ingag'd in the Pursuit of the Carthaginians who feign'd to fly Thus their Army became disjoin'd the third Fleet remaining with the Baggage in a Tow and the Triarians keeping their Post in the Rear of all Now when the Carthaginians judg'd the First and Second Fleets to be sufficiently distanc'd from the rest the Signal was given from Hamilcar's Gally whereupon that part of their Fleet which was chas'd by the Romans immediately tack'd and made head against the Pursuers who had follow'd them so eagerly and now the Battel increas'd and grew warm every-where and albeit the Carthaginians had the advantage in the lightness and ready working of their Vessels whether it were to Advance or Retreat as occasion requir'd which they perform'd with great Promptitude and Facility nevertheless the Romans lost not their assurance of Success in the end they found themselves better Men when they came to the Swords Point and they had great trust in their Engines wherewith they grappl'd and boarded the Enemy besides the Souldiers were animated by the Presence of the Generals in whose Eye they Fought and who themselves ingag'd in equal Hazard with the rest Now Hanno who commanded the Right of the Line and was at a good distance off from the place where the Battel began stood out farther to Sea and attack'd the Triarians where he succeeded so well as to reduce them to the last Extremity in the mean while that Squadron of the Carthaginians that was posted on the Left under the Shoar rang'd themselves into a Front and turning their Prows upon the Enemy charg'd that part of their Fleet that had the Guard of the Baggage and Horse-ships whereupon the Romans casting off the Ships which they had in a Tow receiv'd the Carthaginians and fought them with great Bravery And now might be seen three Naval Battles fought at one and the same time in three several Places but forasmuch as the Parties ingaging were of equal strength it happen'd as for the most part it doth in the like Adventures where two contending Powers happen to be of equal Force that Fortune gives the Victory to that side for whom she first began to declare So Hamilcar not being able to sustain the first Shock of the Romans was beaten and fled with his Squadron out of the Battel Lucius towing away such of their Ships as he had taken In the mean while Marcus perceiving the great Danger the Triarians were in and the Vessels that carried their Equipage advanc'd up to their Relief taking with him the Second Fleet which remain'd yet entire whereupon the Triarians now well-nigh vanquish'd observing with what Bravery he attack'd Hanno took Heart and renew'd the Battel insomuch that he seeing himself now assaulted from all Quarters both in Front and Rear and that M. Atilius contrary to all expectation was likewise come up and join'd the Fleet by which means they were in danger of being quite surrounded yielded the Day to the Romans and flying got off to Sea At the same time Manlius who was now return'd from the Chace observing that the Third Fleet of the Romans had been forc'd under the Shoar by the left point of the Enemies Battel where they held them surrounded came up to their Relief and was seconded by Marcus who had now rescu'd the Triarians and Baggage-vessels and left them safe In a word this part of their Army was in great danger and had been lost e'er this if the Carthaginians frighted at their new Engine could have found Resolution to attack them but they barely contented themselves to force them on upon the Shoar and there to keep them beset not daring to attempt or approach them so great an apprehension they were under of being grappl'd by their Corvi In short the Carthaginians were now quickly beset by the Romans who routing them took Fifty of their Ships with their Equipage very few either of Souldiers or Seamen escaping Behold now the Success of these three Battels in all which the Romans were Victors They lost but twenty four of their own Vessels and those perish'd against the Shoar but of the Carthaginians above Thirty were destroy'd Of the Romans not a Ship was taken but of the Carthaginians Threescore and three Sometime after this Success the Romans making greater Preparations than ever and having repair'd and enquipp'd the Ships they had taken from the Enemy and well refresh'd their Army set Sail for Africk When the Van of their Fleet had gain'd Cape Mercury which is a Point of Land running out from the Gulf of Carthage a good way into the Sea towards Sicily they there made a Halt and attended the Coming up of the rest of the Fleet and when they were joyn'd they stood along the Coast till they came up with a Place call'd Aspis or Clupea where they made their Descent drawing up their Vessels in the Port where they secur'd them with a Ditch and Pallisade and finding the Inhabitants resolv'd to stand on their Defence they prepar'd to Besiege them In the mean while those who escap'd from the Battel bringing News home of their Misfortune the Carthaginians were then in no doubt but that encourag'd by this Success the Romans would quickly Land and make the best of their March up to their City They therefore dispatch'd Troops to oppose them and to keep Guard upon the Neighbouring Coast by Sea and Land but when they receiv'd Advice of their being Landed and of their Besieging Aspis that care was over Wherefore they now proceed to reinforce their Army with new Levies which they perform'd with all possible Application making due Provision for the Strengthning their City and the Security of the Country The Romans in the interim became Masters of Aspis where having left a good Garrison for Defence of the Town and Country about it and dispatch'd Messengers to Rome to give an Account of their Successes and to learn the Senate's Pleasure how to proceed they march'd farther up with their whole Army to Forage and Spoil the Country In this Expedition they plunder'd and destroy'd a great many noble Buildings took much Booty of all sorts of Cattel and at least Twenty Thousand Prisoners all which they perform'd without any Opposition and brought all down to their Ships And now they receiv'd the Senate's Answer by their Messengers whose Pleasure was That only one of the Consuls should remain in Africk with a competent Strength to prosecute the War and the other should return back to Rome with the rest of the Army So M. Atilius remain'd with Forty Ships Fifteen Thousand Foot and Five Hundred Horse and L. Manlius return'd to Rome with the rest of the Army carrying with him many Prisoners who Sailing along the Coast of Sicily arriv'd in safety The Carthaginians foreseeing this War was like to last consider'd on the Choice of their Generals and first chose two Hanno the Son of Asdrubal and Bostar Then they sent their Orders to Hamilcar who was now at Heraclea to return Home with
behave themselves bravely and shortly after they march'd to find the Enemy their Forces consisting of Twelve Thousand Foot and Four Thousand Horse and about an Hundred Elephants The Romans were a little surpris'd at the Novelty to see their Enemy thus to change their manner of proceeding by marching down and incamping in the plain Country but being assur'd of the Event they march'd toward them with all Expedition and incamp'd within Twelve Hundred and Fifty Paces of the Carthaginian Army who the next Morning held a Council of War how they should proceed while the Souldiers assembling in great numbers and proclaiming every-where the Name of Xantippus demanded with great earnestness to be led against the Enemy The Officers observing this their Willingness and being urg'd and conjur'd by Xantippus not to let this their Ardour cool without Action the Army was directed to prepare for the Battel and the Order and Manner of their drawing up intirely committed to Xantippus who proceeded after this manner He drew up all the Elephants in Front advanc'd some distance beyond the Line of Battel In the Rear of these at a good distance he appointed the Carthaginian Battalions in the Right Wing was dispos'd part of the Mercenaries and some chosen out of them were mix'd with the Horse advanc'd before the two points of the Battel The Romans seeing the Enemy now ranging into Battalia lost no time but readily advanc'd against them with their usual Courage Nevertheless in regard they had a just Apprehension of the Force of their Elephants they appointed their light arm'd Souldiers to march advanc'd in the Front of their Battel and to sustain them were plac'd good Troops in firm and close order Their Horse were drawn up on the Wings not extending in length so far as their manner usually was which was recompens'd by the addition of Depth whereby they justly computed that they should be the better able to sustain the shock of the Elephants but they were entirely in the wrong touching their Horse those of the Enemy much out-numbring them In short both Armies being drawn up according to the Design of their respective Leaders they remain'd some time in suspence attending the Signal to ingage And now Xantippus commanded the Guides of the Elephants to advance and attempt the breaking of the Romans Order and to the Cavalry which out-wing'd them to surround and attack them in the Flank And the Romans after clashing their Arms and giving a Shout as their manner is began the Battel but their Horse perceiving themselves out-numbred by those of the Enemy soon abandon'd their Post in the Wings and the Foot in the Left-point of their Battel partly out of fear of the Elephants and partly beleiving they should find less to do against the Mercenaries attack'd them on the Right and put them to flight pursuing them to their Retrenchments But it far'd otherwise with those who were oppos'd to the Elephants they being disorder'd by those Animals broken kill'd and trodden under foot True it is that the Body of that Battalian by reason of its great depth and firm order was not presently shaken but when the Rear which yet sustain'd them perceiv'd the Enimies Horse in their Flank and that they were in danger to be surrounded they were forc'd to face about to receive them On the other hand such of the Roman Army as had charg'd though the Elephants were no sooner escap'd that danger but they encounter'd with the Battalion of Carthaginians fresh and in good order who charging them cut them all off And now the Romans being attack'd and worsted on all sides many were destroy'd by the rage and force of those mighty Animals the Elephants many were kill'd on the spot by the Cavalry and very few attempted to fly those who did were most of them by reason it was an open Country slain by the Hourse and the Elephants Five hundred who follow'd Regulus in his flight fell with him alive into the Enemies Hands Of the Carthaginians were kill'd about Eight Hundred most of them Mercenaries who were oppos'd to the Left Wing of the Romans 〈◊〉 whose Army there did not escape above Two Thousand and those were of the Party thâ—â— broke and pursu'd the Carthaginians whâ—â— the Battel first began as was observ'd thâ—â— rest were all slain saving the Consul M. Aâ—lius Regulus and those taken with him an the Cohorts that remain'd escap'd as by Mâ—â—racle to Aspis As for the Carthaginians 〈◊〉 soon as they had pillag'd the Dead thâ—â—â—arch'd back to their City full of Glory anâ— Triumph leading the Consul with them among the rest of the Prisoners Certainly whosoever weighs with Judgment the Success of this Adventure may collect matter of much benefit for reforming the Errors of Mankind For what is more easie to determine in this case of Regulus than that the flatteries of Fortune are of all others the most vain and trustless and we may behold him who but Yesterstay was triumphing in the Pride of his Success refusing the Compassion due to a miserable People to Day seeing himself a Captive and in a state to implore that Grace which he refus'd them In short the Event of this Action confirms that excellent saying of Euripides That one wise Head is more worth than many strong Hands For it is manifest in the Case now before us that the Counsel and Abilities of one single Person subdu'd the Roman Legions who by their Experience and Bravery were esteem'd Invincible rescu'd a sinking and despairing Common-wealth and restor'd Courage to a beaten and spiritless Army grown stupid by their Misfortunes Let it not therefore be thought superfluous that we add these our Reflections while those who shall read what we have written may chance to be edify'd and improve their Minds in that laudable Vertue of Moderation for as there are two ways to correct Men's manners namely by their own Misfortunes and the Example of those of others so tho' the one be more sensible the other is more safe It is therefore the wisest way by shunning the Perils and Difficulties of the one when without toil or hazard we may safely contemplate the other and take out Lessons for our Instruction at other Men's Experience So that in sum it will be found that there is no Doctrine or Method more likely to improve us in the Conduct of our Life than the Experience we may extract from the Study of History which fairly and candidly reports to us the Transactions of Times past for by this means alone it is that we attain Wisdom and Experience for the bare asking which at all Times and in all Events will be found most preferable but so much by way of Refiection The Carthaginians whose Affairs had prosper'd to their Wish express'd their Joy with all possible Piety towards the Gods and mutual Congratulations and Festivals among themselves As to Xantippus who had so happy a share in the Advancement and Prosperity of their Affairs he shortly after an admirable
greatest so it is the most beautiful its Streams swelling to their greatest height about the Month of July when the Snows by the excessive Heats are melted and dissolve from the Mountains Vessels navigate up this River from the Sea by the Out-let call'd Olana from whence they sail at least two hundred and fifty Miles into the Country This River for many Miles together preserves its Water in one Chanel but as it approaches towards the Sea by the accession of many other Rivers it becomes divided into two Streams and from the Country of the Trigaboles it forms two Chanels bearing two different Names that of Padua the other of Olana where it makes the safest and most beautiful Port in all the Adriatick The People of the Country call this River Bodencus Other fabulous things spoken of it by the Greeks namely that Phaeton receiv'd his Fall into these Waters of the Weeping Poplars of the People going perpetually in Black who inhabit thereabout to Commemorate the loss of Phaeton And in a word the many other Stories that have been invented are too Poetical and in no wise useful to our present Purpose Howbeit we may have occasion to make Recital of them else-where to be able thereby the better to prove that Timaeus was not sufficiently instructed in the History of this Country The Tuscans then heretofore possess'd all the Champaign Country and at the same time were Masters of that which was call'd Phlaegria bordering on Capua and Nola. And as that People had with great Resolution withstood those who Invaded them they grew to have a mighty Name among Strangers and acquir'd much Reputation for their Courage and Vertue Hence it comes to pass that those who read the History of the Tyrrhenians are to be cautious how they judge concerning that People by their present Possessions and the Country they now Inhabit but are to consider them by the Rule of those Times of which we now speak and by the Authority and Power of which they were then Masters The Gauls liv'd in their Neighbourhood by which means they had Commerce together but in process of Time beholding so beautiful a Country with an avaricious and envious Eye taking slight Occasion for their Motive they rais'd a numerous Army and attacking the Tuscans by Surprize forc'd them to abandon all that Country bordering on the Po and peopl'd it themselves The Laians and Lebecians and those who border on the Insubrians which at that time compos'd a mighty Nation were the first that inhabited that part of the River towards the East The Cenomans live likewise on the Banks of this River and all beyond as far as the Adriatick was possess'd by an ancient People call'd the Veneti who spoke a different Language from the Gauls but much resembl'd them in their Habit and Manners The Tragick Poets have said many fabulous things touching this People Beyond the Po near the Apennines inhabit first the Anians then the Bojans after these towards Adria dwell the Aegones and lastly the Senones living near the Sea-coast In a word these we have recounted were the principal Nations that possess'd the Country we have describ'd they dwelt in Villages open and without any Walls they had few or no Moveables they slept without Beds they eat Flesh and their chief Employments were Husbandry and War being totally ignorant of all other Arts and Sciences their Substance consisted chiefly in Cattel and Gold two Commodities that they could easily carry with them whensoever by any Accident they should be necessitated to remove They understand making their Court and the Art of acquiring Friends which they greatly covet for he among them who hath most Friends is most honour'd and he who is most honour'd is most fear'd and hath most Power Furthermore they were not only Masters of this Country but compell'd the neighbouring Nations aw'd by the Fame of their Valour to pay them Obedience At length they made War on the Romans whom after they had vanquish'd in Battel together with those that took part with them they pursu'd three Days together and took at last the City of Rome itself all but the Capitol But it happening that some new Adventures calling them home the Veneti having march'd into their Country with an Army they Accorded a Peace to the Romans and restoring their City departed Then they fell into Civil Dissentions those of them who inhabited the foot of the Mountains beholding the Prosperity of these with an Eye of Envy join'd to make War on them In the mean time the Romans recover'd strength and enter'd into Alliance with the Latins Thirty Years after the Taking of Rome the Gauls made a second Expedition marching with their Army as far as Alba but forasmuch as the Romans were surpris'd by those sudden Motions of the Enemy and had not leisure to receive Aids from their Allies they did not adventure to march against them Twelve Years after this the Gauls with a powerful Army attack'd them again but the Romans having now timely notice of their Purposes and leisure to summon there Allies to their Assistance march'd out to meet them and offer them Battel when the Gauls out of Countenance at this their Bravery began to waver in their Resolution and grew at length to apprehend the Issue and did not only not adventure to ingage the Romans but secretly by Night rais'd their Camp and fled as if they had lost a Battel Then they lay quiet for the space of thirteen Years when observing the Romans Power daily to augment they at length came to an Agreement with them and enter'd into Articles of Peace After thirty Years of Repose the Trans-Alpine Gauls took Arms again but fearing the Success of the War they compos'd the Difference by Address and great Presents and remonstrating the Evil of making War among themselves who were of one and the same Nation a Pacification thereupon ensu'd and they now labour'd to turn the joint Edge of their Courage against the Romans They march'd their Armies therefore in one entire Body through Tuscany those in that Country having taken part with them and after having ravag'd the Roman Territories and taken much Booty they retir'd home without Molestation where they were no sooner arriv'd but they fell into Feuds about the Partition of their Plunder which went so far that it cost them the loss of the greatest part both of their Booty and their Army And this is a frequent Folly of that People upon any Success especially if they happen to have Disputes when they have drank Wine Four Years after this the Gauls and Samnites join'd their Arms and made War on the Romans giving them Battel in the Country of the Clusians who are likewise call'd Camartines where they made great slaughter of them But soon after this the Romans inrag'd as it were by their Misfortunes march'd against them with a fresh Army and fighting with the same Enemy having all their Legions in the Field in the Country of the
gain'd the Hills and the Horse in the Plains bringing up and sustaining the Rear and who now drew near an Eminence call'd Propus They sent out their Horse after them to whom they joyn'd their light-arm'd Troops under the leading of Epistratus the Acarnanian these had order to fall on their Rear-guard to make some proof of the mettle of the Enemy Now if it were reasonable to come to a Battel they could not have made a worse choice than to attack the Enemy in the Rear for their Gross had already pass'd the Plains but to have done as they ought would have been to have ingag'd their Van as soon as they had enter'd on the Champaign Ground In which case they had had the benefit of fighting with the Advantage both in the nature of their Arms and the strength of their Order wherein in plain Ground they were in both superior to the Enemy who could not possibly have then fought without great odds against them But while they committed this over-sight and attack'd not the Aetolians till they had gain'd the Advantage of Ground it was no wonder that the Success fell out accordingly For the light-arm'd Troops no sooner came to the Charge when the Aetolian Horse had gain'd the Mountain firm and in good order keeping a good round march whereby to come up and Joyn their Foot Aratus who could not very well discover how the Affair went and not rightly judging of the Danger to which he was going to expose himself imagining the Enemies hasty Motion to be no other than Flight detach'd his Curiassiers from the Wings and commanded them to advance to the Charge to reinforce and sustain the light-arm'd Soldiers In the mean time drawing up the rest of his Troops into one Battalion he march'd himself at the Head of them and hastily advanc'd towards the Enemy doing every thing with precipitation But the Aetolian Horse had no sooner pass'd the Plain and joyn'd the Foot who had the Rear-guard and had now gain'd the Mountain when they immediately made a halt and ordering their Foot on the Flanks incourag'd one another to fear nothing And now facing about the Shouts they made caus'd those who were at a distance to return and hasten to their assistance so that their number increasing in confidence of their superiour Strength and the benefit of charging from higher Ground they boldly attack'd the Enemies Horse and their light-arm'd Troops and after a long and obstinate Dispute the Achaians were worsted Who flying so terrify'd those who were coming in no very good order to their Relief that they likewise retreated as fast as they came partly out of ignorance of the state of the Battel partly by meeting those of their Party who were flying for Safety from the Enemy This was the reason why it came to pass that this Party only of five Hundred of their Men was beaten and above two Thousand betook themselves to flight without ingaging And now the Aetolians who took Counsel of the present posture of the Field follow'd them hard in the Rear with great Shouts and Acclamations In short while the Achaian Troops were retreating back to the Gross as they thought of the Army which they hop'd would afford them a safe reception their Retreat was Soldier-like in good and safe order but as soon as they perceiv'd them to have quitted the advantageous Post they had taken that their Order was broken and confus'd marching in a Defileé then they sell into Confusion likewise and scattering and dispersing themselves here and there some got into neighbouring Towns others meeting a Battalion of their own Troops that advanc'd to their Succour so terrify'd each other tho' no Enemy were near that they both broke and dispers'd Of those that shifted for themselves as we observ'd some got into the Towns round about and a good Party escap'd to Orchomenus and Caphya which were not far off For had they not had those safe Retreats at hand they had been intirely ruin'd Thus have we related the Story of this Battel which was fought near Caphya As soon as the Megalopolitans came to understand that the Aetolians were encamp'd in the Territory of Methydrium they drew their whole Forces together and march'd to the Assistance of the Achaians but they arriv'd not till the Day after the Battel and their coming prov'd of no other use than to take care of burying the dead Bodies of those with whom they expected to have joyn'd and hop'd to have reliev'd So that digging a great Ditch in the Territory of the Caphyans they there bury'd the dead performing the Obsequies of those unfortunate Men with great Honour and Solemnity And now the Aetolians having obtain'd a Victory so contrary to their Hopes by the single service of their Horse and light-arm'd Soldiers took their march thereupon without fear or danger quite cross the Country of Peloponnesus And after making an attempt on Pellene and harrassing the Territory of Sicyon they took their way by the Isthmus These matters then which we have now related were the cause of the Confederate War and the Decree that was conceiv'd thereupon and confirm'd in a general Assembly of the Allies at Corinth where King Philip who procur'd the same and was present was the beginning of the said War In the mean time the Achaians soon after this Defeat call an Assembly where Aratus was severely prosecuted with Complaints on all hands As having been manifestly the occasion of the loss and dishonour they had sustain'd And by how much his Enemies press'd him with Accusations and with strong Reasons laid open his mismanagement by so much did the Hatred and Indignation of the People increase against him First there was no dispute but that Aratus had greatly err'd in having as one may say usurp'd the Magistracy by taking it upon him before he was regularly elected into his Charge And he could not deny but that what he had enterpriz'd thereupon had very ill succeeded Furthermore they blam'd him for that seeing the Aetolians yet in the heart of Peloponnesus he had been prevail'd with to dismiss the Achaian Troops notwithstanding he had been before well assur'd that Scopas and Dorimachus were sirmly determin'd to embroil their Affairs and to do all they could to ingage them in a War The third Article against him was His adventuring to ingage with so few Troops when he might with ease have made a good Retreat to the neighbouring Towns where he might at leisure have reinforc'd his Army and then given the Enemy Battel if he had seen cause The last and heaviest Charge against him was That after he had resolv'd to give the Enemy Battel he did not make one Soldier-like step in the whole Conduct of the Action For it had been in his choice to have sought on plain Ground which would have been much to his advantage for there the heavy-arm'd Troops could have ingag'd from whose service he could hardly have sail'd of Success While on the contrary he
by giving them hopes of a good issue of the War for that Molon had already thought it his safest course to sly before them so commanding them to refresh and repose themselves he order'd them to be in a readiness to march by break of Day in pursuit of the Enemy And now the Army of Xenoetas full of Assurance and being possess'd of so great plenty of all things fell to Feasting and making Merry Drinking to excess and acting in every thing the parts of careless dissolute People While Molon when he thought he was got far enough made an halt and taking some space to refresh his People fac'd about and march'd directly back by the way he came and advancing to the Camp found the Enemy negligently scatter'd here and there plung'd in Sleep and Wine Wherefore attacking them at Day-break Xenoetas astonish'd at the surprize and not able to awaken and draw his Troops together to make head against the Enemy lost his Life gallantly fighting The greatest part of the Army were cut off in their Tents the rest casting themselves into the River hop'd to gain the Camp on the other side but very few escap'd over Here might be seen the divers Scenes of Tumult and Confusion in the Army for all had their share of Terror at an Attempt so unlook'd for And while they view'd their Camp on the other Bank of the River without regard to the violence of the Stream or the difficulty and danger of the Passage such was their Passion to escape the Swords of the Enemy their fear I say had so blinded their Judgment that to save themselves from the hands of those that pursu'd them they committed themselves to the Waters making their Horses Baggage and all attempt to pass the River as if they thought some special Providence had commanded the Flood to yield them succour and waft them safe to the other Shore so that it was a lamenble sight to behold at once Men Horses Arms Baggage the Dead and Living floating and mingled together in confusion Molon becoming Master of Xenoetas's Camp afterwards pass'd the River without impediment none withstanding him for Zeuxes who might have hinder'd him was fled wherefore he took possession likewise of the other Camp Then upon this Success he march'd speedily to Seleucia which soon fell into his hands for that Zeuxes and Diomedon who was Governour of the Place had deserted it Then reducing the upper Provinces to his Obedience where he found none to oppose him he march'd on and subdu'd the whole Country of Babylon and all the Territory extending as far as the Red-Sea From thence he march'd to Susa which was taken by Assault as other Places had been but he in vain attempted the Fortress of that Place for that Diogenes the Governour had made timely provision for his Defence Wherefore he forbore to use force but leaving Troops to block it up took his march back to Seleucia where he refresh'd and recruited his Army and then after he had well encourag'd them he proceeded on further Enterprizes Thus Molon reduc'd all the Country to the City Europus and all Mesopotamia as far as Dura When Antiochus came to be well inform'd of these Occurrences he quitted the barren Country of the Lower-Syria as we have noted and turn'd his Thoughts wholly on this War Wherefore assembling his Council once again to deliberate about it and requiring every one to deliver his Opinion plainly touching the War of Molon Epigenes again first gave his Judgment saying That it had been well for the King's Service if they had follow'd his first Advice without any delay or loss of time for the Enemy had made so great a progress that he was confirm'd in his former Opinion namely That it was most necessary the King should march with the Army and manage the War in Person But Hermias thereupon renew'd his Indignation against Epigenes charging and blaming him as heretofore and came to exaggerate his own Praises to that degree that every body despis'd him and contesting with the King himself labour'd all he could to make him persevere in his Syrian Expedition insomuch that great Offence was taken by Antiochus himself who notwithstanding interpos'd his Authority in vain to reconcile them Hermias being by no means to be wrought from his Aversion to Epigenes Howbeit his Advice at length prevail'd as being the most safe and profitable which Hermias not being able now longer to hinder seem'd on the sudden to accord entirely to what he cou'd not prevent and becoming as one may say another Man resolv'd that laying aside all other Affairs the War with Molon ought to be vigorously prosecuted Wherefore he apply'd himself with great diligence and turn'd all his Thoughts to make preparation for carrying it on And now when the King's Troops were assembl'd at Apamea there grew a Mutiny in the Army about the Arrears of Pay Whereupon Hermias perceiving the King to be surpriz'd and to seek what to do made an Offer to him proposing to satisfie the Soldiers Arrears out of his own private Fortune provided he would yield that Epigences might not be employ'd in that Expedition pretending that the Differences which had happen'd between them would be the occasion of Disputes that would greatly hinder him in the management of his Affairs The King in truth lent a very unwilling Ear to the Proposal believing it to be for his Service to take Epigenes with him who was well seen in Military Matters and in every thing an able Counsellor but won by the Artifices of Hermias who had gain'd likewise those about him he was not Master of his own Resolutions Wherefore yielding to present Necessity he comply'd with the Demand of Hermias Whereupon Epigenes retir'd to Apamea pursuant to the Orders he receiv'd from the King All of the King's Council were ill satisfy'd with this Resolution while on the other hand the Soldiers who had receiv'd satisfaction of their Demands express'd great Affection towards Hermias by whose means they had obtain'd their Arrears Nor was there any remaining Stirs saving among the Cyrrhestae of whom there revolted from the King's Service to the number of Six Thousand who for a while gave him some Trouble but being pursu'd and attack'd they were defeated by those that were sent against them the greatest part being cut off and the remainder returning to their Obedience And now Hermias having subdu'd those about the King by his Authority and gain'd the Good-will of the Soldiers by his Bounty departed with Antiochus and the Army but forgot not by means of Alexis who was Governour of the Citadel of Apamea to form this Design for the Destruction of Epigenes He forg'd a Letter from Molon to Epigenes and having corrupted one of his Servants by Promises of a great Reward gives him the Letter with Orders to lay it among the rest of his Master's Papers Whereupon Alexis comes to Epigenes and demands of him if he had not receiv'd Letters from Molon To which Epigenes
perswade the Grecians in general that the growing Greatness and Fortune of the Roman Empire was not owing to meer Chance but to the Conduct and invincible Courage of that People to whom their own Virtue gave the Dominion of the World And yet this Councellor of Patience and Submission as long as there was any probability of hope remaining to withstand the progress of the Roman Fortune was not wanting to the utmost of his power to resist them at least to deferr the Bondage of his Country which he had long foreseen But the Fates inevitably drawing all things into subjection to Rome this well-deserving Citizen was commanded to appear in that City where he suffer'd the Imprisonment of many Years Yet even then his Virtue was beneficial to him the knowledge of his Learning and his Wisdom procuring him the friendship of the most Potent in the Senate so that it may be said with Casaubon that the same Virtue which had brought him into distress was the very means of his relief and of his exaltation to greater Dignities than those which he lost For by the intercession of Cato the Censor Scipio Emilianus who afterwards destroy'd Carthage and some other principal Noblemen our Polybius was restor'd to Liberty After which having set it down as a Maxim that the Welfare of the Achaians consisted as I have said in breaking their own stubborn Inclinations and yielding up that Freedom which they no longer could maintain he made it the utmost aim of his Endeavours to bring over his Countrymen to that Perswasion in which though to their Misfortunes his Counsels were not prevalent yet thereby he not only prov'd himself a good Patriot but also made his Fortunes with the Romans For his Countrymen by their own unpardonable Fault not long afterwards drew on themselves their own Destruction For when Mummius in the Achaian War made a final Conquest of that Country he dissolv'd the great Council of their Commonwealth But in the mean time Polybius enjoy'd that tranquility of Fortune which he had purchas'd by his Wisdom In that private State being particularly dear to Scipio and Lelius and some of the rest who were then in the Administration of the Roman Government And that Favour which he had gain'd amongst them he employed not in heaping Riches to himself but as a means of performing many considerable Actions as particularly when Scipio was sent to demolish Carthage he went along with him in the nature of a Counsellor and Companion of his Enterprise At which time receiving the Command of a Fleet from him he made Discoveries in many parts of the Atlantick Ocean and especially on the Shores of Africa And doing many good Offices to all sorts of People whom he had power to Oblige especially to the Grecians who in Honour of their Benefactor caus'd many Statues of him to be erected as Pausanias has Written The particular Gratitude of the Locrians in Italy is also an undeniable Witness of this Truth who by his Mediation being discharg'd from the burden of Taxes which oppress'd them through the hardship of those Conditions which the Romans had impos'd on them in the Treaty of Peace profess'd themselves to be owing for their Lives and Fortunes to the only Interest and good Nature of Polybius which they took care to Express by all manner of Acknowledgment Yet as beneficent as he was the greatest obligement which he could lay on Humane-kind was the Writing of this present History Wherein he has left a perpetual Monument of his publick Love to all the World in every succeeding Age of it by giving us such Precepts as are most conducing to our common Safety and our Benefit This Philanthropy which we have not a proper Word in English to express is every where manifest in our Author And from hence proceeded that divine Rule which he gave to Scipio that whensoever he went abroad he should take care not to return to his own House before he had acquir'd a Friend by some new Obligement To this Excellency of Nature we owe the Treasure which is contain'd in this most useful Work This is the Standard by which all good and prudent Princes ought to regulate their Actions None have more need of Friends than Monarchs And though Ingratitude is too frequent in the most of those who are Oblig'd yet Incouragement will work on generous Minds and if the Experiment be lost on Thousands yet it never fails on All. And one vertuous Man in a whole Nation is worth the buying as one Diamond is worth the search in a heap of Rubbish But a narrow-licarted Prince who thinks that Mankind is made for him alone puts his Subjects in a way of deserting him on the first Occasion and teaches them to be as sparing of their Duty as he is of his Bounty He is sure of making Enemies who will not be at the cost of rewarding his Friends and Servants And by letting his People see he loves them not instructs them to live upon the square with him and to make him sensible in his turn that Prerogatives are given but Priviledges are inherent As for Tricking Cunning and that which in Soveraigns they call King-craft and Reason of State in Commonwealths To them and their Proceedings Polybius is an open Enemy He severely repoves all faithless Practices and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or vicious Policy which is too frequent in the management of the Publick He commends nothing but Plainness Sincerity and the Common-good undisguis'd and set in a true Light before the People Not but that there may be a Necessity of saving a Nation by going beyond the Letter of the Law or even sometimes by superseding it but then that Necessity must not be Artificial it must be Visible it must be strong enough to make the Remedy not only pardon'd but desir'd to the major part of the People Not for the Interest only of some few Men but for the Publick-safety for otherwise one Infringement of a Law draws after it the practice of subverting all the Liberties of a Nation which are only intrusted with any Government but can never be given up to it The best way to distinguish betwixt a pretended Necessity and a true is to observe if the Remedy be rarely apply'd or frequently In times of Peace or times of War and publick Distractions which are the most usual Causes of suddain Necessities From hence Casaubon infers That this our Author who preaches Vertue and Probity and Plain-dealing ought to be studied principally by Kings and Ministers of State And that Youth which are bred up to succeed in the management of Business should read him carefully and imbibe him throughly detesting the Maxims that are given by Machiavel and others which are only the Instruments of Tyranny Further-more continues he the study of Truth is perpetually joyn'd with the love of Virtue For there is no Virtue which derives not its original from Truth As on the contrary there is no Vice which has
and pursuing the Enemy into their Camp and so Appius return'd Victorious into Messina loaded with the Spoils of the Enemy And Hieron who perceiv'd he had made a wrong Judgment touching the Issue of the War march'd away immediately towards Syracuse Claudius receiving next Morning Intelligence of his Retreat and being now full of assurance by his late Success resolv'd to lose no time but forthwith to Attack likewise the Carthaginians Pursuant to which Resolution he order'd his Army to take their repast betimes and to be under their Arms earlier than ordinary and sallying out by break of Day he surpriz'd the Enemy and routed them with great Slaughter those who escap'd being broken and scatter'd securing themselves in the Neighbouring Towns Having obtain'd these Victories and rais'd the Siege from before Messina he began now to make Inroads here and there upon the Neighbouring Country and proceeded without impediment to plunder as far as the Territory of the Syracusians and their Confederates whither at length-he march'd with his Army and sate down before Syracusa Thus have I related the Motives and given the History of the Romans first Expidition out of Italy And for as much as we have judg'd and chosen this Conjuncture as the most proper and sure Basis whereon to superstruct our whole Design we have therefore concluded that we cannot better prepare the Mind of the Reader for what follows than by setting out from hence Tho' we have look'd yet a little farther back the better to open and explain the Reasons of Things to the end there may not remain the least doubt For in my Judgment whosoever would attain a right Knowledge of the present Greatness of the Roman State should first be inform'd when and how Fortune began to Espouse their Cause for they had once lost their Country and farther to be well instructed in the Means by which and the time when they had intirely reduc'd Italy under their Dominion they began to form Designs of their remoter Conquests It will not therefore be thought strange if when we are to Treat of Great States and Mighty People we should labour to unfold the remotest Accounts of Antiquity and draw our Supplies from as near the Spring-head as may be which is the course we have taken that we might be sure to build on sound and unshaken Principles so that whatsoever People shall be the Subject of our Story we shall endeavour to shew how and when they began and the Steps that conducted them to that degree of Power and Greatness wherein we shall behold them And this is the Method we have been already pursuing touching the Affairs of the Romans But we will forbear farther Digressions and proceed to our History after we have lightly touch'd on some Preliminary Matters and what falls in order principally to be noted is the Transactions between the Romans and the Carthaginians during their Contention about Sicily next will be the War in Africk To which is annex'd the War the Carthaginians wag'd in Spain mannag'd first by Hamilcar and after him by Asdrubal about which time the Romans invaded Illiria and other remote Countries of Europe then shall be handled the War they made on the Gauls inhabiting Italy and in course we shall mention that in Greece call'd the Cleomenick War which gives a period to our Second Book Of these in order with some necessary Remarks for better light into our History for we have not conceived it necessary or in any manner profitable to be over particular in those things it not being our purpose to write their History but so to touch them as may suffice the better to guide the Reader into what we purpose to relate In a word it will be easily perceiv'd by the Thread of our Discourse how necessary it was to make some recital of what others have said before so as to let in the Mind of the inquisitive by an easier passage to subsequent Occurrences But above all it behoves us to be punctual in setting down the Revolutions in Sicily during the War there between the Romans and Carthaginians than which for duration there is hardly any Example of the like in History nor of the Provisions that were made to Prosecute it nor for the Greatness of Action or importance and hazard of Enterprises number of Battels and extraordinary Adventures For in short those two States had liv'd hitherto under an exact observance of their Laws their Diicipline was pure and unshaken their Wealth not burthensome and their Strength equal Whosoever therefore shall carefully consider the Form and Power of those two States respectively will be better able to collect Matter whereby to make a juster Comparison by this War only than by any subsequent Transactions whatsoever between them And now we have but one weighty Impediment to stay the Course of our History which is that Philinus and Fabius the Historians who have the repute of excelling all others in their Exactness and Fidelity in delivering this Story have not nevertheless been so just in their Relations as became them And yet when I consider their manner of Life I cannot well tell-how to charge them with design'd Falshood I am therefore inclin'd to think it hath happen'd to them as it often does to Lovers Philinus's Affection for the Carthaginians hath brib'd his Belief in favour of their great Conduct Wisdom and Generosity in all their Actions and Deliberations and perverted his Judgment on the other hand touching the Romans As to Fabius he acts the same part for his Country-men nor would it be blam'd in the other Deportments of his Private Life it being but just that a Man of Honour should bear Affection towards his Country and his Friends and that he shew Aversion to their Enemies and Love to their Friends But when once a Man hath taken upon him the Character of an Historian his Affections are no more his own and he is to divest himself of every Passion For how often falls it out to bâ— the Duty of a Writer to applaud the Merits of an Enemy and blame the Conduct of a Friend when their Faults and Follies so require For as a Horse that is become blind is render'd almost useless so History if Truth be once wanting ceaseth to be of any use or instruction We are therefore to make no difficulty to detect the Errors of a Friend and to do right to the Vertues of an Enemy Nor must we scruple sometimes to blame those who but now had as just a Title to our Applause It being impossible that such who have the Authority and Administration of Publick Affairs should not sometimes miscarry or that those who often err should not be now and then in the right We are not therefore to weigh the Rank or Fortune of those who are in Authority but to be careful that our Writings speak the Truth of their Actions And that this is a just Observation will appear by what follows Philinus in the beginning of his Second
all expedition Accordingly he taking with him Five Thousand Foot and Five Hundred Horse came forthwith to Carthage where being chosen their Third General he and Asdrubal fell to consult about the present posture of their Affairs and concluded That above all things they ought to Succour the Province and not endure that the Romans should make their Incursions and such Spoil upon the Country In the mean while M. Atilius Regulus proceeds and in a short space makes a mighty Progress all such Towns as he attack'd that had no Walls he carry'd at the first Assault and such as were fortify'd he Besieg'd and coming to Adda which was a Place of Importance he incamp'd not far from the Walls and sat down before it But the Carthaginians knowing the usefulness of that Place and being resolv'd to defend the Country march'd out forthwith against him where arriving with their Army they posted themselves on an Eminence which albeit it gave them an Advantage against the Romans was nevertheless very incommodious to themselves in all Respects for as their greatest Strength and Hopes were in their Horse and Elephants so abandoning the plain and proper Country and marching and inclosing themselves in rough and inaccessible Places they pointed out as it were to the Enemy the Methods of their own Destruction And so in effect it prov'd for the Roman Commanders who were Men of Experience saw well enough that the main Strength and most formidable Part of the Carthaginian Army was render'd useless by their thus keeping the Mountains they therefore wisely manag'd this Error of of the Enemy and not delaying till they should be better advis'd improv'd the Occasion and accordingly march'd at break of Day and surrounded the Hill where they were thus incamp'd when now there could be nothing more useless to them than their Horse and Elephants In this Occasion the Mercenaries of the Carthaginians behav'd themselves gallantly and ingaging with the first Legion forc'd them to retreat howbeit being attack'd in the Rear by another Party marching about the Hill they were at length forc'd to give ground and retire and now being hard press'd they forsook their Camp with their Horse and Elephants and gaining the plain Country sav'd themselves the Romans pursuing their Foot for some space so they took their Camp and proceeded as before to make Inroads taking of Towns and spoiling the Country round about without any Impediment Then they march'd to Tunes and becoming Masters of that Place they lodg'd within the Walls which they chose to do in regard the Situation was proper for the Purpose they had in hand and was of all Places the most useful to incommode and distress Carthage itself and the Country round about it The Carthaginians who had so unfortunately manag'd their Affairs both by Sea and Land not so much thro' the Cowardise oâ— their Armies as the Insufficiency of their Chiefs began now to despair For over and above the Calamities we have related the Numidians taking the advantage of these their Troubles had made Inroads upon them and did them as much hurt as the Roman and in some parts of the Country under their Dominion a great deal more Insomuch that the People were compell'd to retire and save themselves in the City whither they brought both Fear and Famine a mighty Multitude of all sorts flocking at once thâ—ther And now Regulus having weigh'd that they had been too hard for the Carthaginianâ— both by Sea and Land and that Carthage itselâ— was not likely to be able long to hold out admonish'd them to treat about an Accomodation fearing least his Successor that was expected from Rome should if he made not a Peace deprive him of the Glory of putting an End to that War The Carthaginians on their part gladly listen'd to the Proposal and accordingly dispatch'd to Regulus some of their principal Citizens who after some time of Conference were so far from yielding to the Propositions that they had not Patience so much as to hear them repeated they were so Infamous For Regulus as if he had made a compleat Conquest would have had them esteem it as a singular Grace and Benifit to accord them a Peace upon whatsoever Conditions he should think fit to propound But the Carthaginians were of a different Mind and reckon'd that nothing could befal them more shameful and calamitous than what was demanded and that it could not be worse with them to be entirely conquer'd and brought under the Roman Yoke So they return'd not only full of Shame to be so treated but of Indignation at the intollerable Insolence of Regulus The Senate likewise after they had heard the Terms of Peace repeated which the Romans propos'd withstood it with so much Courage and Greatness of Mind that albeit they were at the brink of Despair the determin'd rather to abide any Adversity their worst Fortune could bring on them than stain the Nobility of their Name and Actions by so shameful a Treaty About this time there was return'd out of Greece a Carthaginian who had been sent thither to raise Souldiers in those parts for the Service of the State who brought a considerable number of Recruits with him and among the rest a certain Lacedemonian call'd Xantippus who had been educated according to the Spartan Discipline and was a Person well seen in Military Affairs he informing himself of the late Defeat of the Carthaginians and after having been thoroughly instructed in their Strength and the Provision they had made for the War their number of Horse and of their Elephants he concluded upon the whole Matter and so publish'd among his Friends That it was not the Enemy that had vanquish'd the Carthaginians but the Ignorance of their Leaders This Discourse of Xantippus was quickly spread among the People and came at length to the knowledge oâ— of the Magistrates who forthwith commanded he should be brought before them when he reason'd the whole matter to them and did endeavour to Demonstrate that if by taking his Advice they would alter their manner of Fighting and descending from thâ— Hills incamp and deal with the Enemy iâ— the Champain Country he assur'd them no only of Safety but of Victory The Souldiers who were edify'd by these Reasons concurr'd entirely with Xantippus to whom thereupon the Conduct of the Army was forthwith given and indeed this Advice of his was no sooner understood in the Army but they took Heart and conceiv'd new Hopes And as soon as they were march'd out of the Town and disciplin'd and form'd according to his Rules the Abilities of this their new Leader and the Ignorance of their former Captains became so visible that the Army express'd their Joy by loud and general Acclamations and a mighty Forwardness to be let against the Enemy having conceiv'd a firm Assurance that they could not miscarry under the Conduct of Xantippus In a word the Officers observing this Change in the Minds of the Souldiers incourag'd them with their Exhortations to
Naval Army In short the Design being generally approv'd the Seamen old and new Comers were forthwith order'd to Embark and out of the Legions the choicest best known and willingest Men were pick'd to Embark in this Expedition which they concluded would be but short and the Profit they should reap being as it were certain Orders being now accordingly given and obey'd without giving the least Jealousie to the Enemy the Army departed about Midnight the Men stowing close and mingling promiscuosly a-board keeping the Coast on their Right-hand As soon as Day broke and the headmost of the Fleet were descry'd from Drepanum Adherbal became much surpris'd at this unlook'd for Danger but soon recollecting his Mind and beholding the Enemy now at hand he determin'd to perform all that was possible for him to execute and ingage in any Hazard rather than endure a Siege which by the Preparations he saw threatned him He therefore assembled all the Seamen and Souldiers belonging to the Fleet upon the Shoar and order'd by sound of Trumpet the Mercenary Troops to march out of the Town and joyn them with whom being now assembled he declar'd to them in few words That he was well assur'd they should be too hard for the Romans if they would resolve to oppose them resolutely On the contrary if they through Fear behav'd themselves Ill the Consequence would be to endure all the Sufferings and Calamities incident to a Siege Hereupon the Army unanimously declar'd their forwardness to Engage and requir'd with one Voice to be led forthwith a-board Adherbal after he had let them know that their Behaviour pleas'd him and applauded this their Forwardness made them Embark and leading himself the Van directed the Fleet to follow and do as he did so putting out to Sea he drew up near the Rocks that lye on the Coast facing the Enemy who was now entring into the Haven The Consul Publius observing the Enemy contrary to his Opinion to make this Stand and that this his sudden Attempt did not only afright them but that on the contrary he beheld them in a posture ready to give him Battel order'd the Fleet to tack and stand back again whereof the headmost were now enter'd into the Port some were in the Haven's Mouth and others not far off But while those in the Van who had receiv'd their Orders were hasting back they encounter'd the others who were yet standing in by which means falling fowl one of another many both Ships and Men were in great danger of perishing But in short they drew out as they were able and as they got clear and obtain'd Sea-room they put themselves in order of Battel along the Shoar with their Prows pointing towards the Enemy Publius who brought up the Rear of his Fleet stood off to Sea and posted himself on the Left of his Line But Adherbal having pass'd the Right-wing of the Romans at the head of five Gallies with arm'd Beaks turning the Prow of his own Vessel upon the Enemy and making a Signal for the rest that follow'd him to do the same and being now drawn up in Front he puts out his Sign for the Attack and so in good order they advanc'd against the Romans who as was observ'd were drawn up along or under the Shoar attending the arrival of their Vessels which were not all yet got out of the Port which was the cause of their Fighting greatly to their Disadvantage so near the Land The two Fleets being now near and the Flags of Defiance on both sides put abroad the Battle began where for a while the Conflict seem'd to be equal both Fleets having on Board the hardiest Men they could pick out of their respective Land-armies But in the end Victory began by degrees to declare for the Carthaginians who from the beginning had in many points the Advantage of the Romans In short they surpass'd them in the nimbleness of their Ships which were every way of a better Built and Contrivance their Seamen were likewise more experienc'd and abler Men they were posted also greatly to their advantage having Sea-room wherein to work their Vessels as occasion requir'd so that at any time when press'd by the Enemy they could draw off spread themselves or draw close together at pleasure wherein the lightness of their Vessels very much avail'd Furthermore if at any time the Enemy had given Chace to any of their Gallies and were seperated any distance from their Fleet they would then tack upon them and intercepting them who by reason of their heavy working and the unskilfulness of the Roman Marriners could not disengage themselves so rowing round them and coming on their Flank with their Prows they Sunk many of them on the other hand when any of the Carthaginian Vessels chanc'd to be hard press'd they could come with expedition up to their Relief and Succour them without Hazard But we may say of the Romans that all those Benefits which their Enemy enjoy'd were wanting to them If they chanc'd to be chac'd they were not able to retire for the Shoar under which they sought insomuch that when they were hard driven and were forc'd to give back they were either run aground on the Sands or lost against the Rocks Furthermore the Romans were bereft of one principal Benefit which much conduces to Success in Naval Ingagements namely that through of the sluggishness of their Vessels and the insufficiency of their Marriners they were not able to come up and attack the Enemy in Flank as occasion offer'd nor come and fall on them in the Rear who were already engag'd In a word those who were a-stern were not able to come up the Assistance of those who were press'd at a distance a-head being obstructed by the Neighbourhood of the Shoar wanting void Space wherein to move and bring their Succours where it was needful The Consul observing at length the Distress of his Fleet that some were a-ground on the Sands and others lost against the Rocks himself and about Thirty Vessels that follow'd him stood away to the Left and retir'd out of the Battel leaving Ninety Three of his Gallies taken by the Carthaginians very few of the Men belonging to those that were lost against the Shoar escaping This was a glorious Action for Adherbal to whom the Carthaginians did very great Honour attributing the Success purely to his single Vertue and Bravery While the Romans treated their Consul with grievous Reproaches laying the whole Disaster and the Danger to which his Country was thereby reduc'd to his sole Folly and Temerity formally calling him to his Tryal and loading him with a very rigorous Sentence nevertheless they abated nothing of their Resolution upon these Misfortunes which did not in any wise slacken their Purpose to stretch their utmost strength to recover new Forces for prosecute the War such was the Contention between those two People who should remain Superior And now one of the two new chosen Consuls L. Junius was dispatch'd over
Battel made directly towards them for his Seamen being strong in good plight and well exercis'd tho' the Sea and Wind was against them surmounted the difficulty and contemning all Opposition advanc'd in good order against the Enemy When the Carthaginians saw themselves thus way-laid by the Enemy and their Passage barr'd they forthwith struck their Sails and after the Captains of their respective Ships had exhorted their Men to behave themselves as they ought they prepar'd for the Battel But the Scene was now shifted and the circumstances of the Combatants being totally chang'd from what it was in the Battel near Drepanum it will not therefore be thought strange that the Success should fall out otherwise In short the Romans were to seek till now in the good Contrivance and Built of their Ships they had now no Lumber on board to pester and incommode them having nothing with them but what was of use in the Battel Furthermore their Seamen who were now able and well exercis'd were a mighty help towards their Success in this occasion they were likewise for Soldiers furnish'd with the choicest Troops they could pick out of the Land-army The Carthaginians on the other hand could boast of none of those Benefits for their Ships were loaden and pester'd and in no wise in condition for fight their Seamen were raw and unable being taken up and entertain'd in haste their Soldiers were likewise new-rais'd Men having never before seen a Battel for they had laid aside all thoughts of Naval Preparations on Presumption that the Romans would never more adventure to Sea In a word the Carthaginians being in every thing inferiour to their Enemy the Dispute was soon ended the Romans routing them at the first Encounter Fifty of the Carthaginian Vessels were sunk and Seventy taken with all their Men a-board the rest making the best of their way afore the Wind back towards Hieronnesus there being scarce an Example of so sudden and seasonable a change of Wind which came about as it were to supply a present pressing Necessity After the Battel the Consul stood away with the Fleet for Lilybaeum to dispose of his Prizes and Prisoners which gave him business enough there being at least Ten Thousand taken When the Carthaginians had notice of this Defeat so contrary to their Expectation tho' they were surpris'd yet they were not humbled and would willingly have continu'd the War could they have found means to sustain it but of that they had no Prospect For while the Romans continu'd Masters at Sea there was no way whereby to succour and sustain their Forces in Sicily and on the other hand utterly to abandon them would be in a manner to betray them and leave themselves destitute both of Officers and Soldiers for the Service of the Commonwealth they therefore dispatch'd a plenary Power to Hamilcar Barcas committing the entire Conduct of their Affairs in Sicily to his Management who with great Reputation and Honour acquitted himself of that Commission performing in every thing the part of a Wise and Able Commander for so long as he had but the shadow of Hope to advance the Interest of his Country he left nothing unattempted that was not Imprudent and Temerarious to promote it acting so as hardly any Man in Military Performance may be nam'd before him but Fortune had deserted the Carthaginians and he after he had unprofitably taken all the best Measures that Experience had taught him or Reason could suggest began at length to take thought for the safety and preservation of those under him and wisely yeilding to Necessity and the Circumstances and State of their present Fortune dispatch'd Ambassadours to the Consul to treat about a Peace For 't is fit we should know that the same Prudence is seen in the Management of a Defeat as of a Victory Lutatius lent a willing Ear to this Message knowing full well how much the Roman State had suffer'd by the War and that they themselves were sinking under the Burthen So a Period was given to that bloody Strife the Articles of Peace being a little more or less as follows If the People of Rome approve thereof there shall be Peace and Friendship between the Romans and Carthaginians on Condition That the Carthagians intirely depart out of Sicily that they shall not make farther War upon Hieron nor the Syracusians nor against their Confederates That the Carthaginians shall deliver up all the Roman Prisoners Ransom-free and shall pay them within the space of Twenty Years the Sum of Two Thousand Two Hundred Talents of Silver These Articles were forthwith dispatch'd to Rome but forasmuch as the People were not intirely satisfy'd Ten Deputies were impower'd to go into Sicily and after they had thorowly inform'd themselves of the State of their Affairs to determine on the place what should be concluded who upon their arrival after they had maturely consider'd of all things they agreed to the Treaty with this Alteration of shortning the Time for Payment adding Two Hundred Talents to the Sum and obliging the Carthaginians to depart our of all the Islands scituate between Italy and Sicily Thus the War determin'd which was wag'd between those two People for the Mastery of Sicily which had lasted full Four and Twenty Years and was the longest and most Memorable that History hath any where recorded nor was there ever any that had been prosecuted with so little Intermission In conclusion not to recount the numerous Conflicts and the mighty Preparations that were made during that space let it suffice to note as hath been already abserv'd that they once fought at Sea with Five Hundred Vessels comprehending both Fleets afterwards with few less than Seven Hundred Sail. On the part of the Romans were lost during this War what by Tempest what by other Accidents Seven Hundred Ships and on the Carthaginians part near Five Hundred So that if People were surpris'd and wonder'd at the Naval Battles heretofore fought between Antigonus Ptolomy and Demetrius they will have much more cause of Doubt and Astonishment when they shall hear related the stupendous Transactions that compose our History And if we shall make Comparison between the Fleets wherewith the Persians wag'd War with the Greeks and the Athenians and Lacedemonians among themselves it will be a farther Subject of their Wonder how such mighty numbers could be brought to fight in a Sea-Ingagement Whence it will become manifest as we have remark'd in the beginning of our History that if tho Romans Design extended to the Subjection of the Universe and they arriv'd at their End it will not be found owing so much to Fortune or Accident as some Greek Authors would suggest as to the plain and evident measures of Reason inasmuch as they had acquir'd a perfect and through Knowledge and Insight into all those extraordinary Enterprises which they had made the subject of their Meditation But it may be demanded How it comes to pass that now at this day when they are
great Spoil Whereupon the Princes of that People observing there was no end of the Molestation the Romans gave them determin'd at length to put all to the hazard of a Battel accordingly having assembl'd and rendezvous'd all their Troops in one certain place they possess'd themselves of all the Treasure Jewels and Gold belonging to the Temple of Minerva and by them call'd Immoveables with which they made provision of all things they needed to further their Design and being now well provided they march'd chearfully against the Romans and incamp'd in their view with an Army of fifty thousand fighting Men. The Romans plainly saw the Enemy much exceeded them in number and were therefore thinking to re-inforce their Army by an Addition of those Gauls who were in Amity with them but when they consider'd the Faithlessness of that People in all their Treaties and Negotiations and that those whose Aids they were to use were of the same Nation with the others against whom they were to draw their Swords they cou'd not therefore determine to trust them in an Affair of so mighty importance Wherefore they found this Expedient they order'd the Gauls their Allies to pass the River remaining with their own Army on the other side then demolishing the Bridge the River not being fordable they kept them at least from siding with the Enemy since they could not resolve to trust them as Friends By this means too their own Army was left without any Hopes but in Victory for there was no Retreat but by the River and that was now unpassable after this was done they prepar'd to receive the Enemy The Soldiers deserv'd great Commendations by the Address and Skill they shew'd in this Battel having been instructed it seems how they were to behave themselves singly or in a Body For the Tribunes had remark'd in their former Conflicts that the Gauls were not formidable but in the Ardour of the first Attack that their Swords were of such a fashion and temper that they could give but one good out or two and then they would stand bent in their Hands and if they had not time to streighten them with their Foot on the Ground they became of no more use Wherefore the Tribunes distributed among the first Cohorts the Javelins us'd by the Triarians who were those that march'd in the Rear ranks commanding the Soldiers first to make use of those Arms and then to draw their Swords And now when they came to ingage they attack'd the Gauls as they had been order'd whose Swords by the first strokes on the Roman Javelins became bent and useless then the Romans advancing nearer with their Swords got so within them that they had not room to lift their Arm to take a cutting stroke which is their manner of Fighting whose Swords have no point While those of the Romans on the contrary being fashion'd for cutting and thrusting redoubling the one after the other they cut and pierc'd the Gauls in the Face and Breast and made a terrible slaughter among them Thus the Gauls were beaten and the Honour of that Day principally attributed to the Prudence and Ability of the Tribunes for the Consul Flaminius was to seek and had not sufficiently provided for the Safety of the Army who drawing up near the River had so order'd it that the Romans were deprived of one great Benefit which they make use of in Battel leaving them not space enough betwixt their Rear and the River to retire when occasion should make it necessary so that if during the Battel the Romans had been press'd never so little they had no whither to retire but into the River so great an Oversight was the Consul guilty of in that occasion But so it happen'd as we have related that the Romans by their Resolution got a signal Victory returning to Rome loaden with Spoil and Glory The following Year the Gauls sent their Ambassadours to the Romans to treat of a Peace on whatsoever Conditions they should please to grant it but the Consuls M. Claudius and Cn. Cornelius would not yield to treat with them whereupon they resolv'd to make their last Effort and put it once again to the hazard of War They therefore dispatch'd Orders for levying of Men among the Goesatae who inhabit about the Rhone of which People having taken thirty Thousand into their Pay they continu'd in Arms in expectation of the Enemy About the beginning of the Spring the Consuls lead their Armies into the Territory of the Insubrians and besieg'd the City of Acerras situate between the Po and the Alpes In the mean time the Insubrians were willing to do their best to raise the Siege but knew no way how to succour the Besieg'd the Enemy being possess'd of all the Avenues they therefore pass'd the Po with some of their Troops and marching them into the Roman Territories sat down before Clastidium The Consuls receiving this News M. Claudius Marcellus taking with him all the Roman Horse and a good Body of Foot march'd away with diligence to the Relief of that Place of whose coming the Gauls having got Intelligence rise from before it and march in Battalia against him and coming to ingage they made for a while a good stand against the Horse but being at length charg'd in Flank and Rear they were forc'd to yield the Advantage to the Romans betaking them to flight Many perish'd in the River which they attempted to repass and more were slain on the Spot Acerres likewise soon surrender'd where had been lodg'd great store of Ammunition and the Gauls retir'd to Milan which is the Capital City of the Insubrians But Cornelius follow'd them without loss of time and march'd after them thither where the Gauls attempted nothing during his stay but on his marching back towards Acerres they follow'd him and attacking his Rear kill'd many and put the rest of the Army to flight till Cornelius facing about at the Head of the Van-guard of the Army commanded those that were flying to make a stand and face towards the Enemy These Orders being obey'd the Romans make Head against them that charg'd their Rear But the Gauls flesh'd with Victory which they thought now sure sustain'd for a time the Charge but it was not long e'er they gave Ground and flying sought Sanctuary in the neighbouring Mountains whether Cornelius follow'd them and then march'd into the Country which he spoil'd and harrass'd and advancing to Milan took it by force So that after this Defeat the Princes of the Insubrians finding it in vain further to contend submitted and put themselves under the Protection of the Romans Behold now the Success of the War which the Romans wag'd against the Gauls wherein if we consider the Courage and Obstinacy of the Enemy the mighty Battles and the Multitudes that compos'd their Armies and the Slaughter of Men in the Field we shall be oblig'd without doubt to consent that History affords none that may paralled it while if on the other
from among his own Subjects and plac'd them in Garrison in Pharus In the mean time the Roman Consul led his Legions into Illyria where receiving intimation of the confidence the Enemy was in of the Safety and Strength of Dimalus and being further advis'd that the Place had the Reputation of having never yet been taken he therefore resolv'd to begin his Campagne there the better to terrifie and discourage the Enemy After therefore he had exhorted his Army to behave themselves as they ought and caus'd his Engines and Machines to approach in several places he began the Siege and in seven Days space took the Town This Celerity of the Romans possess'd the Enemy with so much Fear that they lost their Courage and Deputies were immediately dispatch'd from all the Towns round about with Tenders of Submission to the Romans which the Consul receiv'd respectively under certain Stipulations and then made sail toward Pharus where Demetrius then was But being inform'd that the Place was strongly fortify'd and that there was a numerous Garrison of able Men within it and the Town plentifully furnish'd with all things needful he therefore judging the Siege was likely to be a difficult and tedious Work bethought himself of this Stratagem Arriving with his Army by Night on the Coast he landed most of his Troops with direction to conceal themselves in Woods and Places proper to hide them from the view of the Enemy and in the Morning makes sail towards the next Port with twenty Gallies only in sight of the Town Demetrius thereupon observing and contemning their number marches out of the Town with part of the Garrison to oppose their landing so the Battel began which was prosecuted with great obstinacy Supplies of Men being constantly sent from the Town to sustain their Fellows insomuch that at length by degrees the whole Garrison march'd out in the mean while the Romans who had landed in the Night advanc'd covering themselves all they could in their march and possess'd themselves of an Eminence so situate that it defended it self between the Town and the Port whereby they cut off the Enemies retreat to the Town This being observ'd by Demetrius he soon disingag'd himself from those who attempted to land and after he had rally'd and animated his Men marches to attack the others who had posted themselves on the Mountain The Romans therefore seeing the Illyrians advancing toward them met and charg'd them with unspeakable Resolution while those that were landed attack'd them in the Rear Insomuch as finding themselves thus hard press'd on all sides the Army of Demetrius no longer able to sustain the shock of the Romans was put to flight some of them escap'd to the Town but the greatest part dispers'd themselves about the Island covering themselves among the Rocks and inaccessible Places Demetrius himself got aboard certain Vessels which he had plac'd in a neighbouring Creek to serve him in such an exigent and departing by Night retir'd to the Court of King Philip when every Body gave him for lost in whose Service he ended his days A hardy Man he was but without Judgment which appear'd by the manner of his Death for endeavouring pursuant to the King's Orders to put himself into Messena hazarding too far in that Attempt he perish'd as shall be shown in its proper place As to the Consul he forthwith got possession of Pharus which Town he presently demolished In short after he had reduc'd the whole Kingdom of Illyria to Obedience and perform'd all things in that Expedition to his own Mind he return'd toward the end of the Summer to Rome where he obtain'd a magnificent Triumph and acquir'd the Reputation of a wise and gallant Leader The Romans now receiving News of the loss of Saguntum deliberated no longer about entering into the War as some Authors have said who pretend to have recorded the Opinions of both Parties and have most absurdly reason'd thereupon for what likelihood was there that the Romans should now be undetermin'd about the War when but the Year before they had stipulated to declare Hostility whensoever the Carthaginians should attempt any Violence against the Saguntines whose City they had now destroy'd And can there be any thing more like Untruth than to tell us That the Senate was in great Consternation adding that twelve Youths not exceeding the Age of twelve Years being introduc'd into the Senate by their Fathers and being privy to what had been there resolv'd discover'd not the least tittle of what was decreed to be kept secret This too certainly hath a great appearance of Falshood unless it can be made appear that over and above their many other Advantages Fortune had endu'd the Childhood of the Romans with the Sagacity of Counsellors But we have remark'd enough of these sort of Writings namely such as have been publish'd by Chaereas and Sosilus who according to the Judgment I am able to make have deliver'd nothing that merits the name of History but ought to be held as Fables and Tales such as are vulgarly told to entertain the People The Romans then receiving Intelligence of what had been done at Saguntum in violation of the Treaty made choice of Ambassadors for that Service and dispatch'd them to Carthage with Instructions to propose two Conditions whereof the one menac'd the Carthaginians with loss and dishonour the other with a dangerous and doubtful War For they demanded either that Hannibal and his Abettors should be deliver'd up to the discretion of the Romans or in case of refusal a War to be forthwith declar'd When the Ambassadors were come to Carthage and had audience of the Senate they deliver'd their Message which was but coldly receiv'd by the Carthaginians Nevertheless one of their Senators who was best qualify'd was commanded to set forth the equity and unblameableness of their Proceedings but he therein mentions nothing of the Treaty of Asdrubal no more than if such a Treaty had never been at least he told them That if such an Agreement had been made it was of no validity as being transacted without the privity or consent of the People and Senate of Carthage And an Example was produc'd of the like practice of the Romans touching the Peace made by the Consul Lutatius during the Sicilian War which in a word Lutatius had ratify'd when notwithstanding it was rejected by the People of Rome as not having been done by their allowance They insisted warmly on the Conditions of that Treaty of Peace and referr'd particularly to that which was made at the end of the Sicilian War wherein they maintain'd That no mention was made of Spain but reservation only of the Allies of either Party which were the precise Conditions of that Treaty They further proceeded to show that Saguntum was not at that time in alliance with the Romans which the better to prove they caus'd the Articles of that Treaty to be publickly read As to the Romans they reply'd That the Argument was not a
that Province being such as was before related and as we but now deliver'd Early in the Spring the Roman Consuls having made due provision of all things necessary to put their Purposes in execution embark'd for their respective Governments Publius steering towards Spain with sixty Vessels and Tiberius Sempronius with a Fleet of one hundred and sixty whose Mind was so inflam'd with desire of Action and exalted with the provision he had made at Lilybaeum that he thought on nothing more than laying siege forthwith to Carthage it self Publius kept along the Coast of Liguria and in six Days arriv'd from Pisa at Marseilles and coming to the hither mouth of the River Rhosne which they call the Marseillian he began to land his Troops and notwithstanding he had receiv'd notice of Hannibal's having pass'd the Pyrenaeans he concluded however that he could not be so near as he was the difficulties of the Way and the many divers Nations of the Gauls by whom the Enemy was to make his Passage made him of that Judgment But Hannibal had surmounted all these Difficulties having bought his passage of some and won it by force of Arms from others and was now got with his Army to the Pass over the Rhosne having the Sea of Sardinia on his right When Publius receiv'd the news of the Enemy's approach he did not at first believe it as seeming to him incredible that he should be able to perform so difficult a march in so short a space Nevertheless he thought it advisable to endeavour after such intelligence as he might rely upon accordingly while his Army lay to refresh themselves and recover from the Toils of their Voyage consulting with his Officers what Posts would be most proper to possess and what way to take that he might get before the Enemy he commanded out three hundred choice Horse to discover to whom for their Guides and farther to sustain them he appointed the Gauls to be join'd who were in pay to those of Marseilles Hannibal being now on the Banks of the Rhosne within four Days march of the Sea at a certain place where the Channel of that River was not very large determin'd speedily to pass his Army after he had bought the Good-will of the People of the Country and purchas'd all their Canoes and Boats whereof there were great numbers forasmuch as those who live on that River Trassick on the Sea Furthermore he amass'd great quantities of Materials proper for the making of Floats whereof the Soldiers in the space of two Days had made abundant provision every one labouring his utmost to excuse the necessity of other Aid being resolv'd to owe their passage over the River to their own single Industry In the mean time the Barbarians on the opposite side assembled in great numbers to oppose their Landing which Hannibal no sooner perceiv'd but he concluded it impossible to compass his Intent by force having so numerous an Enemy to oppose him and that he could no longer remain where he was without danger of being encompass'd by the Enemy unless he speedily attempted something Whereupon after three Days debate about the first Watch of the Night he detach'd a Party of his Army with the Gauls of the Country for their Guides under the leading of Hanno the Son of Bomilcar After these had march'd about five and twenty Miles up the River they came to a place where the Water makes a small Island and there halted In this place they fell'd great quantities of Timber in the neighbouring Woods and in a short time made a sufficient number of Floats to wast them and so got a safe passage over the Rhosne none appearing to oppose them And having gain'd a piece of Ground whose situation fortify'd it self they there repos'd that Day not only to refresh themselves after so toilsome an Expedition but likewise to prepare for the farther prosecution of what had been given them in Orders In the mean while Hannibal essay'd by all means possible to pass over the River with that part of the Army that remain'd with him and nothing now so much troubled him as how to imbark his Elephants which were to the number of forty eight The fifth Night after the Detachment had pass'd the River they drew near the Barbarians who were assembled to oppose Hannibal's Landing who at the same time having his Troops in readiness order'd his Horse to imbark in the great Vessels and the best of his Foot in small Boat prepar'd to pass over But to the end his Floats and small Boats might go with more security he order'd the greater Vessels to keep above the Stream thereby to check the Current of the River Another invention they had likewise to transport their Horses they did not imbark them but swam in a Tow after their small Boats one Man holding three or four by the Bridle on each side the Boat Thus many were carry'd over at the first essay The Barbarians beholding all this Preparation ran in haste and disorder out of their Camp conceiving they should have no great difficulty to repulse the Carthaginians But as soon as Hannibal perceiv'd the Party on the other side to approach for according to the Orders Hanno had receiv'd they made the signs of their drawing near by Smoak in several places as they march'd he order'd his People to move the great Vessels to keep above with Directions to those that govern'd them to stem the Current keeping the Vessels with their bow upon the Stream the better to cover the others from danger So each one animating his Companion with auspicious Words Labour'd with incredible Industry to stem the violence of the Current In the mean time the Enemy on the other side gave them to understand by their Cries not unlike to Howlings that they expected them with resolution insomuch that the prospect every where was terrible and held the Spectators in great perplexity The Enemy having now wholly abandon'd their Tents those with Hanno fell in pell-mell among them unperceiv'd Some attack and set fire on their Camp while the greatest part march to charge those that guarded the Passage The Barbarians thus surpriz'd some hasten'd to preserve their Tents others remain'd to make head and sustain the 〈◊〉 Hannibal now perceiving the Success to â—â—swer his Design rang'd and drew his People up in Battalia as they Landed and incouraging them in few words they soon came to Blows with the Enemy who fighting in disorder by reason of the surprize were soon vanquish'd and dispers'd The Carthaginians having thus at once gain'd the Victory and their Passage us'd all possible dispatch in the transporting what was yet remaining on the other side the River and when that Work was over they encamp'd that Night on the Bank The next Morning having receiv'd Intelligence that the Roman Army with their Fleet was arriv'd at the mouth of the Rhosne Hannibal detach'd five hundred Numidian Horse with order to discover and bring an account of the Enemy
Enemy The Day prov'd very dark and lowring by reason of a great Fogg that was risen nevertheless Hannibal upon notice that the better part of the Roman Army was now enter'd on the Plain and that their Vanguard was hard at hand gave the Signal of Battel dispatching his Orders to those who were in ambush to do their Duty so that the Enemy was on the sudden surrounded and at once attack'd on all sides Flaminius and the whole Army with him were struck with astonishment at this surprizing shock of the Enemy for the Fogg was so thick that they were not able to see about them and the Enemy falling among them from the Hills in all Quarters at once the Tribunes and Captains of the Romans could not discern which way to lead their Men nor how to bring Succours and Relief where 't was wanted and were in a word totally to seek how to behave themselves for they were charg'd at one and the same time in Front Flank and Rear by which means great numbers were slain not as Men sighting like Soldiers in Battel but taken as it were by stealth in their march e're they were able to put themselves in a posture of defence being as one may say betray'd and ensnar'd by the Imprudence of their General Flaminius himself now destitute both of Hope and Resolution falling among a Party of Gauls was by them environ'd and slain In this Battel there fell on the part of the Romans to the number of fifteen Thousand who were so beset that they could neither fight nor sly for it is religiously observ'd in the Roman Discipline never to abandon their Ranks or break their Order by flight Those who were surpriz'd in the Passage between the Lake and the Mountain dy'd miserably for being push'd by the Enemy into the Lake some being forc'd into the Water with their Arms not having leisure to think what they did were unfortunately drown'd others being the greater part enter'd the Lake as far as they were able leaving nothing above Water but their Heads where they remain'd a while till the Horse coming in attack'd them there Whereupon seeing there was now no other Remedy they demanded quarter in vain being all cut off those who were not slain by the Enemy killing one another About six Thousand who were well advanc'd in the Plain chanc'd to have the better of the Enemy whom they fought with in Front but in regard they could not discover how the Battel went they knew not whither to move or whom to relieve tho' it had been in their Power to have done much toward a Victory Wherefore believing they might light on some further occasion of Action they held on their march advancing till they had gain'd the top of the Hills where after they had remain'd a while and the Fogg began to clear up beholding the lamentable state of their Army and it being now out of their power to perform any Service to purpose the Enemy being Masters of the Field they made good their Retreat to a certain Town in Tuscany But the Battel was no sooner over when Hannibal sent a Detachment of Spaniards and his light-arm'd Troops after them under the Command of Maherbal who besieg'd them in the Place and after he had reduc'd them to extremity they yielded to his discretion who gave them their Lives Thus have we given the Narrative of this Battel that was sought in Tuscany between the Romans and Carthaginians Hannibal causing Maherbal's Prisoners to whom quarter had been given to be brought before him together with the rest that had fallen into their hands to the number of fifteen Thousand After he had told them That it was by his Orders that Maherbal had given them their Lives he distributed the Roman Prisoners to the Army to secure them under a good Guard but he sent home all the Latins gratis telling them only what hath been elsewhere noted That he was not come to invade or molest the Italians but to rescue their Liberty out of the hands of the Romans After this he led his Army into Quarters of Refreshment and solemnly bury'd thirty of his Officers who had been slain in the Battel His other Losses were inconsiderable the Victory not costing him above fifteen Hundred Men whereof the major part were Gauls And now his Hopes being thus justly rais'd he deliberated with his Brother and the rest of his Friends about the future Methods they were to take for improving the Victories they had gain'd In the mean time when the news came to Rome of this Defeat the Magistrates who could neither soften nor diminish it the Stroke had fallen so heavy assembled the People to whom they reported the naked truth of their Case And when at the same time the Praetor ascending the Tribunal pronounc'd these words We are Overcome they were struck with such terror that those who were then present and had been in the Battel thought they had cause to believe the Defeat was greater in Rome than in the Field Nor indeed was this surprize without reason for the Romans who had held so long a possession of Victory and were to learn the mournful Language of Vanquish'd and Oppress'd knew not how with Constancy to support an Affliction so new and unexpected The Senate only preserv'd their Temper with decency and omitted nothing that belong'd to their Function holding frequent Assemblies to deliberate about a Remedy for the Disease of which they were so sick During these Transactions the other Consul who was at Rimini near Adria on the Skirts of the Gauls and Confines of Italy not far from the mouth of the Po receiving intelligence that Hannibal was advanc'd into Tuscany and had besieg'd Flaminius in his Camp had therefore resolv'd to march to his Relief and joyn their Troops But in regard his Army was too numerous to march all in one Body he therefore pick'd out four Thousand Horse from the whole number of their Cavalry and giving the Command of these to C. Centronius order'd him to march before with expedition in order to the relief of Flaminius in case he should chance to be press'd before he could arrive But when Hannibal got intelligence that they were now sending those Succours after the Battel was lost he order'd out Maherbal with the light-arm'd Troops and a Body of Horse to encounter them Accordingly they met with Centronius fought with him and beat him killing almost half his Men on the place and forcing the rest to take Sanctuary on a neighbouring Hill and the next Day they fell alive into their hands It was but three Days ago that the news of their Misfortunes at the Battel of Thrasimene came to Rome and their Sorrow in the utmost ferment when to fill up the measure of their Affliction the news of this their last Defeat arrives when behold now not only the People in consternation but the Senate it self became sensibly touch'd Whereupon they thought it needful without deliberating on the Election of
never before done and that each Legion should consist of five Thousand over and above the Succours of the Confederates For as we have hitherto observ'd the Roman Custom was to march out every Year with four Legions each containing four Thousand Foot and two Hundred Horse but now that they were thus threaten'd they thought sit to compose their Legions of five Thousand Foot and three Hundred Horse to which was added an equal number of Latin Auxiliary Foot and for the most part thrice the number of Horse It was the custom to assign to each Consul the one half of these Auxiliary Troops with two Legions when they march'd on any Expedition but they seldom employ'd more than one of their Consuls to manage any one War with two Legions and the Auxiliaries as we have observ'd and but very rarely it happen'd that the Romans were driven to employ all their Forces to finish any one War Nevertheless they were now so terrify'd that they conceiv'd eight Legions to be little enough After the Senate then had exhorted Aemilius to comport himself in that occasion as became the Majesty of the Common-wealth and had remonstrated to him of what mighty importance a Battel at that conjuncture was they dismiss'd him As soon as the Consuls arriv'd at their Camp they caus'd the Army to be drawn together imparting to them the Pleasure of the Senate and exhorting them to behave themselves as became them It was Aemilius who spoke to them whose Discourse principally tended to Apologize for past Failures for the Soldiers had been so dispirited by so many calamitous Adventures that they stood in need enough of good Admonition He therefore did his best to persuade them That if they had been vanquish'd in former Occasions it was not one or two but manifold Reasons that might be render'd for their Misfortunes but that now if they had the Hearts of Romans there was not one which he could foresee that might debarr them of Victory and triumphing over their Enemy That their two Consuls never were join'd before to conduct their Affairs with their joint Legions all assembled in one Body That the Soldiers till now were not fit for Service the State being serv'd by an Army of Novices raw and untrain'd to their Business and unus'd to the Toils and Perils of War and what was of greater moment tâ—ey had to do with a strange Enemy whom they had hardly ever seen before they came to engage with him That in short those who had been defeated near the River Trebia were hurry'd to a Battel within two Days after their arrival from a wearisome Voyage from Sicily That the others who lost the Day in Tuscany did not so much as see the Enemy that beat them not only before the Battel but during the Action it self the Mist and Darkness so hid them but that now at this time there was not room to alledge one of these Reasons For first they had with them both the Consuls who were not only themselves equally expos'd to the Dangers with them but they had so prevail'd that the last Year's Consuls themselves whose Magistracy was now expir'd did not refuse to stay and partake the Fortune of the Battel That as to the Soldiers they had now had time to acquaint themselves with the Enemy their Arms Order Numbers and manner of Fighting it having been near two Years that they had been in continual action against them so that Circumstances being totally chang'd from what they were they ought likewise to expect a change of Fortune And further That it was not to be doubted nor scarce possible to come to pass that having vanquish'd the Enemy in so many late Combats and Rencounters without any odds in their numbers they should fail of Victory in a Battel while they were to fight with an Army surmounting the Carthaginians by at least one half In a word Fellow-Soldiers says the Consul since every thing seems to promise Victory it only rests that you should carry your Hearts with you into the Field and a Determination to Vanquish and yet when I have said all it is not you that stand in need of Exhortation such Methods are only proper for Mercenaries who sight meerly for Pay or Allies who are constrain'd by Stipulations to hazard themselves for their Confederates and without any prospect of bettering their Fortune let the Success happen which way it will But you who come not into the Field to sight a foreign Cause but for your selves your Country your Wives and Children who are at present in a doubtful case through the many Dangers that threaten them and whose Condition the Success of a Battel will greatly change You I say need but only to be minded not admonish'd of these things For who is he among you who had not rather vanquish by Fighting or otherwise die in the Dispute than lead a wretched Life beholding these dearest Pledges I nam'd a Prey to a merciless Enemy In a word then resolve without Incitements from any thing I can utter and take Counsel from your own Reflections of the difference between the Vanquish'd and the Victor what Recompences you are to hope and what Calamities to fear And draw your Swords inspir'd with such Thoughts and bear in mind that you sight not now only for the Honour and Preservation of an Army but for your Country and the Roman Empire and in such case what use can there be of Persuasions If you sight unsuccessfully and chance to be Vanquish'd your Country will be left wholly without Succour she hath deposited all her Strength in your hands all her Power all her Hopes of Safety you will do well therefore Fellow-Soldiers to determine not to violate so great a Trust in an Occasion of such mighty moment act then correspondent to such an Obligation and express your Gratitude as becomes you In a word behave your selves so that it may appear to the whole World that if heretofore the Common-wealth hath sustain'd Damage and Reproach it was not because the Roman Vertue gave place to the Carthaginian but meerly to be attributed to the Inexperience of our Armies in those times unlucky Conjunctures and ill choice of Ground to fight in After this Discourse and others of the like Contents to animate the Soldiers he dismiss'd the Assembly The next Day the Consuls march'd the Army toward the Enemy and the Day after came within six Miles of their Camp Aemilius who observ'd the Country to be all plain and champaign Ground declar'd his Opinion against coming there to a Battel forasmuch as the Enemy much over-match'd them in Horse and that it therefore concern'd them to draw the Carthaginians if possible into such Ground as gave the advantage to Foot but in regard Terentius who knew no better would not be won to his Opinion it came to pass which seldom fails in Military Affairs that the two Leaders sell at variance The next Day then when Terentius had the Command for it is the
Custom of the People of Rome for the Consuls to Command in their turns decamp'd the Army much against Aemilius's liking and advanc'd toward the Enemy Whereupon Hannibal seeing them approach mov'd toward them with his light-arm'd Troops and his Horse and boldly attack'd them But the Romans sustain'd the first shock by mingling some of their heavy-arm'd Troops among their light-arm'd Soldiers and re-inforc'd these with their Archers and their Horse and in the end had the better of the Dispute The reason whereof was that the Body of the Carthaginian Troops did little or nothing to sustain those that fought while the Romans had mingled I say certain Cohorts with their light-arm'd Soldiers who fought at the same time In short the Night parted them but in truth with other Success than what the Carthaginian expected when he engag'd And the next Day Aemilius who approv'd not the Resolution of coming then to a Battel and saw he could not now retreat from the Ground where he was without great Hazard intrench'd himself near the River Aufidus with about two third parts of the Army This River only of all the rest in Italy takes its course through the Apennines for all the other Italian Rivers are dispers'd some emptying themselves into the Sea of Tuscany others toward the Adriatick Sea but the Aufidus which crosseth the Apennines hath its source in that part of Italy that borders on the Tuscan-Sea and runs into the Adriatick Aemilius then posted the rest of his Army on the other side the River toward that part that is Fordable somewhat more than a Miles distance from his other Camp and a further space from the Enemies in this place he order'd them to intrench to the end he might be the better able to succour and sustain his Foragers that went from either Camp and to attack with more ease the Enemies whensoever they ventur'd abroad on the same Errand And now Hannibal perceiving the time of Battel to approach and fearing lest his ill Success in the last Ingagement should have blunted the Mettle of his Soldiers thought it therefore advisable to speak to the Army and thereupon Orders them to be drawn together to that purpose and when they were assembled â—he bid them behold and survey the Country round about and then demanded what they could wish more if the Gods themselves had left them at liberty to chuse a place to fight in than that wherein they now stood surpassing as they did the Enemy so much in Horse We ought first then says he to acknowledge it a Blessing from Heaven that in order to Victory hath conducted the Enemy hither In the next place you are to allow me a share of your Thanks by whose management they are at length driven to a necessity of giving us Battel for they cannot chuse now but fight in a place which of all others they would refuse were it left to their choice In short I see no necessity to entertain you with many Words to animate you to go on chearfully I might perhaps speak to you on that Subject and labour to incite you to do Gallantly were you now to learn what the Romans can do for then indeed it might concern us to endeavour both by Words and Examples to inspire you with Thoughts worthy of you but at this time of Day after we have thrice vanquish'd them in three successive pitch'd Battels what Speech or what Eloquence can so well perswade you as the Success of your own Actions By the Battels you have already won you have subdu'd the Country and by that means reap'd the Harvest of plenty of every good and needful thing and my Promise to you therein made good and the Effects have prov'd that I meant what I said It now only remains that we make our selves Masters of their Cities and Towns and the Riches and Treasure they contain If we compass that Italy it self is ours This single Battel will finish all our Labours and by giving us the Empire and all that the Romans call theirs we become Masters and Lords of the Vniverse There is no need then of Language but of Hearts and Hands and I trust by the Favour of the Gods you will soon see the happy accomplishment of all I have promis'd you After Hannibal had thus spoken and the Army had given evidence both by their Voice and their Actions that they approv'd what he had said he remanded them to their Posts having first prais'd their Forwardness and the Resolution they had manifested and presently march'd and encamp'd on the other side the River where the gross of the Roman Army lay The next Day after having order'd the Army to take their repast he bid them prepare for Action and the Day following drawing up his Troops along the River he presented Battel to the Romans But Aemilius not liking the Ground and believing that want of Provision would soon constrain Hannibal to decamp he therefore mov'd not but took care only to have the two Camps well fortify'd Whereupon Hannibal march'd back to his own after having stood a while drawn up in Battalia in expectation of the Enemy After this he sent out his Numidians to molest those of the lesser Camp as they came to their watering place but Terentius not induring they should thus dare him so near his Works and hinder his Soldiers from supplying their Necessities became the more provok'd by such Bravado's to come to blows nor were the Soldiers less impatient so true it is that no time seems so tedious as the space between Resolving and Executing when once we have determin'd to abide the Dangers and Difficulties that lie in the way to our Purposes When the News came to Rome that the Armies drew near each other and that they were daily Pickeering and Ingaging by Parties the People were every where in great fear and suspence and the memory of so many late Defeats terrify'd them with the apprehension of the issue of the approaching Battel it being easie to foresee the deplorable state of the Republick in case of a Defeat Nothing was talk'd of in Rome but menaces out of their Sibyl's Books and scarce any thing was seen in Temples and Houses but Spectres and ill-boding Prodigies so that all their time was spent in Vows Sacrifices and Supplications For 't is a Custom among the Romans in any Extremities or Streights in their Affairs to omit nothing that they conceive may be of use to avert the Anger or Danger that threatens them either from the Gods or Men and in a word there is nothing on such occasions done or said among them that is held either Superstitious or unbecoming the Dignity of the Government The Day being now come when Terentius had the Authority he took the Fasces and the Sun was hardly risen when he order'd the Army to move out of their Camps ranging those in the greater Camp in order of Battel as they march'd out those of the lesser Camp he drew up in
will be found not only capable and insufficient in things that are divers but in the self-same things we shall see him Wise and Weak Brave and a Coward by fits Nor is there any thing new in what we remark on this Subject or remote from common Observation and Experience if we but consider with attention Some Men in heat of the Chace will boldly attack a wild Beast and do as bravely in single Combats yet cannot endure the dangers of a Battel and are not to be trusted in any Solemn Occasion in the Field Thus the Thessalian Horse are not to be broken or resisted when form'd into a Body in a Line of Battel but singly and Man to Man they are but a slight People The contrary whereof is found of the Aetolians The Candiots are wonderful in their way by Sea and Land their Dexterity in Ambushes Piracies Surprizes attempts by Night and beating up of Quarters and in short in every thing that requires Subtilty and Address wherein they are superiour to all others But in a pitch'd Field they are hardly to be brought to look an Enemy in the Face While it is found quite otherwise with the Achaians and Macedonians We have taken occasion of this Digression to the end the Credit of our History may undergo no blemish with the Reader when he shall chance to find the Characters of the same Men so inconsistent with themselves and see them acting different Parts on the same Subject After the Achaians pursuant to the Decree had assembled all their able Men for the Service of the War the Messenians repeated their Supplications by their Deputies that they might not be abandon'd to the Mercy of the Enemy and declar'd their willingness to be admitted into the League but the Achaian Ministers demurr'd to the receiving them into the Confederacy without the Concurrence first obtain'd of King Philip and the rest of the Allies For the general Treaty that was made by the procurement of Antigonus during the Reign of Cleomenes between the Achaians Epirots Phocians and Macedonians Boeotians Arcadians and Thessalians had been continu'd yet without infraction Nevertheless the Messenians had leave to hope that as soon as their Troops were form'd a supply of Succours should be given them on condition they sent the Sons of their Principal Citizens to be kept as Hostages at Lacedaemon whereby to give Security to the Allies that they should not come to any Accord with the Aetolians without their Concurrence The Lacedaemonians were at this time with an Army on the Frontiers of the Megalopolitans pursuant to the Conditions of the Treaty but in effect more to observe from thence the Event of these Agitations than to act the part of honest Allies And now the Affairs of the Messenians being concluded Aratus sent to the Aetolians to let them know what had been determin'd to require them to depart out of the Territory of Messenia and not to march into Achaia on peril of being treated as Enemies When Scopas and Dorimachus had receiv'd this Resolution of the Achaians and understood they were now in Arms and drawn together at the place of Rendezvous they concluded together that it was their best course to yield to their Demands and thereupon dispatch'd Messengers to Cyllene and to Ariston the Aetolian Praetor desiring them to take up all the Merchant Vessels they could procure in those parts and send them with expedition to the Island of Phlias where they were to attend further Orders In the mean time the Aetolian Army two days after took their march with their Plunder taking their way towards the Eleans For with that People they had preserv'd a fast Friendship thereby to keep their Passage open to invade and spoil the Peloponnesians Aratus confiding too easily on the Aetolians so quickly executing what they seem'd to promise dismiss'd the Achaians and Lacedaemonians and march'd himself towards Patroea with only three Thousand Foot and three Hundred Horse to whom were joyn'd the Troops of Taurion Dorimachus and Scopas receiving intelligence in the mean time that Aratus was in their Neighbourhood with an Army and fearing lest they should be attack'd at their Embarking and being well enough dispos'd to have the War continue dispatch'd away their Booty to the Fleet under a good Guard with Orders to make Sail to Rhium with their Cargo and there to attend as if it had been their purpose to Embark there When they themselves after they had a while march'd after their Plunder the better to secure it and observing every where as they went the disposition of the Country turn'd off and march'd towards Olympia As soon as they had the news of Aratus and Taurion's being in the Territory of Clitoria with the Troops we mention'd they then concluded they should not be able to Embark at Rhium without Danger or a Battel And therefore were of Opinion that their best course was to endeavour to come to Action as soon as they could before the Enemy should be reinforc'd with more Troops and while they continu'd secure and without any apprehension of a surprize For they reckon'd that if they could be able to put them into the least disorder they should then compass their Retreat without difficulty with the Spoils and Plunder they had taken and before the States of Aetolia could come to the Assembly or in case the Enemy terrify'd with the suddenness of the Attempt should refuse Battel they should then likewise not fail of gaining their Passage according to their own desire With these Thoughts they held on their march till they arriv'd near Methydrium in the Territory of Megalopolis where they incamp'd And now albeit the Achaian Generals were well aware of the Enemies approach yet they conducted their Affairs with so little forecast that they may be said to have neglected no one thing that might avail to perfect the Character of Folly and Insufficiency For in short as soon as they had quitted the Frontiers of the Clitorians they came and incamp'd near Caphya and when the Enemy on their moving from Methydrium took their March by Orchomenus the Achaians drew out and appear'd in Battel in the Fields of Caphya being defended on one side by the River that runs through that Country After the Aetolians had well consider'd the Ground that the Enemy was advantageously posted that they had cut many Trenches along the Bank of the River whereby it was hardly any where passable and after they had farther remark'd a strong desire in them to come to Blows they upon deliberate Thoughts concluded it their safest course to avoid a Battel contrary to their first Determination continuing therefore in good Order they march'd on taking their way towards Oligyrtus keeping the high Grounds And thought they should gain a great Point at that time if they could compass their Passage without molestation or being oblig'd to give the Enemy Battel After Aratus and Taurion had staid till they saw the Van of the Aetolian Army to have now
Circuit of the Peninsula towards the Sea accordingly they barricado'd all the Avenues with a good Palisado and the same fear advis'd them to furnish every proper place with Arms and a sufficient Garrison where it was thought needful In short the extent of the Ground is not great and may be defended by a small strength While these things were thus agitating at Sinope King Philip march'd out of Macedon at the Head of an Army for there we broke off our Discourse when we were relating the Transactions of the Consederate War which he lead through Thessaly and the Kingdom of Epirus purposing by that way to fall on the Aetolians But in the interim Alexander and Dorimachus having found Men wicked enough for their Design plotted to surprize the Town of Aegira by Treachery for which service they assembled twelve Hundred Aetolians drawing them together at Oenantia a Town situate on the other side the Water over-against the place we mention'd where they made provision of Vessels and all things necessary for their Design and there waited the occasion to put it in execution For this Service certain Aetolian Fugitives were found who had made their Residence some time in that place and had taken notice that the Soldiers who had charge of the Aegian Gate kept but a careless Guard minding nothing but Drinking and their Pleasure they had therefore frequently given Dorimachus intimation of what they had observ'd and knowing him to be fit for such Projects invited him to ingage in the Attempt Aegira is situate in that part of Peloponnesus that is wash'd by the Waters of the Corinthian Gulf between Aegium and Sicyon standing on high Ground and by Nature strong and hard of Access The Town looks towards Parnassus and the Towns adjacent and not a Mile distant from the Sea In a word Dorimachus when Matters were ripe for execution â—mbarks his Troops and arriving by Night came to Anchor near the River that runs by the foot of the Hill whereon on the Town stands Alexander and Donmachus together with Archidamus Son oâ— Pantaleon at the Head of a good Body 〈◊〉 Aetolians attack'd the Town on that sidâ—â— which regards Aegium while one of the Fâ—â—gitives well acquainted with all the Avenues at the Head of a small Party of their braves and most knowing Men took his way oveâ— the Rocks and Precipices and getting Passagâ— into the Town by a certain Aquaeduct surpriz'd the Guard that had charge of the Gate yet asleep which having put to the Sword and forcibly broken down the Barrier they open'd the Gates to the Aetolians which they heedlesly enter'd without any precaution taking for granted they were now Masters of the Place But this precipitation oâ— theirs turn'd to their destruction and gave the Inhabitants the opportunity of rescuing their Town In a word the Aetolians believing themselves now sure of Success stood but a small space under their Arms in the Market-place but pursuing their natural love of Plunder began by degrees to Disband and fell to pillaging the neighbouring Houses it being now broad Day The People of the Town were so terrify'd at this Surprize that all who were in their Houses which the Enemy plunder'd betook themselves to flight and got out of the Town giving all for lost to the Aetolians But those whose Houses had not been yet rifled having more leisure to bethink themselves and coming out to make Head against the Enemy hasten'd to the Cittadel where their Number increasing every moment their Resolution augment proportionably While on the contrary the Aetolians grew weaker and weaker through the Avarice of those who incessantly leâ—t their Ranks to hunt after Booty by which means their Numbers and their Courage became greatly diminish'd When Dorimachus began to perceive the Danger that threaten'd his Party he endeavour'd to rally and recall his scatter'd Troops and march'd to Attack the Cittadel making account that the boldness of the Attempt would so terrify the Multitude that were drawn together for the Defence of that Fortress that they would incontinently fly before him But the Aegirates otherwise minded animating one another oppos'd themselves bravely against the Enemy and advancing to the Charge came manfully to the Sword 's point with the Aetolians For the place being without any considerable Works about it the Contest was for the most part at hand and a Combat as it were of Man to Man And in short the Dispute we may imagine was such as when on the one part Men fight for the Liberty of their Country and their Families and on the other for their Lives and Safety But the Aetolians at length began to retire and the Aegirates as warmly to pursue them when they once perceiv'd them to give Ground The greatest part of the Aetolians then fell on the place or were crowded to Death in the Gate In conclusion those of them who were not kill'd on the Spot perish'd among the Rocks and Precipices by which way they endeavour'd to escape Some that gain'd their Vessels having basely quitted their Arms wondring at the fortune of their Escape immediately Embark'd and made Sail away Thus those of Aegira having lost their Town through their Negligence had the Fortune to recover it by their Resolution At the same time likewise Euripides whom the Aetolians had sent to the Aelaeans for their General having plunder'd the Territory of Dyma Pharae and Tritaea return'd to Elis with much Booty As to Micas of Dyma who was at that time the Achaian Praetor's Lieutenant he assembled all the Forces of Dyma Pharae and Tritaea and advanc'd after the Enemy who was now retreating But pursuing with more Precipitation than Prudence he fell into an Ambush where he suffer'd someloss about forty of his Men being slain and two handred taken Prisoners Euripides exalted by this Success soon after took the Field again gaining a Fortress belonging to the Dymaeans call'd Tychos standing very commodiously This Place as Fables say was built by Hercules at what time he wag'd War with the Eleans and was his retreat when he made Inroads on the Enemy Those of Dyma Pharae and Tritaea who had met with so ill Success in their pursuit of the Enemy beginning to be in pain for the â—uture after the taking the Fortress of Tychos dispatch'd Advice to the Praetor of the Achaians imparting to him what had befallen them and demanded speedy Succours each of them apart sending afterwards their Ambassadors with Instances to the same effect But it so happen'd that Aratus could make no Levies of Strangers inasmuch as in the Cleâ—menic War they had withheld part of the Pay that was due to those who had serv'd in their Army And Aratus himself was in a word but a very slow Mover in all Military Deliberations and Enterprizes And that was it that gave Lycurgus opportunity to surprize Athenaeum of the Megalopolitans and afterward as we have noted to Euripidas to get possession of Gorgona of Telphussa When those of Dyma Pharae and
those about him with a kind of Terrour while they believ'd however that they had not over acted their Revenge for the Sacrilegious Impieties of the Aetolians at Dium Nevertheless we must take the libertty to be of a different Opinion and it will not be hard to discover whether we are in the right or no by barely enumerating some Examples of the Actions perform'd by the Ancestors of this Prince without seeking further When Antigonus had overcome Cleomenes King of the Lacedaemonians in Battel and compell'd him to sly the Land he thereby became Master of Sparta And albeit it was then in his Power to dispose of them both City and People at his pleasure nevertheless far from evil intreating the vanquish'd he restor'd them to their Liberty and Privileges and giving them other Marks of his Bounty return'd home to his Country by which Magnanimity he acquir'd the Title of Benefactor of the Lacedaemonians and their Redeemer after his death and won a glorious Name not only among that People but with the whole Nation of the Greeks King Philip who began and laid the Foundation of the Macedonian Power raising his Family to that pitch of Greatness gain'd not more by his Arms than his Humanity after he had vanquish'd the Athenians near Chaeronea For as he subdu'd those who encounter'd him in the Field by Force so he reduc'd the whole City and People of Athens by his Goodness and Moderation Nor was it his manner to give the Reigns to his Indignation in time of Hostility nor to pursue his Enemies by Arms any longer than till he had gotten it in his Power to make them Examples of his Clemency Thus by restoring the Athenian Prisoners without Ransom by giving decent Burial to those that were slain and sending their Bones by Antipater to Athens and in a word by Clothing many of those that return'd home he gave an easie Period to a most difficult Enterprize For by this Method and Greatness of Mind he so charm'd the proud Athenians that from Enemies they became Friends and approv'd themselves ready to serve and assist him on all occasions What shall we say of Alexander afterward 'T is true his Indignation so far transported him against the Thebans that he raz'd their City and sold the Inhabitants by Out-cry yet he nevertheless forgot not what was due to the Gods expresly forbidding that on no score whatever they should violate either Temple or any Sacred Thing When he pass'd into Asia to revenge the Outrages done by the Persians against the Greeks he did his utmost 't is true against the People and was willing to render their Punishment propoâ—tion'd to their Fault but still he spar'd the Temples and every thing that was dedicated to the Gods Albeit the Persians in theâ—â— Invasion of Greece had therein principally exercis'd their Rage Philip then ought to have practis'd according to these excelleâ—â— Examples whereby to give proof that he did not succeed these his glorious Ancestors less in Magnanimity than in State and Authority But in short he labour'd all his Life long to give proofs of his being descended from Philip and Alexander but too little care to imitate their Vertues Wherefore as his Actions had no resemblance with those of his Predecessors so his Reputation fell likewise short of that which they had acquir'd And it was visible by what he did at that time for his Indignation against the Aetolians wrought him to act the same Outrages he would be thought to punish and as the Saying is to remedy one Evil with another but he believ'd himself in the right when he did no more than repay them measure for measure And while he himself incurr'd the same Guilt to revenge the Sacrileges of Dorimachus and Scopas dream'd not that he should fall under the same Imputation and share the like Infamy For to do our utmost to deprive an Enemy of his Fortresses Towns and Ports and in short of all that can be rightfully call'd their own and even to pursue to destruction both them and theirs to compass Success to our Enterprizes is not accounted Criminal or against the Law of Arms which compel to such Violences But to act such Parts as are neither profitable to our selves nor a weakning to the Enemy such as casting down and defacing of Statues destroying of Temples and spoiling the Ornaments Who can reckon this other than Rage and the effect of Madness In a word it is the Office of a Man of Honour tho' in Hostility with the vilest Enemy to pursue them no further than the Correction of their Faults and the Reparation of the Injuries they have sustain'd To distinguish between the Innocent and the Guilty and not involve them in the same Punishment and when he cannot discriminate between them he ought to preserve the Guilty for the sake of the Innocent For 't is the Property of a Tyrant to be ever acting Mischief and to Reign by Violence to hate his Subjects out of Fear and be detested by them While 't is the Character of a King to be Beneficent to all Mankind to acquire the Love of his Subjects by Clemency and Acts of Grace and so to manage their Minds that he shall not more desire to reign than they to be govern'd But Philip had no mind to walk by these wholesom Maxims and if we reflect how the Aetolians were likely to have understood it in case he had pursu'd a less violent course and not profan'd their Temples and left his other Excesses unacted for my own part I take for granted they would have been compell'd to consider him with Veneration as 〈◊〉 Prince abounding in Honour and Goodness and would themselves have been seiz'd with remorse for their own Inhumanities at Dium and Dodona while they knew it was in his power to have dealt them the like usage but was restrain'd by Motives of Clemency and Magnanimity Most certain it is I say that the Aetolians would have been driven to blush at their own Proceeding while they should behold King Philip out of a truly generous and Kingly Spirit so mindful of his Duty towards the Gods while he was wreaking his Revenge on his Enemies For what can be more Noble than to vanquish our Foes by Vertue and Moderation And how much more glorious and safe than to subdue them by Arms Victory acquir'd by Force compels Obedience but when 't is gain'd by Gentleness and Humanity it attracts it The one reduces not the stubborn Mind but at the cost of mighty Evils and grievous Calamities while the other leads us and engages our Consent Furthermore where Victory is won by Arms the Soldier hath his part of the Merit but the other way the Prince reaps all the Glory But it may be objected That this Errour was not entirely due to Philip who was then but young but ought principally to be ascrib'd to the Counsels of those about him of which number were Aratus and Demetrius the Pharian But it will not be
Sentinates they got a memorable Victory destroying the greatest part of their Army putting the rest to flight who retir'd back to their Country Ten Years were hardly past when the Gauls besieg'd Arrezzo with a mighty Force whither the Romans came to the Relief and fought them in View of the Town but were worsted and retreated Lucius the Consul was slain and Manlius succeeding sent Ambassadours to the Gauls to treat about the Redemption of ther Prisoners which Ambassadours were by them barbarously slain This base Action of the Gauls greatly provok'd the Romans who forthwith march'd with another Army against them giving Battel to the Senones who had the Assurance to encounter them singly but the Romans had the better killing many of the Enemy and compelling the rest totally to abandon the Country so they took possession of the Territory of the Senones and this was the first Colony they planted in Gaul It is call'd Sena-gallia from the name of those Gauls who before had held it Of this Country we have already spoken and shewn that it lies near Adria on the Skirts of the Plains that are water'd by the Po. The Bojans seeing the Senones expell'd their Country and becoming apprehensive of the like measure betook themselves to Arms exempting none who were able to march and having drawn the Tuscanes to their Party they march'd against the Romans And when their Troops on both sides were drawn together near the Lake of Vadimon a pitch'd Battel was fought wherein the greatest part of the Tuscans fell on the place and but few of the Bojans escap'd by flight Nevertheless the Mind of this People was not subdu'd who making a new League united all their Forces and arming all the Gauls compos'd a fresh Army with which they gave Battel again to the Romans but they were entirely defeated and dispers'd and thus humbl'd they now send their Ambassadours to the Romans and had Conditions granted them These Adventures preceeded Pyrrhus's Invasion of Italy about four Years and happen'd five Years before the Destruction of the Gauls at Delphos as if some fatal Influence charg'd with a Commission of Mortallity against this People only had then reign'd so severely were they persecuted from all Quarters of the World As for the Romans they reap'd by the Contests they had with them two mighty Benefits namely first by a long Exercise of Arms in the many Conflicts they had with that People wherein it was hardly possible for them to see or suffer more then befel them they became admirably instructed in the Art of War and this they made plainly to appear in the ensuing Hostilities with King Pyrrhus Furthermore having thus tam'd and reduc'd this Savage Nation they had the more leisure to attend their Affairs with that Prince having nothing then to divert their Counsels or Forces and in conclusion they contested by that means afterwards with more Assurance for the Dominion of Sicily with the Carthaginians The Gauls after having suffer'd so many Losses and Calamities remain'd quiet for the space of five and forty Years preserving the Peace unbroken which they made with the Romans but after the old Men and that Generation were extinct that had tasted the Hardships and felt the Sufferings of former Wars the young Men that succeeded them who knew nothing of Danger and fear'd nothing from Fortune had a mind to exercise their Courage and with a generous kind of Assurance took to their Arms and renew'd the War against the Romans upon a very slender Motive drawing their Allies into the Confederacy This Design was first form'd and conceiv'd among their principal Men who assembled and consulted thereon without imparting it to the People insomuch that when the Army of the Trans-alpine Gauls had march'd as far almost as Rimini the Bojans who were not well assur'd of their Sincerity mutiny'd against their Officers and attack'd the Army that had come thus far to join them and having first kill'd their two Kings Ates and Gallatus they at length came to a Battel wherein they mutually destroy'd each other In the mean time the Romans who were surpris'd and astonish'd at the News of this new Eruption of the Gauls took the Field with their Armies and when they came to understand that the Enemy were defeated by their own Swords they proceeded no farther but march'd home Five Years after this Adventure during the Consulship of M. Lepidus the Romans made Division of the Lands taken from the Senones in Cis-alpine Gaul for Caius Flaminius to make his Court to the People had propos'd that Law and had it receiv'd But it may with good reason be averr'd That 't was this that first corrupted the Peoples Manners and was the Cause afterwards of Civil Dessention among them In short many of the Gauls and principally the Bojans who had most cause of Fear as being nearest Neighbours to the Romans perceiving now that their Designs were not so much for Glory and Empire as to subdue and entirely exterminate their Nation and possess their Country readily enter'd into the League that was now forming against the them The Bojans and Insubrians who were the two greatest People on that side pursuant to their Design sent Ambassadours by common Consent to the rest of their Nation inhabiting on the other side the Alp about the Rhine these People are call'd Goesates from their serving in the War for Pay for so that word properly imports and prevailing on their two Kings Concolitanus and Aneroestus by means of great Sums of Mony and by the hopes they gave them of rich Booty that would be shar'd by this Enterprize if they succeeded ingag'd them to join in a War against the Romans giving them their Faith to assist and abide firmly by them but the Goesates were not hard to be perswaded And now farther to incite them they reminded them of the Glory of their Ancestors who had not only vanquish'd the Romans in Battel upon the like Expedition but subdu'd and became Masters of their City itself and that being Lords of all the Romans held kept their City seven Months in their Possession and at length freely and of their own meer Motive restor'd it to that conquer'd People as an Effect of their Generosity and afterwards return'd to their Country inrich'd with infinite Booty without any Danger Damage or Impediment These Discourses so animated the Leaders of the Goesates and incited them so powerfully to the War that it may be said so great an Army never march'd out from among that Nation nor braver and more war-like Men. In the mean time the Romans who were not without Intelligence of what was agitated among the Gauls saw their Danger and perceiv'd it at hand and justly fearing the Consequence apply'd themselves to the levying of Troops and making Provision of all things necessary for the War and march'd with their Armies to defend their Frontiers believing them already invaded when the Enemy had not yet mov'd from their Quarters These Traverses
consented to be call'd King and became the most active and formidable Prince of all on this side Mount Taurus insomuch as barely on the prospect of his Friendship and Assistance the Byzantines took assurance to wage War against the joint Forces of King Prusias and the Rhodians Prusias had an old grudge against the Byzantines who either out of inadvertency or in contempt had omitted to dedicate certain Statues which they had once decreed to erect to him He had a further motive of Indignation against them for that they had interpos'd their utmost good Offices to give a period to the War that had fallen out betwixt Attlus and Achaeus judging rightly that their Reconcilement would not turn to his account on many Considerations Furthermore he was displeas'd with the Byzantines in that they had sent their Ambassadors to Attalus on the occasion of his celebrating the Feast of Minerva but sent none to him when he solemniz'd the Soterian Festival Thus having hoarded in his Mind so many various motives of Displeasure it was no wonder he embrac'd with joy the occasion the Rhodians gave him to discharge his Spleen so they resolv'd by their Ambassadors that the Rhodians should attack them by Sea and he would prosecute them no less vigorously by Land These then were the Causes and the beginning of the War which the Rhodians declar'd against the Byzantines And in a word the Byzantines engag'd therein with Courage enough while their Hopes of the Friendship of Achaeus lasted And in prospect of Tibites coming to their assistance from Macedon they took assurance to conclude that Prusias whom they most apprehended would then share with them the danger of the War Prusias pursuing the Dictates of his Anger had already fallen on the Byzantines taking Hieron a Town they had bought some Years before at the price of a great Summ of Money in consideration of the commodious situation of the Place both with respect to the security of their Commerce and Navigation into the Pontic Sea and the greater safety of their Slaves and other Profits arising by their Trade on that Coast He likewise seiz'd on all they possess'd in Mysia a Territory in Asia whereof they had been long Masters while the Rhodians furnish'd out six Men of War on their part to which the Allies adding four more with this Squadron of ten Sail they stood towards the Hellespont the Command being given to Xenophon Of these nine remain'd about Sestos to obstruct all Commerce with the Pontic Sea while the Commander in Chief with one Vessel only shap'd his course towards Byzantium as well to observe their Motions there as to see whether these Preparations for the War had not wrought a change in their Resolution But finding them firm and determin'd to abide the War he return'd to the rest and without any Action sail'd with the whole Squadron back to Rhodes At the same time the Byzantines dispatch'd Ambassadors anew to Achaeus to solicite speedy Succours from him they likewise sent to Tibites to persuade him to come in Person from Macedon For it was the general Opinion that he had a more rightful Claim to the Kingdom of Bithynia than Prusias who was his Nephew In a word the Rhodians observing this firmness and diligence in the Byzantines were as careful on their part to prosecute their purpose They observ'd That this Obstinacy which appear'd in the Byzantines to sustain the War was grounded principally on their prospect of Aids from Achaeus and knowing that Andromachus Father of that Prince was at that time under restraint in Alexandria and that he labour'd by all means possible to obtain his Enlargement they therefore resolv'd to send Ambassadors to Ptolomy to prevail with him to put Andromachus into their hands This Matter had been under Treaty heretofore but not so solemnly but at this time it was solicited earnestly to the end they might be thereby enabled to transact their Affairs with Achaeus with better effect In short Ptolomy giving Audience to the Ambassadors did not readily yield to their Demands for Andromachus being both Father to Achaeus and Brother to Laodice the Wife of Seleucus he propos'd to make a better Bargain of him for himself For the Matters that had been in dispute between him and Antiochus were not yet compos'd And Achaeus having now lately taken the Title of King was become very powerful extending his Dominions far and wide Nevertheless he was at length prevail'd with to gratifie the Rhodians who at that time could do any thing with him So he deliver'd up Andromachus to be by them restor'd to his Son By which grateful Office of theirs with other Honours publickly decreed to Achaeus they won him from the Byzantine Party in whom lay their greatest hope of Succours Another Misfortune besel them of almost equal prejudice to their Affairs For Tihites whom they had perswaded to leave Macedon to come to their assistance dy'd in his Journey whose Death so perplex'd their Counsels that they began to sink in their Resolution while Prusias animated by their Afflictions rais'd his Hopes and press'd the War with greater vigour levying Forces in Thrace whereby he so streightned the Byzantines that on the side of Europe they durst not look abroad So that in a word being thus frustrate of their sairest Hopes and hardly streighten'd and in danger from all Quarters they fell at length to deliberate how they might fairly deliver themselves Cavarus King of the Gauls happen'd to be at that time in Byzantium who greatly coveting to be a means of composing these Hostilities most readily and with great Affection offer'd his Mediation between Prusius and the Byzantines whereupon they agreed to commit their Differences to his Arbitrement When the Rhodians came to understand this Negotiation of Cavarus and that Prusias had yielded to a Treaty tho' they would much rather have prosecuted their first purpose they dispatch'd however Aridices their Ambassador to Byzantium but at the same time order'd Polemocles with three Triremes to make the best of his way thither to offer to them first as 't was said their choice of Peace or War Upon the Arrival of the Ambassadors a Peace in short was concluded Hieromnemon Cothon the Son of Calligiton being present The Terms of the Treaty with the Rhodians were viz. That the Byzantines should exact no Toll from any Ships that Traded into the Pontic Sea On which consideration the Rhodians and their Allies oblig'd themselves to preserve Peace with the Byzantines As to King Prusias the Articles of the Treaty with him were That there should be perpetual Peace between Prusias and the Byzantines That the Byzantines should never lead any Army against King Prusias nor Prusias against the Byzantines That Prusias should make restitution of the Lands Towns People and Prisoners that had been taken during the War Ransom-free Furthermore that he should restore such Vessels as had been taken at the beginning of the War all the Arms that were seiz'd in their
Magazines together with all the Timber Marble Brick Tyle and all whatsoever Materials had been carry'd away For Prusias apprehending the approach of Tibites had caused to be dismantled all such places as might be of use to the Enemy and in a word oblig'd himself to cause restitution to be made to the Mysians who were under the Dominion of the Byzantines of all that had been taken from them by any of the Bithynians Thus was the War enter'd upon and determin'd that sell out between King Prusias and the Byzantines At the same time the Cnossians sent Ambassadors to the Rhodians to demand the Ships that Polemocles had Commanded together with four Brigantines which they had lent them towards the War This being effected and the Vessels arriving in Candia the Eleuthernaeans believing themselves to have been outrag'd by Polemocles who to oblige the Cnossians had caus'd Timarchus a Citizen of theirs to be slain having first publickly proclaim'd their Right to demand reparation of this Violence of the Rhodians declar'd War against them There happen'd likewise some time before this a strange Adventure to the Lyttians or rather an incurable Calamity To set down therefore in few words a State of the Affairs in Candia in those Days take them a little more or less as follows The Cnossians and Gortinians being in league had by combining their Forces subdu'd the whole Island of Candia the City of Lyttia only excepted which standing singly out against them and refusing to submit to their Domination they agreed to make War upon them resolving totally to destroy them to the greater terror of those who should meditate the like Designs Whereupon the rest of the Candiots in general fell on the Lyttians But it was not long before a slight occasion as is the custom of that People set them at variance amongst themselves so that Factions were form'd and Seditions grew between them The Polyrrhenaeans the Creetaeans the Lampaeans Oryans and Arcadians left the Cnossians and by common Consent took part with the Lyttians In Gortinea the grave and experienc'd Inhabitants favour'd the Cnossians but the younger sort taking part with the Lyttians begat great Disorders in the City The Cnossians terrify'd at these Commotions among their Allies procur'd an Aid of a Thousand Men from the Aetolians whereupon the Party that sided with them getting the Cittadel gave it into the possession of the Cnossians and the Aetolians and after having slain some that oppos'd them and pursu'd some and terrify'd the rest they gave them up the Town likewise The Lyttians in the mean time led their Troops into the Enemy's Country while the Cnossians getting notice of their Expedition march'd and surpriz'd their Town which they had left with little or no Guard The Women and Children they sent to Cnossus but the Town they burnt and totally destroy'd exercising all the Spight and Cruelty practis'd in the most raging War and so return'd home in Triumph When the Lyttians came from their Expedition and beheld the Desolation of their City they were struck with that horror that not one of them adventur'd to set his Foot within the Walls but marching in a Body round the Ruines celebrated as it were by their Cries and Lamentations the Obsequies of their Native Place and then march'd away to the Lampaeans who receiv'd them with all hospitality So that in the space of only one Day they were banish'd their Country which they had utterly lost and receiv'd as free Citizens into another with whom they incorporated and prosecuted the War against the Cnossians Thus Lyttia a Colony of the Lacedaemonians the most ancient City of Creet the Mother of a People surpassing all the rest of that Island in Courage and Virtue was destroy'd and disappear'd as one may say in a moment The Polyrrhenaeans and Lampaeans and in short all the rest of the Confederates seeing the Cnossians have recourse to the Aetolians for Succours whom they knew to be Enemies to King Philip and the Achaians dispatch'd their Ambassadors to these to sollicite Aid and make Alliance with them with whom entering into Confederacy they sent them four Hundred Illâ—rians under the Command of Plator two Hundred Achaians and an Hundred Phocians The arrival of these Recruits wrought a great Change for the better in their Affairs for they soon prevail'd with the Elenthernaeans Cydoniates and Apteraeans whom they had confin'd within the Walls of their Towns to enter into the League and abandon the Interest of the Cnossians In a word the Confederates following the Advice of the Polyrrhenaeans sent to King Philip and the Achaians a supply of five Hundred Candiots the Cnossians having some time before sent a Thousand of their People to the Aetolians Thus they interchang'd Supplies one with another to continue the War At the same time the Gortineans who were in Banishment getting possession of the Port or Haven and surprizing that of the Phaestians from thence they insested and wag'd War with those of their own City In this posture at that time stood the Affairs of the Island of Candia At the same time Mithridates declar'd War against those of Sinope which became in effect the occasion of all those Calamities that afterward befel that City Upon the Sinopeans demanding Succours of the Aetolians to sustain the Waâ— the Aetolians made choice of three Persons for that Service to whom they distributed the Summ of about one Hundred and forty Thousand Drachma's wherewith to purchase Supplies of all things needful for the defence of the place With this the said Agents made provision of ten Thousand Vessels of Wine three Hundred and Sixty Pound weight of Hair-Cordage an Hundred and Twenty Pound of Nerve-Cordage a Thousand Suits of Arms giving their Ambassadors in Money about Three Thousand Pieces of Coin'd Gold They likewise furnish'd them with four Machines for casting of Stones with Men skilful in the use and management of them whereupon having receiv'd this Supply the Agents return'd home Those of Sinope apprehending lest Mithridates should Besiege them by Land and Sea that Fear gave occasion for the extraordinary Preparations they made Sinope is situated on the right Hand as we Sail toward Phasis in the Pontic Sea it stands in a Peninsula which stretches a good distance out into the Sea The Town fills the whole breadth of the Peninsula which is join'd to the Continent of Asia by a neck of Land not half a Mile broad The rest of the Peninsula advances I say far into the Sea and being every-where Low-Land the Town lies expos'd to be attack'd from that side The extremities of the Seaward are with difficulty approach'd where scarce a single Vessel can with safety adventure to the Shoar and there are but few commodious Places there for Landing Those of Sinope then fearing Attempts of Mithridates both by Land with Machines and to the Seaward by landing and possessing the level and lower Grounds which lie near the City they therefore resolv'd to fortify the whole