was in confession and therefore not to be revealed and the Jesuite upon examination protested that God had given him the grace that as soon as any thing was revealed to him in confession be presently forgot it The Jesuites were generally suspected and censured as guilty and several suspitious passages in their Sermons lately preached particularly by F. Hardy and F. Gontier were called to mind and thereupon the Parliament ordered the Jesuite Mariana's Book de Rege Regis Institutione to be burned by the common Executioner Continuat of Serres p. 1295 Foul. p. 646. and afterward condemned a Book of Suarez Defensio Fidei Cath. as containing many Seditious and treasonable Principles and after this another of another Jesuite Ant. Sanctarellus de Haeresi Schismate c. Foul. ibid. Moul. ubi sup printed at Rome with the approbation of the General and at the same time questioned F. Cotton and other chief men of their Society about their Doctrine in this respect but this was many years after the murder But that the History is so sparing in this particular of the accessories it self gives us a good reason the Judges themselves who examined him says Perefix durst not open their mouths and never spoke of it but with a shrug of their shoulders and that some grand thing was hushed up may be supposed from the publick complaint of the Prince of Conde and others five years after that the discovery of this murther was stopped and not fully prosecuted It should seem domestick and foreign jealousies conspired in it But that it was not done without the privity of others is further confirmed from the Predictions of it the general bruit which fore-ran it and the King's enemies confident expectation of it His enemies says Perefix were then in a profound silence which possibly was not caused by their consternation and fear of the success of his arms but for the expectation they had to see some great blow which was all their hope It was foretold in an Almanack brought to Peirescius out of Spain printed November before which Gassendus though he doubts not but the Artist might have some dealing with an evil genius yet thinks he might foresee by other means as being privy to the conspiracy which indeed is the more likely because it was composed by a Beneficiary or Beneficed man of Barcellonia or Barcinonia from whence the Spanish Emissary above mentioned came to Paris to Father Cotton by whom he was recommended to the King Perefix And perhaps of the same kind with this was that Prediction of his approaching death by a determinate blow Continuat of Serres which was found written in a paper upon the Altar at Montargis The Provost of Pluviers who 't is said was a Jesuite in Faction and had a Son a Jesuite being accused to have said the same day that the King was murthered that he was slain or wounded that day strangled himself in prison And indeed such and so many were the predictions and reports of it at the time and before it was done which are mentioned by * Li. 2. de vita Peireskii Gassendus Perefix and others as make it very apparent that it was generally fore-known both in Spain and Italy or at least that there was then many emissaries sent out to do it and that it was confidently expected that it would certainly be done Only it is somewhat strange that those circumstances at his next Solemnity in his Coach and the very day of the month should be so precisely foretold as it seems it was in that manner that he gave credit to it though no credulous person and was so sad and dejected that he was like one condemned to death though by nature neither fearful nor melancholy He had advertisements to this purpose by his Embassadors and namely by Jo. Bochartus from Venice and by others from twenty several places But it seems it was decreed the Decree was gone out and it must be executed This end had Henry le Grand in the height of his Grandure much like the fall of some stately structure deceitfully built upon an infirm foundation when just raised to its height He was frighted in his youth into a change of his Profession for the saving of his life the first but bitter fruit of his being unequally yoked but that being only through teror and constraint he returned again when he found a convenient opportunity to the open profession of his own Religion It was about the eighteenth year of his age when his youth might make his yielding to so extraordinary terror heightned by the sad spectacle of the horrid murthers of all his friends the more excusable About eighteen years after when he was grown up to maturity about the thirty sixt year of his age and had given some testimony of his constancy in his Profession and for his encouragement had received no small testimonies of Divine favour not only preserving and conducting him safe through many dangers and difficulties but leading him by the hand to the possession of the Kingdom and making way for him by the extirpation of a whole Family another Trial was assigned him by the great Agonothetes V. Ecclesiasticus 2.1.2 3 c. who never ceaseth to provide new matter and occasions of trial and exercise for all those who once apply themselvs to his service till either by many mutual experiments given and received of their fidelity and constancy to him and of his admirable Providence never failing them but ordering all for their good they become more than Conquerors and well setled and confirmed in his service one great reason of the difficulties and adversities wherewith good men are frequently exercised or on the other side after many acts of unfaithfulness whereby their courage and resolution is more and more broken and abated they become easily affrighted or allured from their duty and at last either wholly deserting or little regarding the same are accordingly by him abandoned to the deceitful and pernitious courses of their own lusts and devices The former was a trial whether he would be frighted or forced from his fidelity this rather whether he would be allured from it In the former he failed and now having had time to repent and resume new courage and resolution he is again called upon the stage and in the first assault he behaved himself not much amiss For who can mislike his referring all to the determination and advice of a lawful General or National Council had be been sincere and continued constant in this resolution V. Thu. l. 98. 101 103. Nor did he want encouragement in this respect from the forward and couragious opposition which on his behalf was made against the Pope's Bulls by his Subjects even of the Roman Communion and not only by the Civil Power but the Clergy also concurring therein who moreover gave him a fair opportunity and kind of invitation either by setting up a Patriarch in France
the Guises should immediately depart the City and go every one to his own house that thereby all might take notice that whatsoever had been done at Paris proceeded from their faction But the Queen and Anjou especially who did both of them with an over-weaning affection incline to the party of Guise did intercede seeing the King was at first enraged only against Coligny as not yet forgetting his flight from Meaux drew him on who yet wavered to the slaughter of all the Protestants in the City so that not knowing where he set his foot they brought him by degrees to this pass that he should take the whole blame upon himself and so ease the Guisians who were not able to bear such a burden And to that end Anjou did as it it was laid produce Letters found in Teligny's desk written by the hand of Momorancy in which after the wound given to Coligny he did affirm that he would revenge this injury upon the Authors of it who were not unknown with the same mind as if it had been offered to himself Thereupon the Queen and Anjou took occasion to shew the King That if he persisted in his former dissimulation things were come to that pass that he would endanger the security of the Kingdom his Fortunes Riches and Reputation For the Guisians who do by these Letters and otherwise understand the mind of the Momorancies being men desirous of troubles and seeking grounds of them upon every occasion will never lay down their Arms which they have by the King's command taken up to offer this injury that they will still keep them under pretence of desending their safety which they say is aimed at by the enemy and so that which was thought to have been the end of a most bloudy war will prove to be the beginning of a more dangerous one For the remainders of the Protestants who see their matters distressed will without doubt gather themselves to the Momorancies who are of themselves strong and thence will take new strength and spirits which if it should happen what a face of the Kingdom will appear when the name and authority of the King's Majesty being slighted and trampled upon every one shall take liberty to himself and indulge to private hatred and affections according to his own lust Lastly what will foreign Princes think of the King who suffers himself to be over-ruled by his subjects who cannot keep his subjects in their duty and lastly who knows not how to hold the reins of legal power Therefore there is no other way to prevent so great an evil but for the King to approve by his publick Proclamation of what was done as if it had been done by his command For by this means he should take the arbitrement and power to himself and on the one hand disarm the Guises and on the other hand keep the Momorancies from taking up Arms and lastly should bring it about that the Protestant affairs now already very low should be separated from the cause of the Momorancies That the King ought not to fear the odium of the thing for there is not so much danger in the horridness of a fact the odium whereof may be somewhat allayed by excuse as in the confession of weakness and impotency which doth necessarily bring along with it contempt which is almost destructive to Princes By these reasons they easily perswaded an imperious Prince who less seared hatred than contempt that he might recall the Guisians to obedience and retain the Momorancies in their loyalty to confirm by publick testimony that whatsoever had been done was done by his will and command Therefore in the morning viz. upon the Tuesday he came into the Senate with his Brethren the King of Navar and a great retinue of Nobles after they had heard Mass with great solemnity and sitting down in the Chair of State all the orders of the Court being called together He complained of the grievous injuries that he had from a child received from Gaspar Coligny and wicked men falsly pretending the name of Religion but that he had forgiven them by Edicts made for the publick Peace That Coligny that he might leave nothing to be added to his wickedness had entred into a conspiracy how to take away him his mother his brethren and the King of Navar himself though of his own Religion that he might make young Conde King whom he determined afterwards to slay likewise that the Royal Family being extinct he usurping the Kingdom might make himself King That he when it could not otherwise be did though full sore against his will extinguish one mischief by another and as in extream dangers did use extream remedies that he might extirpate that impure contagion out of the bowels of the Kingdom Therefore that all should take notice that whatsoever had been that day done by way of punishment upon those persons had been done by his special command After he had said these things Christophorus Thuanus chief President in a speech fitted to the time commended the King's prudence who by dissembling so many injuries had timely prevented the wicked conspiracy and the danger that was threatned by it and that that being suppressed he had now setled peace in the Kingdom having well learnt that saying of Lewis XI He that knows not how to dissemble knows not how to reign Then the Court was commanded that diligent enquiry should be made concerning the conspiracy of Coligny and his Associates and that they should give sentence according to form of Law as the heinousness of the fact did require Then lastly Vidus Faber Pibraccius Advocate of the Treasury or Attorney-General stood up and asked the King whether he did will and command that this declaration should be entred into the acts of the Court to the preservation of the memory of it whether the orders of Judges and Civil Magistrates which he had complained were corrupted should be reformed And lastly whether by his command there should be an end put to the slaughters and rapines To these things the King answered that he did command the first that he would take care about the second and that for the third he did give command by publick proclamation through all the streets of the City that they should for the future abstain from all slaughters and rapines Which declaration of the King astonished many and among the rest Thuanus himself who was a man of a merciful nature and altogether averse from bloud and feared that example and the danger that was threatned thereby who also did with great freedom privately reprove the King for that if the conspiracy of Coligny and his company had been true he did not rather proceed against them by Law This is most certain he did always detest St. Bartholomews-day using those verses of Statius Papinius in a different case Excidat illa dies aevo nec postera credant Saecula nos certe taceamus obruta multa Nocte tegi propriae patiamur
Mandelotus being offended at the horror of the sight of the bodies of the slain lying in the Court of the Arch-Bishop's house commanded them to be put into boats and carried to the other side of the River that they might be buried in the Church-yard of the Monastery of Aisnay where was formerly the Altar of Lions and sent men thither to see them buried But the Monks said they would never suffer that and that those carkasses were unworthy of burial Therefore upon a sign given there is a concourse made and they are thrown by the enraged people into the River the grosser bodies being given to the Apothecaries upon their desir◠for their fat as is reported by those who wrote whiles things were fresh Nor did the slaughte slay here For not long after the two Brothers Darutii Merchants of great account Labessaeus Galterus and Floccardus honourable Citizens being brought out of the prison had their throats cut and were cast into the River Rhone Among these slaughters some escaped by the help of the guards and the favour of Manta the Governor among whom were Jo. Ricaldus and Antonius Callia Pastors of the City when as Joannes Anglus chief Pastor was slain in the first tumult It is said that 800 of all kinds and sexes were barbarously slain the carkasses of the slain swimming down Rhone to Turnonium lay so thick about the banks that the Townsmen affrighted at the accident cried Arm Arm as if the enemy had been coming upon them by and by being amazed with horror and detesting the authors of such a villany though they had no favour for the Religion of the Protestants to remove that sad spectacle they set men to thrust the bodies off with poles from the banks which the swift stream brought down So horrid a spectacle they also detested at Vienne at Valence at Burgh at Viviers at the Temple of the Spirit yea at Avenion where there is great hatred of the Protestants But at Arles when through want of wells and springs they drink of the water of the River the Townsmen besides the detestableness of the villany were grievously distressed when as they would not use the fishes and water that they could be supplied with only from Rhone yea they abhorred the very sight of the River 28. But in Dauphine and Provence things were carried after far another manner For Claudius Sabaudus Count of Tende who was very nearly allied to the Momorancies when Letters were brought him about the same business by Josephus Bonifacius Mola who two years after came to an †Being executed and his quarters set upon the City-gates unhappy end at Paris ingenuously answered that he did not think that that was the King's pleasure but that some that were evilly affected to the publick Peace did falfly pretend his name when as not many days since he had received quite other commands that therefore he would rather obey the former as more worthy of the King's Faith and Clemency But he not long after being at Avignon died of a sudden disease to the great grief of the people of Provence not without suspition given him by the Emissaries of the seditious In Dauphine Bertrandus Simienus Gordius educated in the Family of the Momorancies receiving the same command he excused himself pretending the great danger he was like to be in from the powerfulness of Mombranius and other Protestants in * In allobrogibus Savoy and Dauphine yet some were slain at Valence Also at Romans there were some slain though it were late first Septembr 22. viz. 10 Kal. VIII br where when many of that great number that was cast into the prison for fear of death returned to the Religion of their Ancestors only seven were stabbed with daggers by the raging people Also Santeranus Governor of Auvergne who also was well affected to the Momorancies used the same moderation and made the same answer to those that came posting to him from Court that the Count of Tende had done before him adding to this moreover that he would never obey such commands unless the King in person did command him Greater was the fury that did rage at Tholouse for news of what had been done at Paris being brought prid Kal. VII br which was the Lord's-day August 31. upon which the Protestants went out of the City to Castanetum to Sermon straitway the Gates were shut up and care was taken that no one should go out but that whosoever would might come in But many of those that had gone out would not return into the City but went thence to †Podium Laurentii le Puy St. Laurence Montauban * Regium montem Regimont and some one way some another Two days after by authority of the Senate publick Proclamation was made that no violence or molestation should be offered to the Protestants The day following Guards being set at the Gates of the City and in the Streets those that were suspected are some of them distributed into Monasteries others are cast into the common prisons some days after upon the coming from Court of Delpechius and Madronius rich Merchants and most bitter enemies to the Protestants they were all thrown into the Palace prison where presently in the night by certain cut-throats chosen out of the Students of the Civil Law that went to the Fencing-School among whom one Turrius was most eminent together with other men of lewd life and conversation 200 were barbarously slain and among them some Senators and in the first place Johannes Corasius who afterwards to double their cruelty were hanged in their Senatorian habits upon an Elm growing in the Palace-yard the bodies of the dead were buried in a ditch made in the Arch-Bishop's house At the same time but with greater slaughter were things carried at Rouen where Tanaquilius Venator Carrugius the Governor of the chief Nobility of Provence a man of a merciful disposition did what he could to hinder it But at last not being able any longer to withstand the violence of the seditious and especially of those who the year before were by the decree of the Judges delegated from Paris proscribed who hoped that by this course they should both revenge the injury offered them and also obliterate the memory of the Decree many were thrown into prison Septemb. 17. and afterwards 15 Kal. of VIII br being called out one by one by the voice of the Cryer were cruelly slain by those Emissaries Maronimus a most wicked wretch leading them on Upon this they set upon private houses and that day and the day following they fell upon men women without distinction and 500 of both sexes and all ages were slain and their bodies being stripped were cast into the ditches ad Portam Caletensem and their garments all bloudy as they were were distributed among the poor they seeking even by these murders to ingratiate themselves with the people This the Senate was in shew offended at and began to proceed
example of his Predecessors to vouchsafe them some Spiritual Graces and Favours he favourably grants to all and every one who shall joyn with the said Hugh and his Army asserting and fighting for the Catholick Faith or any way aid or assist them if they be truly penitent and have confessed and if it may be received the Sacrament a Plenary Pardon and Remission of All their Sins the same which used to be granted by the Popes of Rome to those who go to war against the Turks 18. April 1600. Camd. p. 750. Foul. p. 651. And the next year again for their further encouragement he sends a particular letter to Tyrone wherein he Commends their Devotion in engaging in a Holy League and their valour and atcheivements Exhorts them to continue unanimous in the same mind and Promises to write effectually to his Sons the Catholick Kings and Princes to give all manner of Assistance to them and their cause and tells him he thinks to send them a peculiar Nuncio who may be helpful to them in all things as occasion shall serve 20. Jan. 1601. Foul. p. 655. The King of Spain likewise sends his Assistance a great fleet who landed at King-Sale 20. Sept. under the conduct of Don John d'Aquila who sets out a Declaration shewing the King of Spain's pretense in the war which he saith is with the Apostolick Authority to be administred by him that they perswade not any to deny due Obedience according to the word of God to their Prince but that all know that for many years since Elizabeth was deprived of her Kingdom and All her Subjects Absolved from their Fidelity by the Pope unto whom he that reigneth in the Heavens the King of Kings hath committed All Power that he should Root up Destroy Plant and Build in such sort that he may punish temporal Kings if it should be good for the Spiritual Building even to their Deposing which thing hath been done in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland by many Popes viz. by Pope Pius v. Gregory XIII and now by Clement VIII as is well known whose Bulls are extant that the Pope and the King of Spain have resolved to send Souldiers Silver Gold and Arms with a most liberal hand that the Pope Christs Vicar on Earth doth command them the Papists in Ireland to take Arms for the defense of their Faith c. Camd. p. 829. Foul. 658. And not long after more Supplies were sent from Spain under Alonso de Ocampo Thu. l. 125. Cam. an 1601. 1602. But it pleased God to make the Queen still Victorious over All and part of them with the Irish Rebels being beaten and routed in the Field the rest are brought to articles upon which they Surrender All and are sent home when more forces were coming from Spain to their recruit The next year most of the other Rebels being defeated and subdued last of all Mac Eggan the Popes Vicar Apostolick with a party of the Rebels which he himself led with his Sword drawn in one hand and his Breviary and Beads in the other was slain by the Queens forces and the Rebels routed in January 1602 3 and so the whole Kingdom Tyrone also submitting to mercy totally subdued Camd. an 1603. Foul. p. 664. 37. And now this Blessed Queen having by an Admirable Providence of Almighty God been Preserved from All these both Secret Conspiracies and Open Invasions through a long Reign of four and forty years compleat and made victorious over All her Enemies as well abroad as at home Out-lived her great and bitter enemy Phil. 11. King of Spain who himself lived to be sensible of the Divine Judgment of the Iniquity of his Actions against her and to desire a Peace with her though he lived not to enjoy it Out-lived four Kings of France eight Popes and the greatest part of the ninth and maugre all the Powers of Hell the Malice and Wicked Machinations of Men of most turbulent and Anti-christian Spirits Defended that Purity of Religion which even at the very beginning of Her Reign she had with Mature Deliberation and a Generous and most Christian Courage and Resolution notwithstanding all Difficulties and Dangers which on every side threatened her undertakings established was by the same at last brought to her Grave in Peace in a Good Old Age. Her very Enemies admiring as well her Worth and Excellence as her Glory and Felicity see the one extolled by Sixtus v. Thu. l. 82. p. 48. and the other by An. Atestina l. 129. and both more largly described by the Noble and Ingenuous Thuanus l. 129. and Sir Francis Bacon in his Collection of her Felicities while her Neighbours who wickedly and barbarously persecuted the Professors of that Reformed Religion for their Religion sake which she with great and Christian Moderation towards the adversaries of it happily established and defended either lived not out half their days or died violent deaths and were murthered by their own Subjects of the same Religion with themselves or were otherwise unhappy in their attempts in that Eminently Remarkable manner as is so far from being impertinent to our subject and design briefly to note that it would be a great fault and unworthy neglect not to do it Certainly who ever shall impartially and without prejudice consider the History of this blessed and happy Queen and with it compare the History of the Times both precedent and subsequent to her reign and especially of her neighbours in France durng her own times must needs acknowledge not only an Admirable Providence over Her in both Preserving and Blessing her in all her Affairs but a Special Distinguishing Providence thus favouring her and at the same time in a very remarkable manner disfavouring Crossing Blasting and Severely Punishing and Revenging the different and contrary Courses and Practises of her Neighbours and others 38. We might here remember the Story of Don Sebastian King of Portugal who in the heat of his youth and devotion to the See of Rome had tendered his service to the Pope and engaged in an Expedition against England and Ireland but having raised a great Army and prepared a great Fleet was by the King of Fesse prevailed with to assist him in the recovery of his Kingdom in Mauritania Where with Stukely who commanded the Italian Forces raised by the Pope and King of Spain for the service against Ireland whom he perswaded to go with him first to the African war he was slain dyed without issue and left his Kingdom a prey to the Spaniard whereby not only the present storm which threatned the Queen was blown over but the Spaniard also for divers years diverted by his wars with Portugal from molesting the Queen in that manner which otherwise 't is likely he would have done and from some such Invasion as though then intended was not actually undertaken till ten years after We might here also remember Don John of Austria in the heat of his eager designs upon England cut off
need of it did earnestly desire and sollicit the convention of a National Synod to that purpose the French Kings were unhappily so far wrought upon by the arts of Rome as not only ungratefully to reject that benefit offered by the Divine Providence but at last to persecute those who were made the occasions of it And this seems to have been so manifest a cause of the troubles mischiefs and adversities which by the providence of God have befallen that Nation and their Princes since the beginning of that Century that it is strange but that the height of contentions then on foot might perhaps hinder it that neither those prudent considering men did take notice of it in this case nor yet our judicious and can did Author who relates their judgment and had himself observed almost as much in Lewis 12. If it be fit says he for a mortal man to speak his opinion concerning the eternal Counsels of God Lib. 1. I should say that there was no other cause why that most excellent Prince in so many respects commendable and worthy of a better fortune should meet with so many conflicts with adversities than that he had contracted so near alliance with Pope Alexander 6. and cherished the cruelties lusts perfidiousness and fortunes of that impure Father the Pope and of his Son Caesar Borgia a man drowned in all kind of wickedness and then relating the King's calling of a Synod upon his provocations by the next Pope Julius 2. undoubtedly so ordered for the same purpose by the Divine Providence first at Lions and then at Pisa for the reformation of the Church and his medals coined with this Inscription PERDAM BABYLONIS NOMEN and how after all this he renounced the Council at Pisa through the importunities of his wife and subscribed to the Lateran Council to gratifie the next Pope Leo 10. and adding that in the judgment of many he had done more advisedly if he had persevered in his purpose of reforming the Church he concludes These therefore were the causes both of the declination of our Empire and of the adverse fortune of Lewis who after all his other misfortunes died without issue male which he much desired to succeed him And in this King is very observable that as there was in him no want of magnanimity humane prudence or care for himself the glory of his Kingdom and prosperity of his affairs to which his misfortunes could be imputed which makes the judgment of God therein the more apparent so neither could any vice or other fault be noted in him which might be assigned as a cause of that judgment but what is here mentioned the neglect of that duty whereunto he was so fairly led and whereof he was so far convinced as that he began to put it in execution In the time of his successor Francis 1. all things seemed to conspire in giving occasion every where to the Reformation of the Church what through the Pope's differences with several Princes which produced the abolition and abrogation of the Papal Authority for some time in Spain and afterward in England what through that abominable imposture of Indulgences and other their gross wickedness and abuses which provoked Martin Luther and other learned men to search into and detect their mystery of iniquity and discover many gross errors and abuses crept into the Church whereupon ensued the Reformation happily begun and promoted by many Protestant Princes and Cities in Germany and other parts But Francis not only neglected the occasion and rejected and made himself unworthy of the common benefit of it but moreover contracted that * He married his Son Henr. 2. to Katharine of Medices daughter to Lawrence D. of Urbin who was Nephew to Leo 10. and Cousin to Clem. 7. alliance with the Popes and at last began those †V. 3. Sect. 39. pag. 56. persecutions the unhappy consequence of both which we are now relating Nor was the King of Spain much more happy in his persecutions of the Protestants in the Low-Countries the consequence whereof was the loss of the best part of them and all he got by the Inquisition in Spain was but the exclusion of light and truth from his people and his own slavery to the strong delusions and infatuations of the Jesuites who precipitated him into divers dishonourable unsuccesful and to his own affairs pernitious undertakings 49. But to return to the effects and consequences of that bloudy act whereof what hath yet been related was but the first fruits of those Counsels from which so much happiness tranquility and glory were so long expected instead whereof was reaped only horror shame and anxiety whereunto succeeded a plentiful harvest of other real troubles For the King and that Faction which prevailed at Court after so many former breaches of publick Faith by this so inhumane cruelty and foul breach of Faith so much the greater by how much the greater arts and deep dissimulation had been used before to raise a trust confidence of their sincerity had now driven those of the Protestants who remained alive to that distrust and jealousie the usual fruits of perfidiousness of what-ever Letters Promises Edicts or other means could be devised to satisfy them that nothing could give them any assurance of their lives and safety but retaining those places which by the last agreement of Peace were left in their possession for their security and were now had the agreement been performed Thu. l. 53 to have been delivered to stand upon their defence And though many of them not only doubting of their strength but making scruple of the justice of the cause now since not only the Princes of the blood to whom the administration of the Kingdom did belong were absent but moreover the King himself was grown a man did dispute against it and from both those grounds urged all the arguments they could yet against the first of these the horror of these slaughters which they had so lately seen and did foresee prevailed and despair made the most timerous couragious And this also made the answer which was returned by others to the latter more satisfactory to the rest that to take up Arms for their just defence not to offer violence to any but only to repel the injury and save themselves from slaughter was neither by the Laws of God or man unlawful that it ought not to be reputed a war against the King but a just defence against their enemies who abused the King's authority to destroy them who if so powerful as to have proceeded so far in the late tumult beyond his consent or privity or prevalent with him as to work his assent to so unjust and foul an action they had the more reason to secure themselves against their power and treachery till justice should be done upon them nor ought they to doubt but in so just a cause upon their serious repentance trust in God and humble supplications to him he would
specious colour and pretence of confirming the Pacification and begetting and establishing a better accord between the two parties by so near an alliance between the two Heads of them yet proved as it was intended by the others a snare to the destruction of the chief persons and of great numbers of the rest of his own party and to himself not only unsuccesful in respect of his wife and that not so much through her sterility as her inconstancy and unfaithfulness to his bed but also a snare whereby after he had seen the lives of his best friends and of great numbers of innocent people of his own Religion most barbarously and inhumanely taken away he was himself forced for the saving of his own life to change his Religion in shew and appearance at least But this being by constraint Thu. l. 96. and only in appearance for Religion as was well perceived by Henr. 3. after he had received his deaths-wound which is planted in mens minds by God cannot be commanded or forced by men Upon the first opportunity he returned again to the open profession of that Religion which in the mean time he retained in his heart and constantly professed and maintained the same till after the descent of the Crown of France to him This happened very seasonable for him in many respects being then not a child or youth unexperienced in the World but of mature age about 35. and firm judgment well experienced in affairs both Military and Civil of State and Government being then reconciled to and in perfect amity with the deceased King who upon his death-bed Thu. l. 69. acknowledged him for his lawful Successor recommended the Kingdom to him and exhorted the Lords there present to acknowledg him for their lawful Sovereign notwithstanding his Religion and obey him accordingly being then not in Bearn or the remoter parts of the Kingdom with small or no forces but before the chief City of it in the head of a great Army under his command many of those in the Army who disliked his Religion yet being by the consideration of his undoubted right the recommendation of the deceased King and their own fresh experience of his virtue since his coming to the Army reconciled to his person acknowledging his sovereignty and submitting to his obedience now not as General but as their lawful and undoubted Prince This was 20 years after he had first professed himself Head of the Protestants 13 years after he had again returned to the profession of that Religion wherein he had been bred and educated when he had been all this while preserved notwithstanding all the power of France against him and had withstood all the tentations which after the death of Alancon whereby he became next heir to the Crown of France could invite him to change his Religion and when after all opposition he was as it were led by the hand to the possession of the Kingdom Yet was he not so entirely possessed of it but that there was still matter and occasion left him to make him sensible of that Providence which having preserved him all this while had at last raised him to the Throne and to exercise his dependance upon the same for the future for his entire possession of the Kingdom He was like David after many and long trials advanced to the Throne but yet like him not presently put into the full possession of the Kingdom For the Leaguers who thought his being an Heretick as they reputed him was a sufficient disability to his right to the Crown thought the same a sufficient warrant for them to keep him from it and to continue the rebellion against him which they had begun against his predecessor And to remove or prevent all scruple of Conscience in that respect Thu. l. 98. Foul. 8. c. 7. the Colledge of Sorbon gave them their solemn resolution May 7. 1590. That they who opposed him should merit much before God and Men and if they resisted so mindful were they of the Apostles Doctrine Rom. 13. to the effusion of their bloud should obtain a reward in Heaven and an immarcessible or never-fading Crown of Martyrdom And lest this should not be sufficient they institute a Procession which was made in the presence of the Pope's Legate Cardinal Bellarmine and all the Bishops who came with him from Italy wherein Rose Bishop of Senlis and the Prior of the Carthusians holding in one hand a Cross and in the other a Halberd led the Van the Fathers of the Capucins Foliacens Paulians Franciscans Dominicans Carmelites following in order all accoutred their Cowles hanging back upon their shoulders and having on instead of them Head-pieces and Coats of Male and after them the younger Monks in the same habit but armed with Muskets which they frequently and inconsiderately fired at those they met with a shot whereof one of Cardinal Cajetans domesticks was killed who being slain at so religious a shew was therefore held to be received into the blessed companies of the Confessors After this was made another Procession by the Duke of Nemours and Claud Brother to the Duke of Aumale who commanded the Infantry and the rest of the Officers of the Army who upon the great Altar of the principal Church renewed their League and Covenant and swore upon the Gospel to live and die for the cause of Religion and to defend the City against Navar. The Pope also that this Rebellion might want no authority which his infallibility could give it though there was no other scruple to his right and title but only his Religion fought against him with both swords by his Monitory against the Prelates c. who submitted to his obedience by his Legate Cardinals and other Emissaries sent to encourage the Rebels and by his forces and mony Thu. l. 102. whereof in about 10 months time he wasted 5000000 of aureos most upon the French War when there was more need of it to have relieved the poor who in the mean time died of famine at home and Clem. 8. Thu. l. 103. who not long after succeeded in that Chair said he was resolved in himself to spend all his treasures and bloud too if there was need to exclude Navar from his expected possession of the Kingdom Nor was their good son the Catholick King of Spain wanting to the promotion of so just a cause And in his own Army though many Thu. l. 97. otherwise of the Romish Religion submitted to him without any conditions or delay and others were satisfied with his word and promise which his former faithfulness had made of great authority even with his enemies v. Perefix p. 112. that he would refer all matters of Religion to a Lawful General or National Council and others with his Oath yet many having more regard to their own private interest and concerns than to their duty deserted him and either stood neuter to see which way the scales would turn or turned to the