states as is yet to be seen extant in the records of their old treaties of peace with England and France 7. The Estates of Scotland wrote unto the Queen An. 1559. Oct. 23. thus Ex literis tuis ac mandatis c. Buch lib. 16. that is By your letters mandats sent us by a herald we understand how obstinatly you are set against piety towards God and the publick good of our nation the common liberty of all But that we may according to our duty defend all these We in â—…e name of our Kings do suspend prohibite all that publicke admininistration titles and superiorites which you take upon you being certanely persuaded that those things which you â—…ow do are contrary to that constant good will which Kings have carryed towards the welfare of this Kingdome And as you do 〈◊〉 loâ—…k upon us as lawfull subjects of this Kingdome and as a laâ—…full Parliament So nor do we look upon you as regent or as exerâ—…ing any publick Magistracy Especially seing your pâ—…wer if there be any such committed unto you is upon good weigâ—…ty reasons suspended by us in the name of the Kings of this realme So Anno 1567. they put the queen regent mother to King Iames from her regency which deed of theirs is fully vindicated by the earle of Morâ—…on in his discourse to the Queen of England a part whereof out of Buch Lib. 20. because usefull both for clearing of this particular some others before mentioned shall be here transcribed Primum Factum ipsum c. As for the deed it self of punishing Kings or queens The ancient custome of our predecessours will not suffer it to be accounted new for it were not necessary to enumerat how many Kings have been punished by death â—…onds exile by our nobles far lesse were it necessary to confirme this deed of ours by forraigne examples seing there are so many so obvious in ancient histories But now the nation of the Scots have been a free nation from the begining have made Kings to themselves upon these conditions that when necessity required they might dethrone them of which there are many footsteps remaineing fresh unto this day for in the isles about in many places of the continent in which the old language lawes had any abode this custome is followed in the chooseing of their governours to this day And the ceremonies used at the coronation of Kings do clearly demonstrat that the government is nothing else but a mutuall stipulation betuixt King subjects as also the constant tenor of the ancient law by which Kings were inaugurated which remaineth unchanged in the least to this day yea while so many of our Kings have been banished imprisoned or more severely punished there was never one motion made of relaxing the rigour of the law what wonder seing it was not of the nature of those lawes that change with tht time but of those which are fixed in the heart of man by nature consented unto by all nations which being subject to no other lawes do command rule all so that whether we will or not they are before our eyes what ever we be doing stick in our heart This law did our predecessours follow being alwayes armed against violence ready to suppresse tyrants But that I may passe in silence the famous cities of Athens Lacedaemon Rome Venice which keeped this law so long as they keeped their liberty Yea even then when Rome was under tyrants if any good man became emperour he did account it his glory to acknowledg himself inferiour to the people subject to the lawes for when Trajanus gave a sword according to the custome unto the praefectus urbis he said use it for me or against me as I shall deserve and Theodosius a good emperour in these worst times would leave this noble saying among the lawes that he confessed he was under the lawes Neither was this law unknown to barbarous nations as all histories testify But lest I should be thought to gather together examples now out of use I shall onely make mention of two later the one is of Christieris the King of the Dennes who for his intollerable cruelty was put from the Kingdome he all his posterity which is a sadder punishment then ever was inflicted by any of our progenitours what did the mother of Charles the 5 that made her deserve perpetuall imprisonment now what did we but following the examples of so many nations Kingdomes suppresse tyranny which swelled above all law not indeed so severely as our predecessours did in like cases for had we followed their example we had been farr from not onely the fear of danger but also here calumnies Thus he much more is added to this purpose there More over this same Queen regent was told by the Earle of Ruthven that same night that David Rizio was killed as Buch reporteth lib. 17. That the government of the Kings of Scotland was alwayes very lawfull that it was exerted not after the lisst pleasure of any one man but according to the lawes by the consent of the nobles and if any King did otherwayes he suffered accordingly and now Scottish men are not so farr degenerated from the institutions of their predecessours as to suffer the tyranny and slavery of one who is a stranger and whom they look not upon as deserving any honest service 8. Yea in the 8 Parliament of King Iames 6. Act. 2. the honour authority of the Supreme court of Parliament continowed past all memory of men is ratified there it is said That by the court of Parliament under God the Kingdome hath been upholden rebellious and traiterous subjects punished the good and faithfull preserved and maintained and the lawes and acts of Parliament by which all good men are governed are made and established and therefore they statute and ordaine that none take up on hand to impugne the dignity and authority of the estates or to seek or procure the innavation or diminution of their power or authority under the paine of treason It is true that in the preceeding Act they confirme the Kings Royall power and authority over all estates as well spiritual as temporal And therefore their maintaining of the power and privilege of Parliaments is the more remarkable And by the two Acts compared togetheâ—… it is aboundantly clear that the authority mentioned in the first Act of that Parliament which is granted to the king is not over the Estates of Parliament but over private persones whether civill or ecclesiastick And so it is but a granting of him to be singulis major which will easily be granted And this will be more clear if it be considered what occasioned that Act at that time As was shown above in the first Section the Lord was stirring up his servants to act something for the setling of the government of the Church which occasioned the
souldeours away captives keepeth them in bondage full ten years Under which oppression they lay groaning wishing for a day of delivery At length after ten years exile the Lord returned their prince without stroake of sword and setled him upon his throne which occasioned great acclamations of joy through the whole land seing that now the yoke of the oppressour was brocken and the Lord had restored to them in a wonderfull unexpected maner their law full judges and governours Now were people filled with hops of good and desirable dayes both for Church and State But alace how suddainly are all their hopes turned into fears and their joy into mourning how are their faces filled with confusion because of the sad disappointment which now they did meet with Their yoke beginneth now to be wreathed more straitly about their necks then ever their bondage and oppression in conscience groweth they see with their eyes the glorious worke of Reformation which had been wonderfully carried on by the mighty power of the most High cemented with the bloud of his Saints who spared not their lives in the defence maintenance of that cause both against malignants Sectaries razed to the very foundation the carved worke thereof brocken down with axes hammers at once and all things growing dayly worse worse Some particulars where of though the calling to minde making mention of such sad doolfull things will occasion fresh sorrow grief to the people of God as the purpose in hand will suffer shall be mentioned in the following Sections SECTION III. The grounds of the sufferings of such as were incarcerated by the Committy of Estates the 23 Day of Agust 1660. discovered AFter God had broken the yoke of the oppressours had restored their own governous it might have been expected that justice should have flowed down as a river and when the committe of Estates which had been nominated Anno 1651. Were commanded by his Maj. to sit order the affaires of the Kingdome untill the ensueing Parliament should meet every one might have been in expectation of some good following their governement But alas their little finger becometh heavier then the loyns of the former oppressours A litle taste of which there is given on the very first day of their sitting downe for upon the 23. Day of August 1660. While there were some faithfull Zealous servants of Christ to the number of Ten Ministers with one Gentleman met in a private house where they resolved to meet that they might give the lesse offence for the drawing up of a supplication unto his Maj. wherein after their congratulating his Maj. returne they in all humility presse exhort him in the fear of the Lord to minde his oaths unto covenants with God a very necessary seasonable work The committee of Estates sent thither some of their number to apprehend those persones to take them to the castle of Edenburgh where they abode for the space of some weeks were afterward except Mr Guthry confined to their chambers in the towne for some considerable time This was a terrible alarme unto the hearts of the godly presaging sad doolfull dayes to follow when at the very first there is so much cruelty exerced against these faithfull zealous servants of Christ who were evidenceing their love respect unto their Prince in mindeing him of his vowes which he had made unto the most high of his duty which he did owe unto God who had so wonderfully delivered him for which no colourable pretence could be allaidged save one of those Either that their meeting was not warranted by the lawes of the land or that they were about a sinfull work The first could not be allaidged with any colour of law because there was no standing law then in force against such meetings for whatever law ther was of that nature before was made null void by posterior acts of Parliament which posterior acts were not as yet resciâ—…ded and further what great wrong was it for so many ministers to meet together in a privat chamber for such an end when as many moe prophane persones will be suffered to meet dayly to drink debauch and what could these worthies have suspected now seing the like liberty was enjoyed while the land was under the feet of oppressours might not they in reason have expected as good quarters at the hands of their own governoursas they gote from stangers enemies But it is like the work they were about gave offence it is true they were pleased to brande it with the names of treason sedition but whether it was so or not the reader will be better able to judge when he hath pondered considered the true copy of their supplication which is here following Most gratious dreed soveraigne We your Maj. most humble subjects considering the duty which as Christians we owe to our Lord Iesus Christ who is king of kings Lord of Lords and which as subjects we owe unto your Maj. as our native lawfull king under him We do hold ourselves bound to tender unto your Maj. this most humble addresse supplication How hatefull the actings of the late usurped powers in offering violence to the Parl. of Engl in their unchristian barbarous murthering of your royall father in their insolent changeing of the ancient civill goverment of the kingdome of Engl. and by armed violence unjustly secluding your Maj. there from In their most unjust invadeing of the kingdome of Scotland inthralling of the same in subjection to themselves and beyond all their impious incroaching on the kingdome of Iesus Christ the liberties thereof and in promoteing establishing a vast tolleration in things religious throughout those nations unto the perverting of the precious truthes of the Gospell defaceing of the ordinances of Iesus Christ opening a wide door to all sorts of evill heresy schisme imprety prophanenesse How abhominable these things were to us the Lord who searcheth the heart tryeth the reâ—…es doth know against which we gave many publike testimonies before the world to witnesse our abhorrence thereof And the same Lord knoweth that as we did earnestly pray for breath after his appearing to witnesse against those so saveing that Christian pity and compassion we owe to the persones of men though our very enemies we rejoyce in his putting down of them that did set up themselves in staineing the pride of their glory in breaking the yoke of their power from off the necke of these Kingdomes We hold our selves also bound thankfully to acknowledge the Lord's signall preserving of your Maj. person in the middest of many fold dangers designes threatening the same these years past And that after long Exile from your own house people he hath been pleased to bring you back to the same And when the foundations of the ancient civill goverment were overthrown againe
to make way for repaireing of the ruines building up the breaches thereof for establishing the same on right sure foundations in your Maj. person family and to do those things when they were so litle expected in so quyet peaceable a way and without the effusion of Christian blood imbroyling the Kingdomes in the misery calamities of a new war And as we adore the wonderfull wise hand of God blesse his name who hath done these things so it is not only our practice for the present but our sincere resolution for the time to come to pouâ—… forth the fervent desires supplicatioâ—… of our soull unto the most high by whom kings reigne for the preservation saiftie of your Maj. person for the multiplication of his spirit increase of it upon you that you may imploy your power to his praise the comfort of his people for the Establishing of your just power greatnesse in subordination to him to be faithfull loyall rendering all the dutyes of honour subjection obedience to your Maj. that are due from humble loving subjects unto their native lawfull prince soveraigne And we desire to be perswaded with confidence to promise to ourselves that your Maj. will accept of those our professions as proceeding from loyall honest hearts allow us the protection countenance incouragement in our station callings that may be expected from a gracious king And considering the great happinesse that ariseth both to kirk and state all the members thereof by the mutuall good understanding betuixt the supreme Magistrat the faithfull of the land when it pleaseth divine providence so to dispose the many calamities miseries that in the holy justice just indignation of God do attend the separating or violating of these only sure foundations of states and 〈◊〉 kingdomes We are bold in the integrity of our hearts in the zeal of the glory of the Lord of the good of his church of your Maj. honour happinesse from the sense of manifold great obligations that be upon us before the Lord so to do particularly that of the Covenant That what lets we are not able of our selves to suppresse and overcome we shall reveal and make known that they may be prevented remedied Humbly to presente unto your Maj. and make known the great danger that threateneth religion and the work of reformation in the churches of God in these kingdomes from the desires and endeavour of the remanent of the popish prelaticall and malignant party therein which is begining to lift up the head not only to render hatefull but to bear downe many of your Maj. good subjects who have been imployed as instruments in the work have keeped within the bounds of their duty in promoveing preserving the same so far as humane frailty would permit but also to overthrow that blessed work it self and to reintroduce prelacy the ceremonies the service book and all these corruptions which were formerly cast out as inconsistent with that pure and spotelesse rule of church governement discipline and divine worshipe delivered to us in the word of God as a yoke of bondage that neither we nor our fathers were able to bear and though we know that that Spirit will not want its specious pretences plausible insinuations for compassing these ends yet as there cannot readily be greater disservice to the church of God to these Kingdoms to your Maj. honour happinesse then actings of that nature so we cannot without horrour of Spirit astonishment of heart think upon what dreadfull guiltinesse King Princes Ministers People shall be involved into what fearfull wrath shall attend them from the face of an angry jealous God if after all the light that he hath made to shine in these kingdomes from his blessed word for discovery of the error Impiety of these things after his hand hath been lifted up so high for casting out of the same after solemne vowes engadgments taken upon themselves before God angels men against them if they should againe lick up the vomit thereof God forbid that we should either hear or see such heart astonishing bitter things which would turne the mirth of the Lords people into mourning their songs into most sad lamentations Neither are we lesse apprehensive of the endeavours of the spirit of errour that possesseth Sectaries in these Nations which as it did at first promove a vast tolleration in things religious and afterwards did proceed to the frameing of mischief into a law so we doubt not but it will still be active unto the promoving procuring of the same under the specious pretext of liberty to tender consciences the effects whereof have in a few years past been so dreadfull that we cannot think of the continuing thereof but with much trembling fear Therefore knowing that to Kings Princes Rulers Magistrats appertaineth the purgation preservation of religion that nothing can contribute more unto the preserving and promoveing of religion the work of reformation then that all places of power trust be filled with men of a blamelesse christian conversation approven integrity known affection to the cause of God We your Maj. most humble supplicants subjects with bowed knees bended affections humbly supplicat your Maj. that you would imploy your royall power unto the preservation of the reformed religion in the church of Scotland in doctrine worship discipline governement for the reformation of Religion in the Kingdome of England Irland in doctrine worshipe discipline goverment and to the carrying on of the work of uniformity of religion in the church of God in the three Kingdomes in one confession of faith forme of church goverment directory of worshipe catechisâ—…ing and to the extirpation of popery prelacy superstition heresy schisme prophanesse whatsoever is contrary to sound doctrine the power of Godlinesse And that all places of trust under your Majest may be filled with such as have taken the Covenant are of approven integrity known affection to the cause of God If in a matter that so much concerneth the honour of God the good of his Church your Maj. honour happinesse we be jealous with a godly jealousy we know your Maj. wisdom lenity to be such as will easily pardon And the sense of our duty to God to your Maj. the fear of those kingdoms transgressions by building up againe the things that were destroyed constraineth us to be petitioners against the same earnestly to intreat that any beginnings of stumbling which already have been given in those things especially in the matter of Prelacy ceremonies the Servicebook in your Majesty chappell and family and other places of your Dominions may be removed and taken away And that there may be no
was contrary to the dissent protestation of this kingdome now removed by a violent death and that by the Lords blessing there was left a righteous heire lawfull successour Charles Prince of Scotland VVales now king of Great britane france and Irland did unanimously and chearfully in recognisance and acknowledgement of his just right title and succession to the Crown proclaime and declare to all the world that he was king of great britan c. their Soveraigne Lord and king at the mercat Crosse of Edenburgh with all usuall Solemnities in like cases ordaining the same to be done in like manner in all the brughs Royall Immediatly there are Commissioners sent over to his Maj. while at the Hague in Holland when these returned without satisfaction there are againe the next year 1650 Commissioners sent to him while at Breda At length he promised to publish testify by solemne oath his approbation of the Nationall Covenant of Scotland of the solemne league Covenant And accordingly before he came a shoar in Scotland being in Shipboard at the mouth of Spey on the Lords day the 23. of Jun 1650 in presence of the Commissioners of the kingdome Church of Scotland severall others both Scots English after Sermon the Nationall Covenant the solemne league Covenant being read by the minister that preached He standing lifting up his right hand swore the same in the words following which had been determined by the Parliament by the Commissioners of the Generall assembly of the Church of Scotland in their Instructions to their Commissioners subjoyned to Both the Covenants I Charles king of Great Britaine France Irland do assure declare by my solemne oath in the presence of the Almighty God the searcher of hearts my allowance approbation of the Nationall Covenant of the solemne league Covenant above writen faithfully oblidge my self to prosecute the Ends thereof in my station calling that I for my self successours shall consent aggree to all acts of Parliament enjoyning the Nationall Covenant solemne league Covenant fully establishing presbiteriall governement the Directory of Worship confession of faith Catechismes in the kingdome of Scotland as they are approven by the Generall assembly of this kirke Parliamet of this Kingdome And that I shall give my royall assent to the acts of Parliament enjoyning the same in the rest of my Dominons And that I shall observe these in my own practise family shall never make opposition to any of these on endevour any change thereof And immediatly subscribed the same And thereafter August 16. 1650. he emitteth a Declaration from Dumfermeling wherein he expresseth much of his affection to the Covenanâ—… Covenanters dèclareth that he hath not sworne subscribed these Covenants entred into the oath of God with his people upon any sinister intention crooked designe for attaining his own ends but so far as humane weakness will permit in the truth sincerity of his heart that he is firmely resolved in the Lords strength to adhere there to to prosecute the ends thereof c. In order to which he doth in the first place professe declare that he will have no friends but the friends of the Covenant And therefore as he doeth now detest abhorre all popery Superstition Idolatry together with prelacy all errours heresy schisme profaneness resolveth not to tolerate much lesse allow any of these in any part of his Maj. Dominions but to oppose himself thereto to endeavour the extirpation thereof to the outmost of his power So doth he as a Christian exhort as a King require all such of his subjects who have stood in opposition to the Solemne League Covenant worke of Reformation upon a pretence of kingly Interest or any other pretext whatsoever to lay down their enmity against the cause people of God to cease to prefer the Interest of man to the Interest of God which hath been one of these things which hath occasioned many troubles calamities in these kingdoms being insisted in will be so far from establishing of the Kings Throne that it will prove an Idole of jealousy to provoke unto wrath him who is King of Kings Lord of Lords The king shall alwayes esteem them best servants most loyall subjects who serve him seek his greatness in a right line of subordination unto God giving unto God the things that are Gods unto Caesar the things that are Caesars resolveth not to love or countenance any who have so litle conscience piety as to follow his Interests with a prejudice to the Gospell kingdom of Jesus Christ which he looks not upon as a duety but as flattery as driving self designes under a pretence of mantaining royall authority greatness he resolveth to live die with his loyall subjects in prosecution of the ends of the Covenant He doth esteeme the service of those who first engadged in the Covenant have since that time faithfully followed the ends thereof to be duety to God loyalty to him So Jan. 1. 1651. on the day of his coronation the Nationall covenant the Solemne league covenant being read unto him he swore them in this following oath which he took in behalf of himself his successours kneeling holding up his right hand which oath with both covenants he afterward did subscribe I Charles King of Great Britane France Irland do assure declare by my solemne oath in the presence of Almighty God the searcher of hearts my allowance approbation of the Nationall Covenant of the Solemne League Covenant above writâ—…h And faithfully obleidge my self to prosecute the ends thereof in my station calling And that I for my self Successours shall consent aggree to all Acts of Parliament enjoyning the Nationall Covenant the Solemne League Covenant fully establishing Presbyteriall Governement the Directory of worship Consession of Faith Catechismes in the kingdome of Scotland as they are approven by the Generall Assemblies of this kirk Parliament of this kingdom And that I shall give my royall assent to Acts and Ordinances of Parliament passed or to be passed enjoyning the same in my other Dominions And that I shall observe these in mine own practise and family and shall never make opposition to any of those or endevour any change thereof Thus had the Church of Scotland all the security imaginable from a Prince that Prelats should never have footing againe within that kingdome that the begun worke of Reformation should be still carried on through the other Dominions But when Scotland out of conscience to their covenant had sent for the king the Sectarian party in Iuly 1650 approach their borders with an Army thereafter overcome them in battell shedeth much of their bloud leadeth many both commanders
furder proceeding in these things which grieve the Spirit of God and give offence to your Maj. good subjects who are engadged with you in the same Covenant and work of reformation And that your Maj. for establishing the hearts and strengthening the hands of these who are faithfull in the work of the Lord for quashing the hopes endeavours of adversaries would be pleased to give publick signification of your approbation of the Covenant And of your purpose to adhere unto the same to carry on the work of God in these Kingdoms according thereunto that your Maj. eyes may be upon the faithfull of the land that they may dwell with you We hope your Maj. will not take offence 〈◊〉 we be the Lord's remembrancers to you That you were pleased a little before your coming to this kingdom afterwards at the time of your coronation to assure declare by your solemne Oath under your hand seal in the presence oâ—… Almighty God The searcher of hearts your allowance approbation of the Nationall Covenant the Solemne League Covenant faithfully obligeing your self to prosecute the ends thereof in your station calling that your Maj. for your self Successours should consent agree to all acts of Parl. enjoyning the nationall Cov Solemne League Cov. fully establishing Presbyteriall Gov directory for Worship confession of faith Cathecismes in the Kingdom of Scotland as they are approven by the Gen. Assemblies of this kirk And Parliaments of this Kingdom And that your Maj. should give your Royall assent to acts ordinances of Parl. past or to be past enjoyning the same in your Maj. Dominions that yow should observe these in your practice family should never make opposition to any of those Nor endeavour any change thereof And we desire to be persuaded that no length of time hath made your Maj. forget Or weakened in your Maj. heart the sense of the obligation of the great solemne Oath of God in the Covenants Yea that the afflictions where with God hath exercised your Maj. these years past the great wonderfull deliverance that of late he hath granted unto you hath fixed deeper Impressions upon your heart spirit that among all the kings of the earth Reformation of Religion shall have no greater friend then your Maj Yea that as yee are more excellent then the kings of the Earth in regaird of the purity of profession solemne engadgments unto God And long exercisednesse with manifold afflictions in the Lord 's setting you over these Kingdomes which are not only thorow grace the first fruites of the gentiles But also are among all we know in the World the most eminent for the power purity of the Gospel So shall your Maj. in your Princely Station dignity excell them in the zeal of God for the Kingdom of Iesus Christ And that by how much more your Maj. by the constitution good hand of the Almighty is lifted up above the sphere of your subjects by so much more shall your motion be more vigorous active unto the carrying about by the influence of your royall Head by your example all the Orbs of inferiour powers persones in these kingdomes in subordination to God your Maj. in the practice of godlinesse vertue It is the desire of our soul that your Maj. may be like unto David a man according to Gods own heart Like unto Solomon of an understanding heart to judge the Lord's people to discerne betwixt good bad Like unto Iehosaphat whose heart was lifted up in the wayes of the Lord Like unto Hezekiah eminent for godlinesse and integrity Like unto Iosiah who was of a tender heart did humble himself before God when he heard his word against Ierusalem the inhabitants of Iudah and not only made a Covenant before the Lord to walk after the Lord and keep his commandements with all his heart and with all his soul to performe the Covenant but also caused all that were in Ierusalem Benjamin to stand to it took away the abomination out of all the countreyes that pertained to all the children of Israël and made all that were present in Israël to serve even to serve the Lord their God So shall your Maj. inherite the honour blessing of these kings upon the earth and their happinesse in heaven So shall your Maj. person be preserved your government established over these kingdomes Which is the unfeigned desire and fervent supplication of your Maj. most humble loyall subjects Now the Reader having considered this humble addresse and supplication may judge if there was any thing therin either treasonable or seditious reflecting on his Maj. on the government of the kingdom of England or the constitution of the present Committy of Estates or any thing tending to the raiseing of new tumults and re-kindleing a civill warre among his Maj. good subjects as their enemies were pleased to give it out oâ—… which did deserve imprisonement yea whether it was not their duty the duty of all the Ministers of Scotland to be thus faithfull in giving timeous warning and faithfull exhortation unto their Prince that they might have prevented as much as lay in them the sad defection which was then feared indeed followed thereafter Nether let any say that such things might well be gathered from their other letters for they had nothing beside that letter save some scrols of a letter and some instructions to one of their number for no other purpose then for the communicating of the supplication unto the Ministers of their judgment in severall Presbyteries within the Synod of Glasgow for desiring their approbation thereof concurrence therein This is one sad dispensation But it is only the beginning of sorrow of much woe following SECTION IIII. The suffering of the Noble Marquise of Argile who was executed the 27 Day of May 1661. examined by law WHile the Parliament is in hand with reverend Mr Guthriâ—… who had been a prisoner since the 23 day of August 1660 of whom mention shall be made in the next section They have also the worthy renowned Marguese of Argile among their hands who though he had a maine hand in bringing home the king closeing the second treaty at Breda yet while he is going up to London after the kings late returne from exile to congratulat his Maj. returne is made prisoner in the Tour of London thereafter is sent down to Scotland indited of heigh treason before the Parl. at length is beheaded his head is stuck up upon the tolbooth of Edenburgh Questionlesse strangers will think it behoved to be some great matter for which the life of such an eminent famous nobleman who had been so renowned at home abroad for his faithfulnesse and constancy in carrying on the work cause of God was taken But the very truth is what ever
the King upon the prelat who hath a negative voice in them whose dioecesian meetings they are being now modelled conforme to the number of prelats whileas before in some dioecies there were three provinciall Synods Moreover the passage which was cited before out of the Proclamation Ian. 15. 1662. cleareth this aboundantly for there it is said expresly that the administration of the Church in the way it had been that is the administration of presbyterian goverment is inconsistent with that which is now established or Episcopall goverment and the councell is better to be beleeved then this man who speaketh without ground againe why did King Councell discharge those meetings but because they were making way for the setling of Episcopacie and finally why is the jurisdiction and exercise of Church discipline which was allowed for a time set in opposition to the jurisdiction exercise of Church Goverment ordered in the respective synods presbyteries sessions by the appoyntment authority of the Archbishops Bishops thereof according to their known privilege practice conforme therto If not to clear this difference He objecteth pag. 8. sayeth That the supreme Magistrat hath undowbted power to convocat synods when he seeth it needfull no protestant minister would refuise to come at his comand nor is there any ranke or degree of subjects that can without the staine of sinfull disobedience refuise to meet upon his Maj. command and ministers cannot plead exemption from the common duties of subjects It is answered 1. It is true ministers are subjects no lesse then others are obliged in conscience to subject themselves Unto the civill Magistrat in the Lord no lesse then others But. 2. Neither ministers nor others are bound at the Magistrat's command to sin against God it being alwayes better to obey God then man here in obeying this command Ministers should have hainonsly sinned against God for 1. They should have therby acknowledged upon the matter that the Magistrats power in Church matters is such as that he may appoynt what forme of Goverment he will which no presbyterian in conscience could yeeld to without wronging of Christ the head King of his Church as shall in due time be made furder to appear 2. They should have therby testified acknouledged their approbation of Episcopall Goverment contrary to their oath subscription for this was pressed as a badge of conformitie signe of subjection unto Episcopall Goverment as the Proclamation of the Privie Councell before mentioned doth abundantly clear these meetings are meer episcopall meetings as is showne 3. Ansâ—…as to the ground of the objection viz. That the Magistrat hath power to convocate synods It would require a longer time then can be now allowed to discusse the same to try how in what cases it willhold good But this is certane that the judgment of the Church of Scotland as to this particular as may be seen in the Act of Assembly Anno 1647. approving the confession of faith prefixed therunto is that in Churches constituted such as the Church of Scotland was the Magistrats authority is not sufficient to call a Synod without any other call that is without delegation from their Churches that 〈◊〉 is free to Ministers to Assemble together synodically as well prorenata as at the ordinary times upon delegaetion from the Churches by their intrinsecall power received from Christ as often as it is necessary in case the Magistrat deny his consent But be it granted as in some cases it may Yet it will not follow that therefore Ministers were bound in conscience to have countenanced those meetings and that for these reasons 1. Because these were no extraordinary Synods called by his Maj. prore nata Nor. 2. Were they any of the former Synods used while presbyterian Goverment was in force But. 3. They were new meetings upon new principles having their rise from a new spring fountaine constituted otherwise in a new forme and so they were no meetings consonant unto the principles of presbyterian Goverment but wholly dissonant meetings complying with flowing from Episcopall power jurisdiction ordered by prelaticall authority appoyntment 3. Countenanceing of these meetings upon the matter would have been an assenting consenting unto the pulling down of presbyterian Governement which they were sworne to maintaine 4. Yea it would have been a fearful matter of offence stumbling unto the godly truely tender a hardening of others who had complyed withall a dangerous casting of themselves into temptation as experience doth abundantly prove dayly and therefore this comand could not be obeyed for no command of a Magistrat can warrand any to sin by doing that which is in it self sinfull yea or what is a reall ground of offence unto others provideing the matter be not absolutely necessary antecedently unto the command of the Magistrat But he addeth Is this rationall that where two commands of the Magistrat are joyned the one undowbtedly lawfull the other dowbted of that subjects should disobey the Magistrat in that which is clearly lawfull because â—…ey have a dowbt or unclearnesse anent obeying him in the other command had they come to the place it would protanto have shewed their respect unto authority Ans. It is a great question if this man speake rationally here doth he thinke that the civill Magistrat did intend two commands in that one he may as well say that he did intend twenty will he so metaphisically anatomize the commands of councells Parliaments as to render them ridiculous would he have had ministers sporting jesting in such a serious matter with the supreme Magistrat if the Ministers had come't to towne seen what of the cloke it was then returned home would this casuist have cleared them either protanto or prototo Nay he would without all doubt have exaggerated that crime as the height of contempt as an open preaching proclameing of their contempt unto the world But in such a sad declineing time the faithfull ministers of Christ had some other thing to think upon then thus to sport themselves mocke authority by halveing orquartering the commands and injunctions thereof therefore would neither get on horse backe nor come half the way not to the place appoynted because they might not in conscience concurr with the prelat there in that dioecesian meeting which was the onely thing commanded their coming to the towne was no more commanded save as subservient thereunto then their riseing out of their Bed that morning or their taking horse c. In the 3 place he addeth What ground could they have for separation from the Synod is it the want of liberty to choose a moderator or is it that he who presideth is a Bishop and claimeth more power then they can allow-as of a negative voyce or is it the want of unpreaching elders in the meeting It is Ans Neither any of these
alone nor all of them together are the full and compleat ground but this That it is a meeting called together by the civill Magistrat assumeing to himself power to cast downe the established government of the Church the primitive governement to settle what kinde of government he thinketh fit as best complying with his own his subjects humors who accordingly hath razed to the fundation presbyterian government unto which both he all the lands were sworne and is setting up prelatical government against which he all the lands have sworne of which these three particulars mentioned are so many evidences And that they are so cannot be denyed for 1. Whatever truth be in this assertion That ecclesiasticke judicatories have a divine warrand for chooseing their own moderator This is clear undenyable that while presbyteriall governement was in its integrity vigour the assemblies of the Church nationall provinciall presbyteriall had this privilege to elect their own moderator when ever prelats began to rise get entrance in that Church this incroachment among other shee did suffer at their hands for they knew that Invasio perpetuae dictaturae would be via ad Imperium Constant moderators would usher the way for domineering prelats as was showne Sect. 1. And therefore this is a clear evidence of the change of the government from presbyteriall to prelaticall furder though that which Zepperus sayeth viz Presides ecclesiastici c. that is the moderators or presidents of the ancient councells were some time named by the emperour be true yet it will be a mere non sequitur to conclude thence as this author doth viz That it is lawfull for the Christian Magistrat upon whom the externall ordering of all the judicatories in his dominions depends to nominat out of a meeting of ministers conveened by him one of the number to order the actions of the meeting and by his authority to controle the unruly not only as being a concludeing of a generall from a particular but as being a putting into the conclusion what is not in the premisses a mixing of heterogeneous things together What he meaneth by this externall ordering of judicatories who can tell unlesse it be all that power which ordinarily is exerced by a moderator will he say that the Magistrat ought to choose all the moderators Hath the supreme Magistrat any more interest in those meetings or hath he so much as he hath in civill meetings doth he appoynt all the mouthes of these meetings But have not Church judicatories within themselves power for their own externall ordering who then ordered the Synod at Ierusalem Act. 15. To say the Magistrat was not then Christian therefore it did not belong unto him is enough to prove that it doth not belong to him as a Magistrat But there is enough said to this here which is but barely asserted by him without proof And. 2. As to the next what ever be asserted concerning that which Mr Baxter Mr Vines as he reporteth of them say viz. That for peace presbyters may suspend the exercise of there just authority and resolve to give to one person of their number a negative voice though many moe divines with greater reason think that seing God hath given them no power whereof they may denude themselves when they think fit suspend the exercise of at the node of any other It cannot be lawfull for them to give that negative voice unto any yet this is undenyable that there never was any such thing claimed by nor granted to any all the time that that Church enjoyed presbyterian government it is as undenyable that so soon as prelates gote up unto their chaires they challenged that negative voice to themselves as their due took it whether presbyters would or not so have the prelats done to day therefore this concession of these eminent men were it never so true as it is denyed by many is nothing to the poynt for by this one particular it is as clear as the noonday that the government is altered from presbyterian to Episcopal therefore though it be true that the personall fault of another cannot be a good ground for brethrens withdrawing from their duty yet when by their concurrence to consult alone when by God's law they have equall authority with any that sitteth there they shall consent unto that change of government it becometh sin not duty for now all presbyterian government is overturned they see prelats set up as before so that if they concurre they cannot avoide sin To say as he doth a little before pag. 8. that it might be permitted to them if they intrested for it to ease their consciences by signifying their scruples so be they would do it with that inossensive modesty humility and respect unto the supreme authority to the lawes of the land is to please the simple that beleeve every thing with a faire word for it behoved to be done with such in-offensive modesty humility as no body should either hear or know of it otherwise they might be sure it would be accounted disrespect unto the supreme authority to the lawes of the land they might expect presently to be attached processed Lastly as to the 3 particular whether the opinion of Mr Vines Mr Baxter Blondell if he speak truth in denying the divine right of ruleing elders be assented unto or rather the contrary opinion which is owned by so many Churches professours particularly by the Church of Scotland from the begining yet this is clear that that Church had still such officers so long as she was governed Communi consilio presbyteroruns by presbyteries no sooner did prelats usurpe the place but they shouldered these officers to the door and therefore this is another palpable evidence that the nature of these meetings is changed from presbyterian to Episcopall so that to concurre by meeting with the prelats at their dioecesian meetings must be an approving of prelacy this cannot be done without perjurie But he objecteth pag. 12. Thus Our worthy ancestours choosed rather to câ—…curie with such meetings then to desert them Ans The case then now differeth farr for then these judicatories were standing when the prelats were brought in upon them Ministers were then bound to keep possession of their rights so long as they could by meeting in the judicatories there being no restraint laid upon them by law from speaking their minde freely protesting as they saw occasion as is now when such actings are declared treasonable seditious they were in a capacity to do something for vindicating of Church privileges at least for exonering their owne consciences Yea for curbing in a great part the prelats power Whence it was that neither the Prelats nor the Estate did ever command Ministers to attend those meetings but rather wished with all their heart that they had forborne to come but
never yet heard of that a King was crowned in Scotland but by a lawfull Parliament whose deed was valide if this deed of that Parliament was not valid let wise men conjecture what the consequences will be It is true they except in their Act 9. All such Acts as were passed in any meeting of Parliament or committee of Estates authorized by his Maj. presence But his Maj. presence will not make every company of men a Parliament yea his being present with them at any of their Sessions sayeth he owned them as a lawfull Parliament 2. How ever all these Acts which concerne himself seing he was not present at their making are null 3. How cometâ—… it to passe that the Kings presence Anno 1641. did not availe to keep that session of Parliament from a stroke with the rest And furder it appeareth that they annull the Parliament 1650 1651. altogether because if that had been a Parliament it had been the first Parliament of King Charles 2 so the Parliament 1661. had been his second Parliament But the Parliament 1661. is called his first Parliament therefore there was never a lawfull Parliament before in his reigne thus by their principles he hath never been crowned in Scotland as yet What a Premunire they fall into here let lawyers judge Fourthly There was as little reason to condemne these meetings counsels conventions of the subjects at the begining of the late work Because those meetings were necessary for the defence of Religion against the bloody Prelates who were seeking the overthrow destruction of all 2. Nor is there any Act condemning such which can with any colour be allaiged except the Act of that Parliament 1584. wherein things were carryed on by a strong faction in great haste for they had five Sessions in three dayes with great secrecy for the Lords of the articles were sworne to secrecy the dooresâ—… were keeped closse all the time of Parliament See laborious Mr Petree his History pag. 442 and the Act of this Parliament did mainely strick against the assemblies of the Church for that was the thing designed 3. What ever can be made out of this Act against civill meetings it will not stricke against those meetings because the Parliament 1640 in their Act 29. hath showne the true meaning thereof to be otherwise saying It cannot be extended against any councells conventions assemblies committees or meetings made holden keeped by the subjects for mantenance and preservation of the kings Maj. Religion lawes and liberties of the kingdome or for the publick good either of Church or state this Act was approved by the large treaty againe by the next Session of Parl. An. 1641. where the King himself was present 4. The secret councell which then was did approve of these conventions or tables as they were called so did his Maj. commissioner thereafter So then these meetings might be warrantably keeped for God's glory the removeing of the just grievances of the subject being no wayes prohibited by the municipall lawes which onely disallow such conventions as are for disturbance of the peace or usurpation against authority neither of which can be allaiged here for no invasion violence offer of wrong by word or deed to any person no not even to these against whom they had justly complained followed thereupon And those meetings were onely to consult upon the most fit humble way of supplicating his Maj. for the most convenient propositions to be presented to his Maj. to the Parliament to the assembly all which are most compatible with the loyalty duty of good subjects do no wayes encroach upon authority seing they assumed not any judiciall determination in any matter of state civill or ecclesiasticall but by voluntary instructions and opinions every one to another in a common cause of religion did resolve what might be most conduceable to their lawfull and just ends To use the words of the protestation Decemb. 18. 1638. Fiftly Nor is there just warrand ground upon this account to annull the League Covenant Because 1. It was against no municipall law for as to that 12 Act of the Parl. 10 of King Iam. 6. Anno 1585. it is so explained by the 29 Act of Parl. 1640. as that it cannot be extended to any bands leagues made for the preservation of the Kings Maj. Religion lawes liberties of the Kingdome or for the publick good either of Church or state and this may be furder cleared by vieuing the 43 Act of Queen Mary which the forecited Act of King Iames 6. relateth unto ratifieth for that Act is to be understood of particular leagues or bonds of man-rent as they called it or maintenance respectivè that by privat persones in brugh land therefore cannot be understood of leagues or bonds made by the body of the land in their representatives in Parliament which hath so much power in making of leagues that without their consent the King cannot make a league as is clear by a league which King Robert 2. consented unto betwixt Scotland France England which was annulled because it wanted the Parliaments consent for sayeth Buch in the end of his 9 book neque enim ipse pacem vel inductas facere poterat nisi ex sententiâ publici conventus nec firmas polliceâ—… sine publico decreto He could neither make nor promise truce or peace without the Parliaments consent in the Parliament 10. King Iam. 6. Anno 1585. among the unprinted Acts there is one containing the assent of the Parliament for concludeing of a league with the Queen of England 2. The Parliaments of Scotland have made leagues with forraigne Princes without the Kings consent as that Parliament which deposed the Queen Mother from her regency did enter in a league with the Queen of England 3. All leagues bondes made by the Parliament were ratified by this King by his solemne oath both before at his coronation and therefore none in conscience could condemne these bonds or take an oath importing the same What is more allaidged against the league covenant shall be fully examined hereafter Sect. 2â—… Sextly Nor was there just cause upon this account to condemne Scotland for aideing assisting of England in their straite extreame danger Because 1. It is a most ordinary thing for one nation to send help relief unto another thus the french the Englishes helped the Hollanders The king of Britaine offered to helpe the Rotchell the Palatinat 2. It was against a common enemy a popish prelaticall malignant faction seeking the ruine of religion lawes liberties in Scotland as well as in Engl. By the light of nature a common fear uniteth even these who are furthest divided so while Scotland fought for England they fought for themselves their own saiftie what ever law will warrand nations now to joyn together against the Turk will
Governours under the King as well as the King himselfe He speaketh of such as are God's Ministers which is a generall word comprehending all civill Governours He speaketh of all such to whom tribute custome honour or fear is due so he must take in all Magistrats otherwise this text should not concerne commonwealths which are ruled without a King He speaketh of such as are revengers by office to execute wrath on them that do evill thus are a terrour to evill doers and a praise to such as do well And this agreth to all Magistrats therefore this place cannot be understood as speaking of any single person or of Nero concerning whom it is a great question among lawyers if at this time he had the heighest soveraigne power in the Roman State as learned Prin sheweth in his soveraigne power of Parliaments c. part 3. pag 109 110 111 112. 2. Inferiour judges do judge for the Lord are deputed of him therefore they are endued with power from him for that effect 2 Chron. 19 v. 6 7. Deut. 1 17. 3. Inferiour judges are commanded to rule well they are threatened rebuked for mal-administration See Ier. 5 v. 1. Isa. 1 17 21 5 7. 10 2 59 v. 14. Ier. 22 3. Ezek 18 8. Amos 5 7. Micah 3 9. Levit. 19 v. 15. Deut. 17 11. Exod. 32 2. Now would God command those inferiour Magistrats to relieve the oppressed to judge the fatherlesse to plead for the widow if they had not the power of the sword for this effect or would he challenge them for neglecting this duty if they had not been impowered by him for that effect doubtlesse not So then if inferiour Magistrats be endued with power of the sword they ought to defend the fatherlesse the widow the oppressed subjects by the help of the sword they ought to rescue them from the hands of their oppressours And therefore when Popish malignant enemies rise up in armes seek to destroy the Land Man Wife Childe the inferiour Magistrats much more the Parliament may lawfully draw the sword which God had given them for the relief of the innocent defence of the countrey of their lives lands goods Religion all that is dear to them against malicious open enemies 2. Buchanan a man well acquainted with the lawes constitutions of Scotland in his Book De Iure Regni apud Scotos sayeth that the Kings of Scotland had no power of peace or warre without the Parliaments consent So that a warre raised by the Parliament against the common enemy in defence of the Kings honour the saifty of the people the purity of Religion cannot be condemned as unjust illegall 3. The renowned Historian Buchanan sheweth also that the Kings of Scotland have been oftintimes resisted by armes which a few instances will evidence when Durstus the 11. King banished all his Fathers Friends became loose dissolute he was pursued by the Nobles till he was forced to professe his repentance promise amendement afterward when he had cut off many of his Nobles by treachery the rest did rise up in arme against him kill him in battel So they rose in armes against Gillo for his wickednesse against Even 3. who was a most viâ—… wicked man So with one consent they arose against Darâ—…an slew his wicked servants who had been instruments of much evill They routed his forces tooke himself prisoner When Mogaldus grew odious by reason of his vices they rose up in armes against him So did they levy forces against Athirco when Romach had become cruell and had put many to death they rose in armes against him when Ferquard 1. turned tyrant he was summoned before a Parliament when he refuised to come they levied forces against him pursued him they stormed his castle in which he thought to shelter himself at length he was taken prisoner So did they purpose to rise in armes against Ferquhard 2. If they had not been diverted Likewise when King Iames the 3. had been seduced by his evill courteours had plotted the murther of the nobles they raised an army against him at length killed him So did the nobles take up armes against Bothwell the Queen pursued her untill she rendered herself prisoner The nobles wrote unto the queen regent Anno 1560. for removing of the french forces did adde as Buchan sayeth Lib. 17 Which tearmes if they be rejected we take God men to witnesse that we take armes from no innate malice or hatred but sore against our wills are forced to assay the last remedy least we should expose our selves our fortunes and our posterity to the worste of colamities Hence it is clear that it was the common practice of the Parliaments of Scotland and lex currit cum praxi to rise in armes against their Kings when they turned tyrants And therefore the Parliament their late taking up of armes in their own sinlesse self defence can no wayes be condemned let court sycophants speak what they please to make that bussinesse odious they both bewray their malice ignorance of the fundamental constitution of that kingdome 4. Though for all that is said the Parliaments interest in warre should be questioned yet their late defensive warre may be justified upon clear undenyable grounds for there is no such connexion betwixt these two but they are rather two distinct questions naturall sinlesse self defence may belong to such as have not propperly in stricke law the power of warre 5. The practice of other protestant princes Magistrats sheweth that their practice was not so odde nor odious as men who have taught their tongues to speak lies would make the world beleeve it was for Sleidan lib. 8. 21. 22. Bilson out of him in his difference c. part 3. pag. 274. sayeth that the German princes levied warre against the Emperour viz. the Duke of Saxon the Landgrave of Hesse the Magistrats of Magdeburgh together with other Princes cities joyning in the warre who having had the advice resolution of lawyers after mature deliberation did conclude That the lawes of the empire permitted resistence of the Emperour in some cases That the times were then so dangerous that the very force of conscience necessity did lead them to armes to make a league to defend themselves though Caesar or any in his name would make warr against them and That if the Emporour had keeped his bonds covenants they would have done their dutyes but because he made the first breach the fault was his For since he attempteth to root out religion subvert our liberties he giveth us cause enough to resist him with a good conscience The matter standing as it doth we may say they resist as may be shewed both by sacred prophane histories Vnjust violence is not Gods ordinance Nether are we bound to him by any
possiblie shall finde some unfaire dealing However unto these whom he cirâ—…th it will be sufficient though he had foure for each one to oppose the testimonie of Churches which may be seen in the harmonie of confessions whose testimonie is of much more authoritie then the testimonie of Twenty privat divines moreover he well knoweth that of privat divines many are against him for one who is for him Obs. 11. He telleth the reader in his preface that he doth not write to increase the controversies of the times nor to soment differences but his designe is to allay the heat abate the fury of that ignis sacâ—…r or erysipelas of contention so all alongs in his preface he would make his reader beleve that he designed nothing but peace accordingly he intituled his book Irenicum a Weapon-salve for the Churches wounds No man must search his heart or judge in those matters but this is certane if such was his designe the meanes he hath fallen upon look not to be very suiteable thereunto how such an under taking as this shall heale the Churches wounds is hardly imaginable And therefore it may very well be stiled a Weapon-salve whose way of cureing is not very rationall or obvions to every one Yea nor naturall if many may be beleeved And this phisitian's undertaking shall never cure the Churches wounds by Sympathie what ever it may do by antipathy It seemeth to be a sad interlocuture of a judge when a plea cometh before him betuixt a rober one who offereth to produce his evidences rights for such a possession to say that all is common every man hath a like right to all may lay clame to what he pleaseth just such is this learned man's determination of the question in hand The Presbyterians offâ—…r to prove their right by the Testament of Iesus Christ to prove that prelats are usurpers his interlocuture is that neither presbyterian nor prelat hath more right then other each may take what they please If this be a way of ending controversies healing wounds it is indeed by the weapon salve of antipathy And the reader may judge whether it be not the readiest way to increase divisions contention in the Church whether or not these piles that seem very sweet pleasant to the palate may not prove â—…uell to that bilious humor which as he himself confesseth is too too predominant already Sure it is he seemeth not be a man for peace who thus hath his hand against every man every mans hand against him But if he would have united the broken divided subdivided Church he should have taken a way to have strengthened her union with the head Union in an evill cause is not good Pilat Herod can a gree in a matter against Christ such an union as this looketh rather like the fruite of the weapon salve then any thing else It is sad that he could not get this weapon salve made up without such an ingredient in it as wrongeth the head King of the Church it is an evidence of an Empirick ill skilled phisitian who cannot attempt the cureing of one desease without the causing of a worse nor make a salve to cure a wound in the body till first he wounde wronge the head Could this learned man fall upon no way to cure the bleeding wounds of the Church but such a way as in some degree measure is a putting the crown off the head of Christ Iesus who is head of the Church the scepter out of his hand for to say that he hath not setled the Governement of his own house by appoynting his own officers appoynting each of them to their own work is to say he doth not acte the part of a King Governour in the Church which is his Kingdom of how dangerous consequence this is himself may easily perceive Obs. 12. It is likewise strange that this learned man should have made choise of such an opportunity occasion wherein to vente his notion for in so doing he hath no way consulted the good edification of the Church Because he might well have known that by his book the higher powers of the land would have been much encouraged to set up the former prelaticall Government which had occasioned so much persecution unto the truely godly so much opposition to piety to the work of grace so he might well have expected to see all these evil consequences natively springing up againe to see the Church of God decaying as much if not more then ever for that is a Governem which destroyeth the very ends of Government because no man were he never so good could governe the Churches after that manner to edification He might easily see that one man could not watch over in all the duties of a watch man so many thousands or rather hundereds of thousands as by that Government he would be set over It is true he adviseth to have lesser dioeceses but still his thesis standeth many will read ponder his thesis the drift scope of his book that will never value or regaird these few lines of cautions or of advice which he setteth down in the end of his book He might well have known that the setting up of that Governement would have been as he may now see with his eyes matter of joy Gladnesse unto all the prophane rablâ—… in the land matter of lamentation grief unto the godly pious He might well have known that by that government godly pious conscientious able Ministers of the Gospell should be persecuted thrust to the door prophane lazy every way unfit men should be put in the Ministery who can do nothing else but read the service book a homily He might well have known that by that governement such as were no Church officers should have the management of discipline such as Chancelours their assistants Yea he might well have known that if that government had been set up againe the whole work of reformation should be demolished cast to ground as he may see it done to day his eye may affect his heart if he be a kindly son of Zion a lover of the work of reformation which God owned carryed on wonderfully to the Amazement of all might not these things have deterred this learned man from venting his notions when he might as easily have seen as he might have opened his eyes that the consequences thereof should have been bitter lamentation wo to the poor Church of Christ in Britaine Irland what he can pretend to counter vaile this damage is not imaginable For all his pretensions of peace union evanish at the first appearance of these destructive irremediable inconveniences And finally it is yet more wonderfull strange how this learned man hath been so bewitched blinded with his
of truth as new born babes they desire the sincere milk of the word that they may grow thereby 1 Peâ—… 212. So that any who are offended with them for this must be offended with them for being Christians must be offended with new born babes for desireing the breast is it not cruelty to smite punish poor young babes for seeking the breast What cruelty must this be then to punish such for this to which their nature as Christians leadeth them 3. They have oftentimes through the breathing of the spirit of God upon such exercises found a rich in-come as they gote life quickening grace that way at the first so have they oft found their souls revived their hearts enlairged their eyes inlightened their drouping spirits encouraged their feeble knees lifted up their doubts answered cleared and their souls lifted up in the wayes of the Lord strengthened to turne the battell to the gate to stand against corruption c. And can any blame them for seeking after those watters that they have been so often refreshed by formerly 4. There was never greater necessity for upon the one hand temptations abound darknesse fainting discouragment grow And upon the other hand they have no other to goe to unlesse they would resolve to drink of fouled watters which their soul abhore let none say that they thereby drive at separation for they desire not to separat from the Church not from the publick ordinances whereever they can have them without sin they love the ordinances only they can not owne such men as their Ministers who have so palpably betrayed their trust nor can they attend the ordinances here they cannot enjoy them to edification the sheep must be a lowed to choose wholsome food not to take poison But is it not a strange thing that they will not suffer Christians to meet together for prayer It would seem they look on that God to whom the saints do pray as their enemie that they are afrayed of prayer And indeed the time hath been when the prayers fasting of the saints of God have been terrible to the great enemies of God in that land yea more terrible then Ten thousand men as themselves have professed But what is this else then to banish Christianity to professe enmity unto Christian exercises And sure no Christian will condemne Christians for flocking together as birds of one feather do for prayer other exercises in this evil time seing 1. It hath been constantly practised especially in evill times in all ages why should it be condemned now Learned Voetius de Polit. Pag. 969. Sheweth that by this meanes true religion was preserved propagated both of old of late how this course is followed where popery reigneth or where there is such formality as the truely tender cannot conforme themselves unto Further he cleareth the lawfulnesse of this practice from that meeting in the house of Cornelius Act 10. that other Act 12 12. 2. God hath approven such promised to rewarde them that in such an evill time wherein the proud were called happy they who did work wickednesse were set up Yea they that tempted God were delivered Did speak often one to another Mal. 3 16 17. the Lord hearkened heard it a book of remembrance was written before him for them that feared the Lord that thought upon his name they shall be mine sayeth the Lord of hosts in that day when I make up my jewels I will spare them as a man sparâ—…th his own son that serveth him would not this encourage Christians to meet together What will do it if this will not do it 3. The Apostle writting to the Hebrews cap. 10 25. sayeth not forsaking the assembling of yourselves together as the manner of some is this is a warrand for privat Christians to assemble to gether for he is there pressing duâ—…es on Christians in reference to other privat Christians as considering one another provokeing one another to love to good works And for this end presseth their frequent assembling together not only to the publick ordinances but even also to privat exercises whereby they may the better consider one another as it followeth may exhort one another Therefore this is a commanded duty God must be obeyed 4. Their necessitie calleth for it that every one should be helpfull to another therefore they should joyn together as one for the mutuall relief supply of one another vis unita fortior Eccles. 4 9 10. two are better then one for if they fall the one will lift up his fellâ—…w v. 12. if one prevaile against him two shall withstand â—…m a threefold cord is not quickly broken who then can condemne this practice 5. There are some generall comprehensive dutyes required of Christians which will necessarily require their meeting together or by good consequence cleare the lawfulnesse thereof as 1. They are commanded frequently to love one another Ioh. 13 34 15 17 12. Rom. 13 8. 1 Thes. 4 9. 1 Ioh. 3 11 and 4 7 12. Ioh. 13 35. 1 Thes. 3 12. Now as love in other societies necessarily effecteth a frequent assembling together So will this Christian love draw Christians together for these ends purposes which love setteth them on work to do each to other 2. They must be Kindely affectioned one toward another Rom. 12 10. as parents to Children is it not ordinare to see parents children together And where there ought to be such affection can any condemne their assembling together 3. They must be of one minde and of one mâ—…uth Rom. 15 5 6. 2 Cor. 13 11. 1 Cor. 1 10. Phil. 1 27 and 2 2 10. 1 Pet. 3 8. And how is this possible unlesse they meet together to communicate their mindes unto other to pray to God for light in any poynt of difference c. 6. There are some particular duties pressed upon Christians which will include their assembling together as 1. They must consider one another so provoke unto love and to good works Heb. 10 24. And this will necessarily imply their familiarity with other their frequent assembling together to provoke to love c. 2. They must exhort one another Heb. 10 25 and 3 13. can this be done if they may not conferre together assemble for this end 3. They must comfort one another 1 Thes. 4. last and 5 11. must they not meet together speak together for this end pray that God would blesse the meanes beare home the words of comfort 4. They must edifie one another 1 Thes. 5 11. And is it possible for them to do this duty live as strangers one to another this duty of edifying one another is a very comprehensive thing doth necessarily imply the saints assembling frequently together that one may be helpfull strengthening encourageing to another 5. They must