani interim non amplius tres ant quatuor milites veterani si se convertissent pila viribus contortain Numidas infestos conâ—ecissent amplius duorum millium ad unum terga vertebant So that to free himself of this inconvenience he took his horsemen out of the rereward and placed his legions there ita vim hostium per legionarium militem commodius sustinebat And ever as he marched he caused three hundred souldiers of every legion to be free and without burthen that they might be ready upon all occasions Quos in Equitatum Labieâ— immisit Tum Labienus conversis equis signorum conspectu perterritus turpissime contendit fugere multis ejus occisis compluribus vulneratis milites legionarii ad sua se recipiunt signa atque iter inceptum ire coeperunt I alledge the very words of the history to take away all suspicion of falsifying or wresting any thing to an affected opinion If any man will look into the reason of this disparity he shall find it to be chiefly the work of the Roman pile an unresistable weapon and the terrour of horsemen especially when they were cast with the advantage of the place and fell so thick that there was no means to avoid them But to make it plain that any light-armed footmen could better make head against a troup of horse then the Cavalrie of their own partie although they bear but the same weapons let us consider how nimble and ready they were that fought on foot either to take an advantage or to shun and avoid any danger casting their darts with far greater strength and more certainty then the horsemen could do For as the force of all the engines of old time as the Balistae Catapultae and Tolenones proceeded from that stability and resting Centre which nature affordeth as the only strength and life of the engine so what force soever a man maketh must principally proceed from that firmnesse and stay which Nature by the earth or some other unmoveable rest giveth to the body from whence it taketh more or lesse strength according to the violence which it performeth as he that lifteth up a weight from the ground by so much treadeth heavier upon the earth by how much the thing is heavier then his body The footmen therefore having a surer stay to counterpoize their forced motion then the horsemen had cast their darts with greater violence and consequently with more certainty Chap. XVIII Caesar preventeth Ariovistus of his purpose by making two Camps WHen Caesar perceived that Ariovistus meant nothing lesse then to fight but kept himself within his Camp least peradventure he should intercept the Sequans and other of his Associates as they came with convoies of Corn to the Romans beyond that place wherein the Germans aboad about six hundred paces from their Camp he chose a ground meet to incamp in and marching thither in three battells commanded two of them to stand ready in Armes and the third to fortify the Camp Ariovistus sent sixteen thousand foot and all his horse to interrupt the souldiers and hinder the intrenchment Notwithstanding Caesar as he had before determined caused two battells to withstand the enemy and the third to go through with the work which being ended he left there two legions and part of the associate forces and led the other four legions back again into the greater Camp The next day Caesar according to his custome brought his whole power out of both his Camps marching a little from the greater Camp he put his men in array and profered battell to the enemy but perceiving that Ariovistus would not stirre out of his trenches about noon he conveighed his Army into their severall Camps Then at length Ariovistus sent part of his forces to assault the lesser Camp The incounter continued very sharp on both parts untill the evening and at sun-setting after many wounds given and taken Ariovistus conveighed his Army again into their Camp And as Caesar made inquiry of the captives what the reason was that Ariovistus refused battell he found this to be the cause The Germans had a custome that the women should by casting of Lots and Southsaying declare whether it were for their behoof to fight or no and that they found by their Art the Germans could not get the victory if they fought before the new Moon THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe what especiall importance this manner of incamping carried in that absolute discipline which the Romans observed and by which they conquered so many Nations for besides the safety which it afforded their own troups it served for a hold well-fenced and manned or as it were a strong fortified town in any part of the field where they saw advantage and as oft as they thought it expedient either to fortifie themselves or impeach the enemy by cutting off his passages hindering his attempts blocking up his Camp besides many other advantages all averring the saying of Domitius Corbulo dolabra vincendum esse hostem a thing long time neglected but of late happily renewed by the Commanders of such forces as serve the States in the United Provinces of Belgia whom time and practise of the warres hath taught to entertain the use of the spade and
for the bad beginning was not the beginning of a good but of an evil end And therefore that his men might foresee a happy end in a good beginning it behoved him with the best of his Army to assault the weakest part of the enemy The last form is called Gibbosa or gibbera Acies when the battell is advanced and the two cornets lag behind This form did Hannibal use in the battell of Cannae but with this Art that he strengthened his two cornets with the best of his souldiers and placed his weakest in the midst that the Romans following the retreat of the battell which was easily repelld might be inclosed on each side with the two cornets Chap. XX. The Battell between Caesar and Ariovistus THe sign of the battell being thereupon given our men charged upon the enemy very fiercely and they on the otherside returned so speedy a counterbuffe that the legions had no time to cast their piles and in that regard made hast to betake themselves to their swords But the Germans according to their manner putting themselves into a Phalanx received the force of their swords In the battell there were many legionary souldiers seen to leap upon the Phalanx and to pull up with their hands the targets that covered it and so to wound and kill those that were underneath and so the left Cornet of the enemy was overthrown and put to flight Now while the right Cornet was thus busied the left Cornet was overcharged with an unequall multitude of the Germans which young Crassus the Generall of the horse no sooner perceived having more scope and liberty then any of the Commanders that were in the battell but he sent tertiam Aciem the third battell to rescue and aid their fellows that were in danger by means whereof the fight was renewed and all the enemy was put to flight and never looked back untill they came to the Rhene which was about fifty miles from the place where they fought Where some few of them saved themselves by swimming others found some boats and so escaped Ariovistus lighting upon a little Bark tied to the shore recovered the other side and so saved himself the rest were all slain by the horsemen Ariovistus had two wives one a Swevian whom he brought with him from home and the other of Norica the sister of King Vocion sent unto him by her brother into Gallia and married there both these perished in that fight His two daughters likewise being there one was slain and the other taken As Caesar pursued the German horsemen it was his chance to light upon Valerius Procillus as he was drawn up and down by his Keepers bound in three chains which accident was as gratefull to him as the victory it self being so fortunate to recover his familiar friend and a man of sort in the Province whom the barbarous enemy contrary to the law of Nations had cast into prison Neither would Fortune by the losse of him abate any thing of so great pleasure and contentment for he reported that in his own presence they had three severall times cast lots whether he should be burned alive and that still he escaped by the fortune of the lots And M. Titius was found in like manner and brought unto him The same of this battell being carried beyond the Rhene the Swevians that were come to the banks of the Rhene returned home again whom the inhabitants neare upon that river pursued finding them terrified and distracted and slew a great number of them Caesar having thus ended two great warres in one Summer brought his Army into their wintering Campes somewhat sooner then the time of the year required and leaving Labienus to command them himself returned into the hither Gallia to keep Courts and publick Diets THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proved to be the right Macedonian Phalanx but we are rather to understand it to be so termed by reason of the close and compact imbattelling rather then in any other respect and it resembled much a testudo as I said of the Helvetian Phalanx Secondly I observe that Caesar kept the old rule concerning their discipline in fight for although the name of Triaries be not mentioned in his history yet he omitted not the substance which was to have primam secundam tertiam Aciem and that prima Acies should begin the battell and the second should come fresh and assist them or peradventure if the enemy were many and strong the first and second battell were joyned together and so charged upon the enemy with greater fury and violence but at all adventures the third battell was ever in subsidio as they termed it to succour any part that should be overcharged which was a thing of much consequence and of great wisdome For if we either respect the incouragement of the souldiers or the casualty of Fortune what could be more added to their discipline in this behalf then to have a second and a third succour to give strength to the fainting weaknesse of their men and to repair the disadvantage which any accident should cast upon them Or if their valour were equally ballanced and victory stood doubtfull which of the two parties she should honour these alwayes stept in being fresh against weary and over-laboured spirits and so drew victory in despight of casualty unto themselves THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning use of lots it shall not be amisse to look into the nature of them being in former times so generall that there was no Nation civil or barbarous but was directed in their greatest affairs by the sentence of lots As we may not refuse for an undoubted truth that which Salomon saith in the sixteenth of Proverbs The lots are cast into the lap but the direction thereof belongeth to the Lord through the knowledge whereof Josua was directed to take Achan the Marriners Jonas and the Apostles to consecrate Matthias So whether the heathen and barbarous people whose blindnesse in the way of truth could direct them no further then to senselesse superstition and put them in mind of a duty which they owed but could not tell them what it was nor how to be performed whether these I say were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries which directed the action to the decree of destiny and as the Gods would have it it remaineth doubtfull Aristotle the wisest of the heathen concerning things naturall nameth that event casuall or proceeding from Fortune of which the reason of man could assign no cause or as he saith which hath no cause So that whatsoever happened in any action besides the intent of the agent and workman was termed an effect of Fortune or chance of hab-nab For all other effects which depended upon a certainty and definite cause were necessarily produced and therefore could not be casuall or subject to the inconstancy of chance And because many and sundry such chances daily happened which like terrae filii
our proceedings to that certainty which riseth from the things themselves And this is the rather to be urged inasmuch as our leaders are oftentimes deceived when they look no further then to match an enemy with equality of number referring their valour to be tried in the battell not considering that the eye of it self cannot discern the difference between two champions of like presence and outward carriage unlesse it see their strength compared together and weighed as it were in the scale of triall which Caesar omitted not diligently to observe before he would adventure the hazard of battell For besides his own satisfaction it gave great encouragement to his men when they saw themselves able to countermatch an enemy and knew their task to be subject to their strength Neither did he observe it only at this instant but throughout the whole course of his actions for we find that he never incountered any enemy but with sufficient power either in number or in valour to make head against them which equality of strength being first laid as a sure foundation he used his own industry and skill and the discipline wherein his men were trained as advantages to oversway his adversarie and so drew victory maugre fortune unto himself and seldome failed in any of his battels Chap. III. Caesar passeth his Army over the river Axona leaving Titerius Sabinus encamped on the other side with six cohorts AS soon as Caesar understood as well by his discovers as from the men of Rhemes that all the power of the Belgae was assembled together into one place and was now making towards him no great distance off he made all the haste he could to passe his Army over the River Axona which divided the men of Rhemes from the other Belgae and there encamped Whereby he brought to passe that no enemy could come on the back of him to work any disadvantage and that corn might be brought unto him from Rhemes and other cities without danger And further that he might command the passage back again as occasion should serve to his best advantage he fortified a bridge which he found on the river with a strong garrison of men and caused Titurius Sabinus a Legate to encamp himself on the other side of the river with six cohorts commanding him to fortify his camp with a rampier of 12 foot in altitude and a trench of 18 foot in breadth OBSERVATION IF it be demanded why Caesar did passe his Army over the river leaving it on his back and did not rather attend the enemy on the other side and so take the advantage of hindring him if he should attempt to passe over I will set down the reasons in the sequele of this warre as the occurrences shall fall out to make them more evident In the mean time let us enter into the particularitie of these six cohorts that we may the better judge of such troups which were employed in the services of this war But that we may the better conjecture what number of souldiers these six cohorts did contain it seemeth expedient a little to discourse of the companies and regiments which the Romans used in their Armies And first we are to understand that the greatest and chiefest regiment in a Roman Armie was termed by the name of Legio as Varro saith quod leguntur milites in delectu or as Plutarch speaketh quod lecti ex omnibus essent militares so that it taketh the name Legio of the choice and selecting of the souldiers Romulus is said to be the first authour and founder of these legions making every legion to contain 3000 souldiers but shortly after they were augmented as Festus recordeth unto 4000 and afterward again from 4000 to 4200. And that number was the common rate of a legion untill Hannibal came into Italy and then it was augmented to 5000 but that proportion continued only for that time And again when Scipio went into Africk the legions were increased to 6200 footmen and 300 horse And shortly after the Macedonian warre the legions that continued in Macedonie to keep the Province from rebellion consisted of 6000 footmen and 300 horse Out of Caesar it cannot be gathered that a legion in his time did exceed the number of 5000 men but oftentimes it was short of that number for he himself saith that in this warre in Gallia his souldiers were so wasted that he had scarce 7000 men in two legions And if we examine that place out of the 3. of the civile warre where he saith that in Pompey his Army were 110 cohorts which amounted to the number of 55000 men and it being manifest as well by this number of cohorts as by the testimony of divers authours that Pompey his Army consisted of 11 legions if we divide 55000 into 11 parts we shall find a legion to consist of 5000 men Which number or thereabout being generally known to be the usuall rate of a legion the Romans alwayes expressed the strength of their Army by the number of legions that were therein as in this warre it is said that Caesar had eight legions which by this account might arise to 40000 men besides associates and such as necessarily attended the Army Further we are to understand that every legion had his peculiar name by which it was known and distinguished from the rest and that it took either from their order of muster or enrollement as that legion which was first enrolled was called the first legion and that which was second in the choice the second legion and so consequently of the rest and so we read in this history the seventh the eighth the ninth the tenth the eleventh and twelfth legion or otherwise from the place of their warfare and so we read of legiones Germanicae Pannonica Britannicae and such others and sometime of their Generall as Augusta Claudia Vitelliana legiones and so forth or to conclude from some accident of quality as Rapax Victrix Fulminifera Plundring Victorious Lightning and such like And thus much of the name and number of a legion which I must necessarily distinguish into divers kinds of souldiers according to the first institution of the old Romans and the continuall observation thereof unto the decay of the Empire before I come to the description of these smaller parts whereof a Legion was compounded First therefore we are to understand that after the Consuls had made a generall choise and sworn the souldiers the Tribunes chose out the youngest and poorest of all the rest and called them by the name of Velites Their place in regard of the other souldiers was both base and dishonourable not only because they fought afar off and were lightly armed but also in regard they were commonly exposed to the enemy as our forlorn hopes are Having chosen out a competent number for this kind they proceeded to the choice of them which they called Hastati a degree above the Velites both in age
suffice the front of his battel and having both the sides of the hill so steep that the enemy could not ascend nor climb up but to their own overthrow he made the back-part of the hill strong by Art and so placed his souldiers as it were in the gate of a fortresse where they might either issue out or retire at their pleasure Whereby it appeareth how much he preferred security and safety before the vain opinion of fool-hardy resolution which savoureth of Barbarisme rather then of true wisedome for he ever thought it great gain to loose nothing and the day brought alwayes good fortune that delivered up the Army safe unto the evening attending untill advantage had laid sure principles of victory and yet Caesar was never thought a coward And now it appeareth what use he made by passing his Army over the river and attending the enemy on the further side rather then on the side of the state of Rhemes for by that means he brought to passe that whatsoever the enemy should attempt in any part or quarter of the land his forces were ready to trouble their proceedings as it happened in their attempt of Bibrax and yet notwithstanding he lost not the opportunity of making slaughter of them as they passed over the river For by the benefit of the bridge which he had fortified he transported what forces he would to make head against them as they passed over and so he took what advantage either side of the river could afford him THE SECOND OBSERVATION ANd here the Reader may not marvell if when the hils are in labour they bring forth but a mouse for how soon is the courage of this huge Army abated or what did it attempt worthy such a multitude or answerable to the report which was bruted of their valour but being hastily carried together by the violence of passion were as quickly dispersed upon the sight of an enemy which is no strange effect of a sudden humour For as in Nature all violent motions are of short continuance and the durability or lasting qualitie of all actions proceedeth from a slow and temperate progression so the resolutions of the mind that are carried with an untemperate violence and savour so much of heat and passion do vanish away even with the smoak thereof and bring forth nothing but leasurable repentance And therefore it were no ill counsell for men of such natures to qualify their hasty resolutions with a mistrustfull lingering that when their judgement is well informed of the cause they may proceed to a speedy execution But that which most bewrayeth their indiscreet intemperance in the hot pursuit of this enterprise is that before they had scarce seen the enemy or had opportunity to contest him in open field their victuals began to fail them for their minds were so carried away with the conceit of war that they had no leisure to provide such necessaries as are the strength and sinew of the war It was sufficient for every particular man to be known for a souldier in so honourable an action referring other matters to the care of the State The States in like manner thought it enough to furnish out fourty or fifty thousand men apiece to discharge their oath and to save their hostages committing other requisites to the generall care of the confederacy which being directed by as unskilfull governours never looked further then the present multitude which seemed sufficient to overthrow the Roman Empire And thus each man relied upon anothers care and satisfied himself with the present garbe So many men of all sorts and qualities so many helmets and plumed crests such strife and emulation what state should seem in greatest forwardnesse were motives sufficient to induce every man to go without further inquiry how they should go And herein the care of a Generall ought especially to be seen considering the weaknesse of particular judgements that having the lives of so many men depending altogether upon his providence and engaged in the defence of their state and country he do not fail in these main points of discipline which are the pillars of all warlike designes To conclude this point let us learn by their errour so to carry a matter especially of that consequence that we make it not much worse by ill handling it then it was before we first took it to our charge as it here happened to the Belgae For their tumultuous armes sorted to no other end then to give Caesar just occasion to make war upon them with such assurance of victory that he made small account of that which was to follow in regard of that which had already happened considering that he should not in all likelihood meet with the like strength again in the continuance of that war And this was not only gravius bellum successori tradere to leave a more considerable war unto his successour as it often falleth out in the course of a long continued war but to draw a dangerous war upon their heads that otherwise might have lived in peace Chap. VI. The Belgae break up their Camp and as they return home are chased and slaughtered by the Romans THis generall resolution being entertained by the consent of the whole councell of warre in the second watch they departed out of their camp with a great noise and tumult without any order as it seemed or government every man pressing to be formost on his journey and to be first at home in such a turbulent manner that they seemed all to run away Whereof Caesar having notice by his spies and mistrusting some practise not as yet perceiving the reason of their departure he kept his Army within his Camp In the dawning of the day upon certain intelligence of their departure he sent first his horsemen under Q. Pedius and L. Aurunculcius Cotta two Legates to stay the rereward commanding Labienus to follow after with three legions these overtaking the Belgae and chasing them many miles slew a great number of them And while the rereward staâ—ed and valiantly received the charge of the Romans the vantguard being out of danger and under no government assoon as they head the alarm behind them brake out of their ranks and betook themselves to flight and so the Romans slew them as long as the sun gave them light to pursue them and then sounding a retreat they returned to their Camp OBSERVATION IT hath been an old rule amongst souldiers That a great and negligent errour committed by an enemy is to be suspected as a pretence to treachery We read of Fulvius a Legate in the Roman Armie lying in Tuscâ—nie The Consul being gone to Rome to perform some publick duty the Tuscans took occasion by his absence to try whether they could draw the Romans into any inconvenience and placing an ambuscado near unto their camp sent certain souldiers attired like shepherds with droves of cattell to passe in view of the Roman Army who handled the matter so that they
which were planted Engines of defence as Balistae Catapulta Tolenones and such like The Romans had their summer Camps which they termed Aestiva and their winter Camps which they called Hiberna or Hibernacula Their summer camps were in like manner differenced according to the time which they continued in them For if they remained in a place but a night or two they called them Castra or Mansiones but if they continued in them any long time they called them Aestivas or Sedes And these were more absolute as well in regard of their tents as of their fortification then the former wherein they stayed but one night The other which they called Hiberna had great labour and cost bestowed upon them that they might the better defend them from the winter season Of these we read that the tents were either thatched with straw or roofed with boards and that they had their armory hospital and other publick houses These camps have been the beginning of many famous towns especially when they continued long in a place as oftentimes they did upon the banks of Euphrates Danow and the Rhene The order which they alwayes observed in laying out their Camp was so uniform and well known to the Romans that when the Centurions had limited out every part and marked it with different ensignes and colours the Souldiers entred into it as into a known and familiar City wherein every society or small contubernie knew the place of his lodging and which is more every particular man could assign the proper station of every company throughout the whole Army The use and commodity of this incamping I briesly touched in my first book but if I were worthy any way to commend the excellency thereof to our modern Souldiers or able by perswasion to restablish the use of incamping in our wars I would spare no pains to atchieve so great a good and vaunt more in the conquest of negligence then if my self had compassed a new-found-out means and yet reason would deem it a matter of small difficulty to gain a point of such worth in the opinion of our men especially when my discourse shall present security to our forces and honour to our leaders majesty to our Armies and terrour to our enemies wonderment to strangers and victory to our nation But sloth hath such interest in this age that it commendeth vain-glory and fool-hardinesse contempt of vertue and derison of good discipline to repugne the designes of honour and so far to overmalâ—â—reason that it suffereth not former harms to bear witnesse against errour nor correct the ill atchievements of ill directions and therefore ceasing to urge this point any further I will leave it to the carefull respect of the wise THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe fury of the Enemy and their sudden assault so disturbed the ceremonies which the Roman discipline observed to make the Souldiers truely apprehend the weight and importance of that action which might cast upon their state either soveraignty or bondage that they were all for the most partomitted notwithstanding they are here noted under these title the first was vexillum proponendum quod erat insigne cum ad Arma concurri oporteret the hanging out the flag which was the sign for betaking themselves to their arms for when the Generall had determined to fight he caused a skarlet coat or red flag to be hung out upon the top of his tent that by it the Souldiers might be warned to prepare themselves for the battel and this was the first warning they had which by a silent aspect presented bloud and execution to their eyes as the only means to work out their own safety and purchase eternall honour The second was Signum tuba dandum the proclaiming the battel by sound of trumpet this warning was a noise of many trumpets which they termed by the name of classicuma calando which signifieth calling for after the eye was filled with species sutable to the matter intended they then hasted to possesse the eare and by the sense of hearing to stir vp warlike motions and fill them with resolute thoughts that no diffident or base conceits might take hold of their mindes The third was milites cohortandi the encouraging of the souldiers for it was thought convenient to confirm this valour with motives of reason which is the strength and perfection of all such motions The use and benefit whereof I somewhat inlarged in the Helvetian war and could afford much more labour to demonstrate the commodity of this part if my speech might carry credit in the opinion of our souldiers or be thought worthy regard to men so much addicted to their own fashions The last was signum dandum the sign giving which as some think was nothing but a word by which they might distinguish and know themselves from their enemies Hirtius in the war of Africk saith that Caesar gave the word Felicity Brutus and Cassius gave Liberty others have given Virtus Deus nobiscum Triumphus Imperatoris and such like words as might be ominous to a good successe Besides these particularities the manner of their delivery gave a great grace to the matter And that was distinguished by times and cues whereof Caesar now complaineth that all these were to be done at one instant of time for without all controversy there is no matter of such consequence in it self but may be much graced with ceremonies and complements which like officers or attendants add much respect and majesty to the action which otherwise being but barely presented appeareth far meaner and of lesse regard CHAP. X. The battel between Caesar and the Nervii IN these difficulties two things were a help to the Romans the one was the knowledge and experience of the souldiers for by reason of their practice in former battels they could as well prescribe unto themselves what was to be done as any other commander could teach them The other was that notwithstanding Caesar had given commandment to every Legate not to leave the work or forsake the legions untill the fortifications were perfected yet when they saw extremity of danger they attended no countermand from Caesar but ordered all things as it seemed best to their own discretion Caesar having commanded such things as he thought necessary ran hastily to incourage his souldiers and by fortune came to the tenth legion where he used no further speech then that they should remember their ancient valour have couragious hearts and valiantly withstand the brunt of their enemies And forasmuch as the enemy was no further off then a weapon might be cast to incounter them he gave them the sign of battel and hastening from thence to another quarter he found them already closed and at the incounter For the time was so short and the enemy so violent that they wanted leisure to put on their head-pieces or to uncase their targets so that what part they lighted into from their work or what ensign they
first met withall there they stayed least in seeking out their own companies they should lose that time as was to be spent in fighting The Army being imbattelled rather according to the nature of the place the declivity of the hill and the brevity of time then according to the rules of art as the legions incountred the enemy in divers places at once the perfect view of the battel being hindred by those thick hedges before spoken of there could no succours be placed any where neither could any man see what was needfull to be done and therefore in so great uncertainty of things there happened divers casualties of fortune The souldiers of the ninth and tenth legion as they stood in the left part of the Army casting their piles with the advantage of the hill did drive the Atrebates breathlesse with running and wounded in the incounter down into the river and as they passed over the water slew many of them with their swords Neither did they stick to follow after them over the river and adventure into a place of disadvantage where the battel being renewed again by the Enemy they put them to flight the second time In like manner two other legions the eleventh and the eighth having put the Veromandui from the upper ground fought with them upon the banks of the river and so the front and the left part of the camp was well-near left naked For in the right cornet were the twelfth and seventh legions whereas all the Nervii under the conduct of Boduognatus were heaped together and some of them began to assault the legions on the open side and other some to possesse themselves of the highest part of the camp At the same time the Roman horsemen and the light-armed footmen that were intermingled amongst them and were at first all put to flight by the Enemy as they were entering into the camp met with their enemies in the face and so were driven to fly out another way In like manner the pages and souldiers boyes that from the Decumane port and top of the hill had seen the tenth legion follow their enemies in pursuit over the river and were gone out to gather pillage when they looked behind them and saw the enemy in their camp betook them to their heels as fast as they could At the same time rose a great hubbub and outcry of those that came along with the carriages who being extremely troubled and dismayed at the businesse ran some one way and some another Which accident so terrified the horsemen of the Treviri who for their prowesse were reputed singular amongst the Galles and were sent thither by their State to aid the Romans first when they perceived the Roman camp to be possesst by a great multitude of the Enemy the legions to be overcharged and almost inclosed about the horsemen slingers and Numidians to be dispersed and fled that without any further expectation they took their way homeward and reported to their State that the Romans were utterly overthrown and that the Enemy had taken their carriages Caesar departing from the tenth legion to the right cornet finding his men exceedingly overcharged the ensignes crowded together into one place and the souldiers of the twelfth legion so thick thronged on a heap that they hindred one another all the Centurions of the fourth cohort being slain the ensign-bearer kill'd and the ensign taken and the Centurions of the other cohorts either slain or sore wounded amongst whom Pub. Sextus Baculus the Primipile of that legion a valiant man so grievously wounded that he could scarce stand upon his feet the rest not very forward but many of the hindmost turning taile and forsaking the field the Enemy 〈◊〉 the other side giving no respite in front although he fought against the hill nor yet sparing the open side and the matter brought to a narrow issue without any means or succour to relieve them he took a target from one of the hindmost souldiers for he himself was come thither without one and pressing to the front of the battel called the Centurions by name and incouraging the rest commanded the ensignes to be advanced toward the enemy and the Maniples to be inlarged that they might with greater facility and readinesse use their swords THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Publius Sextus Baculus was the chiefest Centurion of the twelfth legion being the first Centurion of that Maniple of the Triarn that was of the first Cohort in that legion for that place was the greatest dignity that could happen to a Centurion and therefore he was called by the name of Centurio primipili or simply Primipilus and sometimes Primiopilus or Primus Centurio By him were commonly published the mandates and edicts of the Emperour and Tribunes and therefore the rest of the Centurions at all times had an eye unto him and the rather for that the eagle which was the peculiar ensign of every legion was committed to his charge and carried in his Maniple Neither was this dignity without speciall commodity as may be gathered out of divers Authours We read farther that it was no disparagement for a Tribune after his Tribuneship was expired to be a Primipile in a legion notwithstanding there was a law made I know not upon what occasion that no Tribune should afterward be Primipile But let this suffice concerning the office and title of P. S. Baculus THE SECOND OBSERVATION ANd here I may not omit to give the Target any honour I may and therefore I will take occasion to describe it in Caesars hand as in the place of greatest dignity and much honouring the excellency thereof Polybius maketh the Target to contain two foot and an half in breadth overthwart the convex surface thereof and the length four foot of what form or fashion soever they were of for the Romans had two sorts of Targets amongst their legionaries the first carried the proportion of that figure which the Geometricians call Ovall a figure of an unequall latitude broadest in the 〈◊〉 and narrow at both the ends like unto an egge described in plano the other sort was of an equall latitude and resembled the fashion of a gutter-tile and thereupon was called Scutum imbricatum The matter whereof a target was made was a double board one fastened upon another with lint and Buls glew and covered with an Oxe hide or some other stiffe leather the upper and lower part of the target were bound about with a plate of iron to keep it from cleaving and in the midst there was a bosse of iron or brasse which they called Umbo Romulus brought them in first among the Romans taking the use of them from the Sabines The wood whereof they were made was for the most part either sallow alder or fig-tree whereof Plinie giveth this reason forasmuch as these trees are cold and waterish and therefore any blow or thrust that was made upon the wood was presently contracted and shut up again But forasmuch as the
his due and proper composition What then is the cause that the Romans do overcome and that those that do use the phalanx are voyd of the hope of victory Even from hence that the Roman Armies have infinite commodities both of places and of times to fight in But the phalanx hath onely one time one place and one kind whereto it may profitably apply it self so that if it were of necessity that their enemy should encounter them at that instant especially with their whole forces it were questionlesse not only not without danger but in all probability likely that the phalanx should ever carry away the better But if that may be avoyded which is easily done shall not that disposition then be utterly unprofitable and free from all terrour And it is farther evident that the phalanx must necessarily have plain and champain places without any hinderances or impediments as ditches uneven places vallies little hils and rivers for all these may hinder and disjoyn it And it is almost impossible to have a Plain of the capacity of twenty stadia much lesse more where there shall be found none of these impediments But suppose there be found such places as are proper for the phalanx if the Enemy refuse to come unto them and in the mean time spoil and sack the Cities and country round about what commodity or profit shall arise by any Army so ordered for if it remain in such places as hath been before spoken of it can neither relieve their friends nor preserve themselves For the convoies which they expect from their friends are easily cut off by the Enemy whiles they remain in those open places And if it happen at any time that they leave them upon any enterprise they are then exposed to the Enemy But suppose that the Roman Army should find the phalanx in such places yet would it not adventure it self in grosse at one instant but would by little and little retire it self as doth plainly appear by their usuall practice For there must not be a conjectur of these things by my words only but especially by that which they do For they do not so equally frame their battel that they do assault the Enemy altogether making as it werebut one front but part make a stand and part charge the Enemy that if at any time the Phalanx do presse them that come to assault them and be repelled the force of their order is dissolved For whether they pursue those that retire or fly from those that do assault them these do disjoyn themselves from part of their Army by which meanes there is a gap opened to their Enemies standing and attending their opportunity so that now they need not any more to charge them in the front where the force of the phalanx consisteth but to assault where the breach is made both behind and upon the sides But if at any time the Roman Army may keep his due propriety and disposition the phalanx by the disadvantage of the place being not able to do the like doth it not then manifestly demonstrate the difference to be great between the goodnesse of their disposition and the disposition of the phalanx To this may be added the necessities imposed upon an Army which is to march through places of all natures to encamp themselves to possesse places of advantage to besiege and to be besieged and also contrary to expectation sometimes to come in view of the Enemy For all these occasions necessarily accompany an Army and oftentimes are the especiall causes of victory to which the Macedonian phalanx is no way fit or convenient forasmuch as neither in their generall order nor in their particular disposition without a convenient place they are able to effect any thing of moment but the Roman Army is apt for all these purposes For every souldier amongst them being once armed and ready to fight refuseth no place time nor occasion keeping alwayes the same order whether he fight together with the whole body of the Army or particularly by himself man to man And hence it happeneth that as the commodity of their disposition is advantageous so the end doth answer the expectation These things I thought to speak of at large because many of the Graecians are of an opinion that the Macedonians are not to be overcome And again many wondered how the Macedonian phalanx should be put to the worse by the Roman Army considering the nature of their weapons Thus far goeth Polybius in comparing the weapons and embattelling of the Romans with the use of Arms amonst the Macedonians wherein we see the Pike truly and exactly ordered according as the wise Gracians could best proportion it with that form of battel which might give most advantage to the use thereof so that if our squadrons of Pikes jump not with the perfect manner of a phalanx as we see they do not they fall so much short of that strength which the wisdome of the Grecians and the experience of other nations imputed unto it But suppose we could allow it that disposition in the course of our warres which the nature of the weapon doth require yet forasmuch as by the authority of Polybius the said manner of imbattelling is tied to such dangerous circumstances of one time one place and one kind of fight I hold it not so profitable a weapon as the practice of our times doth seem to make it especially in woody countries such as Ireland is where the use is cut off by such inconveniences as are noted to hinder the managing thereof And doubtlesse if our Commanders did but consider of the incongruity of the Pike and Ireland they would not proportion so great a number of them in every company as there is for commonly half the company are Pikes which is as much as to say in the practice of our wars that half the Army hath neither offensive nor defensive weapons but onely against a troup of horse For they seldome or never come to the push of pike with the foot companies where they may charge and offend the enemy and for defence if the enemy think it not safe to buckle with them at hand but maketh more advantage to play upon them afarre off with shot it affordeth small safety to shake a long pike at them and stand fair in the mean time to entertain a volley of shot with the body of their battalion As I make no question but the pike in some services is profitable as behind a rampier or at a breach so I assure my self there are weapons if they were put to triall that would countervail the pike even in those services wherein it is thought most profitable Concerning the Target we see it take the hand in the judgement of Polybius of all other weapons whatsoever as well in regard of the divers and sundry sorts of imbattelling as the quality of the place wheresoever for their use was as effectuall in small bodies and centuries as in grosse troups and great
and all that they had to Caesars mercy desiring one thing of him earnestly which was that if his goodnesse and clemency which they had heard so high praises of had determined to save their lives he would not take away their Arms from them forasmuch as all their neighbours were enemies unto them and envied at their valour neither were they able to defend themselves if they should deliver up their Armour so that they had rather suffer any inconvenience by the people of Rome then to be butcherly murthered by them whom in former time they had held subject to their command To this Caesar answered that he would save the City rather of his own custome then for any desert of theirs so that they yielded before the Ram touched the wall but no condition of remedy should be accepted without present delivery of their Armes for he would do by them as he had done by the Nervii and give commandment to their neighbours that they should offer no wrong to such as had commended their safety to the people of Rome This answer being returned to the City they seemed contented to do whatsoever he commanded them and thereupon casting a great part of their Armour over the wall into the ditch insomuch as they fill'd it almost to the top of the rampier and yet as afterward was known concealing the third part they set open the gates and for that day carried themselves peaceably Towards night Caesar commanded the gates to be shut and the souldiers to be drawn out of the town least in the night the townsmen should be any way injured by them But the Aduatici having consulted together before forasmuch as they believed that upon their submission the Romans would either set no watch at all or at the least keep it very carelesly partly with such Armour as they had retained and partly with targets made of bark or wrought of wicker which upon the suddain they had covered over with Leather about the third watch where the ascent to our fortifications was easiest they issued suddainly out of the town with all their power but signification thereof being presently given by fires as Caesar had commanded the Romans hasted speedily to that place The Enemy fought very desperately as men in the last hope of their welfare incountering the Romans in a place of disadvantage all their hopes now lying upon their valour at length with the slaughter of four thousand the rest were driven back into the town The next day when Caesar came to break open the gates and found no man at defence he sent in the souldiers and sold all the people and spoil of the town the number of persons in the town amounted to fifty three thousand bondslaves THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the surprise attempted by the Belgae upon Bibract I set down the manner which both the Galles and the Romans used in their sudden surprising of a town whereof if they failed the place importing any advantage in the course of war they then prepared for the siege in that manner as Caesar hath described in this place They invironed the town about with a ditch and a rampier and fortified the said rampier with many Castles and Fortresses erected in a convenient distance one from another and so they kept the town from any forreign succour or reliefe and withall secured themselves from sallies or other stratagems which the townsmen might practice against them And this manner of siege was called circumvallatio the particular description whereof I referre unto the history of Alesia where I will handle it according to the particulars there set down by Caesar THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Ram which Caesar here mentioneth was of greatest note amongst all the Roman Engines and held that place which the Canon hath in our wars Vitruvius doth attribute the invention thereof to the Carthaginians who at the taking of Cadiz wanting a fit instrument to raze and overthrow a Castle they took a long beam or timber-tree and bearing it upon their armes and shoulders with the one end thereof they first brake down the uppermost rank of stones and so descending by degrees they overthrew the whole tower The Romans had two sorts of Rams the one was rude and plain the other artificiall and compound the first is that which the Carthaginians used at Cadiz and is pourtrayed in the column of Traâ—an at Rome The compound Ram is thus described by Josephus A Ram saith he is a mighty great beam like unto the mast of a ship and is strengthened at one end with a head of iron fashioned like unto a Ram and thereof it took the name This Ram is hanged by the midst with ropes unto another beam which lieth crosse a couple of pillars and hanging thus equally balanced it is by force of men thrust forwar and recoild backward and so beateth upon the wall with his iron head neither is there any tower so strong or wall so broad that is able to stand before it The length of this Ram was of a large scantling for Plutarch affirmeth that Antony in the Parthian war had a Ram fourescore foot long And Vitruvius saith that the length of a Ram was usually one hundred and six and sometimes one hundred and twenty and this length gave great strength and force to the engine It was managed at one time with a whole Century or order of souldiers and their forces being spent they were seconded with another Century and so the Ram played continually upon the wall without intermission Josephus saith that Titus at the siege of Jerusalem had a ram for every legion It was oftentimes covered with a Vine that the men that managed it might be in more safety It appeareth by this place that if a town had continued out untill the ram had touched the wall they could not presume of any acceptation of rendry forasmuch as by their obstinacy they had brought in perill the lives of their enemies and were subdued by force of Armes which affordeth such mercy as the Victor pleaseth THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe Aduatici as it seemeth were not ignorant of the small security which one State can give unto another that commendeth their safety to be protected by it for as Architas the Pythagorean saith A body a Family and an Army are then well governed when they contain within themselves the causes of their safety so we must not look for any security in a State when their safety dependeth upon a forreign protection For the old saying is that Neque murus neque amicus quisquam teget quem propria arma non texere Neither wals nor friends will save him whom his own weapons do not defend Although in this case the matter was well qualified by the majesty of the Roman Empire and the late victories in the continent of Gallia whereof the Hedui with their associates were very gainful witnesses but amongst kingdomes that are better suted with equality of strength and
point between their fight at sea and that at land saving that they could not be martialled in troups and bands in regard whereof the sea-service was counted more base and dishonourable and the rather inasmuch as it decided the controversy by slings and casting-weapons which kind of fight was of lesse honour then buckling at handy-blowes CHAP. VII The battel continueth and Caesar overcometh THe Romans having taken one town after another the enemies still conveyed themselves to the next so that Caesar deeming it but lost labour whilst he could neither hinder their escape nor do them any mischief resolved to wait the coming of his navy Which was no sooner arrived but the enemy descrying it presently made out 220 saile of ships wel-appointed and furnished in all respects to oppose them Neither did Brutus the Admiral nor any Tribune or Centurion in his navy know what to do or what course of fight to take for the shipping of the Galles was so strong that the beak-head of their Quinqueremes could perform no service upon them and although they should raise turrets according to their use yet these would not equall in height the poup of the Enemies shipping so that therein also the Galles had advantage For as the Romans could not much annoy them with their weapons in regard they lay so low under them so on the contrary their darts must needs fall with great advantage upon the Romans Yet one thing there was amongst their provisions which stood them in great stead for the Romans had provided great sharp hooks or sickles which they put upon great and long poles these they fastened to the tackling which held the main-yard to the mast and then haling away their ship with force of Oares they cut the said tackling and the main-yard fell down Whereby the Galles whose only hope for their navy consisted in the sailes and tackling lost at one instant both their sailes and the use of their shipping And then the controversy fell within the compasse of valour wherein the Romans exceeded the Galles and the rather inasmuch as they fought in the sight of Caesar and the whole Army no valiant act could be smothered in secret for all the hills and clifts which afforded near prospect into the sea were covered with the Roman Army Their main-yards being cut down and the Romans though every ship of theirs had two or three of the enemyes about it indeavouring with great fury to boord them failed not to take many of their ships which the Galles perceiving and finding no remedy nor hope of resistance began all to fly and turning their ships to a fore-wind were upon a sudden so becalmed that they were able to make no way at all Which fell out very fitly for the Romans who now fighting ship to ship easily took them insomuch that of so great a navy very few through the help of the evening escaped to land after they had fought the space of eight houres with which battel ended the warre with the Veneti and the rest of the maritime nations For all sort of people both young and old in whom there was either courage counsell or dignity were present at this battell and all the shipping they could possibly make was here ingaged taken and lost so that such as remained knew not whither to go nor how to defend their towns any longer and therefore yielded themselves to Caesar towards whom he used the greater severity that he might thereby teach all other barbarous people not to violate the law of nations by injurying Embassadours for he slew all the Senate with the sword and sold the people for bond-slaves THE OBSERVATION IN this battel I chiefly observe the good fortune which usually attendeth upon industry for amongst other provisions which the diligence of the Romans had furnished out to the use of this war they had made ready these hookes not for this intent wherein they were imployed but at all occasions and chances that might happen as serviceable complements rather then principall instruments and yet it so fell out that they proved the only meanes to overthrow the Galles Which proveth true the saying of Caesar that industry commandeth fortune and buyeth good successe with extraordinary labour for industry in action is as importunity in speech which forceth an assent beyond the strength of reason and striveth through continuall pursuit to make good the motives by often inculcations and at length findeth that disposition which will easily admit whatsoever is required In like manner diligence and laboursome industry by circumspect and heedfull carriage seldome fail either by hap or cunning to make good that part whereon the main point of the matter dependeth For every action is entangled with many infinite adherents which are so interessed in the matter that it succeedeth according as it is carried answerable to their natures Of these adherents some of them are by wisdome foreseen and directed to that course which may fortunate the action the rest being unknown continue without either direction or prevention and are all under the regiment of fortune forasmuch as they are beyond the compasse of our wisest reach and in the way either to assist or disadvantage Of these industry hath greatest authority inasmuch as she armeth her self for all chances whereby she is said to command fortune Chap. VIII Sabinus overthroweth the Vnelli with the manner thereof WHile these things happened in the state of Vannes L. Titurius Sabinus entreth with his forces into the confines of the Unelli Over these Viridovix ruled who was at present made commander in chief of all the revolted cities which furnished him with a great potent army Besides this the Aulerci Eburonices and Lexovii having slain their Senate because they would not countenance the warre shut their gates and joyned with Viridovix Also there came great multitudes to them out of Gallia men of broken fortunes thieves and robbers whom the hope of prey and spoil had made to preferre the warres before husbandry and day-labour Sabinus incamping himself in a convenient place kept his souldiers within the rampier But Viridovix being lodged within lesse then two miles of Sabinus his camp brought out his forces daily and putting them in battel gave him opportunity to fight if he would which Sabinus refused in such sort that he began not only to be suspected by the Enemy of cowardise but to be taunted with the reprochfull speeches of his own souldiers The opinion of his being fearfull thus setled in the minds of the enemy he used all means to increase it and carried it so well that the Enemy durst approach the very rampier of the Camp The colour that he pretended was that he thought it not the part of a Legate in the absence of the Generall to sight with an Enemy of that strength but upon some good opportunity or in a place of advantage In this generall perswasion of fear Sabinus chose out a subtle-witted Gall an auxiliarie
in his army whom he perswaded with great rewards and further promises to fly to the Enemy and there to carry himself according to the instructions which he should give him This Gall coming as a revolter to the Enemy laid open unto them the fear of the Romans the extremity that Caesar was driven into by the Veneti and that the night following Sabinus was about to withdraw his forces secretly out of his camp and to make all the haste he could to relieve Caesar Vpon which advertisement they all cryed out with one consent that this opportunity was not to be omitted but setting apart all other devises they would go and assault the Roman camp Many circumstances perswaded the Galles to this resolution as first the lingring and doubt which Sabinus had made when he was offered battel secondly the intelligence which this fugitive had brought thirdly the want of victuals wherein they had been negligent and unadvisedly carelesse fourthly the hope they conceived of the war of Vannes and lastly for that men willingly believe that which they would have come to passe The force of these motives was so strong that they would not suffer Viridovix nor the rest of the Captains to dismisse the Councell untill they had yielded that they should take Armes and go to the Roman Camp Which being granted they gathered rubbish and faggots to fill up the ditch and with cheerfull hearts as though the victory were already gotten they marched to the place where Sabinus was incamped which was the top of a hill rising gently from a levell the quantity of one thousand pases Hither the Galles hasted with all expedition and to the intent the Romans might not have so much time as to put on their Armour the Galles for haste ran themselves out of breath Sabinus incouraging his souldiers gave the sign of battel and sallying out at two severall gates of his Camp upon the enemy who were hindred with their loads of rubbish it fell out that through the opportunity of the place the wearinesse and unexperience of the Enemy the valour of the Roman souldier and their exercise informer battels that the Galles could not indure the brunt of the first incounter but presently betook themselves to flight Ours being fresh and lusty pursued after and slew great numbers of them then chasing their horse suffered very few of them to save themselves by flight And so it happened that at one time Sabinus had news of the overthrow at Sea and Caesar of Sabinus victory by Land Vpon these victories all the Cities and States yielded themselves to Titurius for as the Galles are prompt to undertake a warre so are they weak in suffering and impatient of the consequents and calamities thereof OBSERVATION THis practice of a counterfeit fear was often put in use by the Roman Leaders as well to disappoint the expectation of an Enemy as to draw them into an inconvenience and so to defeat them of their greatest helps in time of battel Caesar coming to succour the camp of Cicero made such use of this Art that he put to rout a great Army of the Galles with a handfull of men which I will refer unto the place where it is particularly set down by Caesar The chiefest thing in this place which brought them to their overthrow was disappointment for it is a thing hardly to be digested in businesses of small consequence to be frustrated of a setled expectation when the mind shall dispose her self to one only intent and in the upshot meet with a counterbuffe to crosse her purposes and so defeat her of that hope which the strength of her reason hath entertained how much more then in things of such importance when we shall proceed in a course of victory and humour our conceits with that we wish and would have to happen and in the end meet either with bondage or death must our best wits be appalled having neither respite nor means to think how the evil may be best prevented Which the wise Romans wel understood and counted it no dishonour to be reproched with shamefull cowardise by such as knew not the secrets of wisdome while they in the mean time foresaw their good fortunes shrowded under the cloak of a pretended distrust Let these examples instruct a Leader so to take the opportunity of any such fortune that in the execution he omit not the chiefest points of order and discipline as well for the better effecting of the design as for his own safety and the security of his Army For order is as the sinews and strength of martiall discipline uniting the particular members into the firm composition of a wel-proportioned body and so it maketh it more powerfull then any number of disunited parts how able or infinite soever I might here alledge infinite examples to confirm this truth but let the battel of Dreux serve for all wherein the Protestants overcharging the Catholick Army followed the retreat so hard that they quickly became Masters of the field and then neglecting martiall discipline fell in confusedly with the broken multitude to make the victory more glorious by slaughter and mortality The Duke of Guise all this while budged not a foot but in unexampled patience kept his regiment close together and would not suffer them to rescue their Generall that was taken untill the regiment of the Prince of Condie was likewise dispersed and broken and then perceiving no difference of order between the victor Protestant and the vanquished Catholick he dissolved that terrible cloud that had hung so long in suspence and so changed the fortune of the day that he took the chiefest of their Princes prisoners with little or no losse of his own men So powerfull is order in the deeds of Armes and of such consequence in obtaining victory And thus we have first seen the inconveniences which a counterfeit fear well dissembled may cast upon a credulous and unadvised enemy when pretence and appearance hath brought them into an errour which their own credulity doth afterward avouch and secondly what strength and safety consisteth in order and how powerfull it is to throw down and to set up CHAP. IX The proceedings of Crassus in Aquitanie AT the same instant of time it happened also that Pub. Crassus coming into Aquitania which both in regard of the large extension of the Countrey as also for the multitude of the inhabitants was named the third part of Gallia and considering that he was to make warre in those parts where L. Valerius Praeconius the Legate was slain and the Army overthrown and where Lucius Manlius was fain to fly with the losse of his carriages he thought that his affaires required no mean diligence and therefore having made provision of Corn and mustered many Auxiliary forces and sent for many valiant and prudent men by name from Tolouse Carcasone and Narbone cities bordering upon the province he carried his Army into the confines of the Sontiates Which was no
works that they were of high esteem amongst the Romans whom daily experience and exigents of hazard had taught to 〈…〉 the readiest means both for security and victory And if our souldiers could be brought to 〈◊〉 the commodity of these works either by perswasion or impulsion it were the best part of their warlike practices but our men had 〈◊〉 upon desperate adventures and seek victory in the jaws of death then to clear all hazard with pains and diligence CHAP. XII Caesar undertaketh the warre with the Menapii and Morini AT the same time also although the Sommer was almost at an end yet forasmuch as all Gallia was in peace and the Morini only with the Menapii stood out in Armes and had never either sent Embassadour or otherwise treated of Peace Caesar thinking that war might quickly be ended led his Army into their Countrey At his coming he found them to carry their warres farre otherwise then the rest of the Galles had done for understanding that the greatest Nations of Gallia which had waged battel with the Romans were beaten and overthrown and having whole continents of woods and bogs in their territories they conveyed both themselves and their goods into those quarters Caesar coming to the beginning of the woods began to fortify his Camp not discovering any enemy near about him but as his men were dispersed in their charges they suddenly sallyed out of the woods and assaulted the Romans but being speedily driven in again with the losse of many of them as the Romans followed them farre into the woods they had some few of their men slain The time that remained Caesar resolved to spend in cutting down the woods and least the souldiers might be taken unawares while they were busied in that work he caused them to place all the trees which they cut down on either side of the Army that they might serve for a defence against sudden assaults A great quantity of ground was thus rid within a few dayes so that their goods and cattell was taâ—en by the Romans but they themselves were fled into thicker woods At which time there happened such a continuall rain as forced them to leave off the work and the souldiers could no longer indure to ly in sents of skinnes and therefore Caesar after he had wasted and spoiled their Countrey burned their towns and their houses carryed back his Army and placed them amongst the Aulerci Lexovii in other cities to winter in which were subdued in the late wars OBSERVATION THe Irish rebels having the like commodity of woods and bogges do entertain the like course of warre as the Morini did with Caesar The meanes which he used to disappoint them of that practice was to cut down the woods which if it be thought monstrous in this age or ridiculous to our men of war let them consider that the Roman discipline wrought greater effects of valour then can be made credible by the use of these times For besides their exquisite discipline which of it self was able to frame patterns of unexampled magnanimitie their industry was admirable in the execution thereof and carried it with such uncessant travell that the souldiers thought it great happinesse when they came to wage battel with the Enemy and could have meanes to quit their continuall travell with the hazard of their lives Neither let it seem strange that the Romans undertook to cut down the woods but rather let us admire their facility in so difficult a task for as the history witnesseth magno spacio paucis diebus confecto incredibili celeritate a great quantity of ground was rid in a few dayes with incredible speed And after the woods were cut down they took more paines in placing it on each side of the legions to hinder any suddain assault then they did in cutting it down which deserveth as great admiration as the former part There is another place in the sixth book of these Commentaries which expresseth more particularly the nature of such warres and may serve to acquaint us with that which Caesar did in these difficulties The Eburones or the men of Liege had the like commodity of woods and bogges and made use of them in the warre they had with Caesar The matter saith he required great diligence not so much in regard of the perill of the whole Army for there could no danger come from an enemy that was frighted and dispersed as the safety of every particular souldier which in part did pertain to the welfare of the whole Army For the desire of a bootie carried many of the souldiers farre from the body of the Army and the woods being full of unknown and secret passages would not suffer them to go either thick together or close imbattelled If he desired to have the warre ended and the race of those wicked men to be rooted out he must of force make many small companies and divide his men into many bodies but if he would have the Maniples to keep at their Ensignes as the discipline and custome of the Roman Army required then the place was a shelter and defence to the enemy Neither did they want courage to lay Ambushments and to circumvent such as they found alone straggling from their companies In these difficulties there was as much done as diligence could do providing rather to be wanting in the offensive part although all mens minds were set on fire with revenge then to hurt the enemy with the losse of the Roman souldier Caesar sent messengers to the bordering States to come out and sack the Eburones and they should have all the prey for their labour that the life of the Galles rather then his legionary souldiers might be hazarded in those woods as also that with so great a multitude both the race and name of that people might be quite extinguished There are many particularities in this relation which concern the true motion of the Irish wars which may be better observed by such as know those warres by experience then by my self that understand them only by relation and therefore to prevent such exceptions as my rule shall make of the parallell in these two cases I will leave it to be done by themselves And thus endeth the third Commentary The fourth Commentary of the warres in GALLIA The Argument THe Usipetes and Tenchtheri are driven to seek new seats in Gallia they drive the Menapii out of their territories but in the end are overthrown by Caesar That warre being ended he maketh a bridge upon the Rhene and carrieth his Army over into Germany He taketh revenge upon the Sicambri and giveth liberty to the Ubii returneth into Gallia and carrieth his Army over into Britanie with the occurrences of that warre CHAP. I. The Vsipetes and Tenchtheri bring great multitudes of people over the Rhene into Gallia The nature of the Suevi THe winter following Pompey and Crassus being Consuls the Usipetes and Tenchtheri two German nations passed over the
I have noted in my former discourses the causes of an unpeaceable government are as well externall and forreign as internall and bred in the body which need the help of a Physician to continue the body in a perfect state of health require as great a diligence to qualify their malicious operations as any internall sicknesse whatsoever In the second Commentary I briefly touched the commodity of good discovery but because it is a matter of great consequence in the fortunate carriage of a war I will once again by this example of Caesar remember a Generall not to be negligent in this duty Suetonius in the life of our Caesar reporteth that he never undertook any expedition but he first received true intelligence of the particular site and nature of the Country as also of the manners and quality of the people and that he would not undertake the voyage into Britany untill he had made perfect discovery by himself of the magnitude and situation of the Island Which Suetonius might understand by this first voyage which Caesar would needs undertake in the later end of a Summer although it were as he himself saith but to discover It is recorded by ancient Writers that those demi-gods that governed the world in their time gave great honour to the exercise of hunting as the perfect image of war in the resemblance of all parts and namely in the discovery and knowledge of a Country without which all enterprises either of sport in hunting or earnest in wars were frivolous and of no effect And therefore Xenophon in the life of Cyrus sheweth that his expedition against the King of Armenia was nothing but a repetition of such sports as he had used in hunting Howsoever if the infinite examples registred in history how by the dexterity of some Leaders it hath gained great victories and through the negligence of others irrecoverable overthrows are not sufficient motives to perswade them to this duty let their own experience in matters of small moment manifest the weaknesse of their proceedings when they are ignorant of the chiefest circumstances of the matter they have in hand But let this suffice in the second place to prove the necessity of good discovery and let us learn of Caesar what is principally to be inquired after in the discovery of an unknown country as first the quantity of the land secondly what Nations inhabite it thirdly their use of war fourthly their civile government and lastly what Havens they have to receive a Navy of great shipping All which circumstances are such principall Arteries in the body of a State that the discovery of any one of these demands would have given great light concerning the motion of the whole body CHAP. IX Caesar sendeth C. Volusenus to discover the coast of Britanie and prepareth himself for that voyage CAesar sent out Caius Volusenus with a Galley to discover what he could concerning these things with charge that having made perfect discovery he should return again unto him as speedily as might be he himself marching in the mean time with all his forces unto the Morini forasmuch as from thence lay the shortest cut into Britanie Thither he commanded that ships should be brought from all the maritime Cities of that quarter and namely that fleet which he had built the year before for the war at Vannes In the mean time his resolution being known and carried into Britanie by Merchants and others many private States of that Island sent Embassadours unto him promising him hostages of their loyalty and signifying their readinesse to submit themselves to the Roman Empire To these he made liberall promises exhorting them to continue in that obedience and so sent them back again And with them he sent Comius whom he had made King of Arras whose wisdome and vertue he held in good account and whom he took to be faithfull to him and of great authority in those Regions To him he gave in charge to go to as many of the States as he could and perswade them to accept of the friendship of the Roman Empire and acquaint them that Caesar himself would presently follow after Volusenus having taken what view of the Countrey he could for he durst not go on shore to commit himself to the barbarisme of the enemy after five dayes returned to Caesar and related unto him all that he had discovered Whilst Caesar stayed in those parts for the furnishing of his fleet the Morini sent messengers unto him excusing themselves for their former faults that being a rude and barbarous people and altogether unacquainted with our customes they had made war against the people of Rome and withall manifesting their readinesse to obey his commands Caesar not willing to leave any enemy behind him or to engage in a new war at this time of the year or to neglect his voyage into Britanie for such small matters willingly accepted of their submission having first received many hostages of them and having made ready eighty ships of burthen which he thought sufficient to transport two legions he divided the Gallies to the Questor the Legates and the Commanders of the horse There were also eighteen ships of burthen more which lay wind-bound at a Port eight miles off and them he appointed for the horsemen The rest of the Army he committed to Q. Titurius Sabinus and Luc. Aurunculcius Cotta commanding them to go to the confines of the Menapii into those parts of the Morini who had sent no Embassadours to him and appointed P. Sulp. Rufus a Legate to keep the Port with a sufficient garrison CHAP. X. Caesar faileth into Britanie and landeth his men THese things being thus dâ—spatched having a good wind in the third watch he put out to Sea commanding his horsemen to â—mbark themselves at the further Port and follow him which was but slowly performed He himself arrived upon the coast about the fourth hour of the day where he found all the Clifts possessed with the forces of the enemy The nature of the place was such that the hils lay so steep over the sea that a weapon might easily be cast from the higher ground upon the lower shore and therefore he thought it no fit landing-place notwithstanding he cast anchour untill the rest of the Navy were come up unto him In the mean time calling a Councell of the Legates and Tribunes he declared unto them what advertisements he had received by Volusenus and told them what he would have done and withall admonished them that the course of Military affairs and especially Sea matters that had so sudden and unconstant a motion required all things to be done at a beck and in due time The Councell being dismissed having both wind and tide with him he weighed anchours and sailed eight miles from that place unto a plain and open shore The Britains perceiving the Romans determinations sent their horse and chariots which they commonly use in war before the rest of their
forces followed after to the place where the Romans intended to land Caesar found it exceeding difficult to land his men for these respects the ships were so great that they could not be brought near unto the shore the souldiers in strange and unknown places having their hands laden with great and heavy weapons were at one instant to go out of the ship to withstand the force of the billow and to fight with the enemy whereas the Britains either standing upon the shore or making short sallies into the water did boldly cast their weapons in known and frequented places and managed their horses accustomed to such services The Romans being terrified with these things and altogether unskilfull of this kind of fight did not use the same courage as they were wont to do in land-services Which when Caesar perceived he caused the Gallies that were both strange to the Britains readier for use to be removed from the shâ—ps of burthen and to be rowed up and down and laid against the open side of the enemy that from thence with slings engines and arrowes the Enemy might be beaten up from the water side which stood the Romans in good stead For the Britains being troubled with the strangenesse of the Gallies the motion of their Oares and the unusuall kind of engines were somewhat dismayed and began to retire back and give way to the Romans But the souldiers still lingering and especially for fear of the depth of the sea the Eagle-bearer of the tenth legion desiring the Gods that it might fall out happily to the legion If you will saith he forsake your Eagle O ye souldiers and betray it to the enemy for mine own part I will do my duty both to the Commonweal and to my Imperator And havâ—ng spoken this with a loud voice he cast himself into the Sea and carried the Eagle towards the Enemy The Romans exhorting one another not to suffer such a dishonour to be committed they all leaped out of the ship which when others that were near at hand perceived they followed them with as great alacrity and pressed towards the enemy to encounter with them The fight on both parts was very eager the Romans not being able to keep any order of battel nor to get any firm footing nor to follow their Ensignes forasmuch as every man kept with those Ensignes which he first met withall were wonderfully troubled But the Enemy acquainted with the flats and shallows as they beheld them from the shore to come single out of their ships putting spurs to their horse would set upon them incumbred and unprepared and many of them would over-lay a few others would get the advantage of the open side and cast their weapons amongst the thickest troups of them Which when Caesar perceived he caused the shipboats and smaller vessels to be manned with souldiers and where he saw need of help he sent them to rescue such as were overcharged Assoon as the Romans got footing on the firm land they made head together and charged the enemy and so put them to flight but they were not able to follow them nor take the Island at that time for want of horsemen which thing was only wanting to Caesars wonted fortune THE FIFTH OBSERVATION UPon this circumstance of landing I may justly take occasion to handle that controversy which hath been often debated by our English Captains which is whether is be better in question of an invasion and in the absence of our shipping to oppose an enemy at his landing upon our Coast or quietly to suffer him to set his men on shore and retire our forces into some inland place and there attend to give him battel It seemeth that such as first set this question on foot and were of an opinion that we ought not by any meanes to incounter an enemy at his landing for so we might much endanger our selves and our Countrey did ground themselves upon the authority of Monsieur de Langey not observing the difference between an Island and a Continent For where he setteth down that position he plainly aimeth at such Princes as border one upon another in the same Continent but where their territories are disjoyned by so great a bar as the Ocean they have not such means to surprise one another it were mere folly to hold good that rule as shall better appear by the sequele of this discourse Wherein I will first lay down the reasons that may be urged to prove it unsafe to oppose an enemy at his landing not as being urged by that party for I never heard any probable motive from them which might induce any such opinion but set down by such as have looked into the controversies both with experience and good judgement And first it may be objected that it is a hard matter to resist an enemy at his landing as well in regard of the uncertainty of place as of time for being ignorant in what place he will attempt a landing we must either defend all places of accesse or our intentions will prove mâ—re frivolous and to perform that it is requisite that our defensive forces be sufficient according to the particular quality of every place subject to danger which considering the large extension of our maritime parts and the many landing-places on our Coast will require a greater number of men then this Island can afford And although it could furnish such a competent number as might seem in some sort sufficient yet the uncertainty of the time of the enemies arrivall would require that they should be lodged either upon or near the places of danger many dayes at least if not many weeks before the instant of their attempt which would exhaust a greater masse of Treasure then could be well afforded by the State Secondly it may be objected that all our landing-places are of such disadvantage for the defendants that it were no safety at all to make head against him at the landing for inasmuch as such places are open and plain they yield no commodity to shelter the defendants from the fury of the artillery wherewith the Enemy will plentifully furnish their long boats and landing vessels which beating upon the beach for most of our landing-places are of that quality will so scatter them that no man shall be able to endure the inconvenience thereof The third objection may arise from the disparity both of numbers and condition of the forces of either party For the first it must needs be granted that the defendants being to guard so many places at once cannot furnish such numbers to every particular place for defence as the assailants may for offence Concerning the quality of the forces it is without question that a great and potent Prince for such a one it must be that undertaketh to invade the territories of so absolute and well-obeyed a Princesse as her Majesty is would draw out the 〈◊〉 of his souldiery wheresoever besides the gaâ—â—ant troups of voluntaries which do commonly attend
flight yet having some thirty horse which Comius of Arras had carried with him at his coming into Britany he imbattelled his legions before his Camp and so gave them battel The Enemy not being able to bear the assault of the Roman souldiers turned their backs and fled the Romans followed them as far as they could by running on foot and after a great slaughter with the burning of their towns far and near they returned to their Camp The same day the Britans sent messengers to Caesar to intreat for peace whom he commanded to double their number of hostages which he commanded to be carried into Gallia And forasmuch as the Aequinoctium was at hand he thought it not safe to put himself to the sea in winter with such weak shipping and therefore having got a convenient time he hoised sail a little after midnight and brought all his ships safe unto the Continent Two of these ships of burthen not being able to reach the same haven put in somewhat lower into the land the souldiers that were in them which were about three hundred being set on shore and marching towards their Camp the Morini with whom Caesar at his going into Britany had made peace in hope of a booty first with a few of their men stood about them commanding them upon pain of death to lay down their weapons and as the Romans by casting themselves into an Orbe began to make defence at the noise and clamour amongst them there were suddenly gathered together about six thousand of the Enemy Which thing being known Caesar sent out all the horsemen to relieve them In the meantime the Romans sustained the force of the Enemy and fought valiantly about the space of four hours and receiving themselves only some few wounds they slew many of the Enemy As soon as the Roman horsemen came in sight the Enemy cast away their weapons and fled and a great number of them fell by the horsemen OBSERVATION OF all the figures which the Tactici have chosen to make use of in military affairs the circle hath ever been taken for the fittest to be applyed in the defensive part as inclosing with an equall circuit on all parts whatsoever is contained within the circumference of that Area and therefore Geometry termeth a circumference a simple line forasmuch as if you alter the site of the parts and transport one arch into the place of another the figure notwithstanding will remain the same because of the equall bending of the line throughout the whole circumference Which property as it proveth an uniformity of strength in the whole circuit so that it cannot be said that this is the beginning or this is the end this is front or this is flank so doth that which Euclide doth demonstrate in the third of his Elements concerning the small affinity between a right line and a circle which being drawn to touch the circumference doth touch it but in a point only shew the greatnesse of this strength in regard of any other line by which it may be broken Which howsoever they seem as speculative qualities conceived rather by intellectuall discourse then manifested to sensible apprehension yet forasmuch as experience hath proved the strength of this figure in a defensive part above any other manner of imbattelling let us not neglect the knowledge of these naturall properties which discover the causes of this effect neither let us neglect this part of military knowledge being so strong a means to maintain valour and the sinew of all our ability for order correspondent to circumstances is the whole strength and power of an Army Neither ought there any action in a wel-ordered discipline to be irregular or void of order And therefore the Romans did neither eat nor sleep without the direction of the Consul or chief Commander otherwise their valour might rather have been termed fury then vertue but when their courage was ranged with order and disposed according to the occurrences of the time it never failed as long as the said order continued perfect It appeareth therefore how important it is for a Commander to look into the diversity of orders for imbattelling and to weigh the nature thereof that he may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion The Romans termed this figure Orbis which signifieth a round body both with a concave and a convex surface in resemblance whereof I understand this Orbe of men imbattelled to be so named which might peradventure consist of five or more or fewer ranks inclosing one another after the nature of so many circles described about one Centre so that either the midst thereof remained void or otherwise contained such carriages and impediments as they had with them in their march This form of imbattelling was never used but in great extremity for as it was the safest of all other so it gave suspicion to the souldiers of exceeding danger which abated much of their heat in battel as will hereafter appear by the testimony of Caesar himself in the fifth Commentary upon the occasion which happened unto Sabinus and Cotta CHAP. XIIII THe next day Caesar sent Titus Labienus a Legate with those legions which he had brought out of Britany against the revolted Morini who having no place of refuge because their bogs and fens were dryed up where they had sheltred themselves the year before they all fell under the power of his mercy Q. Titurius and A. Cotta the Legates who had led the legions against the Menapii after they had wasted their fields cut up their corn burned their houses for the Menapii were all hid in thick woods returned to Caesar These things being thus ended Caesar placed the wintering Camps of all his legions amongst the Belgae to which place two only of all the Cities in Britany sent hostages unto him the rest neglecting it These wars being thus ended upon the relation of Caesars letters the Senate decreed a supplication for the space of twenty dayes OBSERVATION IN the end of the second Commentary we read of a supplication granted by the Senate for fifteen dayes which was never granted to any man before that time since the first building of the City but forasmuch as in this fourth year of the wars in Gallia it was augmented from fifteen unto twenty dayes I thought it fit to refer the handling thereof unto this place We are therefore to understand that whensoever a Roman Generall had carried himself well in the wars by gaining a victory or enlarging the bounds of their Empire that then the Senate did decree a supplication to the gods in the name of that Captain And this dignity was much sought after not only because it was a matter of great honour that in their names the Temples of their gods should be opened and their victories acknowledged with the concourse and gratulation of the Roman people but also because a supplication was commonly the forerunner of a triumph which was the greatest honour in the Roman
or overwhelmed with Barbarisme From thence it flowed into Egypt out of Egypt into Greece out of Greece into Italy out of Italy into Gallia and from thence into England where our Kentish men first entertained it as bordering upon France and frequented with Merchants of those Countries CHAP. VI. Divers skirmishes between the Romans and the Britans THe Cavalry of the enemy and their chariots gave a sharp conflict to the Roman horsemen in their march but so that the Romans got the better every way driving them with great slaughter to the woods and hills and loosing also some of their own men being too venturous in the pursuit The Britans after some intermission of time when the Romans little thought of them and were busied in fortifying their Camp came suddainly out of the woods and charged upon those that kept station before the Camp Caesar sent out two the chiefest cohorts of two legions to second their fellowes These two cohorts standing with a small alley between them the other that were first charged being terrified with that strange kind of fight boldly brake through the thickest of the enemy so retired in safety to their fellows That day Quintus Laberius Durus a Tribune of the souldiers was slain The Britans were repelled with moe cohorts which Caesar sent to second the former And forasmuch as the fight happened in the view of all the Camp it was plainly perceived that the legionary souldiers being neither able for the weight of their Armour to follow the enemy as he retired nor yet daring to go far from their severall Ensigns was not a fit adversary to contest this kind of enemy and that the horsemen likewise fought with no lesse danger inasmuch as the enemy would retire back of purpose and when they had drawn them a little from the legions they would then light from their chariots and incounter them with that advantage which is between a footman and a horseman Furthermore they never fought thick and close together but thin and at great distances having stations of men to succour one another to receive the weary and to send out fresh supplies OBSERVATION UPon this occasion of their heavy Armour I will describe a Legionary souldier in his compleat furniture that we may better judge of their manner of warfare and understand wherein their greatest strength consisted And first we are to learn that their legionary souldiers were called milites gravis armaturae souldiers wearing heavy Armour to distinguish them from the Velites the Archers Slingers and other light-armed men Their offensive Armes were a couple of Piles or as some will but one Pile and a Spanish sword short and strong to strike rather with the point then with the edge Their defensive Armes were a helmet a corslet and boots of brasse with a large Target which in some sort was offensive in regard of that umbo which stuck out in the midst thereof The Pile is described at large in the first book and the Target in the second The sword as Polybius witnesseth was short two-edged very sharp and of a strong point And therefore Livy in his 22. book saith that the Galles used very long swords without points but the Romans had short swords readier for use These they called Spanish swords because they borrowed that fashion from the Spaniard The old Romans were so girt with their swords as appeareth by Polybius and their monuments in Marble that from their left shoulder it hung upon their right thigh contrary to the use of these times which as I have noted before was in regard of their target which they carried on their left arme This sword was hung with a belt of leather beset with studs as Varro noteth And these were their offensive weapons Their Helmet was of brasse adorned with three Ostrich feathers of a cubit in length by which the souldier appeared of a larger stature and more terrible to the Enemy as Polybius saith in his sixth book Their breast-plate was either of Brasse or Iron jointed together after the manner of scales or platted with little rings of Iron their boots were made of bars of brass from the foot up to the knee And thus were the legionary souldiers armed to stand firme rather then to use any nimble motion and to combine themselves into a body of that strength which might not easily recoile at the opposition of any confrontment for agility standeth indifferent to help either a retreat or a pursuit and nimble-footed souldiers are as ready to flie back as to march forward but a weighty body keepeth a more regular motion and is not hindered with a common counterbuffe So that whensoever they came to firme buckling and felt the enemy stand stiff before them such was their practice and exercise in continuall works that they never fainted under any such task but the victory went alwaies clear on their side But if the enemy gave way to their violence and came not in but for advantage and then as speedily retired before the counterbuffe were well discharged then did their nimbleness much help their weakness and frustrate the greatest part of the Roman discipline This is also proved in the overthrow of Sabinus and Cotta where Ambiorix finding the inconvenience of buckling at handy-blowes commanded his men to fight a far off and if they were assaulted to give back and come on again as they saw occasion which so wearied out the Romans that they all fel under the execution of the Galles Let this suffice therefore to shew how unapt the Romans were to flie upon any occasion when their Armour was such that it kept them from all starting motions and made them sutable to the staied and well assured rules of their discipline which were as certain principles in the execution of a standing battell and therefore not so fit either for a pursuit or a flight Concerning the unequal combat between a horseman and a footman it may be thought strange that a footman should have such an advantage against a horseman being overmatched at least with a Sextuple proportion both of strength and agility but we must understand that as the horse is much swifter in a long cariere so in speedy and nimble turning at hand wherein the substance of the combate consisteth the footman far exceedeth the horseman in advantage having a larger mark to hit by the Horse then the other hath Besides the horseman ingageth both his valour and his fortune in the good speed of his horse his wounds and his death do consequently pull the rider after his fear or fury maketh his master either desperate or slow of performance and what defect soever ariseth from the horse must be answered out of the honour of the rider And surely it seemeth reasonable that what thing soever draweth us into the society of so great a hazard should as much as is possible be contained in the compasse of our own power The sword which we manage with our owne hand affordeth
go seek the Enemy to fight with him and I have alwayes heard great Captains hold this as a firm principle Not to attempt the fortune of a battell unless there be either an offer of an especial advantage or otherwise compulsion by necessity The rules of war give it to the enemy that is the invader and hath undertaken the conquest of Ferrara to seek to assail and charge us but to us to whom it is sufficient to defend our selves it cannot be but impertinent to undertake an action contrary to all direction and discipline of war I am of opinion which is confirmed by evident reason that there is no possibility to execute that devise but to our harms and disadvantage for we cannot go to their camp but by the side of a hill a streight and narrow way where all our forces cannot be imployed and yet they with small numbers will make resistance having the opportunity of the place favourable to their vertues We must march by the rising of a hill one horse after another neither have we any other way to draw our Artillery our baggage our carts and bridges but by the streight of the hill and who doubteth not but in a way so narrow and cumbrous every artillery every cart or every wheel that shall break will stay the Army a whole hour at the least By which impediments every contrary accident may put us to disorder The Enemy is lodged in covert provided of victuals and forrage and we must incamp all bare and naked not carrying with us that which should serve for our necessary nouriture but expect the things to come after which in reason ought to go with us To attempt new enterprises whereof the victory is lesse certain then the perill is contrary to the gravity and reputation of a Leader and in actions of the war those enterprises are put to adventure that are done by will and not by reason Many difficulties may compell us to make our abode there two or three dayes yea the snows and rains joined with the extremity of the season may suffice to detain us how shall we then do for victualls and forrages What shall we be able to do in the wars wanting the things that should give us strength and sustenance what is he that considereth not how dangerous it is to go seek the Enemy in a strong camp and to be driven at one time to fight against them against the discommodity of the place If we compell them not to abandon their camp we cannot but be inforced to retire a matter of great difficulty in a country so wholly against us and where every little disfavour will turn to our great disadvantage c. And thus proceeded that grave discourse in the discovery of the particular occurrences incident to that enterprise which being laied open to their confused judgements did manifestly point at the great disadvantages which were to be undergone by that attempt The other example is of more antiquity taken out of Tacitus and concerneth the arraignment of certain Senators for the friendship that had past between Sejanus and them Amongst whom M. Terentius thus answered for himself according as it hath of late been published by translation It would be peradventure less behovefull for my estate to acknowledge then to deny the crime I am charged with but hap what hap may I will confesse that I have been Sejanus friend and that I desired so to be and that after I had obtained his friendship I was glad of it I had seen him joint-officer with my father in the government of the praetorian cohort and not long after in managing the City affairs and matters of war his kinsmen and allies were advanced to honour as every man was inward with Sejanus so he was graced by Caesar and contrariwise such as were not in his favour lived in fear and distressed with poverty Neither do I alledge any man for an example of this all of us who were not privy to his last attempts with the danger of my only estate I will defend not Sejanus the Vulsiniensis but a part of the Claudian and Iulian family which by alliance he had entred into Thy son in law Caesar thy companion in the Consulship and him who took upon him thy charge of administring the Common-wealth we did reverence and honour It is not our part to judge of him whom thou dost exalt above the rest nor for what considerations to thee the highest judgement of things the gods have given and to us the glory of obedience is left We look into those things which we see before our eyes whom thou dost inrich whom thou dost advance to honours who have greatest power of hurting or helping which Sejanus to have had no man will deny The Princes hidden thoughts or if he go about any secret drift it is not lawfull to sound and dangerous neither shalt thou in the end reach unto them Think not only Lords of the Senate of Sejanus last day but of sixteen years in which we did likewise fawn upon and court Satrius and Pomponius and to be known unto his freed men and partners was reckoned for a high favour What then shall this defence be generall and not distinguished but a confusion made of times past and his later actions No but let it by just bounds and terms be divided let the treasons against the Commonwealth the intentions of murdering the Emperour be punished but as for the friendships duties pleasures and good turns the same end shall discharge and quit thee O Caesar and us The constancy of this Oration prevailed so much that his Accusers were punished with exile And thus we see how particularities decide the controversy and make the way plain to good direction CHAP. XII The Romans take their journey towards the next legion and are set upon by the Galles AS soon as the day-light appeared they set forth of their Camp like men perswaded that the counsel had been given them not by an Enemy but by Ambiorix an especiall friend with a long-tailed march and as much baggage as they were able to carry The Galles understanding of their journey by their noise and watching in the night secretly in the woods some two miles off layed an Ambuscado in two severall places of advantage and there attended the coming of the Romans and when the greatest part of the troups were entred into a valley suddenly they shewed themselves on both sides the vale pressing hard upon the rereward and hindering the foremost from going up the hill and so began to charge upon the Romans in a place of as great disadvantage for them as could be Then at length Titurius as one that had provided for nothing beforehand began to tremble ranne up and down and disposed his cohorts but so fearfully and after such a fashion as if all things had gone against him as it happeneth for the most part to such as are forced to consult in the instant of execution
his timorousnesse flieth alwayes to extremities making him rash in consultation peremptory in opinion and base in case of perill all which are enemies to good direction and the onely instruments of mischieving fortune CHAP. XVI Ambiorix hasteth to besiege Cicero and stirreth up the Aduatici the Nervii and so raiseth a great power AMbiorix took such spirits unto him upon this victory that with his horsemen he went immediately unto the Aduatici being the next borderers upon his kingdom without intermission of night or day commanding his footmen to follow him The Aduatici upon his opening the matter being stirred up to commotion the next day after he came to the Nervii exhorting them not to let slip this occasion of recovering to themselves perpetuall liberty and revenging them of the Romans for the wrongs they had received He told them that two Legates were already slain and a great part of the Army overthrown it was now no great matter suddenly to surprise the legion that wintered with Cicero to the performance whereof the offered himself to be their assistant These remonstrances easily perswaded the Nervii and therefore they dispatched speedy messengers to the Centrones Grudii Leuaci Pleumosii and Gorduni who were all under their dominion and raised very great forces and â—ith them they hasted to the camp where Cicero wintered before any inkling of the death of Titurius was brought unto him OBSERVATION THe ambitious and working spirit of Ambiorix that could attempt to raise the basenesse of a small and ignoble State to so high a point of resolution that they durst adventure upon the Roman legions being setled in the strength of their Empire by the memory of so many victories in Gallia wanted now no means to make an overture to a universall commotion propounding liberty and revenge to the Galles two the sweetest conditions that can happen to a subdued people if they would but stretch out their hands to take it and follow that course which his example had proved sure and easie Which may serve to shew that he that will attempt upon doubtfull and unsafe Principles will take great advantage from a probable entrance and make a small beginning a sufficient means for his greatest designs CHAP. XVII Cicero defendeth his Camp from the surprise of the Nervii and prepareth himself against a Siege IT happened to Cicero also as it could not otherwise chuse that many of the souldiers that were gone into the woods for timber and munition were cut off by the sudden approach of the Enemies horsemen These beâ—ng câ—rcumvented the Eburones Nervii and Aduatici with all their confederates and clieâ—â—s began to assault the Camp The Romans betook them speedily to their weapons and got upon the rampâ—er With much adoe they held out that day for the Galles trusted much upon celerity hoping if they sped well in that action to be victors ever after Cicero dispatched letters with all speed to Caesar promising great rewards to him that â—â—ould carry them but all the wayes were so fore-laied that the Messengers were taken In one night there was built in tâ—e camp one hundred and twenty towers of such timber as was brought in for fortification and whatsoever wanted of the rest of the work was perfected The enemy the next day with a far greater power assaulted the Camp and filled up the dâ—tch â—he Romans made the like defence as they had done the day before the like was continued divers dayes after The Romans made no intermission of their work at any part of the night nor gave any rest either to the sick or the woundâ—d Whatsoever was needfull for the next dayes assault was provided in readiness the night before a great number of stakes hardened in the fire were prepared and many murall piles were made the towers were 〈◊〉 in their stories Pinacles and Parapâ—ts â—ere set up of hurdles and Cicero himself being sickly and of a weak constitution took not so much leasure as to rest himself in the night time so that the souldiers of their own accord compelled him by intreaty to spare himsâ—â—f OBSERVATION THis Q. Cicero is said to be the brother of Marcus 〈◊〉 the famous Oratour and to him were the letters sent which are found in his â—pistles directed Quinto fratri In this action 〈◊〉 carriage deserved as great reputation in the true censure of honour as ever his brother did for his elâ—quence pro Rostris And if it had been the 〈◊〉 fortune to hâ—ve performed the like service 〈…〉 â—ave made it the greatest exploit that ever◠〈◊〉 had atchieved by arms Wherein particâ—â—â—â—ly may be commended the diligence and industry which was used in raising so many 〈◊〉 in so small a time for providing the 〈◊〉 before such things as were necessary for the next dayes defence for making so many stakes hâ—rdened in the end with fire for the defence of the rampier and for the store of these murall pâ—les which resembled the form of the ordinary pile but were far greater and weightier in regard they were to be cast from the rampier which gave them such advantage by reason of the height that being cast by a strong and well practised arm they were very effectuall and of great terrour CHAP. XVIII The Nervii propound the same things to Cicero which Ambiorix had done to Sabinus but are reject THen the Princes and chief Commanders of the Nervii which had any entrance of speech and cause of acquaintance with Cicero signified their desire to speak with him Which being granted they propounded the same things which Ambiorix had used to deceive Sabinus all Gallia were in Arms the Germans were come over the Rhene Caesar and the rest were besieged in their wintering-camps Sabinus and his men were cut in pieces and for the more credit to it they shew him Ambiorix They said they were much deceived if they expected any help from those who were at present scarce able to help themselves Notwithstanding they carried this mind to Cicero and the people of Rome that they refused nothing but their wintering among them which they would not suffer to be made a common practise They might depart in safety whither they would without disturbance or fear of danger Cicero onely made this answer That it was not the custome of the people of Rome to take any article or condition from an armed Enemy but if they would lay their Arms aside let them use his furtherance in the matter and send some to negotiate it with Caesar there was great hope in regard of his justice and equity that they should not return unsatisfied OBSERVATION THe first attempt which Ambiorix made upon the Camp of Sabâ—nus and Cotta was but short but here what with the pride of the former victory and the great multitude of the assailants they continued it longer in hope to carry it by assault For the first assault of a place especially when it cometh by way of surprise is of greater hope to the assailant and
of greater danger to the defendant then such as afterward are made in the sequele of the war for after the first brunt the heat of the enemy is much abated as well through the nature of a hot desire which is most violent in the beginning and afterward groweth cold and remisse as also with the harms and peril which they meet with in the incounter and on the contrary side the defendants having withstood the first fury wherein there is most terrour and distrust grow more confident and better assured of their manhood and in experience of their strength stand firm against any charge whatsoever CHAP. XIX The Nervii besiege Cicero with a ditch and a rampier and work means to set fire on their Tents THe Nervii disappointed of this hope carried a ditch and a rampier round about the camp the rampier was eleven foot high and the ditch fifteen foot deep which they had learned of the Romans partly by being conversant among them certain years before and partly by the prisoners and captives which they had taken But they had no iron tools fit for that purpose but were driven to cut up turf with their swords and gather earth with their hands and carry it away with their Mantles and Gaberdâ—nes Whereby may be gathered what a multitude of men there were at the siege for in lesse then three hours they finished the fortification of fifteen miles in circuit The dayes following the enemies built towers to the height of the rampier prepared great hooks and strong penthouses or safegards of boards and timber according as the captives had given them instruction The seventh day of the siege being a very windy day they cast hot bullets of clay out of slings burning darts upon the cabines of the Romans which after the manner of the Galles were thatâ—hed with straw These cabines were quickly set on fire which by the violence of the wind was carried over all the camp The enemy pressing forward with a great clamour as though the victory were already gotten began to bring their Turrets and Testudines to the rampier and to scale it with ladders But such was the valour of the Roman souldiers that albeit they were scorched on all sides with fire and over-charged with multitude of weapons and saw all their wealth burned before their face yet no man forsook the rampier or scarce looked back at that which had happened but they all fought valiantly and with an 〈◊〉 courage â—his was the sorest day the Romans had and yet it had this issue that a very great number of the enemies were slain and wounded for they haâ— so thronged themselves under the rampier that the hindmost hindred the foremost from retiring back The flame at length abating and the enemies having brought on one of their towers to the very works the Centurions of the third cohort drew back themselves and their men from the place where they stood and with signs and voices called to the enemies to enter if they thought good but none of them durst approach Then did they by casting stones from all parts beat them from the works and set their tower on fire OBSERVATION THis one example may serve to shew the excellency of the Roman discipline and the wisedome of the first founders of that Art For they perceiving that the fortune of wars consisted chiefly in the mastering of particular occurrences trained their souldiers in that forme of discipline as might struggle with inconveniences and strong oppositions of contradicting accidents and so overwage all difficulties and hinderances with a constant perseveration and a courage invincible For the great attempting spirit of an ambitious Commander that seeketh to overtop the trophies of honour with the memory of his exploits will quickly perish by his own direction if the instruments of execution be weaker then the means which lead him to his designments For where the weight is greater then the strength the engine will sooner break then lift it up Let a discreet Leader therefore so levell his thoughts that his resolution may not exceed the ability of his particular means but first let him be well assured what his souldiers can do before he resolve what he will do or otherwise let him so inable them by discipline and instructions according to the example of the old Romans that their worth may answer the height of his desires and follow his aspiring mind with a resolution grounded upon knowledge and valour and so making their ability the ground of his designs he shall never faile of means to perform what he intendeth The want of this consideration hath within these late years repaied our Commanders in many parts of Christendome with losse and dishonour when as they have measured the humour of their poor needy and undisciplined souldier by the garb of their ambitious thoughts and so laid such projects of difficulty as were very unsutable in the particularity of occurrences to that which their souldiers were fit to execute CHAP. XX. The emulation between two Centurions Pulfio and Varenus with their fortunes in the incounter THere were in that legion two valiant men Titus Pulfio and L. Varenus Centurions coming on apace to the dignity of the first orders These â—wo wâ—re at continuall debate which of them should be preferred one before another and every year contended for place of preferment with much strife and emulation Pulfio at a time that the fortification was very sharply assaulted called to Varenus and asked him why he now stood doubtfull or what other place he did look for to make triall of his manhood This is the day saâ—th he that shall decide our controversies And when he had spoken these words he went out of the fortification and where he saw the Enemy thickest he fiercely set upon them Then could not Varenus hold himself within the rampier but for his credite sake followed after in a reasonable distance Pulfio cast his pile at the enemy and struck one of the multitude through that câ—me running out against him He being slain the enemies cover him with their shields and all cast their weapons at Pulfio giving him no respite or time of retreat Pulfio had his target struck through and the dart stuck fast in his girdle This chance turned aside his scabbard and hindered his right hand from pulling out his sword in which disadvantage the enemy pressed hard upon him Varenus came and rescued him Immedâ—ately the whole multitude thinking Pulfio to be slaâ—n with the dart turned to Varenus who speediâ—y betook him to his sword and caâ—e to handy-stroaks having slain one he put the rest somewhat back But as he followed over-hastily upon them he fell down Him did Pulfio rescue being circumvented and in danger so both of them having slain many of the enemy retired to their Camp in safety to their great honour Thus Fortune carried as well the contention as the encounter of them both that being Enemies they neverthelesse gave help to save
was one within the place besieged of the Nation of the Nervii called Vertico of honest parentage who in the beginning of the siege had fled to Cicero and carried himself faithfully in that service This man did Cicero chuse perswading him with hope of liberty and other great rewards to carry Letters to Caesar which he took and having tâ—ed them up in his Dart travelled as a Gall amongst the Galles without any suspicion and so came to Caesar Of whom he understood how dangerously Cicero and the legion was beset Caesar having received those Letters about the eleventh hour of the day dâ—spatched presently a Messenger to M. Câ—assus the Treasurer in the country of the Bellovaci twenty five miles off commanding the legion to set out at midnight and speedily to come unto him Crassus set out and came along with the Messenger He sent another Post to Câ—ius Fabius the Legate to bring that legion to the confines of the Atrebates through which he was to passe And wrote in like manner to Labienus that if it stood with the conveniency of the State he should bring his legion to the territories of the Nervii for the rest of the Army that were further off he thought good not to expect He drew four hundred horse or thereabouts from the nearest wintering-Camps And being advertised about the third hour by the fore-runners of Crassus coming he marched that that day twenty miles He made Crassus Governour of Samarobrina gave him one legion for the defence thereof in regard that the baggage of the whole Army the hostages of the Provinces the publick transactions and Letters together with all the Corn which he had got for the provision of the Winter was left in that place Fabius according to his directions without any delay met him with his legion Labienus understanding of the death of Sabinus and the slaughter of the Cohorts knowing also that the whole forces of the Treviri were marching toward him doubted that if his setting forward out of his winter station should seem as a stealing away he should not be able to undergo the charge of the enemy whom a late victory had made insolent and therefore informed Caesar by his Letters what danger it would be to draw the legion from their wintering-camp relating what had hapned amongst the Eburones how that all the forces of the Treviri both horse and foot lay but three miles distant from his Camp Caesar allowing of these reasons howsoever his hope of three legions was fallen unto two yet his whole trust was in celerity as the onely means of all their safeties and so by great journeys came into the consines of the Nervii where he understood by the Captives how matters passed with Cicero and what danger he was in At what time he perswaded a certain horseman of the Galles by great rewards offered unto him to carry a Letter unto Cicero which he sent writ in Greek Characters least his purposes should be discovered if the Letter had been intercepted advising that if he could not come to his presence he should tye it to the string of a Dart and so cast it into the fortifications He advertised them by his Letter that he was on the way with the legions and would be there instantly to raise the siege exhorting him to persevere in his wonted gallantry The Gall fearing some danger followed the directions and cast it into the works by a Dart which fell by chance upon a turret and there stuck two dayes before it was perceived the third day a souldier finding it took it down and brought it to Cicero who read it publickly in the assembly of the souldiers and put them all into exceeding great joy And at the same time the smoak of their fires began a far off to be discovered which put them out of all doubt of the approach of the legions The Galles being advertised thereof by their Discoverers left the siege and made towards Caesar with all their power which consisted of 60000 men or thereabouts Cicero finding himself at liberty sought out the same Vertico before mentioned to carry Letters to Caesar advising him to be wary and diligent in his passage signifying by those Letters that the enemy had left the siege turned all his forces towards him Which Letters being brought unto Caesar about midnight he certified his party of the contents thereof and prepared them by incouragement to fight The next day as soon as it began to be light he removed his Camp having marched about four miles he discovered the multitude of the enemy beyond a great Valley and a River It was a matter of exceeding danger to give battell to so great a number in a place of disadvantage and forasmuch as he knew that Cicero was freed of the siege he thought he might the better forbeare to make such haste and thereupon sate down and in as indifferent a place as he could chuse fortified his Camp Which being of it self very little as not having scarce seven thousand men and those without any carriages yet he lessened it as much as he could by narrowing the usuall streets ther of to the end he might the better defend it if happily the enemy might be drawn to ingage himself seriously in any attempt upon the same In the mean time having sent out Discoverers into all parts he informed himself which way he might most conveniently passe over the valley The same day after small incounters of the Cavalry at the water either party contained themselves within their fortifications the Galles as expecting greater forces which were not yet come and Caesar that by a counterfeit fear he might draw the Enemy to the place where he was lodged on this side the valley and so strike the battell before his Camp and if he could not bring it so about then upon discovery of the wayes to passe the valley and the river with lesse danger As it began to be day-light the Cavalry of the enemy came near unto the Camp and began to skirmish with our horsemen Caesar of set purpose commanded the horsemen to fall back and to betake themselves into the Camp and withall to fortifie their camp on all sides with a higher rampier to stop up the Gates and in doing of these things to carry themselves tumultuously and with a feigned show of great fear With which inducements the enemy was so drawn on that he brought over all his forces and imbattelled them in an unequall and disadvantageous place Our men being drawn from the raâ—pier to make the matter more apparent they were imboldened to come nearer and to cast weapons from all parts into our works sending Heralds round about with Proclamation That if any Gall or Roman would come over unto them before the third hour he should be taken into their safe protection but after that time there was no hope of any such reception And they did so contemn our party that whereas the Ports were shut
Stations forasmuch as no place ought to be given to the least casualtie And there he saw how much Fortune was able to do by the sudden coming of the enemy and how much more in that he was put off from the rampier and the gates which he had so nearly taken But of all the rest this seemed the strangest that the Germans coming over the Rhene to depopulate and spoil Ambiorix and his countrey had like to have taken the Roman camp which would have been as acceptable to Ambiorix as any thing that could happen OBSERVATIONS IT is an old saying avouched by Plutarch Fortuna id unum hominibus non aufert quod bene fuerit consultum What a man hath once well advised that and onely that fortune can never despoile him of which Tiberius the Roman Emperour well understood of whom Suetonius reporteth Quod minimum fortunae casibusque permittebat That he trusted very little to fortune or casualties and is the same which Caesar counselleth in this place Ne minimo quidem casui locum relinqui debuisse That no place is to be given to the least casualty It were a hard condition to expose a naked party to the malice of an enemy or to disadvantage him with the loss of his sight An army without a guard at any time is merely naked and more subject to slaughter then those that never took arms and the rather where the watch is wanting for there sudden chances can hardly be prevented and if they happen to avoid any such unexpected casualtie they have greater cause to thank Fortune for her favour then to be angry with her for her malice for prevention at such times is out of the way and they are wholly at her mercy as Caesar hath rightly delivered touching this accident And therefore whether an army march forward or continue in a place sleep or wake play or work go in hazard or rest secure let not so great a body be at any time without a competent strength to answer the spite of such misadventures CHAP. XVIII Caesar returneth to spoil the enemie and punisheth Acco CAesar returning again to trouble and vex the enemy having called a great number of people from the bordering cities he sent them out into all parts All the villages and houses which were any where to be seen were burned to the ground pillage and booty was taken in every place the corn was not onely consumed by so great a multitude of men and cattell but beaten down also by the unseasenableness of the year and continuall rain insomuch that albeit divers did hide themselves for the present yet the army being withdrawn they must necessarily perish through want and scarcity And oftentimes they happened of the place the horsemen being divided into many quarters where they did not onely see Ambiorix but kept him for the most part in sight and in hoping still to take him some that thought to demerit Caesars highest favour took such infinite pains as were almost beyond the power of nature and ever there seemed but a little between them and the thing they most desired But he conveyed himself away through dens and woods and dales and in the night time sought other countreys and quarters with no greater a guard of horse then four to whom only he durst commit the safety of his life The countrey being in this manner harried and depopulated Caesar with the loss of two Cohorts brought back his army to Durocortorum in the State of the men of Rhemes where a Parliament being summoned he determined to call in question the conspiracy of the Senones and Carnutes and especially Acco the principall Authour of that Councell who being condemned was put to death more majorum Some others fearing the like judgement saved themselves by flight these he interdicted fire and water So leaving two legions to winter in the confines of the Treviri and two other amongst the Lingones and the other six at Agendicum in the borders of the Senones having made provision of corn for the Army he went into Italy ad conventus agendos OBSERVATIONS THe conclusion of this Sommers work was shut up with the sack and depopulation of the Eburones as the extremity of hostile fury when the enemy lieth in the fastness of the countrey and refuseth to make open warre That being done Caesar proceeded in a course of civill judgement with such principall offenders as were of the conspiracy and namely with Acco whom he punished in such manner as the old Romans were accustomed to do with such offenders as had forfeited their loyaltie to their countrey a kind of death which Nero knew not although he had been Emperour of Rome thirteen years and put to death many thousand people The party condemned was to have his neck locked in a fork and to be whipped naked to death and he that was put to death after that manner was punished more majorum Such others as feared to undergo the judgement and fled before they came to triall were banished out of the countrey and made uncapable of the benefit of fire and water in that Empire And thus endeth the sixth Commentary The seventh Commentarie of the warres in GALLIA The Argument THis last Commentarie containeth the specialities of the war which Caesar made against all the States of Gallia united into one confederacy for the expelling of the Roman government out of that Continent whom Caesar overthrew in the end Horribili vigilantia prodigiosis operibus by his horrible vigilancy and prodigious actions CHAP. I. The Galles enter into new deliberations of revolt GAllia being in quiet Caesar according to his determination went into Italy to keep Courts and Sessions There he under stood that P. Clodius was slain and of a Decree which the Senate had made touching the assembly of all the youth of Italy and thereupon he purposed to inrole new bands throughout the whole Province These newes were quickly caried over the Alpes into Gallia the Galles themselves added such rumours to it as the matter seemed well to to bear that Caesar was now detained by the troubles at Rome and in such dissensions could not return to his army Being stirred up by this occasion such as before were inwardly grieved that they were subject to the Empire of the people of Rome did now more freely and boldly enter into the consideration of warre The Princes and chiefest men of Gallia having appointed councels and meetings in remote and woody places complained of the death of Acco and shewed it to be a fortune which might concern themselves They pity the common misery of Gallia and do propound all manner of promises and rewards to such as will begin the warre and with the danger of their lives redeem the liberty of their countrey where in they are to be very carefull not to foreslow any time to the end that Caesar may be stopt from coming to his army before their secret conferences be discovered Which might easily
a town lying in his way in the territories of the Bituriges called Noviodunum Which they of the town perceiving sent out unto him to beseech him to spare them and to give order for their safety To the end therefore that he might speed thaâ— business with as much celerity as he had accomplished former services he commanded them to bring out their arms their horse and to deliver pledges Part of the hostages being given while the rest were in delivering over divers Centurions and a few souldiers being admitted into the town to seek out their weapons and their horses the horsemen of the enemy which marched before Vercingetorix army were discovered a farre off which the townsmen had no sooner perceived and thereby conceived some hope of relief but they presently took up a shout and betook themselves to their arms shut the gates and began to make good the walls The Centurions that were in the town perceiving some new resolution of the Galles with their swords drawn possest themselves of the gates and saved both themselves and their men that were in the town Caesar commanded the horsemen to be drawn out of the camp and to begin the charge And as they began to give ground he sent four hundred German horsemen to second them whom he had resolved to keep with him from the first who charged the enemy with such fury that the Galles could no way endure the assault but were presently put to flight and many of them being slain the rest retired back to the army Upon their overthrow the townsmen were worse affrighted then they were before and having apprehended such as were thought to have stirred up the people they brought them to Caesar and yielded themselves unto him Which being ended Caesar marched towards the town of Avaricum which was the greatest and best fortified of all the towns in the territories of the Bituriges and situate in the most fertile part of the countrey for that being taken in he doubted not to bring the whole State of the Bituriges easily into his subjection OBSERVATIONS FOrasmuch as nothing is more changeable then the mind of man which notwithstanding the low degree of baseness wherein it often sitteth will as occasion giveth way to revenge readily amount to the height of tyranny and spare no labour to crie quittance with an enemy it hath been thought expedient in the wisedome of foregoing ages to pluck the wings of so mounting a bird and to deprive an enemy of such means as may give hope of liberty by mutinie and revolt The practise of the Romans in taking in any town was to leave them forceless that howsoever they might stand affected their nails should be surely paied for scratching and their power confined to the circuit of their mind For as it appeareth by this and many other places of Caesar no rendry of any town was accepted untill they had delivered all their arms both offensive and defensive with such engines and instruments of warre as might any way make for the defence of the same Neither that onely but such beasts also whether Horse or Elephant or any other whatsoever as might any way advantage the use of those weapons Which as it was a great dismay and weakning to the enemy so was it short of the third condition commanding the delivery of so many hostages or pledges as were thought convenient being the prime of their youth and the flower of their manhood and were as the marrow to their bones and the sinewes to that body Whereby it came to pass that the remnant was much disabled in strength concerning their number of fighting men and such as were left had neither arms nor means to make resistance The Turke observeth the same course with the Christians but in a more cruell and barbarous manner for he cometh duely at a certain time not regarding any former demeanour and leadeth away the flower of their youth to be invested in impiety and infidelity and to be made vassalls of heathenish impurity Oftentimes we reade that a conquered people were not onely interdicted armes but the matter also and the art whereby such armes were made and wrought for where the people are great and mettall and matter plenty it is a chance if artificers be wanting to repair their loss and to refurnish their armoury At the siege of Carthage the Romans having taken away their armes they notwithstanding finding store of mettall within the town caused workmen to make every day a hundred targets and three hundred swords besides arrowes and casting slings using womens hair for want of hemp and pulling down their houses for timber to build shipping Whereby we may perceive that a Generall cannot be too carefull to deprive an enemy of all such helps as may any way strengthen his hand or make way to resistance CHAP. VII Vercingetorix perswadeth the Galles to a new course of warre VErcingetorix having received so many losses one in the neck of another Vellaunodunum Genabum Noviodunum being taken he calleth his men to councel and telleth them that the war must be carried in another course then it hath been heretofore for they must endeavour by all means to keep the Romans from forrage and convoy of victuall which would easily be brought to pass forasmuch as they themselves did abound in horsemen and for that the time of the year did not yet serve to get forrage in the field the enemy must necessarily seek it in houses and barns whereby the forragers would dayly be cut off by their horsemen Moreover for their safety and defence they were to neglect their private commoditie their houses and their villages were to be burnt up round about as far as Boia wheresoever the Romans might go to fetch their forrage For themselves they thought it reason that they should make supply of victuall and provision in whose possessions they were and for whom they fought By this means the Rom. would never be able to endure that want as would befall them or at the least be constrained to fetch their provisions farre off with great danger and perill to themselves neither did it make any matter whether they killed them or put them besides their carriages for without necessary supplies they were never able to hold war And to conclude such towns were likewise to be set on fire as by the strength of their situation were not safe from danger lest they should prove receptacles to linger and detract the warre and serve the Romans for booty and supplies of provision And albeit these things might seem heavie and bitter yet they ought to esteem it more grievous to have their wives and their children led away into servitude and themselves to be slain by the sword of the enemy which doth necessarily fall upon a conquered people This opinion was generally approved by the consent of all men and more then twenty cities of the Bituriges were burnt in one day the like was done in other States
length to injoy the sweetness of victory for their manifold labours he provided a reward for such as were seen first upon the walls and gave them the signe to begin The souldiers flying suddenly out of all parts did quickly possess themselves of the walls The enemie being frighted with so sudden an accident and put from the towers and walles imbattelled themselves angle-wise in the market-place and in other spacious streets of the citie with this resolution that if they were assaulted in any part they would resist in form of battell But when they saw no man to descend on even ground but to inclose them round about upon the wall fearing lest there would be no way to escape they cast their armes away and fled all to the furthest part of the town Part of them sticking in a throng at the gate were there slain by the souldiers and part being got out of the gate were slain by the horsemen Neither was there any man that looked after pillage but being moved to anger with the slaughter of our men at Genabum and with the travell and labour of those great workes they neither spared old men women nor children In the end of all that number which was about fourty thousand scarce eight hundred that upon the first noise forsook the town came safe to Vercingetorix These he received with great silence being now farre in the night lest any sedition should have grown in the camp through the pity and commiseration of the vulgar people and sent out his familiar friends and chiefest men of each State to meet such as had escaped away and to bring them to their own people as they lay quartered in the camp THE FIRST OBSERVATION WE may see here the saying verified touching the disposition of the Galles for matter of valour which in the beginning seemed so great that it needed no further strain to countervail the worth of Caesars army and was expressed with such industry and resolution both in spoiling and disappointing the Roman works as also by ingenious fortifying and making good their own labours that a man would have deemed them virtute pares equall in valour But being a little spent in the action like a pot that hath a mouth as big as the belly and powreth out all the liquor at an instant they fell at length to that baseness as shewed less spirit then the women did who chose rather to betray their husbands purposes to the enemy then to hazard their lives by escaping to Vercingetorix And this is that which is so often noted by Historiographers Quod multa bella impetu valida per taedia moras evanuere That many warrs which are hot at the first slacken and vanish upon a tedious continuance The first thing that I observe is that which Caesar himself noteth Quod plerumque in summo periculo timor misericordiam non recipit That usually in case of extreme danger fear hath no mercy Which was true on either side For the Galles were so set upon flying to Vercingetorix that they regarded not the wofull laments of the women and children whom they were well content to hazard whilest they themselves might escape in safety And on the other side the women did forget to be pitifull to their husbands whom they would not suffer to escape and leave them in their weakness behind as a prey to appease the wrath of the bloudy souldier which would consequently follow in that escape Which sheweth that there is notice comparable to the bond of nature specially when it concerneth the preservation of life For as in other things respect and affection may easily work a communication of good things unto others as also a participation of their evils for their relief so herein we are altogether senseless and the love we owe to our lives is so great that it admitteth no respect Agesilaus to his friend was without respect a friend and yet notwithstanding being driven one day to remove upon the sudden and to leave one sick behind him whom he loved dearly the sick man calling him by his name as he was going away besought him that he would not forsake him Agesilaus turning back again answered O how hard it is both to love and to be wise according to the saying Sapere amare vix Deo conceditur To be wise and to love God himself can scarce do it THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT is a principle among men of warre not to put necessity upon an enemy nor make him valiant whether he will or no as I have already noted in the former Commentaries which the Romans well observed in this particular service at Avaricum for being possest of the walls they did not suddenly assault them in the market-place where they had made head for their defence but gave them a breathing time the better to understand what they did and respite to bethink themselves of a starting hole for the safety of their lives Which as it was quickly apprehended by the Galles so it made an easie execution to the Roman souldier And as it seemeth it was the more carefully handled in respect of the condition of the enemy being revolters for such Provinces as have rebelled are harder to be recovered after their revolt then they were at first to be subdued For at the first they have no occasion to fear any hard condition but yielding to subjection do look for favour whereas rebels and revolters besides the condition of an enemy are in the nature of offenders and stand in fear of the extremities of warre which maketh them more obstinate then otherwise they would be And therefore it behoveth a Generall not to impose any further necessity upon an enemy then the quality of the warre doth lay upon him which oftentimes is more then can be well avoided CHAP. XIIII Vercingetorix doth comfort the Galles for the loss of Avaricum THe next day calling a Councell he comforted the Galles and exhorted them not to be utterly dismaied with that loss for the Romans had not overthrown them with valour nor in a set battell but with a kind of Art and skill in besieging a town whereof they themselves were ignorant He erred much that looked for all the events of warre to fall out prosperously It was never his opinion that Avaricum should be kept whereof they themselves were witnesses But it fell out by the imprudency of the Bituriges over great indulgence of the rest that this loss happened unto them which notwithstanding he would speedily heal with greater helps For by his diligence he would unite such States unto them as were not yet of the confederacy and make one purpose of all Gallia which the whole world was not able to resist and that he had almost effected it already In the mean time he thought it fit that they should yield unto one thing for their safeties sake which was to fortifie their camp to the end they might better sustain the sudden assaults of the
men use to fight with afarre off The use whereof is too much neglected by the English of these times considering the honour they have atchieved by it in former ages CHAP. XVI A controversy fell out in the state of the Hedui touching the choise of their chief Magistrate CAesar staâ—ed many dayes at Avaricum for finding there great store of corn and of other provisions he refreshed his army of their former labour and wants The winter now being almost ended and the time of the year being fit for war he determined to follow the enemy to see whether he could draw him out of the woods and bogs or besiege him in some place Being thus resolved divers of the principall men of the Hedui came unto him beseeching him that he would stand to them and assist their State in a time of great need the matter being in extreme danger forasmuch as their ancient usage was for one to be created their annuall Magistrate having regall authority for that year whereas now two had taken upon them the said office both of them affirming themselves to belawfully created the one was Convictolitanis a famous and flourishing young man the other Cotus born of an ancient family and he himself of great power and kindred whose brother Vedeliacus had born the said office the year before All their State was in arms their Senate and their people divided together with their clients and followers if the controversy continued for any time it would come to a battel the prevention whereof consisted in his diligence and authority Caesar though he knew it would be disadvantagious unto him to leave the war and to forsake the enemy yet knowing what inconveniences do usually arise of such discords and dâ—ssensions lest so great a State and so near to the people of Rome which he himself had alwayes favoured and by all means honoured should fall to war amongst themselves and that faction which distrusted their own strength should seek help of Vercingetorix he thought it most necessary to be prevented And forasmuch as such as were created chief Magistrates among the Hedui were by their laws forbidden to go out of their confines to the end he might not seem to derogate any thing from their laws he himself determined to go unto them At his coming he called before him to Decetia all the Senate and those also that were in controversy for the office And finding in an assembly almost of the whole State that one of them was chosen by a few privily called together in another place and at another time then was accustomed the brother pronouncing the brother whereas their laws did not only forbid two of one family both being alive to be created Magistrate but also to be of the Senate together he compelled Cotus to give over his interest in the magistracy and confirmed Convictolitanis being created by their Priests and according to the custome of their State This decree being ratified he adhorted the Hedui to forget their private controversies and dissensions and to give their best help to the war in hand wherein they might challenge and expect the Galles being subdued such rewards as they deserved commanding all their horse and ten thousand foot to be speedily sent unto him which he meant to dispose into garrisons for the better provision of corn And then dividing his army into two parts he sent four Legions towards the Senones the Pariâ—ians under the leading of Labienus the other four he led himself against the Arverni to the town of Gergovia along the râ—ver Elaver sending part of the horse with him and keeping part with himself OBSERVATIONS TO loose the least jot of that which a man hath in possession is more dishonourable then to fail of getting what he hath not And therefore Caesar chose rather to forgo the advantages which a speedy pursuit of the enemy might have afforded him to the ending of that war then to hazzard the losse of so great a State so well-affected to the people of Rome as were the Hedui wherein he carried so equall and indifferent a hand that he would do nothing but what the laws of that State directed him unto as most assured that such directions were without exception CHAP. XVII Caesar passeth his army over the river Elaver and incampeth himself before Gergovia WHich thing being known Vercingetorix having broken down all the bridges of that river took his journey on the other side of Elaver either army being in view each of other and incamping almost over against one another dâ—scoverers being sent out to watch lest the Romans should make a bridge in any place and carry over their forces Caesar was much troubled lest he should be hindered by the river the greatest part of that Summer forasmuch as Elaver is not passable at any foord untill towards the Autumne And therefore to prevent that he encamped himself in a woody place right over against one of those bridges which Vercingetorix had commanded to be broken The next day he kept himself there secretly with two legions and sent forward the rest of the forces with all the carriages as were accustomed taking away the fourth part of each cohort that the number of legions might appear to be the same commanding them to go on as far as they could and making conjecture by the time of the day that they were come to their camping-place upon the same piles the lower part whereof remained there whole he began to reedify the bridge and having speedily ended the work and carried over the Legions and chosen a fit place to encamp in he called back the rest of his forces Vercingetorix having notice thereof lest he should be forced to fight against his will went before by great journeys Casar with five incampings went from that place to Gergovia and after a light skirmish between the horse the same day he came having taken a view of the situation of the town which was built upon a very high hill and had very hard and difficult approaches on all sides he despaired of taking it by assault neither would he determine to besiege it untill he had made provision of corn But Vercingetorix having set his camp on a hill before the town had placed the severall forces of the States by themselves in small distances round about hâ—m and having possest himself of all the tops of that hill made a very terrible shew into all parts where he might be seen he commanded likewise the chiefmen of the States whom he had chosen out to be of the Councell of war to meet alwayes together with hâ—m at the dawning of the day to know if any thing were to be communicated unto them or what else was to be done Neither did he omit any day to skirmish with his horsemen with archers intermingled amongst them to the end he might try what courage and valour was in his people Right over against the town at the foot of the hill there was
Philosopher Ingratum si dixeris omnia dixeris Ingratitude is culpable of all sorts of wickedness and deserveth the greatest measure of revenge And the rather for that it taketh away the use of vertue and maketh men forget to do good For whereas the nature of goodness is specially seen in communicating it self to the relief of other mens wants we ought to give all diligence not to hinder this inlargement nor by a froward and crooked example to prejudice others that stand in need of the like favour I have often heard it spoken but I know not how true it is and am loath to believe it that in the exchange of a good turn the party that receiveth it hath more assurance of his benefactor touching a faithfull and friendly disposition for the future time then he that shewed the kindness can have of the receiver for men are loath to loose both the fruit and the seed and will rather bestow more cost and labour then forgoe the hope of their first endeavours expecting both in reason and nature fruit answerable to their seed whereas the badness of our nature is such of it self Ut gratia oneri ultio in quaestu habetur THE SECOND OBSERVATION THere is no means so ready to abuse a multitude as false suggestion which like a lying spirit seduceth the minds of men from the truth conceived and fashioneth their hearts to such purposes as seemeth best to the abuser and the rather when it is delivered by a man of place and authority and such a one as pretendeth carefulness for the safety of a people for then it slieth as fast as the lightning in the aire and deludeth the wisest and best experienced of the multitude A mischief that can hardly be prevented as long as there is a tongue to speak or an ear to hear But as Socrates said of pain and case that they are alwayes tied together so men must endeavour to redeem the hurts of such an evill by the benefit which thereby is consequently implyed for it were hard if wise men could not make the like use of a multitude to good purposes as these deceivers do for their own advantage Numa Pompilius to whom the Roman Empire did owe as much for lawes and civil government as to Romulus for their martiall discipline the better to establish such ordinances and decrees as he made in his kingdome feigned familiar acquaintance with a goddesse of that time called Egeria and by her he said he was assured that the Statutes which he made were both equall and just and good for the Romans to observe and the people found no hurt in believing it In like manner Lycurgus having given many lawes to the Spartans repaired to the citie of Delphos and there he got a pleasing Oracle which he sent to Sparta assuring them that his laws were very good and that city keeping them should be the most renowned of the world And Sertorius for want of other means used the service of a white Hind as a gift sent him from Diana to make the Lusitanians believe whatsoever might best advantage his business And thus a multitude lieth open to good and ill purposes and is either happy or unfortunate in the counsell of their Leader CHAP. XIX Caesar hindereth the revolt of the Hedui EPoredorix the Heduan a young man of great parentage and of great power in his countrey together with Viridomarus of like age and authority but not so nobly born who being preferred to Caesar by Divitiacus was by him advanced from mean estate to great dignity came both to Caesar with the Heduan horsemen being called out by name to that war by him Between these two there was alwayes contention who should be the chiefest and in that controversie for magistracie the one stood for Convictolitanis and the other for Cotus Of these two Eporedorix understanding the resolution of Litavicus opened the matter to Caesar almost about midnight He prayed him not to suffer their State to fall away from the friendship of the people of Rom by the wicked counsell of young men which would necessarily fall out if he suffered so many thousand men to joyn themselves to the enemy whose safety as neither their kinsfolks would neglect so the State could not lightly esteem of Caesar being much perplexed at this message forasmuch as he had alwayes cherished the State of the Hedui without any further doubt or dispute he took four expedite and unburthened Legions and all the horse out of the camp neither was there space at such a time to make the camp lesser forasmuch as the matter seemed to consist in expedition He left behind him C. Fabius a Legate with two legions for a garrison to the camp And having given order for the apprehending of Litavicus brethren he found that a little before they were fled to the enemy Thereupon adhorting the souldiers not to think much of their labour in so necessary a time every man being most willing he went five and twenty miles and then met with the forces of the Hedui The horsemen being sent to stay their march he commanded not to kill any one of them and gave order to Eporedorix and Viridomarus whom they thought to be slain to ride up and down amongst the horsemen and to call to their countrymen They being once known and the fraud of Litavicus discovered the Hedui stretched out their hands making signs of submission and casting away their weapons desired to be spared from death Litavicus with his clients and followers who by the custome of Gallia must not forsake their patrons in the extremest danger fled to Gergovia Caesar having dispatched messengers to the State of the Hedui to acquaint them that he had saved their people which by the law of arms he might have slain gave the army three hours rest that night and then returned towards Gergovia In the mid-way certain horsemen sent by Fabius made known unto Caesar in what danger the matter stood that the camp was assaulted with all the enemies forces and forasmuch as such as were wearied were still relieved with fresh men it came to passe that our men fainted with continuall labours for the camp was so great that they were alwaies to stana upon the rampier to make it good and that many were wounded with the multitude of arrowes and other sorts of weapons wherein their engines had served them to good purpose for their defence Fabius when these messengers came away had shut up two gates and left other two open and had made sheds and hovels for the better defence of the wall and prepared himself for the like fortune the next day These things being known by the exceeding travell of the souldiers Caesar came into the camp before Sun-rising OBSERVATIONS AS often as the people of Rome had occasion to make war besides the body of the army inrolled for that service in such sort and with such ceremonies as I have formerly delivered the Consul or
of thesweetness of peace the benefit of a civil life CHAP. XXI Caesar spieth an occasion to advance the service at Gergovia CAesar suspecting a greater revolt of the Galles lest he might be hemmed in with the strength of all the States of Gallia he entred into deliberation how he might leave Gergovia and get all his army together again that his departure might not seem to rise from the fear of their revolt and thereby be thought â—â—string away And as he thought upon these things he seemed to spy an occasion of doing somewhat to purpose for coming into the lesser camp to view the works he observed a knoll which was kept by the enemy to be bare of men which the day before could scarce be discerned by reason of the multitude of people and wondering at it be enquired the cause of the runawaies which came daily in great numbers unto him They all agreed of that which Caesar had before understood by the discoverers that the back of that hill was almost levell but narrow and woody where it gave passage to the other part of the town The Galles did much fear that place for the Romans having took one knoll if they should possesse themselves of another the Galles were almost block in round about and cut off from forraging or any other issuing out of the town and therefore Vercingetorix had called them all to fortify that place This being known Caesar sent many troups of horse to that place about midnight commanding them to ride up and down all thereabout somewhat tumultuously And early in the morning he caused many horses and mules for carriage to be taken out of the camp with horse-keepers upon them having casks upon their heads the better to resemble horsemen and to be carried round about the hills And to them he added a few horsemen to the end they might spur out the more freely and so make a better shew commanding them all to go to the same place by a long circuit â—bout These things were done in view of the town for Gergovia so stood that they might from thence see into the camp but yet in so great a distance they could not certainly perceive what was done He sent likewise one Legion to the same hill and appointed them to go a little way and then to make a stand in a dale and to hide themselves in the woods The Galles began more to suspect that place and all their forces were drawn thither for the strengthening of it Caesar perceiving the enemies camps to be void of men hiding his ensigns and colours he drew the souldiers by little and little out of the greater into the lesser camp and acquainted the legates to whom he had given the severall legions in charge what he would have done warning them especially to keep in the souldiers lest they should be carried out either with a desire of sighting or in hope of booty He propounded unto them the incommodities of the disadvantage of place which must only be avoided by expedition the matter consisting rather in occasion and opportunity then in fighting THE FIRST OBSERVATION IT is an easy matter to begin a businesse and to make work for many hands but to put it off again and to quit it without prejudice of other important respects is no small labour Caesar being ingaged in the siege of Gergovia and fearing a generall revolt throughout all Gallia was not a little troubled how he might clear himself of that businesse without suspicion of fear or flight and gather all his forces into one body again which he had before divided into two armies for as Marcellus said to Fabius touching the siege of Casselium Multa magnis ducibus sicut non aggredâ—enda ita semel aggressis non dimittenda esse quia magna famae momenta in utramque partem fiunt Many things as they are not to be attempted by great Captains so when they are once attempted they must not be left unatchieved for in either their reputation is much concerned An enemy will conceive greater hopes from such a retreat then from a greater advantage And therefore a Generall ought to have as speciall a regard to the opinion which he desireth to be held of his proceedings as of any part belonging to his charge for fame is the spirit of great actions and maketh them memorable or unworthy by report Caeteris mortalibus in coâ—stare consilia quid sibi conducere putent Principum saith Tacitus diversam esse sortem quibus praecipua rerum ad famam dirigenda Other mens consultations tend only to what may most advantage themselves Princes have more to do to look in their management of things principally at their honour and reputation Wherein there cannot be a better rule for the avoiding of that inconvenience then that which Lucretius observed of whom Livie saith Id prudenter ut in temere suscepta re Romanus fecit quod circumspectis difficultatibus ne frustra rempus tereret celeriter abstitit incepto He did thus far prudently in a businesse rashly undertaken that when he saw what difficulties attended the enterprise rather then spend time in vain he forthwith desisted from his purpose For the speedy leaving of any such enterprise doth excuse the rashnesse which might be imputed to the beginning and men are not so much blamed for making triall of an ill-digested project as they are for obstinate continuing in the same THE SECOND OBSERVATION SOme services saith Caesar are Res occasionis non praelii businesses of opportunity not of war whereof I have already disputed Notwithstanding give me leave to add the mistake which often falleth out in matter of opportunity For in viewing the occurrences of the wars of these later times we may find that some hot-spur commanders having tasted of the good successe when occasion affordeth have thought of nothing but of services assided with opportunity in such manner as at length they forgot that occasion came but seldome and carried their men upon such desperate attempts as proved the business to be a matter scarce affording means to fight for their lives but were often swallowed up with devouring danger wherein they did mistake the condition of the service and fell short of Caesars example For albeit he sent out his men to struggle with the height of the hill and the disadvantage of well-fortified camps yet he knew they should find little resistance by the enemy being drawn away upon other occasions if they made that expedition as was requisite in this service whereby he left them not without means to overâ—way those difficulties and so made it Rem occasionis non praelii a businesse of opportunity not of war CHAP. XXII The Romans make an assault upon Gergovia THese things being delivered he gave the souldiers the sign to begin and at the same time he sent out the Hedui by another ascent on the right side The wall of the town was distant by a right
REparation of honour is a chief point in the cariage of an army for he that leaveth an enemy upon a losse received when his souldiers are either awed or well beaten must look to find the same spirit and courage in them when they shall come again to confront the enemie as they had when they last left him with a disadvantage which is nothing else but an unskilfull continuance of his own losse and a preparation to a second overthrow In the warre the Romans had with Annibal in all the fights they made they continued their first losse unto the battell at Nola at what time by Marcellus good directions they gave him an overthrow which was the first time that ever Annibals souldiers began to give place to the Romans and repaired the Romans valour again after so many battels as they lost For then they were perswaded that they fought not with an enemy altogether invincible but that he was subject to losse and overthrow And in respect of this so happy a fortune restoring the Roman souldiers to their ancient valour and good fortune it is that Liviâ— saith Ingens eo die res ac nescio an maxima illâ— bello gest a sit A great piece of service was performed that day I think I may say the greatest that was done in that warre Caesar did well understand this Philosophie and therefore he laboured to repair the breach which the enemy had made in the valour of his souldiers by light and small skirmishes before he would adventure to hazzard the main drife of the businesse in any set conflict And the rather for that he had a purpose to leave the enemy for a time whereby he seemed to end the former services wherein he had a speciall care not to depart with the last blow having alwayes before that time had the better for the condition of the end doth challenge much of the former proceedings and doth draw the opinion of men to deem of all as the conclusion importeth According as Claudius Nero told his souldiers Semper quod postremo adjectum sit id rem totam videri traxisse As the end of the service is so the whole seems to have been CHAP. XXV The Hedui revolt Caesar passeth his army over the river Loire THe third day he repaired the bridge at the river Elevar and carried over his army There he understood by Viridomarus and Eporedorix that Litavicus was gone with all the enemies horse to sollicite the State of the Hedui and therefore it was requisite that Caesar should send them before to confirm the State and keep them in loyalty And although Caesar did mistrust the State of the Hedui for many causes and did think that the departure of these two Nobles would hasten their revolt yet he did not think it fit to detain them lest he should either seem to do them wrong or to give any suspicion of distrust At their departure he propounded unto them briefly how well he had deserved of their State how low and weak they were when he received them confined within their towns their lands extended all their associates taken from them a tribute laid upon them pledges extorted from them with great contumely and into what fortune and greatnesse he had brought them again that not only they had recovered their former state but did exceed the dignity and favour of all former times and with these mandates he let them go Noviodunum was a town of the Hedui situate in a convenient place upon the bank of the river Loire Thither had Caesar sent all the hostages of Gallia the corn the publick treasure and the greatest part of the baggage of the army and thither he had likewise sent great store of horse which he had bought in Spain and Italy for the service of this war Eporedorix and Viridomarus coming thither and understanding touching the affairs of their State that Liâ—avicus was received into Bibract by the Hedui which is the Metropolitan citie of their State and that Convictolitanis their chief Magistrate and a great part of the Senate were come unto him and that publick messengers were sent to Vercingetorix touching a league of peace and amitie they did not think it fit to omit so great an opportunitie And thereupon having slain the Guard at Noviodunum with such others as were there either by way of trade or travell they divided the money and the horses between them and took order that the hostages of the other States should safely be conveyed to Bibract For the town forasmuch as they thought they were not able to keep it lest the Romans might make any use of it they burned it such corn as they could carry on the sudden they conveyed away in boats the rest they either burnedor cast it into the river They began to raise forces in the countrie next adjoyning to dispose of watches and garrisons on the bank of the river Loire to shew their Cavalrie in all places to strike fear into the Romans to the end they might exclude them from provision of corn or drive them through necessity of want to forsake the Province Whereof they were the rather assured forasmuch as the Loire was much swelled by a fall of snow whereby it was unpassable at any foard These things being known Caesar thought it necessary for him to make haste especially if he must make up the bridges to the end he might give them battel before they had gathered a greater head for touching his pupose for returning into the Province he did not think it fit by any means both in respect of the shame and in famy thereof as also forasmuch as the opposition of the hill Gebenna and the difficultie of the passage did hinder him but especially for that he did exceedingly desire to joyn himself with Labienus and the Legions that were with him And therefore making great journeys both by day and night beyond all mens expectation he came to the river Loire where the horsemen having sound a convenient foard for the necessitie of the time that the souldiers might pass over with their arms and shoulders above the water to hold up their weapons disposing the horse in the river to break the force of the stream and the enemy being affrighted upon their first shew he carried over his Army in safety And having satisfied his souldiers with corn which he found in the fields and good store of cattell he determined to march towards the Senones OBSERVATIONS THe greatest difficulty that ever Caesar found in the course of these warres was at this instant upon the revolt of the Hedui For whereas that State after Caesars coming into Gallia was ever reputed the favourite of the Roman Empire having received such speciall priviledges and prerogatives above the rest as might tie them with an inviolable bond of amity to the people of Rome it was not to be expected that they should forsake so great a stay or favour any thing that might
commonly their conquering armies were farre under that proportion Paulus Aemilius only had a hundred thousand in his army against Perseus and wonne the battell in an hour The condition of our times requireth no dispute touching this point for we seldome see an army of fifty thousand men in the field unlesse it be the Turke or some such Monarch CHAP. XXXIII Critognatus his speech at Alesia touching the keeping of the town THey that were besieged in Alesia the day being past by which they looked for succour their corn being spent and not knowing what was done abroad entred into consultations touching the end of their fortune and divers opinions being delivered some of them tending to the yielding up of the town and others perswading that as long as strength lasted there might be sallies continually made upon the enemie I will not omit the speech of Critognatus for the singular and wicked crueltie which it imported He was a man of great birth and authority amongst the Arverni I will say nothing saith he of their opinion that call base servitude by the name of rendry neither do I think them fit to be accounted citizens or to be admitted to councell of State With them will I deal that like well of sallies in whose advice and counsell even by all your consents the memory of ancient vertue seemeth to consist It is no vertue but a weaknesse of the mind not to be able to bear want a little while It is an easier matter to find men that will offer themselves willingly to death then such as will endure labour with patience For mine own part I could like well of that opinion for honour much prevaileth with me if I did not see a further losse then of our lives But in these our consultations let us look upon all Gallia whom we have called together to succour us What spirits do you think would our friends and kinsmen conceive fourscore thousand men being slain in one place if they were constrained to wage battell upon their dead carcases I would not have you to defraud them of your help that do neglect all perill for your sake nor by your foolishnesse and your rashnesse or the weaknesse of your mind throw down all Gallia and cast it into perpetuall bondage Do you doubt of their faith and constancy because they came not by a day What do the Romans then mean in these outward works Do you think they make them for exercise or to passe away the time If you cannot then receive assurance by their messengers all passage being stopt use them for witnesses that their coming is at hand for fear whereof they labour night and day What then my advice is that we do as our forefathers did in a warre against the Cimbri and Teutones not equall to this who being shut up within their towns and brought to the like necessity did satisfie their hunger with the bodies of such as were found unfit for warre neither did they yield themselves unto the enemy whereof if we had not an example yet I would judge it an excellent thing to be begun now for liberties sake and to be left to posterity For what warre was like this Gallia being wasted and dispeopled and the kingdome brought into great misery the Cimbri at length forsook our countrey and sought out other territories and left unto us our laws customes lands libertie For the Romans what is it they desire or what would they have But being drawn on with malice and envy whom they understood to be a noble and a warlike nation their fields and cities they did desire to take from them and to yoke them with eternall bondage as never making warre with other condition For if you be ignorant what they do farre off in other countreys look at home in that part of Gallia which is reduced into a Province Their laws and customes being changed it is subjected to the axe and to perpetuall servitude Their opinions being delivered they decree that such as through age or sicknesse were unfit for warre should depart the town and that they should prove all means before they yielded to Critognatus opinion and yet if the matter so required to consent unto it and to attend their succours rather then to yield to any rendry and condition of peace OBSERVATIONS IT is oftentimes made questionable in the extremitie of a siege how farre the Commanders may go in continuing their resistance to the danger and hazard of the people besieged whether they may not in honour proceed as farre as Critognatus opinion would draw them or how they may know when to leave it in the very point of discreet and valiant carriage Which is to be answered according to the qualitie of the enemy that giveth siege to the place For against a tâ—eacherous and disloyall enemy that maketh profession of infidelitie and would not stick after a composition to insnare them in a greater danger then the perill of death there would be much endured rather then to undergo so hard a fortune And yet I do no way approve the cruell resolution of this Gall but do rather commend the example of the Hungarians at the siege of Agria For in the year 1562. Mahomet Bassa lay before that town with an army of threescore thousand Turks and laid batterie to it with fiftie canons There were within the Town two thousand Hungarians who endured and put off thirteen most terrible assaults of the enemy and for the better strengthening of their high resolution they took a mutuall oath that no man upon pain of death should once speak of a treatie or of giving up the Town or to make any answer to the enemy but by the harquebuse or the canon And if the siege should happen to continue long rather to die for hunger then to put themselves in the hands of so cruell and barbarous an enemy They determined further that such amongst them as were not serviceable with a weapon should attend continually to â—eenforce the rampier and repair the ruines And to avoid treacherie they took order that there might be no aâ—â—emblies in the citie above the number of three together They commanded likewise that all the victuall as was either publick or private should be divided into equall portions amongst the souldiers and the best of it should be reserved for such as were hurt in fight It is further reported that the Bassa having oftentimes offered a treatie they only shewed for an answer to his summons a funerall bier covered with black lifted up above the wall between two pikes to signifie thereby that they would not come out but by death As this is a degree short of Critognatus resolution so I do not deny but that a Generall may give up a Town before he come to these tearms with true honour and wisdome But the matter as I have said consisteth altogether upon the circumstances interlaced But that which is further to be observed in this place
is the extreme contrarietie of opinions which are usually delivered upon dispute of such difficult cases wherein Quantum alteri sententiae deest animi tantum alteri superesse solet one mans opinion speaks too much courage and anothers as much too little as Curio said upon the like occasion Medio tutissimus ibis The mid's the safest way was Phoebus direction to his sonne Phaeton in a matter of difficultie and great hazard and observed in this place by the Galles CHAP. XXXIIII The Galles do set upon Caesars camp both from the town and the field side THe Mandubii who had received the army into the town were themselves thrust out with their wives and children They coming to the Roman works did with weeping tears beseech them to receive them into bondage and relieve them with food Caesar gave order they should not be received and set a guard on the rampier to keep them out In the mean time Comius and the rest of the Captains that had the chief command given them came to Alesia with all their forces and having taken a hill on the out-side they sate down not above half a mile from our works The next day bringing their cavalrie out of their camp they filled all that plain which as I have already said extended three miles in length before the town setting their foot-forces a little distant from that place and hiding them upon higher ground The prospect lay open out of the town into the field and upon the sight of these succours they ran together and congratulated each other and all their minds were filled with gladnesse And thereupon the next day they brought their forces and placed them before the town and began to cover the next ditch unto them with hurdles and to fill it up with earth and to provide themselves to sally out and to endure all chances Caesar having disposed of all his army on each side of the works that if there were occasion every man might both know and keep his place he commanded the cavalrie to be carried out of the camp and to charge the enemy There was a fair view out of all the camps which were seated round about upon the ridge of the hill and all mens minds were bent upon the expectation of the event of the fight The Galles had mingled amongst their horse some few archers and light-armed souldiers which might relieve their fellows being overcharged and sustain the force and assault of our horse By these were many hurt upon a suddain and forsook the fight The Galles being perswaded that their men had the better of the fight perceiving our men to be overcharged with multitude on all sides as well those that were besieged as the other that came to relieve them they took up a shout and a howling to encourage their people And forasmuch as the matter was carried in the sight of all men so that nothing could be hid whether it were well or ill done the desire of honour and the fear of ignominie did stirre up both sides to prowesse and valour And having fought with a doubtfull fortune from noon-tide untill almost Sun-setting the Germans on the one side with thick-thronged troups gave a fierce charge upon the enemy and put them to flight whereby it happened that the archers were circumvented and slain In like manner on the other side our mea finding them to give ground did follow them even to their camps and gave them no time to recover themselves Such as were come out of Alesia returned back sad into the town despairing of victory One day being intermitted in which time they made provision of great store of hurdles ladders and hooks about midnight they marched silently out of their camp and came to the works on the field side and taking up a suddain shout to give notice of their coming to them of the town they cast their hurdles upon the ditches and with slings arrows and stones they began to put our men from the rampier and to put in practise such things as belong to a siege At the same time the shout being heard Vercingetorix sounded the trumpet and brought his men out of the town Our men betook themselves to the fortifications according as every mans place was allotted him the day before and with slings and bullets which they had laid ready upon the works they did beat down the Galles their sight being taken away through the darknesse of the night Many wounds were received on both sides and many weapons were cast out of engines M. Antonius and C. Trebonius Legates who had the charge of those parts where our men were most laid to caused men to be taken out of the further Castles and to be brought to second them The Galles being a good way distant from the works did much hurt with multitude of weapons but approching nearer either they struck themselves unwittingly upon the galthrops or falling into the holes were struck through the bodies with the sharp stakes or died with murall piles being cast from the rampier and the towers Many wounds being received on all sides as the day appeared the Galles fearing lest they should be charged on the open side by a sallie from the upper camp retired back again to their fellows On the inner side whilst they brought out such things as were prepared beforehand by Vercingetorix and were filling up the first ditches being somewhat long in the execution of these things they understood that the other Galles were departed before they themselves could come near the works and thereupon they returned into the town without doing any thing OBSERVATIONS THe Galles committed the command of this great army to four Generalls contrary to practise of warlike nations and the order which nature observeth throughout all the severall kinds of creatures amongst whom there was never body found of many heads but one Hydra being made as it seemeth or rather feigned to be made to the end that Hercules might have a task answerable to himself and make it one of his twelve labours to kill the beast The serpent Amphisibaena is said to have two heads whereby she either looseth the use of locall motion or at the least moveth so imperfectly one head taking one way and the other another way as there is no certain or direct passage in her creeping These many-headed armies do resemble these serpents being carried according to the sense of their severall heads and distracted by the diversity of their many Leaders The government of Rome consisting of severall magistrates having sovereign authority gave occasion oftentimes to make two heads to one body but with such successe as they were forced in the end to create one head for the repairing of that losse which the multiplicity of leaders had brought upon their State as it happened in the war against the Fidenates revolted which nothing but their recourse to a Dictator could make happy to their Empire Whereupon Livie saith Tres Tribuni
then what Caesar hath related who best knew the whole project of that businesse And thus endeth the seventh and last Commentarie written by Caesar of the warre he made in Gallia FINIS OBSERVATIONS Upon CAESARS COMMENTARIES of the CIVILE VVARRES betwixt HIM and POMPEY By CLEMENT EDMUNDS Remembrancer of the City of London LONDON Printed by ROGER DANIEL 1655. The first Commentarie of the Civile VVarres The Argument THis Commentary containeth the Motions and Contentions at Rome concerning Caesar's giving up his government The rent in the State upon the disagreement of the Senate How either side bestirred themselves to seize upon the Provinces Pompey got the East and Caesar the West part of the Empire and defeated Afranius and Petreius in Spain CHAP. I. The Senates affection on Caesar's behalf LEtters being delivered by Fabius to the Consuls from C. Caesar it was hardly obtained by the extreme importunitie of the Tribunes to get them read in the Senate but to consult thereof or to bring the Contents in question would not be granted The Consuls propounded businesses concerning the state of the City L. Lentulus Consul protested his assistance should not be wanting neither to the Senate nor to the Commonweal if they would speak their minds freely and boldly but if they respected Caesar and had an eye to his favour as in former times they usually had he would then take a course for himself and not regard the authority of the Senate neither wanted he means of entrance into Caesar's friendship and good acceptance To the same effect spake Scipio That Pompey was resolved to be aiding to the Commonweal if the Senate would stand to him but if they temporized and dealth coldly in vain hereafter should they seek aid from him albeit they instantly desired it This speech of Scipio's seemed to come from Pompey's own mouth he himself being present and the Senate kept within the Citie Some others spake more temperately As first M. Marcellus who thought it not convenient that the Senate should bring these things in question untill they had made a levie of souldiers throughout all Italie and inrolled an Army by whose protection they might safely and freely determine what they thought fit At also M. Calidius who thought it requisite that Pompey should go to his Provinces and Governments to remove all occasions of taking Arms For Caesar having two Legions newly taken from him feared that Pompey kept them near about the citie to his prejudice And likewise M. Rufus varying some few words declared himself of Calidius opinion All these were bitterly reproved by L. Lentulus the Consul who utterly denied to publish what Calidius had sentenced Marcellus feared with these menaces retracted his opinion And so what with the clamor of the Consul the terrour of the present Army and the threatning used by Pompey's faction most of the Senators were compelled against their will to allow that which Scipio thought fit which was that by a certain day Caesar should dissolve and dismisse his Army which if he did refuse to do that then he openly shewed himself an Enemy to the Common-weal M. Antonius and L. Cassius Tribunes of the people did oppose this decree Their opposition was instantly spoken unto and many sharp and hard censures were given upon the same for according as any one spake most bitterly and cruelly so they were most highly commended by Caesar's Enemies THE FIRST OBSERVATION AS the former Commentaries do carry in their front the ensignes of honour displaying the military valour of the Roman people in the Continent of Gallia and other Kingdomes of warlike Nations so are these Relations branded in the forehead with a note of Infamy and titled with the direfull name of Civile war An odious and decried cause ill befitting the integrity of that State or the excellency of the Actours which are chief in this Tragedy who neglecting all that might either enlarge the Empire or repair Romes honour for the losse of Crassus chose rather to imbrew their ambitious swords in the bloud of their own Countrey Eagle against Eagle and Pile against Pile in a war which could challenge no Triumph If it be now demanded as formerly it was Quis furor o Cives quae tanta licentia ferri What fury 's this what these licentious arms Was it Pompey's Ambition or Caesar's high Thoughts that bereft the State of liberty with the losse of so many Romans It were besides the scope of these discourses to lay an imputation upon either of those Worthies the one being chief Assistant to the Empire when she put off her Consulary Government and the other sitting sole at the helm directing a course to fetch in many Caesars Only this I may truly say with Tacitus That Civile wars were never set on foot by justifiable courses Yet for the Readers better direction and for opening the truth of this story which is more to be regarded then either Socrates or Plato's friendship it shall not be impertinent to fetch the causes of this war a little higher in a word then these Commentaries do afford them The histories of that age do all intimate that when Rome had ennobled Pompey with her service and stiled him by imployments with the title of Greatnesse as a satisfaction for the injuries done unto his father he forgetting the rights of a State which challengeth the renown of other mens labours and suffereth no subject to be co-partner therein further then by approbation of service and obedience assumed to himself the honour due to the Commonweal and became proud of that which was none of his in which conceit the ambition of his spirit kept no measure but over-valued his merits so far that he thought himself rather a Sovereign then a servant So easily are men bewitched when the favour of a State hath once made them absolute and put it self under the awe of private command In this height of greatnesse and authority he made way for Caesar his father in law who had a spirit as subject to ambition and as capable of publick dignities as any one amongst all the Patrician Families and upon the ending of his first Consulship in the year of Rome 695 obtained the government of Gallia Transalpina and likewise of that other Gallia which they called Cisalpina containing the Countries that lie between the Alpes and the little River Rubicon together with Sclavonâ—a and four legions of souldiers for the term of five years At the expiration whereof his charge was continued by the like favour and meditation of Pompey and the assistance of Crassus for five years longer with a redoubling of his forces But after that Crassus was slain in the Parthian war and that Julia Caesars daughter whom Pompey had married was deceased whereby Caesar stood single without any tie of alliance or other counterpoise of a third party to hold them ballanced at the same weight as they stood while Crassus lived Pompey jealous of those victories and passages
They having consulted of the matter made an answer in writing and returned it by them to Caesar whereof this was the effect That he should return into Gallia quit Ariminum and dismisse his Army which if he did Pompey would then go into Spain In the mean time untill assurance were given that Caesar would perform as much as he promised the Consuls and Pompey would not forbear to levy souldiers The condition was too unequall to require Caesar to leave Ariminum and to return into his Province and Pompey to hold Provinces and legions belonging to other men to have Caesar dismisse his Army and he to raise new troups to promise simply to go to his government but to assigne no day for his departure insomuch that if he had not gone untill Caesar's time of government had expired he could not have been blamed for falsifying his promise But forasmuch as they appointed no time for a conference nor made any shew of coming nearer there could no hope be conceived of peace THE FIRST OBSERVATION CAesar lying at Ravenna within his government of Gallia and understanding how matters past at Rome according as Plutarch reporteth commanded divers of his Centurions to go before to Ariminum without any other armour then their swords and to possesse themselves thereof with as little tumult as they could And then leaving the troups about him to be commanded by Hortensius he continued a whole day together in publick sight of all men to behold the fencing of the Sword-players At night he bathed his body and then kept company with such as he had bidden to supper and after a while rose from the table wishing every man to keep his place for he would instantly come again Howbeit having secretly commanded some of his followers to attend him in such manner as might give least suspicion he himself took a Coach which he had hired and making shew of going a contrary way turned suddenly towards Ariminum When he came to the little river Rubicon which divided his government from the rest of Italy he stood confounded through remose of his desperate design and wist not whether it were better to return or go on but in the end laying aside all doubtfull cogitations he resolved upon a desperate Adage importing as much as Fall back fall edge and passing over the River never stayed running with his Coach untill he came within the City of Ariminum where he met Curio and Antonius Tribunes of the people and shewed them to the souldiers as they were driven to fly out of Rome disguised like slaves in a Carriers cart It is said that the night before he passed over this River he dreamed that he lay with his Mother in an unnaturall sense but of that he himself maketh no mention This City of Ariminum is now called Râ—mini and standeth in Romania upon the Adriatâ—ck sea in the Popes dominion The River Rubâ—con was anciently the bounds of Gallia over which Augustus caused a fair bridge to be built with this inscription JUSSU MANDATU-VE P. R. COS. IMP. MILI TIRO COMMILITO MANIPULARIS-VE CENT TURMAE-VE LEGIONARI-VE ARMAT QUISQUIS ES. HIC SISTITO VEXILLUM SINITO NEC CITRA HUNC AMNEM RUBICONEM DUCTUM COMMEATUM EXERCITUM-VE TRADUCITO SI QUIS HUJUSCE JUSSIONIS ERGO ADVERSUS FECIT FECERIT-VE ADJUDICATUS ESTO HOSTIS P. R. AC SI CONTRA PATRIAM ARMA TULERIT SACROSQUE PENATES E. PENETRALIBUS ASPORTAVERIT SANCIO PLEBISCI SENATUS-VE CONSULT ULTRA HOS FINES ARMA PROFERRE LICEAT NEMINI S. P. Q. R. The substance whereof is That it should be unlawfull for any man to come over the said River armed under penalty of being adjudged an enemy to the Commonwealth and an invader of his own Countrey THE SECOND OBSERVATION IF this manner of proceeding be brought into dispute and the reason required why Caesar kept not himself in the province of Gallia where he might have held his government according to his own desire or otherwise have drawn his adversaries to buckle with the strength of those conquering Legions and so brought the businesse to a short end with as great probability of good successe as by any hazard of undertaking It is to be understood that in cases of this nature which seldome admit any treaty of accord he that striketh first and hath the advantage of the forehand is well entred into the way of victory For the rule is of old That if an enemy hath a design in hand it is farre more safe to begin first and by way of prevention to give the onset on him rather then to shew a readinesse of resisting his assaults For if blows of necessity must be way-makers to peace it were a mistaking to be either wanting or behind-hand therein besides the gain which attendeth this advantage For he that stands affected to deny what is just and of right due doth neverthelesse grant all things which the sword requireth and will not stick to supply all unjust refusals with as great an over-plus of what may be demanded For which cause Caesar staid not the coming of his whole Army but began with those forces which were ready at hand and so preventing all intendments he put his adversaries to such a streight that they quitted Italy for fear and left Rome with whatsoever was sacred or precious therein to the mercy of them whom they had adjudged enemies to their Countrey CHAP. VI. Caesar taketh divers Municipall Towns FOr which regard he sent M. Antonius with five cohorts to Aretium but he himself stayed at Ariminum with two legions and there intended to inroll new troups and with severall cohorts took Pisaurum Fanum and Ancona In the mean while being advertised that Thermus the Praetor did hold Tignium with five cohorts and fortified the place and that all the inhabitants were well inclined towards him he sent Curio thither with three cohorts which he had at Pisaurum and Ariminum Upon notice of whose coming Thermus doubting of the affection of the town drew his cohorts forth of the City and fled The souldiers by the way went from him and repaired homeward Curio was there received with the great contentment and satisfaction of all men Upon notice whereof Caesar conceiving hope of the favourable affections of the Municipall towns brought the cohorts of the thirteenth legion out of their garrisons and marched towards Auximum a town held by Actius with certain cohorts which he had brought thither with him who having sent out divers Senatours made a levie of men throughout all the Countrey of Picenum Caesar's coming being known the Decuriones of Auximum repaired to Actius Varus accompanied with great troups of people and told him that the matter concerned not him at all for neither themselves nor the rest of the Municipall towns would shut their gates against such a Commander as Caesar was that by great and worthy service had so well deserved of the Commonwealth and therefore advised him
and in every Order there was a Centurion or Captain These Orders were distinguished by the numbers of the first second third and so consequently unto the tenth orders which were the last and lowest of each of these three kinds So that this Q. Fulginius here mentioned was Centurion of the first and prime order of the Hastati and T. Caecilius Centurion of the first order of the Triarii which by excellencie was called Primipilus or the Leader of the first company of a legion Now concerning their imbattelling we are to note that according to this former division of Hastati Principes and Triarii upon occasion of fight they made a triple battell one standing in front to another which we call the vant-gard battell and rere-ward Whereof the Hastati were called Antesignani not for that they had no Ensignes of their own for every Maniple had an Ensign but because they stood imbattelled before the Eagle and other the chief Ensigns of the legion To which purpose is that of Livie Pugnaorta est non illa ordinata per Hastatos Principesque Triarios nec ut pro signis Antesignanus post signa alia pugnaret Acies The fight began not a regular fight by Hastati Principes and Triarii nor in that orderlinesse that the Antesignani fought before the Ensigns and another battell behind the Ensigns And again Cadunt Antesignani ne nudentur propugnatoribus signa sit ex secunda prima Acies The Antesignani were cut down so that lest the Ensigns should be leâ—t naked of defendants the second battell was made the first Whereby it appeareth that most of the chiefest Ensigns were with the Principes which were called Subsignani as the Triarii Post signani Amongst other benefits of these so particular divisions of an Army that is not the least which is noted by Thucydides Ut jussa imperatoris brevi spacio ad singulos milites deferri possent the commands of the generall are thereby suddenly transmitted to every particular souldier CHAP. XVII Caesar brought into great extremity by overflowing of two Rivers THe enemy fortified the Mount for which they contended with great and strong works and there put a Garrison In the space of those two dayes that these things were in doing there fell out upon a suddain a great inconvenience for such a tempest happened that the like waters were never seen in those places And further besides the snow came down so abundantly from the Hills that it overflowed the banks of the River and in one day brake down both the bridges which Fabius had made and thereby brought Caesar into great extremity For as it is formerly related the Camp lay between two Rivers Sicoris and Cinga and within thirty miles neither of these Rivers were passable so that all the Army were of necessity couped up in that straightnesse neither could the Cities which had formerly ranged themselves with Caesar's party furnish any supplies of victuall and provision nor such of the Army as had gone far for forrage being hindred by the rivers could return to the Camp nor yet the great convotes and reenforcements coming to him out of Italy and Gallia could get to the Camp The time of year was very hard for there was neither old corn left of their winter provisions nor that on the ground was as yet ripe The cities and towns near about were all emptied for Afranius before Caesar's coming had caused all the Corn to be brought into Ilerda and that which remained was since Caesar's coming all spent And for Cattell which might have relieved this necessity by reason of the warre they were removed by the bordering towns and carried farther off Such as were gone out to forrage and to seek Corn were by the light-armed Portugalls and the Buckler-bearers of the hither Spain much troubled and molested for these men could easily passe the river forasmuch as none of them used to go to warre without bladders for that purpose On the contrary part Afranius abounded with all necessary provisions great quantity of Corn was formerly provided and stored up much was brought in from all the Provinces round about there was also great plenty of forrage in his Camp for the bridge at Ilerda afforded means of all these things without danger and the Countrey beyond the river was whole and untouched which Caesar could not come unto by any means The waters continued for many dayes together Caesar used all means to re-edifie the Bridges but neither the swelling of the River would permit him nor yet the cohorts of the Enemy placed on the banks of the other side suffer him to go forwards with it which they might easily hinder both in regard of the nature of the river and the greatnesse of the water as also for that they might easily cast their weapons from along the bank unto one place or point Whereby it was very hard at one and the same time the river running so violently as it did to do the work and to shun the weapons THE FIRST OBSERVATION FIrst we may observe that the strength of a multitude is not priviledged from such casualties as betide the weaknesses of particular persons but doth oftentimes undergo extremities which can neither by providence be prevented nor removed by industry and are such as proceed not from the endeavour of an enemy but out of the circumstances of time and place together with such accidents as are interlaced with the same In respect whereof it was that Cambyses told Cyrus That in the course of warre he should meet with some occasions wherein he was not to labour and contend with men but with chances and things which were not to be overcome with lesse difficulty then an enemy and are the more dangerous according as they give way to scarcity and lack of victual For as it is said in the same place Scis brevi finem habiturum imperium si commeatu exercitus careat You know that if your Army be once starved your Empire can be but short-lived The remedies whereof are first Patience which is as requisite in a souldier as either courage or any other ability and in such cases keepeth an Army from discontentment and disorder untill means of better fortune And secondly Good endeavour which availeth much in such chances the effect whereof will appear by that which Caesar wrought to redeem his Army from these inconveniences THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning that which is here noted of the Spaniards that made nothing of passing a River with the help of bladders which the Romans were readier to wonder at then to imitate it is observed that as people exquisitely fashioned to a civile life by a firm and settled policie of government are firm and reall in the whole course of their proceedings and accordingly do shew their punctuality as well in their solemnities and private carriages as in their magnificent and stately buildings so on the other
side barbarous and rude Nations that live under generall and slight lawes are as slight and rude in their actions as amongst other things may appear in that the Spaniards thought it no scorn to use the help of bladders in passing over a River as a device coming next to hand which the people of a wise and potent State would not have done but by a sure and substantiall bridge The use of which bladders as it hath been ancient amongst people of that nature so it is continued in the same manner by the Savages inhabiting Groenland and the North parts of America as appeareth by discoveries made of late by the Moscovy Merchants about the North-west passage from whence such as are imployed in those voiages have brought great and large bladders or bagges made of Seal-skins ingeniously devised to be filled and blowed with wind and tied behind at their girdle and at their coller to help themselves in swimming And after the same easy fashion the Indians of Peru as Josephus Acosta writeth instead of wood and stone made their bridges over great Rivers of plaited Reeds which they fastened to the banks on each side with stakes or otherwise of bundles of straw and weeds by which men and beasts if there be any credit in his story passe over with ease Howbeit as when the ancient Greeks would note a man of extreme insufficiency they would say he could neither read nor swim so Caesar seemed of the same opinion by commending the skill of swimming as a thing of much consequence in the use of Armes Whereof he made good experience in Egypt where he cast himself into a small boat for his better safety and finding it over-charged and ready to sink he leapt into the sea and swam to his Fleet which was two hundred paces off holding certain papers in his left hand above the water and trailing his coat of Armes in his teeth that it might not be left to the enemy CHAP. XVIII Afranius marcheth with three legions to cut off a party The scarcitie of victuall in Caesar's Army IT was told Afranius of great troups and convoies that were coming to Caesar but were hindered by the waters and aboad there by the Rivers side for thither were come Archers out of Ruthenia and horsemen out of Gallia with many carres and carriages according to the custome of the Galles There were besides of all sorts about six thousand men with their servants and attendants but without order or any known command for every man was at his own liberty travelling the Countrey without fear according to the former freedome and safety of the wayes There were likewise many young men of good rank Senators sons and knights of Rome besides Embassadours from sundry States and divers of Caesar's Legates All these were kept back by the River Afâ—anius went out in the night time with three legions and all his horse to cut off this party and sending his Cavalry before set upon them unawares Howbeit the Cavalry of the Galles put themselves speedily in order and buckled with them And as long as it stood upon indifferent termes they being but a few did withstand a great number of the enemy but as soon as they discovered the Ensignes of the legions coming towards them some few of them being slain the rest betook themselves to the next hills This small time of encounter was of great consequence for the safety of our men for by this means they had opportunity to take the upper ground There were lost that day two hundred Archers a few horsemen and no great number of the souldiers boyes together with the baggage Victuals by reason of all these things waxed very dear as well in regard of the present want as also for fear of future penury as commonly it happeneth in such cases insomuch as a bushell of Corn was worth fifty pence Whereby the souldiers grew weak for want of sustenance and the inconveniences thereof daily more and more increased For so great was the alteration which hapned in a few dayes that our men were much afflicted with the extreme want of all necessary provisions whereas they on the other side having all things in abundance were held for victors Caesar sent unto those States which were of his party and instead of Corn gave them order to furnish him with Cattell dismissed souldiers boyes and sent them to towns farther off relieving the present scarcity by all the means he could Afranius and Petreius together with their friends inlarged these things in their letters to Rome rumour and report added much hereunto as that the warre was even almost at an end These Messengers and Letters being come to Rome there was great concourse from all parts to Afranius house much congratulation and rejoycing for these things and thereupon many went out of Italy to Pompey some to be the first messengers of the news others that they might not seem to expect the event of the war and so prove the last that came to that party When the matter was brought to these difficulties and extremities and all the wayes were kept by Afranius souldiers and horsemen and no bridges could be made Caesar gave order to the souldiers to make such Boats and Barks as he had in former years taught them the use of in the warre of Britain the keels whereof were built of light stuffe and small timber and the upper parts made with wicker and covered with hides Which being finished he laded them upon Carres and carried them in the night some twenty two miles from the Camp And in those Barks transporting his souldiers over the river upon a suddain he possest himself of a little hill which lay near unto the water side which hill he speedily fortified before the enemy had notice thereof Afterwards he brought over a legion to that place and made a bridge from side to side in two dayes space and so the convoies which had gone forth for provisions and forrage returned back in safety whereby he began to settle a course for provision of Corn. The same day he passed over the the river a great part of his Cavalry who falling unlooked for upon the forragers scattered here and there without fear or suspicion cut off a great number of men and cattell Whereupon the Enemy sending certain Spanish troups bearing little round bucklers to second and relieve the forragers they divided themselves of purpose into two parts the one to keep and defend the booty which they had got and the other to resist and beat back the forces sent to charge them One of our cohorts which had easily run out before the Army was intercepted and cut off the rest returned by the bridge into the Camp in safety with a great booty THE FIRST OBSERVATION THese Rutheni inhabited that part of Provence where Rhodes now standeth amongst whom Caesar had ordinarily a legion or two in Garrison for the better keeping of the Countrey in obedience
being a stout and warlike people and using archery as appeareth in this place Which howsoever the course of time hath brought into utter contempt yet let us not scorn to take notice that anciently it hath been used by such as performed the greatest feats of Arms For Hercules had but two sorts of weapons to atchieve labours of so much variety a Club for such monsters as would contest with his valour and Bow and Arrows for others that kept farther off And in the old warre of Troy if Homer may be believed Pindarus Duke of Lycia having a stable of gallant Coursers left them all at home lest he should not find means at Troy to give them their ordinary keeping and came on foot with his bow and arrows with such reputation of his deeds of Arms that Aeneas sought him out in a conflict to resist the rage and extreme pressures of Diomedes And on the contrary part Teucer relieved the distressed Grecians from a hot and desperate pursuit by slaying with his bow eight valiant Trojans before he stirred his foot Concerning the use of which weapon howsoever it may seem ridiculous to such as understand nothing but the course of the present age to recall the long bow to the service of a battel yet they may remember that the Gray-goose wing gave our forefathers such advantage that they wrought wonders amongst all Nations for deeds of Armes which we should imitate with as much hope of successe if we could handle our bowes in any measure as they did Of this I have already formerly treated THE SECOND OBSERVATION IT is a saying as true as it is old that An ill hap cometh not alone but is alwaies attended with such consequents as will inforce other inconveniences as may be observed by this extremity here mentioned For the mischief was not bounded with the affliction which Caesar suffered for want of needfull provision notwithstanding the weight was such as could not be born by ordinary patience but the enemy inlarged it to his further advantage vaunting of it as a helplesse remedy and making out dispatches to send victory to Rome Which gave him yet further prejudice in the opinion of the world and made those his enemies that formerly shewed no dislike of his proceedings And thus every ill chance hath a tail of many other misfortunes which if either providence or endeavour may prevent it shall much import a Commander to avoid them THE THIRD OBSERVATION AS Necessity maketh men constant in their sufferings so Custome giveth easinesse and means of deliverance according as may appear by this direction of Caesar which was wholly drawn from former experience For first the Boats here prescribed were such as he used in the warre of Britany and as farre as may be gathered out of the former Commentaries were those he commanded to be built for his second journey which he would now imitate in regard of the flatnesse of their bottomes and not otherwise For it is not to be supposed that those Barks were covered with skinnes unless peradventure he used some such as these upon occasion in that war not expressed in the story Herodotus in his Clio describeth the like The boats saith he which come from Babylon down the River Euphrates are made by the Heardsmen of Armenia of light Timber in a round fashion without beak or poup are covered with skinne the hiry side inward and in these they take their passage Such as fish for Salmon in the River of Severâ—â— use the like boats in all respects which they call Corracles of Corium being all covered with horse-skins tanned Secondly the means he used to passe over without impeachment from the Enemy by carrying those boats in the night-time up the River to a place of security was such the like whereof he had formerly practised in Gallia to passe the River Loire being then guard don the other side by the Enemy Whereby we see how much use and continuance doth inable men beyond others of smaller experience according to that Dies Diem docet One day teacheth another or Older and wiser CHAP. XIX The Massilians encounter with Brutus at Sea and are beaten WHile these things were done at Ilerda the Massilians by the direction of L. Domitius rigged and set out 17 Gallies whereof eleven were covered besides many lesser vessels which went along with them to make the Navy seem the greater for the astonishment of the Enemy In these they put a great number of Archers and many Albicks of whom we have formerly made mention encouraging them both by rewards and promises Domitius required certain ships for himself and them he filled with Shepheards and Countrymen which he had brought thither with him The Navy being thus furnished set forward with great confidence towards our shipping whereof D. Brutus was Admirall and lay at Anchour at an Island right over against Marseilles Brutus was far inferiour to the enemy in shipping but Caesar having pick't the chiefest valâ—antest men out of all the legions as well of the Antesignani as Centurions put them aboard the Fleet they themselves requiring to be imploied in that service These men had prepared hooks and grapples of Iron and had likewise furnished themselves with many Piles and Darts and other sorts of weapons and understanding of the Enemies coming put to sea and encountred with the Massilians They fought on either side very valiantly fiercely neither were the Albicks much inferiour to our men in prowesse being rough mountainous people exercised in Arms and having a little before fallen off from the Massilians did now remember the late contract and league they had made with them The Shepheards in like manner a rude and untamed kind of people stirred up with hope of liberty did strive to shew their valour in the presence of their Master The Massilians trusting to the nimblenesse of their shipping and in the skill and dexterity of their Pilots did frustrate in a deluding manner the shock of our ships when they came violently to stemme them And forasmuch as they had sea-room enough they drew out their Navy at length to compasse and inclose our men about and sometimes they would single out one of our ships and set upon them with divers of theâ—rs together or wipe off a side of their oars in their passage along by them When they came to deal at hand leaving aside the art skill of the Pâ—lots they took themselves to the stoutnesse and valour of the Highlanders Our men were fain to use worse oar-men and more unskilfull Pilots who being lately taken out of ships of burden did not well know the true names of the tackling and were much troubled with the heavinesse and sluggishnesse of the shipping which being made in haste of unseasoned timber was not so nimbie or ready for use But as the matter came to handy-blows every single ship did willingly undertake two at once and having grapled with either
gave argument of his resolution in this kind may be conceived by this passage The second thing which I note is that a Generall must learn especially to disguise his intendments by making shew of that which he meaneth not For albeit the more judicious sort of men are not so well satisfied with pretences as with deeds yet forasmuch as the condition of Princes contrary to the manner of Private persons requireth such a direction of businesse as may rather suit with fame and opinion then with particular ends it behoveth them to use such glosses as may take away all petulant and sinister interpretations howsoever their courses may aim at other purposes And certainly the generality of people are better paid with appearances then with truth according as Machiavill hath observed But concerning Caesar that which Ephicrates said of himself having imbattelled his army to fight That he feared nothing more then that his enemy knew not his valour may more properly be said here For there was nothing abused the Enemy more or made them take up so many Bravadoes or use so much delay before they came to composition but that they knew not Caesar For as the Eagle is able to mount aloft in all seasons and temperatures of the air so was his sword steeled to make way through all resistance THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN the next place the manner of their imbattelling cometh to be observed which generally in all Editions runneth this Acies erat Afraniana duplex legio V. III. in subsidiis locum alariae cohortis obtinebat Caesaris triplex sed primam aciem quaternae cohortes ex V. legione tenebant Has subsidiariae ternae rursus aliae totidem suae cujusque legionis subsequebantur sagittarii funditoresque media continebantur acie equitatus latera cingebat And needeth the help of some excellent Critick to make it have answerable sense to the other parts of this history For first how shall we understand those words Acies Afraniana duplex legio V. III. in subsidiis Afranius his army was in a double battel the fifth legion and the third for succours Shall we take the meaning to be that the first legion stood in front and the other stood for succours behind Or shall we take it with Faernus Acies Afraniana duplex ex legione prima tertia in subsidiis locum alariae cohortes obtinebant Afranius c. out of the first legion and the third the cohorts which use to be in the wings were put in place of the succours But neither by the one or by the other is there found more then two legions whereas there is expresse mention of five besides the cohorts of the Countrey And therefore as not knowing other more probable I have translated it according to Lipsius correction and made the text thus Acies erat Afraniana duplex legionum quinque in subsidiis locum alariae cohortes obtinebant Afranius had put his army in a double battel the first consisting of five legions and the auxiliary cohorts which usually served in the wings were now placed for succours and made the second battel The first battel consisted of five legions and the second of the Spanish and Auxiliary forces The like help must be lent to Caesar for otherwise the text doth afford him but few cohorts standing thus Primam aciem quaternae cohortes ex quinta legione tenebant Has ternae rursus aliae c. The first battel was of four cohorts out of the fifth legion then followed three and then as many others c. For undoubtedly Caesar had five legions equall to Afranius but being farre inferiour unto him in Auxiliary troups was driven to a more artificial division to help his weaknesse in that point And therefore as the same Critick hath mended it we are to read Quaternae cohortes ex quinque legionibus four cohorts out of the five legions which bringeth forth this sense In the first battel were five times four cohorts in the second five times three cohorts and as many in the third battel And by the addition of suae cujusque legionis of every one of the legions it appeareth that every legion was so divided into three parts that it had four cohorts in the first battel three in the second and three in the last Concerning the space which their Armies imbattelled took up it appeareth that the whole distance between their Camps contained two thousand foot whereof either army took up one third being 666 foot or a hundred and eleven pases a little more then a furlong but that altered more or lesse as place and occasion required CHAP. XXVII The Treaty of Peace THe next day Caesar went about to finish and end the fortification which he had begun and the Enemy to try whether they might find a foord in the River Sicoris and so get over Which being perceived Caesar carried over the light-armed Germans and part of the Cavalry and disposed them in guard along the River bank At length being besieged and shut up on all sides and having kept their horses without meat four dayes together besides their extreme want of water wood and corn they required a parlie and that if it might be in some place out of the presence of the souldier Which Caesar denied unlesse it were in publick Whereupon Afraniâ—s his sonne was given in hostage to Caesar and so they presented themselves in a place of Caesar's appointing And in the hearing of both the Armies Afranius spake to this effect That he was not to be offended neither with him nor with the souldier for being faithfull and obedient to the Generall Cn. Pompeius but now having made sufficient proof of their duty they had also throughly suffered for the same having endured the extremity of want in all necessary provisions Insomuch as now they were shut up as women kept from water kept from going out opprest with a greater weight of grief in body and of dishonour in their reputation then they were able to bear and therefore dâ—d confesse themselves to be vanquished and overcome praying and beseeching that if there were any mercy left they might not undergo the extremity of Fortune And this he delivered as humbly and demissively as was possible To which Caesar answered That these terms of complaint and compassion could be used to no man more unproperly then himself for whereas every man else did his duty he only upon fit condâ—tions of time and place refused to fight with them to the end all circumstances might concurre to apeace Albeit his Army had suffered much wrong in the death and slaughter of their fellows yet he had kept and preserved such of their party as were in his power and came of their own accord to move apeace wherein they thought they went about to procure the safety of all their fellows So that the whole course of his proceeding with them consisted of clemency Howbeit their Commanders
abhorred the name of Peace and had not kept the laws either of treaty or truce for they had caused many simple men to be massacred and slain that were deceived by a shew of treaty And therefore it had befallen them as it happeneth for the most part to perverse and arrogant persons to seek and earnestly to desire that which a little before they had foolishly contemned Neither would he take the advantage of this their submission or of any other opportunity of time either to augment his power or to strengthen his party but he onely required that those Armies might be discharged which for many years together had been maintained against him For neither were those six Legions for any other cause sent into Spain nor the seventh inrolled there nor so many and so great Navies prepared nor such experienced and skilfull Commanders selected and appointed for none of these needed to keep Spain in quiet nothing hereof was prepared for the use and behoof of the Province which by reason of their long continuance of peace needed not any such assistance All these things were long ago provided in a readinesse against him New forms of government were made and ordained against him That one and the same man should be resident at the gates of Rome have the whole superintendency and direction of the City business and yet notwithstanding hold two warlike Provinces for so many years together being absent from both of them Against him and for his ruine were changed the ancient Rights and Customs of Magistracy in sending men at the end of their Pretorship or Consulship to the government of Provinces as was alwaies accustomed but in lieu of them were chosen some that were allowed and authorised by a few Against him the prerogative of age did nothing prevail but whosoever they were that in former wars had made good proof of their valour were now called out to command Armies To him onely was denied that which was granted to all other Generalls that when they had happily brought things to an end they might dismisse their Armie and return home with honour or at the least without dishonour All which things he notwithstanding both had and would suffer patiently neither did he now go about to take their Army from them and retain them in pay for himself which he might easily do but that they should not have means to make head against him And therefore as it was said before they should go out of the Provinces and discharge their Army if they did so he would hurt no man But that was the onely and last means of peace OBSERVATIONS THere is not any one vertue that can chalenge a greater measure of honour or hath more prerogative either amongst friends or enemies then fidelity For which cause it is that men are more strict in matters committed to their trust for the behoof of others then they can well be if the same things concerned themselves And yet neverthelesse there is a Quatenus in all endeavours and seemeth to be limited with such apparency as true affection may make of a good meaning and was the ground which Afranius took to move Caesar for a pardon Non esse aut ipsis aut militibus succensendum quod fidem erga Imperatorem Cn. Pompeium conservare voluerint sed satis jam fecisse officio satisque supplicii tulisse c. That he was not to be angry either with him or the souldiery for being faithfull to their Generall Cn. Pompeius but that now they had sufficiently done their duty and as throughly smarted for the same c. which he delivered in a stile suiting his fortune For as Cominaeus hath observed Men in fear give reverent and humble words and the tongue is ever conditioned to be the chiefest witnesse of our fortune On the other side Caesar produced nothing for his part but such wrongs as might seem valuable to make good those courses which he prosecuted As first injuries done by them and that in the highest degree of blame against his souldiers that went but to seek for peace Injuries done by their Generall in such a fashion as spared not to evert the fundamentall rights of the State to bring him to ruine and confusion Whereby he was moved to indeavour that which Nature tieth every man unto Propellere injuriam to repell an injury from himself and having brought it to these termes wherein it now stood he would give assurance to the world by the revenge he there took that he entred into that warre for his only end that he might live in peace and so required no more but that the Army should be dismissed CHAP. XXVIII The execution of the Articles agreed upon THe conditions propounded were most acceptable and pleasing to the souldiers as might appear by them for being in the condition of vanquished persons and thereupon expecting a hard measure of Fortune to be rewarded with liberty and exemption of Arms was more then they could expect insomuch as where there grew a controversy of the time and place of their dismission they all generally standing upon the rampier signified both by their speeches and by their hands that their desire was it might be done instantly for it could not be provided by any assurance that it would continue firm if it were deferred untill another time After some dispute on each side the matter was in the end brought to this issue that such as had houses and possessions in Spain should be discharged presently and the rest at the River Varus It was conditioned that no man should be injuried that no man should be forced against his will to be sworn under Caesar's command Caesar promised to furnish them with Corn untill they came to the river Varus adding withall that what soever any one had lost in the time of the warre which should be found with any of his souldiers should be restored to such as lost it and to his souldiers he paid the value thereof in money If any controversy afterward grew amongst the souldiers of their own accord they brought the matter from time to time before Caesar As when the Souldiers grew almost into a mutiny for want of pay the Commanders affirming the pay-day was not yet come Petreius and Afranius required that Caesar might understand the cause and both parties were contented with his arbitrement A third part of the Army being dismissed in those two dayes he commanded two of his legions to march before their Army and the rest to follow after and continually to incamp themselves not farre from them and appointed Q. Fusius Calenus a Legate to take the charge of that businesse This course being taken they marched out of Spain to the River Varus and there dismissed the rest of their army OBSERVATIONS THe River Varus divideth Gallia Narbonensis from Italy and was thought an indifferent place to discharge the Army whereby there might be an end made of that warre Wherein if any man
desire to see a parallell drawn between Caesar and the other Leaders for matter of warre it shall suffice to take the issue for a square of their directions being drawn to this head within fourty dayes after Caesar came within sight of the Enemy as Curio noteth in his speech to the souldiers Cato seeing the prosperous successe of Caesar against Pompey said their was a great uncertainty in the government of their Gods alluding peradventure to that of Plato in his Politicks where he saith that there are ages wherein the Gods do govern the world in their own persons and there are other times wherein they altogether neglect the same the world taking a course quite contrary to that which the Gods directed But Lucan spake from a surer ground where he saith Victrix causa Diis placuit sed victa Catoni The conquering cause pleas'd Jove the conquered Cato And thus endeth the first Commentary The Second Commentarie of the Civile VVarres The Argument THis Commentarie hath three speciall parts The first containeth the siege of Marseilles the strange works and extreme endeavours to take and to keep the Town The second expresseth the vain labour which Pompey's Lieutenant undertook after that Afranius and Petreius were defeated to keep the Province of Andaluzia out of Caesar's power and command And the third part consisteth of the expedition Curio made into Africa and endeth with his overthrow CHAP. I. The preparations for the siege as well within as without the Town WHilst these things were doing in Spain C. Trebonius the Legate being left to besiege Marseilles had begun in two places to raise Mounts to make Mantelets and Towers against the Town One next unto the Port where the Ships lay and the other in the way leading from Gallia and Spain into the town just upon the creek of the sea near unto the mouth of the Rhosne For three parts of Marseilles are in a manner washed with the sea and the fourth is that which giveth passage by land whereof that part which belongeth to the Castle by reason of the nature of the place and fortified with a deep ditch would require a long and difficult siege For the perfecting of those works Trebonius had commanded out of all the Province great store of horses for carriage and a multitude of men requiring them to bring rods to make Hurdles and other materials for the work which being prepared brought together he raised a Mount of fourscore foot high But such was the provision which of ancient time they had stored up in the town of all equipage and necessaries for the warre with such provision of munition and engines that no Hurdles made of rods or Osiers were able to bear out the force thereof For out of their great Balistae they shot beams of twelve foot long pointed with Iron with such force as they would pierce through four courses of Hurdles and stick in the earth Whereby they were forced to roof their Gallery with timber of a foot square and to bring matter that way by hand to make the Mount A Testudo of sixty foot in length was alwayes carried before for the levelling of the ground made of mighty strong timber covered and armed with all things which might defend it from fire and stones or what else should be cast upon it But the greatnesse of the work the height of the wall and towers together with the multitude of Engines did retard and hinder the proceeding thereof Moreover the Albici did make often sallies out of the town setting fire to the mounts and to the turrets which were kept by our souldiers with great facility and ease forcing such as sallied out to return with great losse OBSERVATIONS HAving described in the former Commentaries these Engines and works here mentioned the Reader may please for his better satisfaction to review those places as also farther to note that the word Artillery was brought down to these ages from the use of ancient Engines which consisted of those two primitives Arcus and Telum And according as diversity of Art and wit found means to fit these to use and occasions so had they severall and distinct names whereof I find chiefly these Balistae Catapultae Tolenones Scorpiones Onagri Of each of which there are divers and severall sorts as first of the Balistae some were called Centenariae others Talentariae according to the weight of the bullet or weapon they shot Of the rate and proportion whereof Vitruvius and his learned interpreter Daniel Barbarus have made accurate description Again some were made to shoot stones as appeareth by that of Tacitus Magnitudine eximia quartaedecimae legionis Balista ingentibus saxis hostilem aciem proruebat the Balista of the fourteenth legion being an exceeding great one beat down the army of the enemy with huge stones and others to shoot darts and piles of timber headed with Iron as it is manifested by this place Moreover the manner of bending of these Engines made a difference some being drawn up with a wrinch or scrue and some with a wheel some having long armes and others having short but the strings were generally either all of sinewes or of womens hair as strongest and surest of any other kind Of these Vegetius preferreth the Balistae and the Onagri as unresistable when they were skilfully handled The word Onagri as Ammianus Marcellinus noteth was of a later stamp and imposed upon those Engines which former time called Scorpiones and was taken from the nature of wilde Asses that are said to cast stones backward with their feet at the Hunters with such violence that oftentimes they dashed out their brains In the time of Barbarisme all these Engines were generally called Mangonella as appeareth by Viginâ—rius in his Annotations upon Onosander Which is likewise shewed by that which Mr. Camden hath inserted in the description of Bedfordshire concerning the siege of Bedford Castle in the time of Henry the third out of an Authour that was present Ex parte orientali fuit una Petraria duo Mangonella quae quotidie turrim infestabant ex parte occidentis duo Mangonella quae turrim veterem contriverunt unum Mangonellum ex parte Australi c. On the East side was placed one Engine to cast stones and two Mangonels which continually plaid upon the tower and on the West side two Mangonels which beat down the old tower and one Mangonel on the South side c. But our powder having blown all these out of use it were to no purpose to insist longer upon them CHAP. II. The Marseillians prepare themselves for a Sea-fight IN the mean time L. Nasidius being sent by Cn. Pompeius with a Navie of sixteen ships amongst which some few had their beak-head of Iron to the succour and supply of L. Domitius and the Marseillians he passed the straights of Sicilie before Curio had intelligence thereof and putting
have power and means to give help and relief according to the use of Heathen ages wherein their Images of then Idols had their feet tied with cords of wool to shew the mildness and easiness which upon devote supplications was found in divine Powers whereof wool was a Symbolum THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Marseillians being an ancient progeny of the Greeks notwithstanding the long descent of time and alteration of air did keep a touch of the naturall disposition of that Nation as well in such strains of eloquence as were familiar unto them above other people as in subtiltie and duplicitie of dealing Which passage of the Marsâ—illians is observed by Tully as a matter enforcing the due praises of Eloquence and the use it hath upon all occasions to draw consent with the sweetness of a well-tuned tongue above that which may be attained either by Engines or a strong hand Wherein if we should go about to compare the force of Armes with the power of a grave Discourse and set a souldier parallel to an Orator there might hence be taken divers probable reasons to second that saying which hath been thought to savour more of vain-glorie then of true judgement Cedant armatogae concedat laurea linguae Let armes to gowns the bay-leaf yield to th' tongue Or at least to make a resemblance of Plutarch's two Wrastlers of whom one being alwaies cast did neverthelesse perswade the other that he cast him and so howsoever he became foiled yet left the place with an opinion of victorie And is alwaies more easily effected when it is attended with cunning and deceit according to that of Valerius Maximus Efficacissimae vires per fidiae mentiri fallere The main strength of perfidiousness is lying and deceiving But as it is observed by Philip de Commines The example of one sole accident is sufficient to make many men wise so this may serve to teach succeeding times not to trust to words whereof there is no hold but to ratifie such compositions with irrevocable performances THE THIRD OBSERVATION THirdly we may note how far the anger of a Roman Armie was extended upon such provocations as are here mentioned viz. Ad interficiendos pucros to the slaying of all the males above fourteen yeares of age for from that stage of life they accounted all in the rank of men according to the institution of Tarquinius Priscus who in his triumph of the Sabines made a speciall Oration in the praise of his own sonne that had assaulted and struck the Enemy in those warres being then but fourteen yeares of age and thereupon gave him liberty to wear mans apparell which was that Yoga praetexta edged or faced with Pâ—rple whereof their histories make so often mention But to define precisely hâ—reof were to mistake the fury of the souldier For howsoever the rule is certain from the law of Natuâ—e that no finite cause can be infinite in effect or that a mortall hate should have a boundlesse revenge yet occasion made it variable and as irregular as that of Alexander who sometimes saved all and at other times as at the taking of Tyre saved none at all but such as had taken the protection of the Temple The inhumane cruelty of the Turks exceedeth all former hostility in this kind for they never save any out of commiseration but for private use and do rather chuse to destroy mankind then suffer it to live for any other purpose then their own CHAP. VI. The Marseillians taking advantage of the Truce consuâ—e with fire all the Roman works which are afterwards re-edified AFter a few dayes when our men were grown remisse and carelesse suddenly about high noon as some were gone one way some another and others wearied with continuall labour had given themselves to rest the weapons being cased and laid up they rushed out of their gates and coming with the wind that then blew hard they set our works on fire which was so carried and dispersed with the wind that the Mount the Mantelets the Testudo the Tower and the Engines were all on fire at once and were burned down and consumed before it could be known how it came Our men astonished at so suddain and unthought-of an accident caught up such weapons as were next at hand and others running speedily from the Camp set upon the Enemy but were hindered from following them as they fled by Engines and Arrows from the town wall They on the other side being retired under the protection of the wall did at their ease burn down the Mouse and the brick-tower and so many moneths labour was through the perfidiousnesse of the Enemy and the force of the tempest consumed and brought to nothing in a moment of time The Marseillians attempted the like the next day after having opportunity of the like tempest and with greater confidence sallied out and threw much fire upon the other mount and the tower But as our men the day before expecting nothing lesse then to be surprized in that sort had neglected more then ordinary their usuall guards so being now made wiser by that which had happened they had made all things ready for defence by which means having slain a great number they drave the rest back into the town without effecting any thing Trebonius began again to re-edifie such works as were ruinated and consumed with fire and that with greater â—alacritie of the souldier then before For when they saw their great labours and endeavours sort to no better successe and the truce broke by the treachery of the Enemy it was a great gall unto them to have their valour thus derided And forasmuch as there was nothing left in all the Countrey for the raising of a Mount all the trees being already cut down and brought far and near to make the first Mount they began a Mount of a strange and unheard-of fashion raised with two side-walls of brick being six foot thick a piece and joyned together with floors The walls were of equall distance to the latitude of the former Mount which was all of solid matter and where the space between the walls or the weaknesse of the work did require it there were piles driven between and beams and planks laid athwart for the strengthening thereof The floors made between those walls were laid with Hurdles and the Hurdles were covered with clay The souldiers being thus sheltered on both sides with a wall and defended in front by Mantelets and Gabâ—ons did safely without danger bring whatsoever was necessary for that building whereby the work was carried on with great speed and the losse of their former continuall labour was in a short time recovered again through the admirable dexterity and valour of the souldier To conclude they left gates in the walls in such places as were fittest for sallies When the enemy perceived that what they hoped could not be repaired again in a long time was with a
the State observing it the rather in cases of great and happy successe which are ever more restrained then lesser fortunes Howsoever it cannot be denied but that Clemency is a property of excellent honour which Caesar shewed in saving the town CHAP. X. Curio transporteth two legions into Africk ABout the same time C. Curio set sail from Sicily to passe into Africk and making no account at all of Actius Varus forces he carried with him but two legions of the four which were delivered him by Caesar together with five hundred horse And after he had been at Sea two dayes and three nights he arrived at a place called Aquilaria distant twenty two miles from Clupea where there is a very commodious Road for ships in Sommer sheltered on each side with two large and eminent Promontories L. Caesar the son attended his coming at Clupea with ten Gallies which being taken from the Pirats in the late warres and laid aground at Utica were repaired and new trimmed by Varus but being afraid of the great number of his ships he forsook the sea and ran his Gallie on shore and leaving her there fled by land on foot to Adrumetum a town kept by Considius Longus having one legion onely in garrison The rest of Caesar's Navy seeing their Admirall flie away put into Adrumetum M. Rufus the Treasurer pursued him with twelve ships which Curio had brought with him out of Sicily to waft the ships of burthen and finding the Gallie left upon the sand he towed her off and returned to Curio with his Navy Curio sent Marcus before with the ships to Utica and he himself set forward thither by land with the Army and in two dayes journey came to the River Bagrada where he left C. Caninius Rebilus the Legate with the legions and went himself before with the Cavalry to view a place called Cornelius Camp which was held very fit and convenient to incamp in being a direct ridge of a hill shooting out into the Sea steep and broken on each side and yet shelving by a little more gentle descent on that side which was next Utica being distant from thence if the nearest way were taken a little more then a mile But in that shortest cut there rose a spring in that part which was furthest off from the sea and so made a marish or bogge which whosoever would avoid must fetch a compass of six miles to go to the town A view being taken of this place Curio beheld afarre off Varus Camp joyning to the town wall at the gate called Bellica marvellously fortified through the strong situation of the place having the town on the one side and a Theatre which stood before the town on the other and by reason of the great circuit of building which it contained made a narrow and difficult passage to the Camp He observed further great store of carriages which by reason of this suddain alarme were brought out of the Countrey towards the town for the intercepting whereof he sent the Cavalry And at the same instant Varus likewise had sent out of the town 600 Numidian horse and 400 foot which King Juba a few daies before had sent to Utica for the strengthening of that party This Prince had acquaintance with Pompey by reason that his father lodged with him and bare a spleen to Curio for the law which he preferred when he was Tribune of the people for the confiscation of Juba his kingdome The Cavalry on either side met together and the Numidians were not able to abide the charge of our men but about an hundred and twenty being slain the rest betook themselves back to the Camp at the town In the mean time upon the arrivall of our Gallies Curio commanded it to be proclaimed that such Victuallers and ships of burthen as were in the Bay at Utica being in number about two hundred and would not presently come to the Cornelian Camp should be held and taken for enemies At which Proclamation upon an instant of time they all weighed anchour and came to the place whether they were commanded whereby the Army abounded with all necessary provisions This being done he returned to the Camp at Bagrada and by the acclamation of the whole Army was saluted by the name of Imperator THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis Chapter beginneth with the third part of this book containing Curio his passage into Africk concerning whom it is to be observed that in the beginning of these broils no man was more enemy to Caesar nor made more bitter invectives to the people against him then he did in his Tribuneship but afterwards he fell off and was gained by the voluptuous inticements of M. Antonie together with a huge mass of money which Caesar sent him Whereupon he plaied the turn-coat and with might and main afflicted that Party prevailing much with the Communaltie by his eloquent and perswasive speeches the lively force whereof is able to stir up affection in stones For which cause it is that Velleius Paterculus noteth That no man brought a more burning or dangerous fire-brand to the kindling of those Civile wars then did Curio being a man of an excellent discourse audacious prodigall of his own and of other mens subtle ingenious extreme vitious and alwaies well-spoken to the ruine of the publick weal. Which sweetnesse of words came unto him by inheritance as Plinie witnesseth Una familia Curionum in qua tres continua serie oratores extiterunt In the one family of the Curiones there were three noted Oratours one after another Of whose monstrous prodigality the same Authour hath made a very large account And out of these overweening humours it was that he became so unwarie as to divide his Armie neglecting the Enemy and the variableness of war which altereth as the Moon and keepeth no constant shape whereby it may be known Concerning the dismembring of an Army lightly and upon heedlesse rashness Cyrus giveth grave advice in the beginning of the sixth book of Xenophon To which for the present I refer the Reader Clupea was a town in Africk named by Plinie Oppidum liberum or a free Town and sited upon the Promontorie of Mercury in the territories of old Carthage It was so called because it carried the form of a Target retorted and for the same cause it was called Aspis In Clypei speciem curvatis turribus Aspis Aspis with turrets bowing like a shield This Promontorie which Curio chose to incamp in was famous for three things First it was reputed the place where Antaeus the Giant dwelt which Hercules slew by strangling him in his Armes that he might not touch the Earth from which it is said he received fresh strength Secondly P. Cornelius Scipio that subdued Africk made that place his chief Camp of strength and so it came to be called Cornelius Camp And lastly for this expedition which Curio made to lose two legions and
himself withall as unwilling to see the morrow after such a losse for Vitae est avidus quisquis non vult mundo secum pereunte mori He loves life indeed that is not willing to dy when the world falls CHAP. XI Curio marcheth to Vtica His Cavalry put to flight great troups coming from king Juba His Army strangely possessed with an idle fear THe next day he brought his Army to Utica and incamped himself near unto the town But before the fortification of his Camp was finished the horsemen that stood Centinell gave notice of great forces of horse and foot coming towards Utica from king Juba and at the same time a great dust was seen rise in the aire and presently the first troups began to come in sight Curio astonished at the novelty of the thing sent his horse before to sustain the first shock and to stay them he himself calling the legions with all speed from their work imbattelled his Army The Cavalry encountering with the Enemy before the legions could be well unfolded and put in order did put to flight all the Kings forces that came marching without fear or order and slew a great number of the foot troups but the horse making hast got almost all safe into the town by the way of the sea-shore The next night after two Centurions of the Nation of the Marsi fled from Curio with twenty two of their souldiers to Actius Varus These Centurions whether it were to please Varus or otherwise speaking as they thought for what men wish they easily believe and what they think they hope others do think the same did confidently affirm that the minds of the whole Army were altogether alienated from Curio and that it was very expedient that the Armies should come in sight and find means to speak together Varus being perswaded to that opinion the next day early in the morning drew his legions out of the Camp the like did Curio either of them putting their forces in order upon a small Valley which lay between both their Armies There was in Varus Army one Sex Quintilius Varus who as it is formerly declared was at Corfinium and being let go by Caesar went into Africk It fortuned that Curio had carried over those legions which Caesar had formerly taken at Corfinium so that a few Centurions being slain the Companies and Maniples remained the same This occasion being so fitly offered Quintilius going about Curio his Army began to beseech the souldiers that they would not forget the first oath they had taken to Domitius and to him their Treasurer nor bear Arms against them that had run the same fortune and endured the same siege nor fight for those who by way of reproach had called them fugitives To these he added some promises to put them in hope of a good recompence out of his own liberality if they would follow him and Actius Having delivered this unto them Curio his Army stood mute and declared not themselves by any sign either one way or other and so either side drew back to their Camp Notwithstanding Curio his Camp was afterwards possessed with a great fear and suspicion which was quickly augmented by divers reports raised upon the same For every man forged opinions and conceits and out of his own fear added something to that which he had heard of another Which when it was spread from one authour to many and one had received it from another it seemed there were many authours of the same thing For Civile war is alwaies compounded of such men as hold it lawfull to do and follow what and whom they please Those legions which a little before were in the service of the Enemy did willingly embrace what was offered them for old acquaintance had made them forget what benefits Caesar had lately bestowed on them being also of divers Countries and Nations and not all of the Marsi or Peligni as those the night before which were their Cabin-mates and fellow-souldiers whereupon they took occasion to publish abroad in worse tearms that which others had vainly given out and some things were coined by those that would seem most diligent in doing their duty THE FIRST OBSERVATION OBserve first from the revolt of these Centurions that a fellow or two of rank and fashion falling from a Party do gain easy credit to their advertisements by averring any thing which the Enemy desireth Whence it is that forasmuch as fugitives can little otherwise avail one man being but as no man they seek favour and reputation with the party they â—ly unto by their advise and discovery and consequently the remuneration of espiall which according to the president made by Fabius to the Spies of Clusine is worth a mans labour And herein Revolters specially those of judgement are very dangerous instruments not only in weakening or making frustrate such designs as may be contrived against an Adversary but also in discovering the secrets of their own Party and disclosing of that which is absolute and well untill it be made known For there is no subsisting thing so perfect but hath alwaies some part or other open to give an easy passage to destruction according to that of the Poet Omnia sunt hominum tenui pendentia filo All humane things hang by a slender thread And therefore it is no small means of preserving each thing in being to make shew of strength and conceal weaknesses as the registers of assured ruine For which cause it is that fidelity is commended as the foundation of humane society and perfidious treachery divulging the secret imperfections thereof is the plague and bane of the same THE SECOND OBSERVATION AS there is nothing more dangerous in an Army then fear so there is nothing sooner bred to disturb a multitude then this passion which metamorphoseth a troup of men into a heard of Deer For hence it appeareth that one Thersites is able to leaven a whole Army and an idle conceit bred in the weak thoughts of some Tresantas begetteth oftentimes a main cause of distrust throughout all the Party which as it spreadeth abroad is so delivered from one to another as the Reporter not believing what he telleth addeth alwaies somewhat to make the hearer believe what he could not himself And so weak minds do multiply the vain apprehension of idle humours in such a fashion as there is more hurt in fearing then in the thing which is feared Epaminodas was more fortunate then all others in this kind for while he led the Thebans as their Commander they were never taken with any sudden affrightment nor possest with any Panick terrour to bereave them of their senses or falsify the truth of their understanding being all as it seemed of the same mind with the Generall who accounted no death so honourable as that which came by war Howbeit such is the frailty of humane nature and so strange are the convulsions of the mind
it but one work to bring us both to ruine and overthrow and to ingage you in a most detestable wickednesse Or what worse opinion can they conceive of you then that you should betray those men that professe themselves wholly yours and that you might afterwards come into their power who take themselves to be undone by your means Have you not understood what Caesar hath done in Spain two Armies beaten two Generalls defeated two Provinces taken and all within forty daies after he came in view of the Enemy Those whose forces were not able to make resistance when they were whole and entire how is it possible they should hold out being beaten and discomfited You that followed Caesar when the victory stood doubtfull now Fortune hath adjudged the Cause and determined of the issue of the War will you follow the vanquished Partie when you are to receive the reward of your service They gave out that they were forsaken and betraied by you and do remember you of the former oath you took But did you forsake L. Domitius or did he forsake you Did not he thrust you out and expose you to all extremity of fortune Did he not seek to save himself by flight without your knowledge or privity Were you not preserved and kept alive by Caesar's clemency when you were abandoned and betraied by him How could he tie you with the oath of allegeance when having cast away his sheaf of Rods and laid down his authority he himself was made a private person and became captivated to the command of another mans power It were a strange and new religion that you should neglect that oath wherein you stand now ingaged and respect the other which was taken away by the rendry of your Generall and the losse of your liberty But I believe you think well of Caesar and are offended at me that am not to preach of my merits towards you which as yet are less then my will and unworthy your expectation and yet souldiers have alwaies used to seek reward upon the shutting up of a war which what event it will have make you no doubt And why should I omit the diligence which I have already used and how the business hath hitherto proceeded Doth it offend you that I transported the Army over in safety without losse of any one ship That at my coming I beat and dispersed at the first onset the whole fleet of the Adversaries That twice in two daies I overcame them onely with the Cavalry That I drew two hundred Ships of burthen out of the Road and Port of the Enemy and have brought them to that extremity that they can be supplied by provision neither by sea nor by land All this good fortune and these Commanders rejected and forsaken will you rather imbrace again the ignominie you received at Corfinium or your slight out of Italy or the rendering up of Spain or the prejudiciall successe of the war of Africk Truly for mine own part I was desirous and content to be called Caesar's souldier but you have stiled me with the title of Imperator Which if it repent you I do willingly quit my self of your grace and return it back unto you and do you in like manner restore me to my name again least you should seem to give me honour which might turn to my reproch THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the handling of this accident the difference cometh to be observed between a Councell of war and a Concio or convocation of the souldiers The first was more particular consisting of some choice men and those the most eminent in the partie Is qui non universum populum sed partem aliquam adesse jubet non comitia sed concilium edicere debet he that calls together only a part of the people and not the whole calls a Councell not a generall assembly Their convocation or preaching was more generall the whole Army being convented together to be fitted by perswasion and discourse to follow the resolution taken by a Councell and was properly called Adlocutâ—o and sometimes Conventus Cicero perlectam Epistolam Caesaris in conventâ— militum recitat Cicero read the letter from Caesar in a conventus or generall meeting of his souldiers The parties called to a Councell were according as the Generall valued the occasion for sometimes the Legates and Tribunes were onely consulted and now and then the Centurions of the first Orders together with the Captains of horse were called to their assistance and oftentimes all the Centurions But howsoever Curio resolved out of his own judgement as great Commanders commonly do and is specially observed by Pierre Matthieu of the French King who ever loveth to hear the opinion of his Captains but alwaies finds his own the best THE SECOND OBSERVATION AMongst other strains of this discourse it is acknowledged that Rome could not stand without Sicilie the reason was for the plenty of Corn which it brought forth for Sicily was alwaies reputed as the Granary or Barn of Rome accordingly cared for by the Senate as a place without which their Citie could not continue The grain of that Iland is hard like horn and cannot well be broken or ground into Meal untill it be wet with water and then dried in the shade rather then in the sunne by means whereof it yieldeth so exceedingly that it is accounted twenty in the hundred better then any Ponent Wheat especially for that it will keep long in their Vaults and Caves under the earth seldome or never take heat being of it self so hard and dry The gluttonous use of flesh hath made men ignorant of the vertue and strength of Corn which the Romans better understood for their legions never sed on flesh as long as they could get Corn. Pecora quod secundum poterat esse inopiae subsidium they fetched in cattel as the second way to help their want saith Caesar And in another place Ut complures dies milites frumento caruerint Pecore è longinquioribus vicis adacto extremam famem sustentarent the souldiers having for many daies been without corn they were fain to sustain their extreme hunger with cattell which they had fetched afar off And in the same place Quod minor erat frumenti copia Pecus imperabat because there was but little corn he gave order for cattell And again Non illi hordeum cum daretur non legumina recusbant Pecus vero cujus rei summa erat in Epiro copia magno in honore habebant They refused neither barley nor pulse when it was offered them but cattell whereof there was good store in Epirus they prized at an high rate By which places it appeareth that they never fell to flesh but when they wanted Corn. Which is doubtlesse a firmer nutriment lesse excrementall and of better strength then any other food whatsoever as containing the prime substance of Meat and the spirit of Wine for Aqua vitae
his exhortations nor intreaties he commanded them as the last hope they had of safety that they should all flie unto the next hills and thither he commanded the Ensignes to be carried But the Cavalry sent by Sabura had also possessed that place before whereby our men began to fall into utter despair and partly were slain as they fled by the horsemen or fell down without wounding Cn. Domitius Generall of the horse standing with a few horsemen about him perswaded Curio to save himself by slight and to get the Camp promising not to leave or forsake him But Curio confidently replied that he would never come in Caesar's sight having lost the Army committed unto him and thereupon fighting valiantly was slain A few horsemen saved themselves from the furie of the battell but such of the Rereward as staied by the way to refresh their horses perceiving a far off the rout and flight of the whole Army returned safe into the Camp The footmen were all slain to a man M. Rufus the Treasurer being left by Curio in the Camp exhorted his men not to be discouraged They praied and besought him they might be transported into Sicily He promised them they should and to that end gave order to the Masters of ships that the next evening they should bring all the Skiffes to the shore But such was the astonishment and terrour of all men that some gave out that Juba his forces were already come others that Varus was at hand with the legions and that they saw the dust of the Army marching towards them whereas there was no such matter at all others suspected the Enemies Navie would speedily make to them insomuch as every man shifted for himself such as were already on ship-board made haste to be gone Their departure gave occasion to the ships of burthen to follow after A few small Barks were obedient to the command but the shore being thronged with souldiers such was the contention which of all that multitude should get aboard that some of the Barks were sunk with press of people and the rest for fear of the like casualtie durst not come near them Whereby it happened that a few souldiers and Masters of families that through favour or pitty prevailed to be taken in or could swim unto the ships were carried back safe into Sicily The rest of the forces sending by night some of the Centurions as Embassadours to Varus rendered themselves unto him The next day after Juba seeing the Cohorts of these souldiers before the town cried out presently that they were part of his booty and thereupon gave order that a great number of them should be slain and selecting a few of the rest sent them into his kingdome Varus complaining in the mean while that his faith and promise was violated and yet durst not resist it The King rode into the town attended with many Sâ—nationns amongst 〈◊〉 was Ser. Sulpitius and Licinius Damasippus and remaining there a few daies gave such order for things as he thought fit and then returned to his kingdome with all his forces OBSERVATIONS ANd this was the period which Divine power made to the hopefull beginning of Curio's designe upon Africk and happened so suddenly as they were lost ere they were aware Like a tempest at Sea that swalloweth up vessels in the same place where a little before they swam most proudly and in the like irrecoverable manner For war is not capable of a second errour one fault being enough to ruine an Army and to disable Curio for ever doing the like of whom Lucan hath left this memoriall Haud alium tanta Civem tulit tudole Roma Aut cui plus leges deberent recta sequenti Perdita nunc primum nocuerunt secula postquam Ambitus luxus opum metuenda facultas Transverso mentem dubiam torrente tulerunt Momentumque fuit mutatus Curio rerum Gallorum captus spoliis Caesaris Auro So vertuous Citizen Rome never bred Whilst right the Laws a friend like him ne're had But the bad times first took him from his hold Ambition Riot and the force of Gold In a wrong stream soon drew his wavering mind Of great concern which way so e're inclin'd Fetcht off with Gallick spoils and Caesar's gifts His body lay unburied as a witness of Numidian hate which is alwaies extreme like the heat of the Countrey and of Juba's particular revenge for tendering an Edict to the people to confiscate his kingdome To conclude this Commentary The losse either Partie sustained unto this stage of the War was in these particulars Pompey was driven out of Italy lost Marseilles and both the Provinces of Spain Caesar received this losse in Africk besides that in the Adriatick sea where Antonius miscarried whereof he maketh no mention in these Commentaries And as when Jupiter weighed the fortune of the Greeks and the Troians in a paâ—re of Ballance it fell out the Greeks had more ill luck then the Troians so the fortune of these Parties being weighed by the relation made thereof it falleth plainly out that Pompey had the worse And thus endeth the second Commentarie The Third Commentarie of the Civile VVarres The Argument THe former Books contain the drifts and designes which these famous Chiefs attempted and prosecuted while they were asunder And now cometh their buckling at hand to be related together with the judgement which the Warre gave of the Cause in question on Caesar's behalf CHAP. I. Caesar giveth order at Rome for matter of Credit and Vsury and other things CAesar the Dictator holding the assembly for election of Magistrates Julius Caesar and Pub. Servilius were created Consuls for in that year he was capable by law to be chosen thereunto These things being ended forasmuch as he found that credit was very scant throughout all Italy and that money sent upon trust was not paid he gave order that Arbitratours should be appointed to make an estimation of possessions and goods according as they were valued before the war and that the Creditours should take them at that rate for their moneys For this course he thought to be fittest and expedient as well for the taking away of any fear of composition or new assurances for the quitting and abolishing of all debts which do commonly fall out upon wars and civill broils as also for the keeping and preserving of the Debtors credit In like manner he restored the ancient course of Appeal made by the Praetors and Tribunes to the people as also certain courses used in suing for Magistracy which were taken away by a law made in Pompey's time when he kept the legions about him in the City and likewise reformed such judgements in sutes and trialls of law as were given in Cases when the matter in controversie was heard by one Iudge and the sentence pronounced the same day by another Iudge Last of all whereas divers stood condemned for offering their service unto him in the
per Cent. Dodrans 9. Bes 8. Septunx usura 7. Semis 6. Quincunx 5. Triens 4. Quadrans 3. Sextans 2. Unciaria one in the hundred Howbeit Cato condemned all kind of usury for being demanded Quid maxime in re familiari expediret respondit bene pascere quid secundum satis bene pascere quid tertium bene vestire quid quartum arare Et cum ille qui quaesierat dixisset Quid foenerari Quid hominem inquit occidere what was the most expedient thing in householdry answered good diet what the second enough good diet what the third good cloaths what the fourth ploughing And when he that question'd him thus said What think you of taking use he replyed What is it to kill a man Allowing as it seemeth no means of getting mony but those which Aristotle took to be most agreeing to Nature which is from the fruits of the earth and the increase of our cattell with such other courses as are answerable thereunto CHAP. II. A particular view of Pompey's forces IN the accomplishing of these things as also celebrating the Latine Holy-daies and holding the Assemblies of the people having spent eleven daies he gave over his Dictatorship left the City and came to Brundusium For he had commanded seven legions and all his Cavalry to repair thither Howbeit he found no more shipping ready then would hardly transport fifteen thousand legionary souldiers and five hundred horse the want of shipping seeming to hinder him from bringing the war to a speedy end Moreover those forces which were shipped were but weak in regard that many of them were lost in the wars of Gallia and lessened likewise by their long journey out of Spain besides that the unwholsome Autumn in Apulia and about Brundusium had made the whole Army ill disposed being newly come out of the sweet air of Gallia and Spain Pompey having had a years space to provide himself of men and munition and neither war nor enemy to trouble him had got together a great Navy out of Asia from the Cyclade Iles Corcyra Athens Pontus Bithynia Syria Cilicia Phoenicia and Egypt and had caused another as great a fleet to be built in all places fit for that purpose had raised great summs of mony out of Asia and Syria and of all the Kings Dynastes Tetrarchs and free States of Achaia and had likewise compelled the Corporations of those Provinces to contribute the like summe He had enrolled nine legions of Roman Citizens five which he had transported out of Italy one old legion out of Sicily which being compounded and made of two he called the â—win one out of Creet and Macedoniaâ—old â—old souldiers who being discharged by 〈…〉 those Provinces and 〈…〉 of Asia which Lentulus the Consul had caused to be enrolled Besides he had distributed amongst those legions under the 〈…〉 supply a great number of Thessaly 〈…〉 and Epirus Amongst these he had mingled Antonie's souldiers and besides these he expected to be brought by Scipio out of Syria two legions Of Archers out of Crete Lacedaemon Pontus and Syria and the rest of the Cities he had 3000 six cohorts of Slingers two Mercenary 7000 horse Whereof Deiotarus had brought 600 Galles Ariobarzanes 500 out of Cappadocia Cotus out of Thracia had sent the like number under the leading of his son Sadalis From Macedonia came 200 commanded by Rascipolis a Captain of great fame and vertue From Alexandria came 500 part Galles and part Germans which A. Gabinius had left there with King Ptolemy to defend the Town Pompey the son had brought with the Navy 800 of his shepheards and servants Tarcondarius Castor and Donilaus had sent three hundred out of Gallograecia of whom one came himself and the other sent his son Two hundred were sent out of Syria by Comagenus of Antioch whom Pompey had presented with great gifts most of which were Arbalestriers on horseback To these were added Dardans and Bessi partly for pay and entertainment and partly got by command or favour besides Macedonians Thessalians and of divers other Nations and Cities insomuch as he filled up the number formerly spoken of He provided great quantity of Corn out of Thessaly Asia Crete Cyrene and the rest of those Regions He determined to winter at Dyrrachium Apollonia and all the maritime towns to keep Caesar from passing the Sea and to that end he had laid and disposed his Navie all along the Sea-coast Pompey the son was Admirall of the Aegyptian ships D. Laelius and C. Triarius of those that came out of Asia C. Cassius commanded them of Syria and C. Marcellus with C. Pomponius the ships of Rhodes Scribonius Libo and M. Octavius had charge of the Liburnian and Achaian Navie Howbeit M. Bibulus commanded in chief in all sea causes and to him was left the superintendency of the Admiralty THE FIRST OBSERVATION COncerning these Latinae Feriae it is to be noted that the Romans had two sorts of Feriae or Holy-daies the one called Annales which came alwaies to be kept on a certain day and thereupon were called Anniversarii or yearly the other Conceptivae which were arbitrary and solemnized upon such daies as the Magistrates and Priests thought most expedient whereof these Latinae Feriae were chief and were kept on Mount Albane to Jupiter Latiar or Latialis for the health and preservation of all the Latine people in league and confederacy with the people of Rome and were solemnized in remembrance of the truce between those two Nations during which feast the Romans held it unlawfull to make any war The sacrifice was a white Bull kill'd and offered by the Consuls and the flesh distributed to the inhabitants of Latium according to an ancient Treaty of alliance between them engraven for a perpetuall memory in a Column of brasse The particulars whereof are expressed at large by Dionysius Halicarnasseus THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe second thing coming to be noted is the view taken of Pompey's forces which are nine compleat legions besides the supplies here particularly mentioned sent from such as bare affection to that Party and by indifferent calculation might amount in all to near about threescore thousand men together with the favour of the Countrey where the triall was to be made by the stroke of War In which Muster were the souldiers of C. Antonius whose misfortune these Commentaries have either willingly forgot or some other chance hath wip't it clean out Howbeit Florus hath it recorded that Caesar having sent Dolabella and Antonius to seize upon the Streights and entrance of the Adriatick sea the one took hold of the coast of Sclavonia and the other near unto Corfu when upon a suddain came Octavius and Pompey's Lieutenants and with great forces they had aboard their ships surprized both the one and the other whereby Antonius was constrained to yield up fifteen Companies which were these souldiers of Antonius hear mentioned Rascipolis or Rascupolis was a Thracian of great fame that
the same time also came Domitius into Macedonia and as Embassadours began to come thick unto him from divers States of that Province it was told him that Scipio was at hand with the legions and came with great fame and opinion of all men which is oftentimes a fore-runner of novelties He making no stay in any part of Macedonia marched directly with great fury towards Domitius and when he came within twenty miles of him turned his course suddenly to Cassius Longinus in Thessalia which he did so speedily that newes came together of his coming and of his arrivall For to the end he might march with greater expedition he left M. Favonius at the River Haliacmon which divideth Macedonia from Thessalia with eight cohorts to keep the carriages of the legions where he commanded them to build a Fort. At the same time the Cavalry of King Cottus which was wont to keep in the Confines of Thessalia came flying suddenly to Cassius Campe. Whereat he being astonished understanding of Scipio's coming and seeing the horsemen whom he thought to be his made towards the hills which inclose Thessalia and from thence marched towards Ambracia And as Scipio made hast to follow after Letters overtook him sent from Favonius that Domitius was at hand with the legions and that he could not hold the place wherein he was left without Scipio's help Upon the receipt of which letters Scipio altered both his purpose and his journey leaving Cassius made hast to help Favonius so that continuing his journey night and day he came unto him in very good time For as the dust of Domitius Army approaching was seen to rise the fore-runners of Scipio his Army were likewise discovered Whereby it happened that as Domitius industry did help Cassius so did Scipio his speed save Favonius OBSERVATIONS CAesar being now ready with his forces to proceed against Pompey the first thing he did was to make triall of the provinces of Greece and to get their favour and assistance for his better furtherance in contesting his Adversary For as an Army standeth firm by two speciall means first in themselves as they are able to resist any opposing force and secondly through the favour of the Countrey wherein they are ingaged so on the other side their overthrow either proceedeth from their own weaknesse or otherwise when the Provinces adjoyning do refuse such mutuall respects as may relieve the wants of a consuming multitude And therefore having got all the forces together which he looked for or could any way expect he sent out to try the affection of the Countrey and to alter that in a moment which Pompey had been settling for a year together and then resolved to attack him nearer And doubtlesse if Scipio had not by chance interrupted their course upon his coming out of Asia to aide Pompey they had as easily got all Thessalia and Macedonia as they did Aetolia and were neverthelesse so ordered and disposed as they got more honour of Scipio then he could win of them CHAP. XIII The Passages between Domitius and Scipio SCipio aboad two daies in his standing Camp upon the River Haliacmon which ran between him and Domitius Camp The third day as soon as it began to be light he passed his Army over the River by a Foord and incamped himself The next day in the morning he imbattelled his forces before the front of his Camp Domitius in like manner made no difficulty of bringing out his legions resolving to fight And whereas there lay a field of six miles between both the Camps he led his troups imbattelled under Scipio's Camp who neverthelesse refused to move any jot from his standing yet for all that Domitius souldiers were hardly kept from giving battell but specially a River lying under Scipio's Camp with broken and uneasie banks did hinder them at that time Scipio understanding of their alacrity and desire to fight suspecting it might happen that the next day he should be forced to fight against his will or with great dishonour keep himself within his Camp having with great expectation in the beginning gone on rashly and unadvisedly was now dishonoured with a reproachfull end For in the night-time he rose without any noise or warning for the trussing up of the baggage and passing the River returned the same way he came and in an eminent place near unto the River he pitched his Camp A few daies after he laid an ambushment of horsemen in a place where our men had formerly accustomed to forrage And as Q. Varus Generall of the horse in Domitius Army came out according to his ordinary use they set upon him at a suddain But our men did valiantly sustain the onset and every man betaking himself speedily to his rank they all together of their own accord charged the Enemy and having slain fourscore they put the rest to flight with the losse onely of two of their men OBSERVATIONS IT appeareth here that to shew a readiness and resolution to fight upon such grounds as are justifiable by the rules of War is no small advantage to the prosperous carriage of the same For albeit Scipio was great in his own strength and as great in the opinion and expectation of men yet when he found such an alacrity in the Enemy to give and take blows and a desire to entertain seriously all occasions of giving battell he was so far from prosecuting what he had pretended as he rather chose the fortune of a safe retreat and consequently to turn the advantage which the world in opinion had given to his Army to his own reproach and disadvantage Whereas on the other side to be found for the most part unwilling to hazard the triall of a Field or indisposed to fight upon any occasion doth invite an Enemy to attempt that which otherwise he would not and giveth them courage to beat him from all his purposes as knowing the resolution of their Adversary and the means they have either to take or leave at their pleasure CHAP. XIV Domitius draweth Scipio to a losse by an Ambushment Young Pompey's attempt upon Oricum AFter these things Domitius hoping that Scipio might he drawn to fight he made as though he were in great want and scarcity of Corn and thereupon rising from the place wherein he was incamped with the usuall cry of removing according to the custome of War and having marched three miles he lodged all his Army with the Cavalry in a convenient and secret place Scipio being ready to follow after sent his horsemen and a great part of his light-armed souldiers to discover what way Domitius took who marching forward as the first troups came within the Ambushment suspecting somewhat by the neighing of the horses they fell back again Those that followed after seeing the former troups so suddainly to retire stood still Our men finding themselves discovered and thinking it in vain to attend the rest having got two troups of horse within their reach they contented
down the Hill they dâ—d the more urge and presse upon them and would not suffer them to fall back for that they seemed to forsake the Place for fear It is reported that Pompey should then in a vain-glory say to those that were about him That he would be content to be taken for a Generall of no worthâ— if Caesar's men could make any retreat from thence where they were so rashly ingaged without great losse Caesar fearing the retreat of his souldiers caused Hurdles to be brought and sâ—t against the Enemy in the brimme of the Hill and behind them sunk a trench of an indifferent latitude and incumbered the place as much as possibly he could He lodged also Slingers in convenient places to defend his men in their retreat These things being perfected he caused the legions to be drawn back But Pompey's party began with greater boldness and insolency to presse our people and putting by the Hurdles which were set there as a Barricado they passed over the ditch Which when Caesar perceived fearing least they should rather seem to be beaten off then be brought back whereby a greater scandall might consequently ensue having almost from the mid-way incouraged his men by Antonius who commanded that legion he willed that the signe of charging the Enemy should be given by a Tâ—umpet and gave order to assault them The souldiers of the ninth legion putting themselves suddenly into order threw their Pâ—les and running furiously from the lower ground up the steep of the Hill drave the Enemy headlong from them who found the Hurdles the long poles and the ditches to be a great hinderance unto them in their retreat It contented our men to leave the place without losse so that having slain many of them they came away very quietly with the losse of sive of their fellows And having staied about that place a while they took other hills and perfected the fortifications upon them OBSERVATIONS THis Chapter sheweth that advantage of place and some such industrious courses as may be fitted to the occasion are of great consequence in extremities of war but above all there is nothing more availeable to clear a danger then valour Valour is the Hercules that overcometh so many Monsters and verifieth that saying which cannot be too often repeated Virtute faciendum est quâ—cquid in rebus bellicis est gerendum What a man does in matter of war must be done with valour But of this I have already treated CHAP. XVIII The scarcity which either Partiâ— endured in this siege THe carriage of that war was in a strange and unusuall manner as well in respect of the great number of Forts and Castles containing such a circuit of ground within one continued fortification as also in regard of the whole siege and of other consequents depending thereupon For whosoever goeth about to besiege another doth either take occasion from the weakness of the Enemy daunted or stricken with fear or overcome in battail or otherwise being moved thereunto by some injurie offered whereas now it happened that they were far the stronger both in horse and foot And generally the cause of almost all sieges is to keep an enemy from provision of Corn but Caesar being then far inferiour in number of souldiers did neverthelesse besiege an Army of intire and untouched forces especially at a time when they abounded with all necessary provisions for every day came great store of shipping from all parts bringing plenty of all things needfull neither could there any wind blow which was not good from some part or other On the other side Caesar having spent all the Corn he could get far or near was in great want and scarcity and yet notwithstanding the souldiers did bear it with singular patience for they remembred how they had suffered the like the year before in Spain and yet with patience and labour had ended a great and dangerous war They remembred likewise the exceeding great want they indured at Alesia and much greater at Avaricum and yet for all that they went away Conquerers of many great Nations They refused neither Barlie nor Pease when it was given them in stead of Wheat And of Cattell whereof they were furnished with great store out of Epirus they made great account There was also a kind of root found out by them that were with Valerius called Chara which eaten with Milk did much relieve their want and made withall a kind of bread whereof they had plenty And when Pompey's Party happened in their Colloquies to cast in their teeth their scarcity and misery they would commonly throw this kind of bread at them and scatter it in divers places to discourage them in their hopes And now Corn began to be ripe and hope it self did relieve their want for that they trusted to have plenty within a short time And oftentimes the souldiers in their watches and conferences were heard to let fall speeches that they would rather eat the bark of trees then suffer Pompey to escape out of their hands Besides they understood by such as ran away from the Enemy that their horse of service could scarce be kept alive and that the rest of their Cattell were all dead and that the souldiers themselves were in no good health as well through the narrowness of the place wherein they were pent as also by means of the ill savour and multitude of dead bodies together with continuall labour being unaccustomed to travel and pains but especially through the extreme want of water for all the Rivers and Brooks of that quarter Caesar had either turned another way or dammed up with great works And as the places were mountainous with some intermission and distinction of Valleys in the form and fashion of a Cave or Den so he stopped the same with great piles beaten into the ground and interlated with fagots and hurdles and then strengthened with earth to keep back the water insomuch as they were constrained to seek low grounds and Marish places and there to sink Wells Which labour they were glad to undertake besides their daily works albeit these Wells stood far distant from their Garrisons and were quickly dried up with heat But Caesar's Army was in exceeding good health and had plenty of water together with all kind of provisions excepting Wheat which the season of the year daily brought on and gave them hope of store Harvest being so near at hand In this new course of war new policies and devices of warfare were invented and put in practice by either Partie They perceiving by the fires that our Cohorts in the night time kept watch at the works came stealing out and discharged all their Arrows upon them and then presently retreated Wherewith our men being warned found out this remedy that they made their fires in one place and kept their watch in another THE FIRST OBSERVATION FOrasmuch as all matter of attempt doth much import the fortune of a war we may not omit to take notice
what and how many watches to visit having received the watch-word before from their Commander and then all four went to attend at the Tent of the Primipile or chiefest Centurion of a Legion who had the charge of distinguishing the four watches of the night by a Trumpet When time served for him that was to go the Round the first watch he went out accompanied with some of his friends and visited those watches which were assigned unto him And if he found the watch-man waking and in good order he then took that Tablet from him which he had received of the Tribune and departed But if he found him sleeping or out of his place he took witnesse thereof and departed The same did the rest of the Rounders as their watches fell out in course And as the day began to break all the Rounders brought in the Tablets to the Tribunes And if all were brought in there was no more to do but if any wanted it was found out by the Character what watch had failed which being known the Centurion was called and commanded to bring those that were faulty If the offence were in the watch-man the Rounder was to prove it by witnesses if not it fell upon himself and a Councell of war being presently called the Tribune gave judgement to kill him with a club And in this manner did the Romans keep watch in the Camp CHAP. XIX A relation of divers incounters that happened between both Parties IN the mean time Pub. Sylla whom Caesar at his departure from the Camp had left to command the Army being certified thereof came with two legions to succour the Cohort at whose approach Pompey's party was easily beaten off being neither able to indure the shock nor sight of our men For the first being put off the rest gave back and left the place but as our men pursued them Sylla called them back and would not suffer them to follow far after Howbeit many men think that if he would have pressed hard upon them the war had ended that day But in my opinion he is not to be blamed for there is one charge and power peculiar to a Lieutenant and another to him that commandeth in Chief the one doing nothing but by order and prescription and the other disposing every thing as he shall think fit Sylla in Caesar's absence having freed hâ—s men was content therewith and would no further ingage them in fight which might happily prove subject to ill fortune least he should seem to assume unto himself the place and authority of a Generall There were certain things that made the retreat of Pompey's men very difficult and hazardous For having ascended from a bottome to a Hill they now found themselves upon the top thereof And as they were to make their retreat down again they stood in fear of our men pressing on them from the higher ground neither was it far from sunne-setting for hoping to end it speedily they drew out the business untill it was almost night whereby Pompey was forced to take a resolution from the time and to possesse himself of a Mount no further from the Fort then out of shot There he made a stand fortified the place and kept his forces At the same time they fought in two other places for Pompey to separate and distract our troups assaulted divers forts together to the end they might not be succoured from the next Garrisons In one place Volcatius Tullus with three Cohorts sustained the assault of a Legion and made them forsake the place In another part the Germans sallying out of our works slew many of the Enemy and returned back to their fellows in safety So that in one day there were six severall sights three at Dyrrachium and three at the fortifications of all which an account being taken there were found slain of Pompey's Party to the number of two thousand with many Centurions and other speciall men called out to that war Amongst whom was Valerius Flaccus the son of Lucius who being Praetor had obtained the Province of Asia besides there were six Ensignes taken Our Party lost not above twenty men in all those fights howbeit in the fort there was not one man but was hurt Four Centurions of one Cohort lost their eyes and for argument of their endeavour and great danger they made report to Caesar of thirty thousand arrows shot into the fort There was also a Target of one Scaeva a Centurion which was shewed unto him being pierced through in two hundred and thirty places whom Caesar as having well desâ—rved of him and the Common-wealth rewarded with six hundred pound sterling and advanced him from the Companies of the eâ—ghth rank to be the chiefest Centurion or Prinâ—ipile of the Legion for it appeared that by his means specially the fort was saved For the Cohort he doubled their pay as well in Money as in Corn and Apparrell and rewarded them nobly with ornaments of Military honour Pompey having wrought all that night to fortify his Trenches the dayes following he built towers 15 foot high which being finished he added mantelets to that part of the Camp And after five daies having got a dark night shutting all the Ports of his Camp and ramming them up in the beginning of the third watch â—e drew out his Army in silence and betook himself to his old fortifications OBSERVATIONS THe breach of the Historie in this place is like a blot in a fair Table or as a gap in a daunce of Nymphs and doth much blemish the beauty of this Discourse But forasmuch as it is a losse which cannot be repaired we must rest contented with the use of that which remaineth Out of which we may observe the notice they took of well-deserving according to the institution of their discipline supported especially by Praemâ—um and Poena Reward and Punishment The recognition whereof according to the judgement of the gravest Law-givers is the means to raise a State to the height of perfection Eo enim impendi laborem periculum unde emolumentum honos speratur Men will then venture and take pains when they know they shall get themselves honour and preferment by it The Râ—mans saith Polybius crowned the valour of their souldiers with eternall honours Neither did any thing so much excite them to the atchievement of noble Acts as their Triumphs Garlands and other Ensigns of publick â—enown which Caesar specially observed above the rest For besides this which he did to Cassius Scaeva recorded by all the Writers of these wars Plutarch relateth that at his being in Britain he could not contain from imbracing a souldiers that carried himself valiantly in defence of divers Centurions And whereas the poor man falling down at his feet asked nothing but pardon for leaving his Target behind him he rewarded him with great gifts and much honour Howbeit the difference which Salust hath made in this kind is too generally observed
of them went out far off to get wood and to seek forrage others rising hastily had left a great part of their luggage behind them and induced by the nearness of the last nights lodging left their Armes and went back to fetch those things that were behind Insomuch as Caesar seeing them thus scattered as before he had conceived how it would fall out about high noon gave warning to depart and so led out his Army and doubling that daies journey he went from that place about eight mile which Pompey could not do by reason of the absence of his souldiers The next day Caesar having in like manner sent his carriages before in the beginning of the night set forward himself about the fourth watch that if there were any suddain necessity of fighting he might at all occasions be ready with the whole Army The like he did the daies following By which it happened that in his passage over great Rivers and by difficult and cumbersome waies he received no detriment or losse at all For Pompey being staied the first day and afterwards striving in vain making great journeys and yet not overtaking us the fourth day gave over following and betook himself to another resolution Caesar as well for the accommodating of his wounded men as also for paying the Army re-assuring his Allies and Confederates and leaving Garrisons in the towns was necessarily to go to Apollonia but he gave no longer time for the dispatch of these things then could be spared by him that made haste For fearing least Domitius should be ingaged by Pompey's arrivall he desired to make towards him with all possible celerity his whole purpose and resolution insisting upon these reasons That if Pompey did follow after him he should by that means draw him from the Sea-side and from such provisions of war as he had stored up at Dyrrachium and so should compell him to undertake the war upon equall conditions If he went over into Italy having joyned his Army with Domitius he would go to succour Italy by the way of Illyricum But if he should go about to besiege Apollonia or Oricum and so exclude him from all the Sea-coast he would then besiege Scipio and force Pompey to relieve him And therefore having writ and sent to Cn. Domitius what he would have done leaving four Cohorts to keep Apollonia one at Lissus and three at Oricum and disposing such as were weak through their wounds in Epirus and Acarnania he set forward OBSERVATIONS COnfecto justo itinere ejus dici having marched a full daies march or gone a just daies journey saith the story Which giveth occasion to inquire how far this just daies journey extended Lipsius saith it was twenty four miles alleaging that of Vegetius Militari gradu saith he viginti millia passuum horis quinque duntaxat aestivis conficienda pleno autem gradu qui citatior est totidem horis viginti quatuor A souldiers march did usually rid 20 miles in five summer houres and if they marched with speed 24 miles in the same time understanding justum iter a just journey to be so much as was measured militari gradu by a souldiers march But he that knows the marching of an Army shall easily perceive the impossibility of marching ordinarily twenty four miles a day Besides this place doth plainly confute it for first he saith that he made a just daies journey then again rising about noon doubled that daies journey and went eight miles Which shews that their Justum iter was about eight miles and so suteth the slow conveiance of an Army with more probability then that of Lipsius CHAP. XXVII Pompey hasteth to Scipio Domitius heareth of the overthrow POmpey also conjecturing at Caesar's purpose thought it requisite for him to hasten to Scipio that he might succour him if Caesar should chance to intend that way but if it so fell out that he would not depart from the Sea-shore and Corcyra as expecting the legions and Cavalry to come out of Italy he would then attack Domitius For these causes both of them made haste as well to assist their Parties as to surprize their enemies if occasion were offered But Caesar had turned out of the way to go to Apollonia whereas Pompey had a ready way into Macedonia by Candavia To which there happened another inconvenience that Domitius who for many daies together had lodged hard by Scipio's Camp was now departed from thence to make provision of Corn unto Heraclea Sentica which is subject to Candavia as though Fortune would have thrust him upon Pompey This Caesar was at that time ignorant of Moreover Pompey had writ to all the States and Provinces of the overthrow at Dyrrachium in far greater tearms then the thing it self was and had noised it abroad that Caesar was beaten had lost all his forces and fled away Which reports made the wales very hard and dangerous to our men and drew many States from Caesar's party whereby it happened that many Messengers being sent both from Caesar to Domitius and from Domitius to Caesar were forced to turn back again and could not passe Howbeit some of the followers of Roscillus and Aegus who as is before shewed had fled unto Pompey meeting on the way with Domitius Discoverers whether it were out of their old acquaintance having lived together in the wars of Gallia or otherwise out of vain-glorie related all what had happened not omitting Caesar's departure or Pompey's coming Whereof Domitius being informed and being but scarce four houres before him did by the help of the enemy avoid a most imminent danger and met with Caesar at Aeginium which is a town situate upon the frontiers of Thessalia OBSERVATIONS JOy is an opening and dilating motion and oftentimes openeth the body so wide as it letteth out the soul which returneth not again And in like manner the causes of all such exsultations do for the most part spread themselves further then is requisite Pompey having victory in hope rather then in hand boasted as though all were his not considering that the happinesse or disaster of humane actions doth not depend upon the particulars rising in the course thereof which are variable and divers but according as the event shall censure it Whereupon the Russes have a saying in such cases that he that laughs afterward laughs then too as Caesar did CHAP. XXVIII Caesar sacketh Gomphi in Thessalia CAesar having joyned both Armies together came to Gomphi which is the first town of Thessalia by the way leading out of Epirus These people a few daies before had of their own accord sent Embassadours to Caesar offering all their means and abilities to be disposed at his pleasure requiring also a Garrison of souldiers from him But now they had heard of the overthrow at Dyrrachiuml which was made so great and so prevailed with them that Androsthenes Praetor of Thessalia chusing rather to be a partaker of Pompey's victory then a companion
Burgundie Not to sell the skin before they had killed the Bear might well have â—itted these of Pompey's Partie that contended for offices before they fell and disposed of the skins e're they had took the Bears not sparing out of their impatiency to tax Pompey of spinning out the war for the sweetnesse he found in authority and command as Agamemnon did at Troy Insomuch as Plutarch reporteth that one Favonius imitating Cato's severity and freeness of speech went about throughout all the Camp demanding Whether it were not great pitty that the ambitious humour of one man should keep them that year from eating the figs and delicate fruit of Tusculum And all men generally stood so affected as Pompey could not withstand their inforcements For as Florus saith Milites otium socii moram principes ambitum Ducis increpabant The souldiers blamed the slouth the confederates found fault with the delay the chief commanders with the ambition of their Generall Onely Cato thought it not fit to hazard themselves upon a desperate man that had neither hope or help but in Fortune But as in most things besides so in this he stood alone and could not prevail against a multitude THE SECOND OBSERVATION PLacere sibi ternas tabellas dari ad indicandum iis qui erant ordinis Senatorii They agreed that all such as were of the rank of Senatours should be inquired upon by a triple Commission saith the story Tabellas I have translated Commissions as best suting our English phrase but the meaning was as followeth It appeareth by history that the Roman people as well in election of Magistrates as in causes criminall did give their voices openly and aloud for six hundred years together untill one Gabinius a Tribune of the People perceiving that the Commons for fear of the great Ones durst not dispose of their voices freely and as they would published an Edict that the people should give their voices by Ballating Which law Tully commendeth Grata est tabella quae frontes operit hominum mentes tegit datque cam libertatem quod velint faciant It is an acceptable Law which hides the faces and meanings of men and gives all liberty to do what they please And in another place he calleth it Principium justissimae libertatis the foundation of most just liberty Upon an election of Magistrates the balls were given according to the number of the Competitours that every man might chuse as he pleased In criminall Causes every man had three one marked with A. signifying Absolution and another with C. for Condemnation and another with N. L. for Non liquet which they called Ampliatio desirous to be further informed which our Grand Juries do expresse by an Ignoramus And in this manner would Domitius have had his fellow Senatours either quitted or condemned The balls which were given upon the making of a law were two one marked with V. R. which signified Uti rogas that it might go on and the other with A. signifying Antiquo rejecting it For as Festus noteth Antiquare est in modum pristinum reducere to Antiquate is to make the thing be as it was before And in this manner they would have proceeded against Caesar's Parâ—izans being altogether mistaken in the assurance of their happiness the continuance whereof depended upon Vertue and not upon Fortune CHAP. XXX Caesar finding the Enemy to offer battell in an indifferent Place prepareth to undertake him PRovision of Corn being made and the souldiers well resolved to which end he had interposed a sufficient space of time after the battell at Dyrrachium Caesar thought it time now to try what purpose or will Pompey had to fight And therefore drawing the Army out of the Camp he imbattelled his troups first upon the place and somewhat removed from Pompey's Camp but every day following he went further off his own trenches and brought his Army under the hills whereon the Enemy lay incamped This made his Army daily the more bold and assured He kept continually his former course with his horsemen who because they were lesse in number by many degrees then those of Pompey's party he commanded certain lusty young men chosen out of them that stood before the Ensignes for their nimble and swift running to fight amongst the horsemen who by reason of their daily practise had learned the use of that kind of fight So that one thousand of our Cavalry in open and champain places would when need were undergo the charge of seven thousand of theirs and were not much terrified with the multitude of them For at that time they made a fortunate incounter and slew one of the two Savoiens that had formerly fled to Pompey with divers others Pompey having his Camp upon a hill imbattelled his Army at the lower foot thereof to see if he could get Caesar to thrust himself into an unequall and disadvantageous place Caesar thinking that Pompey would by no means be drawn to battell thought it the fittest course for him to shift his Camp and to be alwaies in moving hoping by often removes from place to place he should be better accommodated for provision of Corn and withall might upon a march find some occasion to fight besides he should weary Pompey's Army not accustomed to travell with daily and continuall journeys And thereupon he gave the signe of dislodging But as the Tents were taken down it was a little before observed that Pompey's Army was advanced somewhat further from their Trenches then ordinarily they were accustomed so that it seemed they might fight in an equall and indifferent place Whereupon Caesar when his troups were already in the gates setting out It behoveth us saith he to put off our removing for the present and bethink our selves of fighting as we have alwaies desired for we shall not easily hereafter find the like occasion and presently drew out his forces Pompey also as it was afterwards known was resolved at the instance of all that were about him to give battell for he had given out in councell some few daies before that he would everthrow Caesar's Army before the troups came to joyn battell And as many that stood by wondered at it I know saith he that I promise almost an incredible matter but take the ground whereupon I speak it that you may undergo the business with more assurance I have perswaded the Cavalry and they have promised to accomplish it that when they come near to joyn they shall attack Caesar's right Cornet on the open side and so the Army being circumvented behind shall be amused and routed before our men can cast a weapon at them whereby we shall end the war without danger of the Legions or almost without any wound received Which is not difficult or hard to do for us that are so strong in horse And withall he gave order that they should be ready against the next day forasmuch as the occasion was offered according as they had
often intended not to deceive the opinion which other men had of their prowesse and valour Labienus seconding this speech as contemning Caesar's forces extolled Pompey's resolution to the skies Do not think Pompey saith he that this is the Army wherewith he conquered Gallia or Germania I was present my self at all those battells and do not speak rashly what I am â—gnorant of There is a very small piece of that Army remaining a great part of them are dead as it cannot otherwise be in so many battells The Pâ—stilence the last Autumn in Italy consumed many of them many are gone home and many are left in the Continent Have ye not heard that the Cohorts which are now at Brundusium are made and raised of such as remained behind there to recover their healths These forces that ye see were the last year gathered of the Musters made in the hither Gallia and most of them of the Colonies beyond the Po and yet all the flower and strength of them was taken away in the last two overthrows at Dyrrachium When he had spoken these things he took a solemn oath not to return into the Camp but with victory exhorting the rest to do the like Pompey commending him took the same oath neither was there any man that refused it These things being thus carried in the councell they rose up and departed with great hope and joy of all men as having already conceived victory in their minds and the rather because they thought that nothing could be spoken vainly by so skilfull a Commander in so weighty and important a Cause OBSERVATIONS COncerning the fashion of the Cavalry in which either Party reposed so much confidence we are to note that the Romans had two sorts of horsemen the one compleatly armed according to their manner and incorporated in the body of their Legions whose entertainment was thrice as much as the footmen Aeque impotens postulatum fuit saith Livie ut de stipendio equitum merebant autem triplex ea tempestate aera demerentur It seemed as unreasonable a motion that the horsemens pay which at that time was triple should be lessened And the other were as light-horsemen which they called Alarii The first sort were thus armed as Josephus witnesseth They wore a sword on their right side somewhat longer then that of the footmen and carried a long staffe or spear in their hand a Target at their horse side and three or more Darts in a quiver with broad heads and not much less then their staves having such head pieces and corselets as the foot-men had The light-armed men had either light Darts or Bow and Arrows And doubtlesse their chiefest service was with their casting weapons And accordingly Tully putteth his son in mind of the praise he had got in Pompey's Army where he commanded a wing of horse Equitando jaculando omni militari labore tolerando in riding casting darts and undergoing all military duty And as their service consisted in breaking their Staves upon an Enemy and in casting their Darts so we exercise the practice of the former in our triumphs at Tilt and the Spaniards the later in their Iocuo di cane The Pistolier that will do somewhat to purpose doth come up close to the other discharge his Pistoll in his enemies neck or under the corselet about the flank or seat of a man and commonly misseth not I have seen a device to use a Musket on horse-back which if it prove as serviceable as is by some conceived will be of great advantage CHAP. XXXI The manner of imbattelling their Armies AS Caesar approached near unto Pompey's Camp he observed his Army to be imbattelled in this manner There were in the left Cornet two legions which in the beginning of these broils were by order and decree of Senate taken from Caesar whereof one was called the first and the other the third and with them stood Pompey Scipio had the middle squadron with the legions he brought out of Syria The Legion of Cilicia joyned with the Spanish Cohorts which Afranius brought with him made the right Cornet These Pompey held to be very strong The rest of the troups were interlaced between the middle Squadron and the Cornets All made one hundred and ten Cohorts which amounted to fifty five thousand men besides two thousand old souldiers and men of note whom he had called out to that war and dispersed them over all the Army The rest of the Cohorts which were seven he had left in the Camp or disposed about the forts near adjoyning The right Cornâ—t was flanked with a River that had high and cumbersome banks and thereupon he put all his Cavalry together with the Archers Slingers in the left Cornet Caesar observing his former custome placed the tenth legion in the right Cornet and the ninth in the left albeit they were very much weakened in the fights at Dyrrachium but to this he so joyned the eighth that he seemed almost to make one of two and commanded them to succour each other He had in all about eighty cohorts which made twenty two thousand men two cohorts he left to keep the Camp He gave the left Cornet to Antonius the right to Pub. Sylla and the middle Squadron to Cn. Domitius and put him self opposite to Pompey And withall having well observed these things according as I have formerly declared fearing least the right Cornet should be inclosed about with the multitude of the Cavalry he speedily drew six cohorts out of the third battell and of them he made a fourth to incounter the horsemen and shewed them what he would have done admonishing withall that the victory of that day consisted in the valour of those cohorts commanding the third battell and likewise the whole Army not to joyn battell without order from him which when he thought fit he would give them notice of by an Ensigne And going about to incourage them to fight according to the use of war he put them in mind of his favours and his carriage towards them from time to time and specially that they themselves were witnesses with what labour and means he had sought for peace as well by treaty with Vatinius as also by employing A. Clodius to Scipio and likewise how he had endeavoured at Oricum with Libo that Embassadours might be sent to treat of these things Neither was he willing at any time to misspend the souldiers blood or to deprive the Common-wealth of either of those Armies This speech being delivered the souldiers both requiring and longing with an ardent desire to fight he commanded the signe of battell to be given by a Trumpet OBSERVATIONS COncerning the order used in disposing these Armies for the triall of this Cause it appeareth by the storie that Pompey set two Legions in his left Cornet which are here named the first and the third Howbeit Lucan saith that those Legions were the first and the fourth Cornus tibi
who came with such a 〈◊〉 upon Pompey's horsemen that none of them were able to stand before them but turning their backs did not onely give place but fled all as fast as they could to the highest Hills whereby the Archers and Slingers being left naked without succour were all put to the sword And with the same violence those Cohorts incompassed about the left Cornet notwithstanding any resistance that could be made by Pompey's party and charged them behind upon their backs At the same time Caesar commanded the third Battell which as yet stood still and were not removed to advance forward by means of which fresh and sound men relieving such as were faint and weary as also that others did charge them behind upon their backs Pompey's party were able no longer to endure it but all turned their backs and fled Neither was Caesar deceived in his opinion that the beginning of the victory would grow from those Cohorts which he placed in the fourth Battell against the horsemen according as he himself had openly spoken in his incouragement to the souldiers For by them first the Cavalry was beaten by them the Archers and Slingers were slain by them Pompey's Battell was circumvented on the left Cornet and by their means they began to flie As soon as Pompey saw his Cavalry beaten and perceived the part wherein he most trusted to be amused and affrighted and distrusting the rest he forthwith left the Battell and conveighed himself on horseback into the Camp And speaking to the Centurions that had the watch at the Praetorian gate with a loud voice as all the souldiers might hear he said Keep the Camp defend it diligently to prevent any hard casualty that may happen In the mean while I will go about to the other Ports to settle the Guards of the Camp And having thus said he went into the Praetorium distrusting the main point and yet expecting the event THE FIRST OBSERVATION POmpey so carried himself in the course of this war as he rather seemed a sufferer then a doer never disposing his Army for any attempt or on-set but onely when he brake out of the place wherein he was besieged at Dyrrachium And accordingly he gave order that in the main action point of triall his souldiers should suffer and sustain the assault rather then otherwise But whether he did well or no hath since been in question Caesar utterly disliked it as a thing contrary to reason Est quaedam saith he animi incitatio atque alacritas naturaliter innata omnibus quae studâ—o pugnae incenditur hanc non reprimere sed augere Imperatores debent There is a certain incitation and alacrity of spirit naturally planted in every man which is inflamed with a desire to fight Neither should any Commander represse or restrain the same but rather increase it and set it forward Agreeable whereunto is that of Cato the Great that in cases of battell and Enemy is to be charged with all violence And to that purpose it is requisite to put the souldiers at some reasonable distance into a posture of vaunting and definance with menaces and cries of terrour and then to spring forward in such manner as may make them fall upon their enemies with greater furie As Champions or Wrastlers before they buckle stretch out their limbs and make their flourishes as may best serve to assure themselves and discourage their adversaries according as we read of Hercules and Antaeus Ille Cleonaei projecit terga Leonis Antaeus Libyâ—i persudâ—t membra liquore Hospes Olympiacae servato more Palaestrae Ille parum â—idens pedibus contingere matrem Auxilium membris calidas infudit arenas The one throws by 's Cleoncan Lion's skin The other 's Libyan and ere they begin The one anoints himself from top to toe As the Olympian Gamesters use to do Not sure his foe would let his feet touch ground Himself with sand Antaeus sprinkles round Howbeit forasmuch as all men are not of one temper but require severall fashions to tune their minds to the true note of a battel we shall find severall Nations to have severall usances in this point The Romans as appeareth by this of Caesar were of ancient time accustomed to sound Trumpets and Hoboies in all parts of the Army and to take up a great clamour and shout whereby the souldiers in their understanding were incouraged and the Enemy affrighted Whereas contrariwise the Greeks went alwaies with a close and silent mouth as having more to do then to say to their Enemies And Thucydides writing of the Lacedemonians the flower of Greece for matter of Arms saith that instead of Trumpets and Cornets to incite them they used the sweet harmony of Flutes to moderate and qualify their passions least they should be transported with unbridled impetuesity It is reported that Marshall Biron the Father seemed to dislike of our English march hearing it beaten by the Drums as too slow and of no encouragement and yet it so fitteth our Nation as Sir Roger Williams then answered as we have divers times over-run all France with it Howsoever the event of this battel is sufficient to disprove Pompey's errour herein and to make good what Caesar commanded THE SECOND OBSERVATION THese six Cohorts which made the fourth battel did so encounter Pompey's Cavalry that they were not able to withstand them It is said that Caesar gave them order not to sling their Piles as commonly they did but to hold them in their hands like a Pike or a Javelin and make only at the faces of those Gallants and men at Arms on horseback For the holding of them in their hands I do not understand it and cannot conceive how they could reach more then the next ranks unto them in that manner But for making at the faces of the Cavalry Florus saith that Caesar as he galloped up and down the ranks was heard to let fall bloudy and bitter words but very patheticall and effectuall for a victory as thus Souldier cast right at the face whereas Pompey called to his men to spare their fellow-Citizens Eutropius in his Epitome of Suetonius affirmeth the same thing both of the one and of the other and Lucan seemeth to averre the same concerning that of Caesar Adversosque jubetferro contundere vultus He bids them strike just at the Enemies face Frontinus hath it thus C. Caesar cum in partibus Pompeianis magna equitum Romanorum esset manus eaque armorum scientia milites conficeret ora oculosque eorum gladiis peti jussit sic adversam faciem cedere coegit Pompey having in his army a great company of Roman Knights who being well-skill'd at their weapons made an end of their enemies Caesar commanded his men to make at their faces and eyes and thereby compelled them to turn away their faces THE THIRD OBSERVATION AMongst these memorialls Crastinus may not be forgotten being the first man that began the battel
other at Rhodes For as many as fled thither after Pompey and came unto the Iland were neither received into the Town nor into the Haven but were commanded by Messengers sent unto them to depart from thence and forced to weigh anchour against their will And now the fame of Caesar's coming was spred abroad throughout all the Cities Whereupon Pompey leaving off his purpose of going into Syria having taken what money he found in Bank besides what he could borrow of his private friends and putting abroad great store of Brasse for the use of war with two thousand Armed men which he had raised partly out of the towns and partly had forced up amongst the Merchants and such others of his followers whom he thought fit for this business he came to Pelusium There by chance was king Ptolemy a child within years with great forces making war against his sister Cleopatra whom a few Months before by means of his Allies and Friends he had thrust out of his kingdome And Cleopatra's Camp was not far distant from his Pompey sent unto him that in regard of ancient hospitality and the amity he had with his Father he might be received into Alexandria and that he would aid and support him with his wealth and means being now fallen into misery and calamity But they that were sent having done their message began to speak liberally to the Kings souldâ—ers and to exhort them that they would stand to Pompey not despising the low ebbe of fortune he was brought to Amongst them were many that had been Pompey's souldiers which Gabinius had received out of his army in Syria and had brought them to Alexandria and upon the ending of the war had left them with Ptolemy the father of this child These things being known such as had the procuration of the kingdome in the minority of the Boy whether they were induced through fear of gaining the Army as afterwards they confessed whereby Pompey might easily seize upon Alexandria and Egypt or whether despising his fortune as for the most part in time of misery a mans friends do become his enemies did give a good answer publickly to such as were sent and willed him to come unto the King but secretly plotting amongst themselves sent Achillas a chief Commander and a man of singular audacity together with L. Septimius Tribune of the souldiers to kill Pompey They giving him good words and he himself also knowing Septimius to have led a Company under him in the war against the Pâ—rats went aboard a little Bark with a few of his souldiers and there was slain by Achillas and Septimius In like manner L. Lentulus was apprehended by commandment from the King and killed in prison THE FIRST OBSERVATION IF it be now demanded Where was Caesar's desire of Peace and Why pursued he not a treaty of Composition at this time when as his tale would have been heard with gladnesse and any conditions of atonement very acceptable to the vanquished the answer is already made in the beginning of this Commentary That there was but one time of making peace that was when both Parties were equall which was now past and Caesar too far gone to look back upon any thing that might work a reconcilement The one was crept so high and the other cast down so low that they seemed not compatible in any Medium although it were to the saving of the Empire Howbeit it is not denied but that Pompey gave great occasion of these wars For Seneca saith He had brought the Commonwealth to that passe that it could not longer stand but by the benefit of servitude And he that will look into the reasons of this confusion shall find all those Causae corrumpentes or ruining causes which are noted by Aristotle to threaten the wellfare of a State in the excesse of Pompey's exorbitancy For having nothing in a Mean he held all his fortunes by the tenure of Nimium and was overgrown first with too much honour secondly with too much wealth thirdly with too much power whereby he exceeded the proportion of his fellow-Citizens and soblemished the beauty of that State whose chiefest graces were in a suting equality And adding to these the convulsions of fear he made no difficulty to ingage Rome in a bloudy war as having no other hope but in the confusion of Arms. It is said that at his arrivall at Mitylene he had much conference with Cratippus whom Tully mentioneth in his Offices wherein amongst other remonstrances the Philosopher made it plain that his course of government had brought a necessity of changing that State from the liberty of a Commonwealth to the condition of a just Monarchy And such it sell to Caesars fortune if there were any errous committed in the seizure he may take the benefit of the generall pardon exemplified by Trebellius Pollio That no Nation can shew a Man that is altogether blamelesse THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning the State of Aegypt we are to note that Alexander the Great being cut off by death his Captains laid hold upon such Provinces and kingdomes as were under their commands amongst whom one Ptolemeus the son of Lagus a Macedonian seized upon Aegypt where he reigned 40 years and of him were all his successours called by the name of Ptolemy This first Ptolemy possest himself of Egypt about the year of the world 3640 which was 275 years before Pompey's overthrow His son that succeeded by the name of Ptolemy Philadelphus caused the Bible to be translated out of Hebrew into Greek by 70 Interpreters which are called the Septuagint and made the famous Library which was burned in these wars The Father of this young Ptolemy was the ninth in succession from the first and at his death made the people of Rome Tutors to his children His eldest son and Cleopatra his daughter reigned together six years but in the end fell to strife and wars and were deeply ingaged therein when Pompey arrived But shortly after Caesar so ordered the differences that he set the Crown upon Cleopatra's head who held it peaceably untill she came to play that tragicall part with Antony which being ended the kingdome was then reduced to a Province under the obedience of the Roman Empire Concerning this miserable end of Pompey it is truly said of Seneca that Death is alike to all for although the waies are divers by which it happeneth yet they all meet in the same end And forasmuch as Plutarch hath described particularly the manner of this Catastrophe it shall not be impertinent to insert his relation thereof When Pompey heard news that king Ptolemy was in the City of Pelusium with his Army making war against his sister he went thither and sent a Messenger before unto the king to advertise him of his arrivall and to intreat him to receive him King Ptolemy was then but a young man insomuch that one Photinus governed all the whole Realm under him He assembled a
lain in garrison past eighteen dayes he draweth the fourteenth and sixteenth Legions out of garrison from the river Arar where he had placed them for the speedy purveiance of corn and victuall as was shewed you in the last book and with those two Legions went to prosecute the Carnutes When our enemies heard of the coming of our army the Carnutes moved with the calamity of others left their towns and villages that they dwelt in which they had made upon the sudden with little cottages for necessities sake to keep off the winter for since they were conquered of late they had loâ—â— many of their walled towns and fled scattering abroad Caesar forasmuch as he would not put his souldiers to the abiding of the unseasonable sharp storms which chiefly at that time fell encamped himself within Genabum a town of the Carnutes and housed his souldiers partly in the buildings of the Galles and partly in such buildings as being unfinished they thatched in haste with the straw that was brought in to cover their tents and cabines Neverthelesse he sendeth abroad his horsemen and auxiliary footmen into all parts whither he heard his enemies resorted and that was not in vain for commonly our men returned ever with a great booty The Carnutes being put to it with the hardnesse of the winter and the terrour of the danger being driven out of house and home and not daring to stay any where any long time the woods being not able to defend them from the bitternesse of the storms were scattered abroad and with the losse of a great part of them dispersed into the next cities CHAP. II. The Bellovaci and other States under the leading of Corbeus and Comius invade the Suessiones Caesar marcheth against them CAesar at that hard time of the year thinking it enough to disperse the powers that were assembling to the intent no beginning of warre might spring up and weighing how much it concerned him to prevent any open warre from breaking out the beginning of the next summer he placed G. Trebonius in garrison at Genabum with those two Legions that he had there about him and forasmuch as he was by often messages certified from the men of Rhemes that the Bellovaci who excelled all Galles and the Belgae also in military fame and the States adjoyning unto them under the conduct of Corbeus of Beanvoys and Comius of Arras levied men of warre and assembled them into one place to the intent with their whole power to invade the borders of the Suessiones which were appertaining to the men of Rhemes thinking it stood not only upon his honour but also tended to his own security for the future to save his allies which had deserved well of the Commonweal from displeasure and damage he called the eleventh legion again out of garrison Moreover he wrote to C. Fabius to bring the two legions that he had into the confines of the Suessiones and sent for one of those two legions that were with T. Labienus So according as his garrisons lay for the purpose and as the slate of the warre required to his own continuall trouble he put sometimes one of his legions and sometimes another to march from their quarters With this power that he had assembled he went against the Bellovaci and encamping himself in their countrey sent abroad his horsemen into all quarters to glean up some of them by whose means he might learn what his enemies purposed to do His horsemen doing their duty brought word how few were found in the houses and those not such as had stayed behind to till the ground for they were purposely removed out of all places but such as had been sent back again to spie Of whom Caesar enquiring in what place the forces of the Bellovaci were and what was their intent found that all the Bellovaci were gathered together into one place and that the Ambiani Aulerci Caletes Velocasses and Attrebates had chosen a very high ground to encamp in enclosed with a troublesome marish and had conveyed all their stuff into woods that were farther off Of the which warre there were many Noblemen that were ringleaders but the multitude obeyed Corbeus chiefly because they understood that he hated most the name of the people of Rome And that Comius of Arras was a few dayes before gone to fetch aid of the Germans who were their next neighbours and swarmed in multitude of people He learned moreover at their hands that the Bellovaci by the consent of all the Noblemen at the earnest instance of the Commons were determined if Caesar came as it was said he would but with three legions to offer him battell lest afterward to more disadvantage and hinderance they should be compelled to encounter with his whole host And if he brought a greater power with him then to keep themselves still in the same ground that they had chosen and by ambushes to keep the Romans from forrage which by reason of the time of the year was scarce and also lay scattering and from corn and other victuals and things necessary for their army The which things when Caesar understood by the concurring report of many considering how still of wisdome this project was and how farre from the rashnesse that the barbarous people are wont to use he determined to make the best advantage of all things to the intent his enemies disdaining his small company should make the more haste to come into the field For he had three old practised legions the seventh eighth and ninth of singular valour and prowesse and the eleventh which was of chosen young men of great hope and towardnesse which having at that time received eight yeares wages was notwithstanding look'd upon as not comparable to the other three either for standing or for valour and courage Wherefore summoning an assembly and there declaring all things that had been reported unto him he confirmed the hearts of the common souldiers if peradventure with the number of three legions he might draw out his enemies to fight with him in the field He set his battel in this order the seventh eighth and ninth legions went before the carriages and the eleventh closed in the rere thereof the which notwithstanding was but small as it is wont to be in such expeditions and this he did lest the enemies should find a greater number then they expected By this means in a square battel almost he brought his host in sight of his enemies sooner then they looked for him When the Galles beheld these legions so suddenly set in order marching toward them apace as it had been in a pitched field whereas it was reported to Caesar that they intended to carry on their businesse with confident boldnesse whether it were for the perill of the encounter or the suddennesse of our coming or that they looked to see what we intended to do they set themselves in order of battel before their camp and would not descend from the higher ground Albeit that Caesar was
desirous to have fought with them yet wondering at the great number of his enemies he pitched his camp directly over against theirs on the other side of a valley which was more in deepnesse downward then in widenesse any way at the bottom This camp he commanded to be fortified with a rampier of twelve foot and an open gallery to be builded upon it according to the measure of the same height and a double ditch to be made of fifteen foot apiece with sides plumme down and many turrets to be reared of three stories high and to be joyned together with draw-Bridges to let down at pleasure the fronts whereof were fenced with grates of wicker to the intent the enemy might be repulsed with double rows of defendants of which the one from the Bridges the more out of danger they were by reason of the height so much the boldlier and the farther off might they send their darts the other the nearer they were placed to their enemy upon the Rampier so much the better should they be covered from the artillery that might fall down upon them and over the gates he made high towers This kind of fortification was to two good purposes for by the greatnesse of his works and his pretence of fear he hoped to put the barbarous Galles into a great confidence and whensoever he should have occasion to send out farre for forrage or victuals he saw that the camp might be defended with a small power the strength of the fortifications was so great In the mean while parties on both sides would severall times go out and skirmish in the marish that was between our two camps the which oftentimes either the Galles and Germans that were of our host would passe and eagerly pursue their enemies or else in like manner our enemies passing over it did send our men farther off It happened in our daily forraging as there was no other shift forasmuch as we were fain to fetch forrage at houses that stood scattering farre a sunder that our forrages being dissevered in disadvantageous places were entrapped The which thing as it was some losse to us of our beasts of carriage and slaves so it heightened the foolish courages of the barbarous Galles and that so much the more because Comius of Arras who we said before was gone to fetch aid of the Germans was returned with some horse of whom although there was not above the number of five hundred yet the Galles were puffed up at the coming of the Germans CHAP. III. Caesar strengthens himself with more forces The men of Rhemes worsted by the Enemy and they again by the Germans on Caesar's party WHen Caesar perceived how his enemies kept themselves many dayes together within their camp which was fortified both with a marish and also with advantage of the ground and that he could neither assault them without manifest perill nor inclose the place where they were with any fortifications without a greater army he directed his letters to Trebonius that he should with all haste possible send for the thirteenth legion which wintered amongst the Bituriges under T. Sextius the Legate and so with three legions make long marches to come to him In the mean season he sent out by turns the horsemen of Rhemes and of the Lingones and other States of whom he had called forth a great number to safe-conduct the forragers and to withstand the suddain assaults of the enemy This being done day by day and our men taking now lesse heed because it was an ordinary matter with them which thing for the most part cometh to passe by daily custome the Bellovaci with a band of chosen footmen knowing the places where our horsemen daily kept their standings laid ambushes in woody places and the next day they sent thither their horsemen first to draw cut our men into the danger of their ambushments and then to assail them as they were enclosed The lot of this ill luck lighted upon the men of Rhemes whose turn it was to perform the duty that day For they when they had espied the horsemen of their enemies upon the suddain despising them because they werelesse in number followed them over-greedily and were enclosed by the footmen Whereby being disordered they retired more hastily then horsemen are accustomed to do in battell with the losse of Vertisco the Prince of their State and Captain of their horsemen Who being scarce able to sit upon a horse by reason of his age would notwithstanding according to the custome of the Galles neither seek to disburden himself of the Captainship by excuse of his age nor suffer the encounter to be fought without him With this lucky battell wherein they slew the Prince and Captain of the men of Rhemes the courages of our enemies were heightened and raised and our men were taught by their own harm to search the places better where they should keep their standings and to follow their enemy more advisedly when he fled In the mean while ceased not the daily skirmishes in the sight of both our Camps which were made at the foords and passages of the marish In this kind of exercise whenas the Germans whom Caesar had for the same purpose fetcht over the Rhene that they should fight intermingled with his horsemen in the battel had all boldly passed the marish and slaying a few that made resistance followed eagerly upon the rest of the multitude not only they that were overthrown at hand or wounded aloof but also they that were wont to succour afarre off were so stricken with fear that they ran away shamefully and never left flying from higher ground to higher which they oftentimes lost before they either recovered into their Camp or as some did for very shame fled farther off With whose danger the rest of the host was so troubled that it can scarcely be judged whether good successe were it never so small would make them more arrogant or a misfortune were it never so mean would make them more cowed and fearfull CHAP. IIII. The Galles discamp and are pursued by Caesar The routing of part of them and the death of Corbeus AFter they had linked many dayes in the same Camp when the Captains of the Bellovaci understood that C. Trebonius one of Caesar's Legates was at hand with mo Legions fearing the like siege as was at Alexia they sent away in the night all such as by reason of yeares or otherwise wanted strength and all such as wanted armour among them and with them they sent away also their carriages While they were setting forth this troubled and confused company for the Galles even when they go lightest are wont to have a great multitude of Carts following them day-light came upon them and therefore they set their men in battel-array in their camp lest the Romans should pursue before the company of their carriages could get any thing forward But Caesar thought it not good to assail them that were ready to defend themselves having so
among the rude people as one that was ever a beginner of new designes took with his own and Drapes his forces a town called Uxellodunum which had been formerly in his tuition a place excellently well fortified by the naturall situation thereof and caused the townsmen to joyn with him To this town Caninius forthwith came and perceiving that all parts of the same were fortified with craggy cliffes insomuch that though no man were there to defend it yet were it a haâ—d matter for men in their armour to get up knowing also that the moveables of the townsmen were great which if they should go about to carry privily away they could not escape either our horsemen or footmen he divided his Cohorts into three parts and made three Camps upon a very high ground from which by degrees as his army was able he determined to draw a Rampier and trench round about the town The townsmen perceiving that and remembring the miserable condition of Alexia feared the like siege Luterius especially who had tasted the smart of that misfortune advised them to lay for corn beforehand whereupon they determined by generall consent that leaving a part of the army for the defence of the town Luterius and Drapes with the best-provided should go forth to fetch in corn This counsell being approved of the next night Drapes and Luterius leaving two thousand armed men behind them drew the rest out of the town After a few dayes being abroad they brought in a great quantity of grain out of the countrey of the Cadurci who partly were willing to help them therewith and partly durst not withstand their taking it as not being able to make their part good against them Oftentimes also they would fly out in the night and assault the castles of our camp Upon which consideration C. Caninius stayed the making of fortifications round about the town lest he should not be able to defend the circumvallation when it was finished or else should be forced to set but weak watches in so many places at once When they had gotten together a great quantity of grain Drapes and Luterius took up their standings not above ten miles from the town the better at times to convey it in and they parted the charge between them Drapes tarried behind with part of the army to keep the Camp Luterius drave the beasts with their carriages toward the town and setting guards there for his defence about ten of the clock in the night purposed by narrow wayes through the woods to convey the corn into the town The watchmen of our Camp hearing the noise of their feet and the scouts which were sent out reporting what was a doing Caninius caused his Cohorts to arm themselves quickly and about break of day made attempt out of the next castles upon the forragers Who being frighted with the suddennesse of the mischief fled to their guards Which as soon as our men perceived they flew more fiercely upon them and suffered none to be taken alive Luterius fled from thence with a few but returned not to his Camp After this good successe Caninius understood by his prisoners that part of the army was behind in the Camp with Drapes not above twelve miles off Which when he had learned by many to be truth believing that one of the Generals already put to flight the remnant of the army being terrified might easily be overthrown he thought it a great piece of happinesse that none escaped from the slaughter into the Camp to carry tidings of the mishap to Drapes And forasmuch as he saw there was no danger in putting the matter to triall he sent all his horsemen and the German footmen swift and nimble fellows before to the Camp of his enemies One of his legions he left in his Camp and the other eased of all carriages he took with him When he came near his enemies his scouts that he had sent before brought word that as the custome of the barbarous nations commonly is they had abandoned the higher ground encamped themselves by the River side that our horse and the Germans had flown upon them suddenly ere they were aware and charged them Upon the receit of this news he hasted forward with his legion well armed and well appointed and so the sign being given suddenly on all sides the higher places were taken by our men At the doing whereof the Germans and our Cavalry seeing the Ensigns of our Legion fought very stoutly and by and by all our Cohorts charged upon them round so that in the conclusion they were all either slain or prisoners and a great booty taken Drapes himself was also taken in the same conflict Caninius having done his work successfully without almost any hurt at all to his souldiers returned to besiege the town and having now destroyed his enemy without for fear of whom he could not before divide his garrisons nor environ the town with fortifications he commandeth the works to be carried on round about the town The next day came thither C. Fabius with his forces and took another part of the town to besiege CHAP. IX Caesar having punished Guturvatus for the revolt of the Carnutes joyneth with Caninius and Fabius before Vxellodunum Upon his depriving them of water the town yieldeth Caesar cutteth off their right hands IN the mean time Caesar left M. Antonius the Quaestor with fifteen Cohorts among the Bellovaci to prevent any new confederacies among them for the future and he himself visited the other States charging them with mo hostages and with comfortable words raising the fearfull hearts of them all When he came amongst the Carnutes in whose countrey as Caesar hath declared in his former Commentary the warre first of all began inasmuch as he perceived them to be chiefly afraid as being conscious to themselves of their fault to the intent he might the more speedily deliver the rest of the State from fear he demanded Guturvatus the ring-leader of that mischief and raiser of the rebellion to be delivered unto him to be punished who albeit he trusted not himself with his own countreymen yet all men made so diligent search for him that he was soon found out and brought to the Camp Caesar contrary to his own nature was compelled to punish him whether he would or no by the importunity of his souldiers who imputed all the dangers and losses that they had sustained by this warre unto Guturvatus insomuch that his body after it was in a manner whipped to death was beheaded While Caesarâ—arried â—arried here he was advertised by severall letters from Caninius what was done to Drapes and Luterius and how the townsmen persevered in their resolution the small number of whom although he despised yet he deemed their wilfulnesse worthy of severe punishment lest they might give occasion to all Gallia to think that they wanted not strength but constancy and resolution to withstand the Romans or leâ—â— by their example other cities of Gallia
trusting to the advantage and strength of places should attempt to recover their liberty especially seeing he was sure that all the Galles knew his commission lasted but one summer longer which if they could hold out they should need to fear no danger after And therefore leaving Q. Calenus the Legate behind with two legions to follow leasurely after him by easy marches he himself with all his Cavalry made haste to Caninius When Caesar contrary to all mens expectation was come to Uxellodunum and saw the town environed with fortifications perceiving that it was not for him to break up his siege on any condition and learning moreover by runawayes that the town had great abundance of victuals he assaied to cut of the water from his enemies There was a river that ran through the bottom of the valley which environed well-near all the hill whereon the town stood from whence the descent was rough and steep on all sides The nature of the place would not suffer this stream to be turned any other way For it ran in such sort at the very foot of the hill that there could be no ditch cut low enough to drain it The townsmen had hard and very steep coming down to it insomuch that if our men withstood them they could not without wounds or danger of their lives either come down to the river or get up the steep hill again Which distresse of theirs Caesar well knowing placed archers and slingers and other artillery also against such places where the easiest coming down was to keep the townsmen from the water of the river who afterward came for water all to one place For under the very walles of the town there gushed out a great spring of water on that side where there was a space almost of three hundred foot not encompassed with the river Now whilst all the rest wished and only Caesar perceived that this spring might be taken from the town though not without great damage he began to raise Vines directly against it toward the hill and to make mounts with great labour and continuall fighting For the townsmen came running down from the higher ground and fought with our men at a distance without danger wounding many of them that pressed up too forwardly Notwithstanding our men were nothing deterred from bringing forward their Vines endeavouring to overcome the crabbednesse of the place with their labour and works At the same time they drew privy mines to the head of the spring which kind of work they might do without any danger or mistrust of their enemies A mount was cast up six foot high and thereupon was raised a tower of ten stories not such a one as might equall the height of the walles for that was not possible to be done any way but such a one as might exceed the top of the spring From which conveying darts with engines to the brim of the spring so that the townsmen could not fetch water without danger not only all sorts of cattel but also a great number of men died for thirst The townsmen greatly astonished hereat filled barrels with grease pitch and shingles and setting them on fire rolled them down upon our works and at the same time also fought very desperately with the perill of fighting to keep the Romans from quenching the fire Suddenly there was a great flame in our works For whatsoever was thrown down from that steep place the same staying against the Vines and rampier took hold upon the things that stayed them On the other side our Souldiers albeit they were hindred both with the dangerousnesse of the encounter and with the disadvantage of the place yet they bare out all things with a stout courage For the thing was done both in an eminent place and also in the sight of our army and a great cry was raised on both sides So that every man as farre as he could especially the most daring to the intent his valour might the better be known and testified ventured himself upon the fire the weapons of his enemies Caesar when he saw many of his men wounded commanded his Cohorts to climbe up the hill on all sides of the town and to raise a shout as if they purposed to scale the walles Wherewith the townsmen being frighted forasmuch as they knew not what was doing in other places called back their men from assaulting our works and placed them upon the walls So our men having respite from fighting did quickly either quench the works that were on fire or else cut them off from the rest The townsmen stubbornly standing out though they had lost a great part of their men by thirst and continuing still unanimously resolved at length the veins of the spring were cut off within the ground by mines and turned another way by means whereof the fountain of running water was presently dried up Which so daunted the hearts of the defendants who believed it could not be done by the wit of man but came to passe by the will of the gods that when they saw there was no other remedy they yielded themselves Caesar being assured that his clemency was sufficiently known to all people and therefore he needed not to fear that it would be imputed to the cruelty of his nature if he dealt something harshly with them and besides that considering with himself that it might well be thought he little regarded the good successe of his counsells and undertakings if by suffering such things unpunished others should be encouraged to rebell in divers places he thought it requisite to hold the rest in aw by the punishment of these And therefore he cut off the hands of as many of them as were able to bear arms and let them live still that the punishment of such wicked men might be more manifest to the world CHAP. X. Drapes dieth Luterius brought to Caesar Labienus good successe against the Treviri Caesar after his expedition into Aquitania putteth his army into winter-quarters DRapes whom I declared to have been taken by Caninius whether it were for vexation and grief that he was in bands or for fear of more heavy punishment fasted a few dayes from meat and so starved At the same time Luterius that escaped by flight from the battel as I shewed before fell into the hands of Epasnactus the Arvernian For in often shifting from place to place he was fain to venture himself upon the courtesy and civility of many because he thought he could never continue any long time in one place without danger his heart misgiving him how much he had deserved to have Caesar his enemy Epasnactus the Arvernian being a faithfull friend to the people of Rome as soon as he had gotten him into his hands brought him without further delay bound unto Caesar In the mean time Labienus warreth prosperously against the Treviri and having slain many both of the Treviri and also of the Germans who were ready to assist any man against the Romans got the
in the rere who as in his proper place seeth all things executed accordingly as the Captain shall command It shall be unpossible to performe any thing herein unlesse first every one do exactly observe his leader and his sideman and to this purpose it is often commanded Keep your files Keep your ranks Of Marches IN champains there needs no great labour to marshall particular troups for their after-marches because they may march either by whole divisions observing onely their course of indifferency that every division may every third day have the vantgard or else in such form and fashion as the Generall hath proposed for a day of battell according as the danger of an expected enemy shall give occasion But because all countries will not afford a champain for the marching of an army and therefore not possible to march far with many troups in front nor many files of any one troup or division by reason of often straights and passages betwixt hills woods or waters It is provided though by long induction the whole army shall be extended into a thin length and few files yet the souldiers well disposed shall be as readily able to defend themselves and offend the enemy on their flanks from whence only in such streights the danger is imminent as if they were to affront an enemy with an entire battallion in a champain country First therefore a division or Battallion being ordered and drawn before the Quarter into one even front of just files ten in depth the musketiers equally divided on the right and left slanks of the pikes all standing in their order that is to â—ay six feet distant in files and ranks the Captain carefully provideth that the first fifth sixth and tenth ranks be alwayes well filled and furnished with his most able and best-armed souldiers Which done he commandeth first the middlemen or half files to come a front with their leaders so that the division becometh but five in depth Next he commandeth to turn faces to the right or left hand as direction shall be to march from that quarter and so the whole division resteth ready in his fashion to march five in front the one half of the musketiers in the vantguard and the other in the rere the pikes in the battell and both flanks well furnished with the ablest best men to offend or defend as there shall be occasion that is to say the right flanks with the first and fifth ranks and the left with the sixth and tenth ranks If occasion afterwards shall be given of a halt in a champain or before the quartering the Captain commandeth first unto all they being first closed into their order Faces as you were next unto the half files Faces about and march out and fall again upon your files By which means the division becometh again reduced into the same front and fashion from whence it was first transformed ready to encounter an enemy or to be drawn into the Quarter When pikes are to charge pikes in a champain it useth to be performed two severall wayes First the whole division being commanded into their close order the five first ranks charging their pikes every follower over his leaders shoulder directeth his pike as equally as he can the first rank shall have three feet of his pike over the formost shoulder The other five ranks with their pikes advanced follow close up in the rere either ready to second the formost or to be employed in the rere as occasion shall be offered Otherwise and most usuall when the whole depth of the files throughout the division shall charge together all fast locked and united together and therefore most able to make the strongest shock offensive or defensive provided alwaies that none mingle their pikes in others files but the whole file one in anothers shoulder In charging with musketiers it is observed no way convenient that there should be too many in a rank or that the ranks should be too long For the first rank is commanded to advance ten paces before the second and then to discharge and wheeling either to the right or left hand falleth into the rere and so the second advancing to the same distance dischargeth and wheeleth as before and likewise the third and so forward as long as the Officer shall be commanded Which shall not so well be performed the ranks being extraordinary long because it will require so long a time to wheel from the front that the second may succeed unlesse by direction the rank may divide it self the one half to the right hand and the other to the left in wheeling to the rere In the retreat the whole ranks having turned their faces about are to march three or four paces forward their chief officer coming in the rere first commandeth the last rank to make ready and then to turn faces about discharge and wheel about to the head or front of the division and being clearly passed the next rank to perform as much and so the rest in order Where the passages are narrow and the division cannot come to charge in front as between two waters or woods the manner of charging is different for there being five or ten files led in the induction that file which flanketh the enemy dischargeth first onely and the rest marching continually forwards it standeth firm untill the last rank be passed and then sleeveth it self on the left flank and makes ready and so the second file and the third so long as the enemy shall continue there being a continuall discharging by files as before by ranks Unlesse it be in the pases of Ireland meeting with an irregular enemy where they use to intermingle their files of shot with pikes that the one may be a defence for the other when the enemy shall come up to the sword as they use there very often How directions are delivered in the warres ALl directions in the wars have ever been delivered either by signes subject to the eye by word of mouth or the sound of a drumme or some such warlike instrument Concerning those visible signes displayed unto the souldiers the falling of mists the raising of dust showers of rain snow the beams of the Sun hilly uneven and crooked passages by long experience have found them to be most doubtfull and uncertain as also because as it was a matter of great difficulty to invent different signes upon all sodain occasions so it is almost an impossibility that the common souldier who oftentimes is found scarce capable of the understanding of plain words distinctly pronounced should both apprehend and understand sodainly and execute directly the true sense and meaning of his Commanders signes The Drum and Trumpet are yet used But because many different sounds are not easily distinguished in souldiers understanding without some danger of confusion we onely command by the inarticulate sounds to arm to march to troup to
sooner known but they levied great forces both of horse and foot and with their horse in which their principall strength consisted charged upon the Romans in their march which being easily repelled as ours followed the retreat suddenly the infantry of the Galles shewed it self in a Valley as it lay in ambush These setting upon the Romans renewed the battel and there the fight continued hot a long time The Sontiates being animated with the former victories saw all the hope of Aquitanie rely upon their vertue and the Romans on the other side desired to shew what they were able to do of themselves without their grand Captain and under the conduct of a young souldier At length the enemy overwaged with prowesse and wearied with wounds betook themselves to flight of whom the Romans slew a great number and then marched directly to the town of the Sontiates and laid siege unto it the siege grew hot the Romans approaching the walles with vines turrets and mounts The townsmen defended themselves sometimes by sallying out sometimes by undermining the mounts and fortifications wherein the Aquitani are very skilfull But when they perceived the industry of the Romans to exceed all that they were able to do they intreated Crassus to accept their rendry Which being granted and all the Army intending the delivery of their Armes Adcantuanus their chief Magistrate fled out in the mean time at another port of the City with six hundred devoted companions whom they called Soldurii whose manner is to enjoy all good things in common with those whom they have chosen for their friends and if any misfortune befall them either to dy with them or presently kill themselves neither was it ever known in the memory of man that any of them refused to dy when his friend was slain But as they attempted to escape the souldiers that kept that part of the fortification as they signified his evasion by a clamour and shout the rest betook themselves to Armes and so after a sharp conflict repelled him again into the town where he desired to be taken in the number of the submissive multitude which was granted Crassus having taken hostages of them went into the confines of the Vocates and Tarusates THE FIRST OBSERVATION THese skilfull and experienced men which Crassus sent for out of all the Cities in Aquitaniâ— were those whom the Romans called Evocati such as were free from warfare and exempted by their laws from giving their names in musters either by reason of their yeares or the magistracy which they had born or for some other causes which gave them that priviledge and in that regard were sent for by Letters intreating their assistance in the carriage of that war as men well acquainted with the nature of such businesses Their places were nothing inferiour to the Centurions for advise and direction although they had no part in command or authority THE SECOND OBSERVATION IN this fight we may further observe their manner of defence against Mounts and Cavalieros which we find chiefly to be Mines Josephus in the Jewish war saith that the Romans having raised an exceeding high mount the Jews undermined the same with such Art that as they digged underneath they supported the Mount with huge props and planks that it might not shrink and watching a time of greatest advantage they set all the timber-work which underpropped the mount on fire which taking fire with the help of Brimstone and Pitch the Mount fell upon a sudden to the great terrour amazement of the Romans At the siege of Avaricum we find how the Galles by undermining did take the earth from the Mount as fast as it was carried unto it by the Romans and so kept it from rising and made it uneffectuall But if it were for the most part made of wood or other combustible matter they sought then by all means to burn it as it happened at the siege of Massilia and oftentimes when both burning and undermining failed they confronted it with another Mount within the walles to disappoint the disadvantage by equall contesting of it and so made it unprofitable Concerning Mines thus much may I say without prejudice to that Art that the chiefest points to be respected are these First the true distance to a designed place which is best got by instrument and help of Geometry where other marks of certainty are wanting Secondly the direction of the Mine that we may not erre in our course which the Compasse affordeth Thirdly the strengthening of the Mine with timber-work if need require Lastly the countermining and crosse-meeting All which parts have very many circumstances and require a larger discourse then may be thought pertinent for this place THE THIRD OBSERVATION THe strange contract between these Soldurii and their Chieftain may well deserve a place amongst these observations especially considering the obligatory conditions which either party stood bound to oâ—serve for the Captain was to make his Soldurii partakers of all his happinesse in this life in regard whereof they were to take â—arâ— of whatsoever ill chance or disaster should happen to befall him If death which is the last end of all sensuall misery took hold of their head these devoted were tied voluntarily to follow him the self-same way neither in any memory was there saith he ever man found that refused to dy if he to whom he was devoted chanced to be slain Which bloudy league of amity as it was repugnant to the course of Nature multiplying particular destiny to a generall calamity so was it dangerous in a wel-ordered State if the Ring-leader were either ambitious or sought to practice any thing contrary to good government for he himself would presume much upon the assistance of his Soldurii and they on the other side must needs wish well to his attempts that were so interessed in his life and death CHAP. X. The Galles raise new forces against Crassus THe barbarous Galles were much troubled that a town of that strength both by nature and art should so soon be taken and therefore they sent Embassadours into all quarters conjured one with another confirmed their covenants with mutuall hostages and levied what power they were able to make sending for aid out of Spain and from other States that bordered upon Aquitanie At the coming of these forces they began to make warre with a great power and with many souldiers of great fame for they appointed such Leaders as had seen the experience of Sertorius his warres and were great in the opinion of men for their skill and knowledge in the Art Militarie These according to the custome of the people of Rome began to take places of advantage to fortifie their Camp and to intercept the Romans from free passage of convoyes and necessary intercourses Which when Crassus perceived and considering withall that his own forces were so few that he could not well dismember them upon any service or advantage and that the enemy went out
soulders to be sent him with all speed He rated every city what proportion of arms they should have ready and specially he laboured to raise great store of horse To extraordinary diligence he added extraordinary severity compelling such as stood doubtfull by hard and severe punishment for such as had committed a great offence he put to death by fire and torture lesser faults he punished with the losse of their nose or their eies and so sent them home that by their example others might be terrified By these practises and severity having speedily raised a great army he sent Lucterius of Cahors a man of great spirit and boldnesse with part of the forces towards the Rutheni and he himself made towards the Bituriges Upon his coming the Bituriges sent to the Hedui in whose protection they were in require aid against Vercingetorix The Hedui by the advice of the Legates which Caesar had left with the army sent forces of horse and foot to the aid of the Bituriges who coming to the river Loire which divideth the Bituriges from the Hedui after a few dayes stay not daring to passe over the river returned home again bringing word to our Legates that they durst not commit themselves to the Bituriges and so returned For they knew that if they had passed over the river the Bituriges had inciosed them in on the one side and the Arverni on the other But whether they did return upon that occasion or through perfidious treachery it remaineth doubtfull The Bituriges upon their departure did presently joyn themseleves with the Arverni OBSERVATIONS IT is observed by such as are acquainted with matter of Government that there ought to be alwayes a proportion of quality between him that commandeth and them that obey for if a man of Sardanapalus condition should take upon him the charge of Marius army it were like to take no better effect then if Manlius had the leading of lascivious Cinaedes And as we may observe in oeconomicall policy a dissolute master may as soon command hair to grow on the palm of his hand as to make a vertuous servant but the respect of duty between such relatives doth likewise inferre the like respect of quality so in all sorts and conditions of command there must be sympathizing means to unite the diversity of the parts in the happy end of perfect Government In this new Empire which befell Vercingetorix we may observe a double proportion between him and his people The first of strength and ability and the other of quality and resemblance of affection upon the assurance of which proportion he grounded the austerity of his command For it appeareth that his first beginning was by perswasion and intreaty and would indure no direction but that which was guided by a loose and easy reine holding it neither safe nor seemly but rather a strain of extreme madnesse first to punish or threaten and then to want power to make good his judgements but being strengthened by authority from themselves and backed with an army able to controll their disobedience he then added punishment as the ensign of Magistracy and confirmed his power by rigorous commands which is as necessary a demonstration of a well-settled government as any circumstance belonging thereunto Touching the resemblance and proportion of their qualities it is manifestly shewed by the sequele of this history that every man desired to redeem the common liberty of their country in that measure of endeavour as was fitting so great a cause Amongst whom Vercingetorix being their chief Commander summae diligentiae as the story saith added summam severitatem to great diligence great severity as well assured that the greater part would approve his justice and condemn the uncertainty of doubtfull resolutions desiring no further service at their hands then that wherein himself would be the formost In imitation of Valerius Corvinus Factamea non dicta vos milites sequi volo nec disciplinam modo sed exemplum etiam à me petere I would have you O my Souldiers do as I do and not so much mind what I say and to take not your discipline only but your pattern also from me And therefore the party was like to be well upheld forasmuch as both the Prince and the people were so far ingaged in the matter intended as by the resemblance of an earnest desire might answer the measure of due proportion CHAP. IV. Caesar cometh into Gallia and by a device getteth to his army THese things being told Caesar in Italy assoon as he understood that the matters in the city were by the wisdome of Pompey brought into better state he took his journey into Gallia and being come thither he was much troubled how to get to his army For if he should send for the Legions into the Province he understood that they should be certainly fought withall by the way in his absence If he himself should go unto them he doubted how he might safely commit his person to any although they were such as were yet in peace In the mean time Lucterius of Cahors being sent against the Rutheni doth easily unite that State to the Arverni and proceeding further against the Nitiobriges and the Gabali he received hostages of both of them and having raised a great power he laboured to break into the Province and to make towards Narbo Which being known Caesar resolved by all means to put him by that purpose and went himself to Narbo At his coming he incouraged such as stood doubtfull or timorous and placed garrisons amongst the Rutheni the Volsci and about Narbo which were frontier places and near unto the enemy and commanded part of the forces which were in the Province together with those supplies which he had brought out of Italy to go against the Helvii which are adjoyning upon the Arverni Things being thus ordered Lucterius being now suppressed and removed holding it to be dangerous to enter among the garrisons he himself went towards the Helvii And albeit the hill Gebenna which divideth the Arverni from the Helvii by reason of the hard time of winter and the depth of the snow did hinder their passage yet by the industry of the souldier making way through snow of six foot deep they came into the confines of the Arverni who being suddenly and unawares suppressed little mistrusting an invasion over the hill Gebenna which incloseth them in as a wall and at that time of the year doth not afford a path to a single man alone he commanded the horsemen to scatter themselves far and near to make the enemy the more afraid These things being speedily carried to Vercingetorix all the Arverni full of fear and amazement flocked about him beseeching him to have a care of their State and not to suffer themselves to be sacked by the enemy especially now at this time when as all the war was transferred upon them Upon their instant intreaty he removed his camp out of the territories
of the Bituriges and marched towards the country of the Arverni But Caesar having continued two dayes in those places forasmuch as he understood both by use and opinion what course Vercingetorix was like to take he left the army pretending some supplies of horse which he went to raise and appointed young Brutus to command those forces admonishing him to send out the horsemen into all quarters and that he himself would not be absent from the camp above three dayes These things being thus settled none of his followers knowing his determination by great journeys he came to Vienna where taking fresh horse which he had layd there many dayes before he ceased neither night nor day untill he came through the confines of the Hedui to the Lingones where two legions wintered to the end if the Hedui should undertake any thing against him he might with speed prevent it Being there he sent to the rest of the Legions and brought them all to one place before the Arverni could possibly have notice of it OBSERVATIONS CAesar upon his first entrance into Gallia was perplexed how to get to his army and the matter stood in such terms as brought either the legions or his own person into hazard For as he saith if he should send for the legions to come unto him they should doubtlesse be fought withall by the way which he was loath to adventure unlesse himself had been present or otherwise if he himself had gone unto them he doubted of the entertainment of the revolting Galles and might have overthrown his army by the losse of his own person In this extremity of choice he resolved upon his own passage to the army as lesse dangerous and more honourable rather then to call the legions out of their wintering camps where they stood as a check to bridle the insolency of the mutinous Galles and so to bring them to the hazard of battel in fetching their Generall into the field whereby he might have lost the victory before he had begun the wars And for his better safety in this passage he used this cunning Having assured the Roman Province by strong and frequent garrisons on the frontiers and removed Lucterius from those parts gathering together such supplies as he had brought with him out of Italy with other forces which he found in the Province he went speedily into the territories of the Arverni making a way over the hill Gebenna at such a time of the year as made it unpassable for any forces had they not been led by Caesar only for this purpose to have it noised abroad that whereas Vercingetorix and the Arverni had principally undertook the quarrell against the Romans and made the beginning of a new war Caesar would first deal with them and lay the weight thereof upon their shoulders by calling their fortunes first in question to the end he might possesse the world with an opinion of his presence in that country and draw Vercingetorix back again to defend his state whilst he in the mean time did slip to his army without suspition or fear of perill for staying there no longer then might serve to give a sufficient colour to that pretence and leaving those forces to execute the rest and to make good the secret of the project he conveyed himself to his army with such speed and celerity as doth verify the saying of Suetonius quod persaepe nuncios de se praevenit that he often outwent the ordinary messengers These blinds and false intendments are of speciall use in matter of war and serve as well to get advantages upon an enemy as to clear a difficulty by cleanly evasion neither is a Commander the lesse valued for fine conveyance in military projects but deserveth rather greater honour for adding art unto valour and supplanting the strength of opposition with the sleight of wit Dolus an virtus quis in hoste requirit Who looks at fraud or valour in a foe hath alwayes been held a principle amongst men of warre And Lisander his counsell is the same in effect that where the Lions skin will not serve the turn there take the Foxes Carbo spake it to the commendation of Sylla that he had to do both with a Lion and a Fox but he feared more his Foxes pate then his Lions skin It is reported that Anniball excelled all other of his time for abusing the enemy in matter of stratageme for he never made fight but with an addition of assistants supporting force with art and the fury of armes with the subtiltie of wit Of late time amongst other practises of this nature the treaty at Ostend is most memorable entertained onely to gain time that while speech of parlee was continued and pledges delivered to the Archduke Albertus for the safety of such as were sent into the town to capitulate with the Generall there might be time gained for the sending in of such supplies of men and munition as were wanting to make good the defence thereof which were no sooner taken in but the Treaty proved a stratageme of warre In these foiles and tricks of wit which at all times and in all ages have been highly esteemed in men of warre as speciall vertues beseeming the condition of a great Commander if it be demanded how far a Generall may proceed in abusing an enemy by deeds or words I cannot speak distinctly to the question but sure I am that Surena Lieutenant generall of the Parthian army did his master good service in abusing Crassus the Roman Generall by fair promises or as Plutarch saith by foul perjury till in the end he brought his head to be an actor in a Tragedy albeit Surena never deserved well of good report since that time Howsoever men of civill society ought not to draw this into use from the example of souldiers forasmuch as it is a part of the profession of cutting of throats and hath no prescription but in extremities of warre CHAP. V. Vercingetorix besigeth Gergovia Caesar taketh in Vellaunodunum and Genabum THis being known Vercingetorix brought back his army again into the countrey of the Bituriges and thence marched to besiege Gergovia a town held by the Boii whom Caesar had left there after the Helvetian warre and given the jurisdiction of the town to the Hedui which brought Caesar into great perplexitie whether he should keep the Legions in one place for that time of winter which remained and so suffer the stipendaries of the Hedui to be taken and spoiled whereby all Gallia might take occasion to revolt forasmuch as the Romans should seem to afford no protection or countenance to their friends or otherwise draw his army out of their wintering-camps sooner then was usuall and thereby become subject to the difficulties of provision and carriage of corn Notwithstanding it seemed better and so he resolved rather to undergo all difficulties then by taking such a scorn to loose the good wils of all his followers And therefore
few daies labour re-edified and finished whereby there was no place left to practise deceit or to sallie out with advantage neither was there any means left by which they could prevail either by force of Armes to hurt our souldiers or by fire to consume our works and understanding likewise that by the same manner of fortification all that part of the town which had passage and accesse from the firm land might be encompassed with a wall and with towers that their souldiers should not be able to stand upon their works and perceiving withall that our Army had raised a counter-mure against the wall of their town and that weapons might be cast by hand unto them that the use of their Engines wherein they much trusted was by the nearness of space quite taken away and lastly that they were not able to confront our men upon equall terms from their walls and from their turrets they descended to the same Articles of rendry and submission as were formerly agreed upon THE FIRST OBSERVATION HEnce we may observe that a Generall cannot be too secure of an Enemie that stands upon terms to render up a place For the action being but voluntary by constraint if haply the constraining force be removed then that doth cease which is voluntary and so it cometh by consequent to a refusall As appeareth by this passage of the Marseillians who being brought into hard terms as well by their two overthrows at Sea whence they expected no further succour as also by the siege laid so close by land where they were so violently assaulted that their towers of defence made passage for the Romans to enter upon them did neverthelesse upon cessation of those inforcements alter their purpose and entertained new hopes which maketh good that saying Timâ—o Danaos dona ferentes I fear the Greeks even when they bring their gifts THE SECOND OBSERVATION SEcondly we may observe that a will forward to undergo labour doth never stick at any difficulty nor is at all dismaied with the losse of any pains but is rather redoubled in courage and industrie especially being edged on with a desire of revenge Which if Homer may have credit doth alwaies adde a third part to a mans strength as appeared by Diomedes being hurt in the shoulder with one of Pindarus arrows for revenge whereof he exceeded himself in a sesquiterce proportion of valour and slew more Trojans by a third part then otherwise he could Howsoever as there is nothing so hard but is subject to the endeavour of the mind so there is nothing so easie as to disposses our selves of that intent care which is requisite in these imployments For these Romans that through the greatness of their spirits had made such first and second works as the memorie thereof will last with the world were surprised when they lay in the Interim as it were unbent in as great remisness and neglect howsoever drawn unto it by deceit as if they had been able to do no such matter as is here reported And therefore it behoveth a Commander to keep his Armie alwaies seasoned with labour forasmuch as Exercitus labore proficit otio consenescit An army thrives by employment but grows old by idleness CHAP. VII Varro raiseth great troups to maintain Pompey's partie in Spain but to no purpose MArcus Varro in the further Province of Spain having from the beginning understood how things had passed in Italie and distrusting how matters would succeed with Pompey did oftentimes give out very friendly speeches of Casar That Pompey had by way of prevention gained him to his party and honoured him with a Lieutenancie whereby he was obliged in dutie to him howbeit in his particular disposition he stood no less affected to Caesar neither was he ignorant of the duty of a Legat to whose trust and fidelity the government of the Province was left as in deposito upon condition to be rendred up at all times and seasons as he that commanded in chief should require it He likewise knew very well what his own forces were and what was the affection and disposition of all the Countrey towards Câ—sar This was the subject of all his speeches without any shew of inclining either to the one or to the other But afterwards when he heard that Caesar was ingaged at Marscilles that Petreius forces were joined with Afranius Armie that great aides were come unto them that every man was in great hope and expectation of good successe and that all the hither Province had agreed together to undertake Pompey's cause as also what had after happened concerning the want of victualls at Ileâ—da all which things were writ with advantage unto him by Afranius he then upon that alteration changed his mind according to the times and levied souldiers in all parts of the Province and having raised two compleat legions he added unto them some thirty cohorts of the Countrey souldiers to serve for wings to the Army and gathered together great quantity of Corn as well for the supplie of the Marsâ—illians as for the provision of Petreius and Afranius Moreover he commanded them of Gades to build and provide ten Gallies and ordered further that many other should be made at Hispalis He took all the money and the ornaments out of Hercules temple and brought the same into the town of Gades and in lieu thereof sent six Cohorts out of the Province to keep the temple He made Caius Gallonius a Roman Knight and a familiar friend of Domitius and sent by him thither to recover some matter of inheritance Governour of the town All the Armies as well private as publick were brought into Gallonius house He himself made many bitter invectives against Caesar affirming in publick that Caesar had been severall times worsted and that a great number of the souldiers were revolted from him and were come to Afranius which he knew to be true by certain and approved Messengers The Roman Citizens residing in that Province being much perplexed and affrighted thereat were thereupon constrained to promise him 190 thousand Sesterces in ready money for the service of the Common-weale besides twenty thousand weight of silver together with one hundred and twenty thousand bushels of Wheat Upon those Cities and States which favoured Caesar's partie he laid greater impositions for such as had let fallen speeches or declared themselves against the Common-weale he confiscated all their goods and put a Garrison upon them giving judgement himself upon private persons and constraining all the Province to swear allegeance to him and to Pompey And being in the end advertised what had happened in the hither Province he prepared for war with a purpose to dispose thereof in this manner His resolution was to keep two legions with him at Gades with all the shipping and the Corn for knowing that the whole Province did intirely affect Caesar's Cause he thought it best and easiest for him having made good provision
Dâ—ctator Caesar Caius Princeps Domitius Nero infausto ut omnium patuit exâ—tu incepto King Demetrius Caesar the Dictator Caiâ—s the Prince and Domitius Nero all of them attempted to draw through this neck of land with a navigable chanell without any successe as appears by the issue In the time of King Sâ—sostris and since in the Empire of the Ottomans they went about to bring the Red Sea into Nile but fearing it would be a means to drown the Land one Sea being lower then another they gave over the enterprize And it may be upon like consideration or otherwise fearing to correct the works of Nature they forbare to make a passage between Nombre ac Dios and Panama and so to join one sea to the other as was said to be intended CHAP. XXI An accident which fell out by two Brethren of Savoy in Caesar's Army THere were in Caesar's Camp two brethren of Savoy Roscillus and Aegus the sons of Adbucillus who for many years together was accounted the principall and chief man of that State these were men of singular worth and had done Caesar very great service in all the wars of Gallia and in that respect Caesar had advanced them to great honourable Charges in their Country and caused them extraordinarily to be taken in the number of the Senators and bestowed much of the Enemies lands upon them besides great summs of ready mony and of poor had made them rich These men were not only well respected by Caesar but were in good account throughout all the Army Howbeit relying too much on Caesaâ—'s favour and puffed up with foolish and barbarous arrogancy they disdained their own men deceiving the horsemen of their pay and averting all pillage from publick distribution to their own particular The horsemen provoked with these injuries came all to Caesar and complained openly thereof adding farther that their troups were not full nor answerable to the List or Muster-role by which they required paiment Caesar thinking it no fit time of punishment and withall attributing much to the worth of the men put off the whole matter and chid them privately for making a gain of their troups of horse willing them to expect a supply of all their wants from his favour according as their service had well deserved Neverthelesse the matter brought them into great scandall and contempt with all men which they plainly perceived both by the speeches of other men as also by that they might judge themselves their own consciences accusing them With which reproach and shame they were so moved and thinking peradventure that they were not quit thereof but deferred untill some other time that they resolved to leave the Army to seek new fortunes and make proof of other acquaintance And having imparted the matter to a few of their followers to whom they durst communicate so great a disloialty first they went about to kill C. Volusenus Generall of the horse as after the war was ended was discovered that they might come to Pompey upon some deserved service but after they found it hard to accomplish they took up as much mony as they could borrow as though they meant to have paid their troups what they formerly had defrauded them of and having brought many horses they went to Pompey together with such as were acquainted with their purposes Pompey finding them Gentlemen of sort liberally brought up attended with a great retinue and many horses and both of them very valiant and in good account with Caesar and withall for that it was an unusuall and strange accident he led them about the works and shewed them all the fortifications for before that time no man either souldier or horseman had fled from Caesar to Pompey whereas daily they came from Pompey to Caesar especially such as were enrolled in Epirus and Aetolia which countries were at Caesar's devotion These two Brethren exactly understanding all things in Caesar's Camp as well concerning such works as were perfect as such others wherein men skilfull in war might find defect together with the opportunity of time and distances of places as also the diligence of the Guards with the nature and endeavour of every man that had a charge related all particularly to Pompey OBSERVATIONS VVE may here observe the sincerity and direct carriage of inferiour Commanders in the Roman Army by the scandall these two Sâ—voâ—ens ran into for making false Musters and defrauding the souldiers of their due A matter so ordinary in these our times as custome seemeth to justify the Abuse For what more common in the course of our modern wars then to make gain of Companies by mustering more then they have in pay and by turning that which is due to the souldier to their own benefit The first whereof if it be duly weighed is an offence of a high nature against the State and the second such an injury to the souldier as can hardly be answered It is merrily as I take it aid by Columella That in foro concessunâ— latrocinium Robbery is lawfull in courses at Law But for those to whom is committed the safety of a kingdom to betray the trust reposed in them by raising their means with dead paies and consequently steading the Cause with dead service as also by disabling their Companions and fellow-souldiers from doing those duties which are requisite for want of due entertainment is a thing deserving a heavy censure and will doubtlesse fall out unto them as it did to these two Brethren The sequele whereof will appear by the story and confirme that of Xenophon Dii haud impunita relinquunt impâ—a nefaria hominum facta The Gods do not suffer the impieties and wickednesses of men to escape unpunished CHAP. XXII Pompey attempting to break out putteth Caesar's Party to great losse POmpey being informed of these things having formerly resolved to break out as is already declared gave order to the souldiers to make them coverings for their Morions of Osiers and to get some store of Bavins and Fagots Which being prepared he shipped a great number of the light-armed souldiers and Archers together with those fagots in Skiffs and Gallies And about mid-night he drew threescore Cohorts out of the greater Camp and the places of Garrison and sent them to that part of the â—ortification which was next unto the Sea and farthest off from Caesar's greatest Camp Thither also he sent the ships before-mentioned filled with light-armed men and fagots together with as many other Gallies as were at Dyrrachium and gave directions how every man should imploy himself Caesar had left Lentulus Marcellinus the Treasurer with the Legion newly enrolled to keep that fortification who for that he was sickly and of an ill disposition of body had substituted Fulvius Posthumus as his coadâ—utor There was in that place a â—rench of fifteen foot deep and a Rampier against the Enemy of ten foot in 〈◊〉 and as much in breadth And about six hundred