For others I shall be incurious because the number of them that honour you is the same with them that honour Learning and Piety and they are the best Theatre and the best judges amongst which the world must needs take notice of my ambition to be ascribed by my publike pretence to be what I am in all heartinesse of Devotion and for all the reason of the world My Honour'd Lord Your Lordships most faithfull and most affectionate servant J. TAYLOR The Contents of the Sections SECTION I. OF the Nature of Faith and that its duty is compleated in believing the Articles of the Apostles Creed Pag. 5. SECT II. Of Heresy and the nature of it and that it is to be accounted according to the strict capacity of Christian Faith and not in Opinions speculative nor ever to pious persons pag. 18. SECT III. Of the difficulty and uncertainty of Arguments from Scripture in Questions not simply necessary not literally determined pag. 59. SECT IV. Of the difficulty of Expounding Scripture pag. 73. SECT V. Of the insufficiency and uncertainty of Tradition to expound Scripture or determine Questions pag. 83. SECT VI. Of the uncertainty and insufficiency of Councels Ecclesiasticall to the same purpose pag. 101. SECT VII Of the fallibility of the Pope and the uncertainty of his Expounding Scripture and resolving Questions pag. 125. SECT VIII Of the disability of Fathers or Writers Ecclesiasticall to determine our Questions with certainty and Truth pag. 151. SECT IX Of the incompetency of the Church in its diffusive capacity to be Iudge of Controversies and the impertinency of that pretence of the Spirit pag. 161. SECT X. Of the authority of Reason and that it proceeding upon the best grounds is the best judge pag. 165. SECT XI Of some causes of Errour in the exercise of Reason which are inculpate in themselves pag. 171. SECT XII Of the innocency of Errour in opinion in a pious person pag. 184. SECT XIII Of the deportment to be used towards persons disagreeing and the reasons why they are not to be punished with death c. pag. 189. SECT XIIII Of the practice of Christian Churches towards persons disagreeing and when Persecution first came in pag. 203. SECT XV. How farre the Church or Governours may act to the restraining false or differing opinions pag. 210. SECT XVI Whether it be lawfull for a Prince to give toleration to severall Religions pag. 213. SECT XVII Of compliance with disagreeing persons or weak Consciences in generall pag. 217. SECT XVIII A particular consideration of the Opinions of the Anabaptists pag. 223 SECT XIX That there may be no Toleration of Doctrines inconsistent with piety or the publique good pag. 246. SECT XX. How farre the Religion of the Church of Rome is Tolerable pag. 249. SECT XXI Of the duty of particular Churches in allowing Communion pag. 262. SECT XXII That particular men may communicate with Churches of different perswasions and how farre they may doe it pag. 264. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 OF THE LIBERTY OF PROPHESYING THe infinite variety of Opinions in matters of Religion as they have troubled Christendome with interests factions and partialities so have they caused great divisions of the heart and variety of thoughts and designes amongst pious and prudent men For they all seeing the inconveniences which the dis-union of perswasions and Opinions have produced directly or accidentally have thought themselves obliged to stop this inundation of mischiefes and have made attempts accordingly But it hath hapned to most of them as to a mistaken Physitian who gives excellent physick but mis-applies it and so misses of his cure so have these men their attempts have therefore been ineffectuall for they put their help to a wrong part or they have endeavoured to cure the symptomes and have let the disease alone till it seem'd incurable Some have endeavoured to re-unite these fractions by propounding such a Guide which they were all bound to follow hoping that the Unity of a Guide would have perswaded unity of mindes but who this Guide should be at last became such a Question that it was made part of the fire that was to be quenched so farre was it from extinguishing any part of the flame Others thought of a Rule and this must be the meanes of Union or nothing could doe it But supposing all the World had been agreed of this Rule yet the interpretation of it was so full of variety that this also became part of the disease for which the cure was pretended All men resolv'd upon this that though they yet had not hit upon the right yet some way must be thought upon to reconcile differences in Opinion thinking so long as this variety should last Christ's Kingdome was not advanced and the work of the Gospel went on but slowly Few men in the mean time considered that so long as men had such variety of principles such severall constitutions educations tempers and distempers hopes interests and weaknesses degrees of light and degrees of understanding it was impossible all should be of one minde And what is impossible to be done is not necessary it should be done And therefore although variety of Opinions was impossible to be cured and they who attempted it did like him who claps his shoulder to the ground to stop an earth-quake yet the inconveniences arising from it might possibly be cured not by uniting their beliefes that was to be dispaird of but by curing that which caus'd these mischiefes and accidentall inconveniences of their disagreeings For although these inconveniences which every man sees and feeles were consequent to this diversity of perswasions yet it was but accidentally and by chance in as much as wee see that in many things and they of great concernment men alow to themselves and to each other a liberty of disagreeing and no hurt neither And certainely if diversity of Opinions were of it selfe the cause of mischiefes it would be so ever that is regularly and universally but that we see it is not For there are disputes in Christendome concerning matters of greater concernment then most of those Opinions that distinguish Sects and make factions and yet because men are permitted to differ in those great matters such evills are not consequent to such differences as are to the uncharitable managing of smaller and more inconsiderable Questions It is of greater consequence to believe right in the Question of the validity or invalidity of a death-bed repentance then to believe aright in the Question of Purgatory and the consequences of the Doctrine of Predetermination are of deeper and more materiall consideration then the products of the beliefe of the lawfulnesse or unlawfulnesse of private Masses and yet these great concernments where a liberty of Prophecying in these Questions hath been permitted hath made no distinct Communion no sects of Christians and the others have and so have these too in those places where they have peremptorily been determind on either side Since then if men are
the Primitive Church against the example of all famous Churches in all Christendome in the whole descent of 15. Ages without all command and warrant of Scripture that it is unreasonable in the nature of the thing against prudence and the best wisedome of humanity because it is without deliberation that it is innovation in a high degree without that Authority which is truly and by inherent and ancient right to command and prescribe to us in externall forms of worship that it is much to the disgrace of the first reformers of our Religion that it gives encouragement to the Papists to quarrell with some reason and more pretence against our Reformation as being by the Directory confessed to have been done in much blindnesse and therefore might erre in the excesse as well as in the defect in the throwing out too much as casting off too little which is the more likely because they wanted zeale to carry it farre enough He that considers the universall deformity of publike worship and the no meanes of union no Symbol of publike communion being publikely consigned that all Heresies may with the same Authority bee brought into our prayers and offered to God in behalfe of the people with the same Authority that any truth may all the matter of our prayers being left to the choyce of all men of all perswasions and then observes that actually there are in many places heresie and blasphemy and impertinency and illiterate rudenesses put into the devotions of the most Solemne dayes and the most publike meetings and then lastly that there are divers parts of Lyturgy for which no provisions at all is made in the Directory and the very administration of the Sacraments left so loosely that if there be any thing essentiall in the forms of Sacraments the Sacrament may come ineffectuall by want of due words and due ministration I say he that considers all these things and many more he may consider will finde that particular men are not fit to be intrusted to offer in publike with their private spirit to God for the people in such solemnities in matters of so great concernment where the honour of God the benefit of the people the interest of Kingdomes the being of a Church the unity of minds the conformity of practice the truth of perswasions and the salvation of soules are so very much concerned as they are in the publike prayers of a whole Nationall Church An unlearned man is not to be trusted and a wise man dare not trust himselfe hee that is ignorant cannot he that is knowing will not The End OF THE SACRED ORDER AND OFFICES OF EPISCOPACIE By Divine Jnstitution Apostolicall Tradition and Catholique Practice TOGETHER WITH Their Titles of Honour Secular Employment Manner of Election Delegation of their Power and other appendant questions asserted against the Aerians and Acephali new and old By IER TAYLOR D. D. Chaplaine in Ordinarie to His MAJESTIE Published by His MAJESTIES Command ROM 13. 1. There is no power but of God The Powers that be are ordained of God CONCIL CHALCED 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LONDON Printed for RICHARD ROYSTON at the Angel in Ivie-lane 1647. TO THE TRVLY VVORTHY AND MOST ACCOMPLISHT S r CHRISTOPHER HATTON Knight of the Honourable Order of the BATH SIR I AM ingag'd in the defence of a Great Truth and J would willingly finde a shrowd to cover my selfe from danger and calumny and although the cause both is ought to be defended by Kings yet my person must not goe thither to Sanctuary unlesse it be to pay my devotion and I have now no other left for my defence I am robd of that which once did blesse me and indeed still does but in another manner and I hope will doe more but those distillations of coelestiall dewes are conveyed in Channels not pervious to an eye of sense and now adayes we seldome look with other be the object never so beauteous or alluring You may then think Sir I am forc'd upon You may that beg my pardon and excuse but I should do an injury to Your Noblenesse if I should onely make You a refuge for my need pardon this truth you are also of the fairest choice not only for Your love of Learning for although that be eminent in You yet it is not Your eminence but for Your duty to H. Church for Your loyaltie to His sacred Majestie These did prompt me with the greatest confidence to hope for Your faire incouragement and assistance in my pleadings for Episcopacy in which cause Religion and Majesty the King and the Church are interested as parties of mutuall concernment There was an odde observation made long agoe and registred in the Law to make it authentick Laici sunt infensi Clericis Now the Clergy pray but fight not and therefore if not specially protected by the King contra Ecclesiam Malignantium they are made obnoxious to all the contumelies and injuries which an envious multitude will inflict upon them It was observ'd enough in King Edgars time Quamvis decreta In Chartē Edgar Regis A. D. 485. apud Hen. Spelman Pontificum verba Sacerdotum in convulsis ligaminibus velut fundamenta montium fixa sunt tamen plerumque tempestatibus turbinibus saecularium rerum Religio S. Matris Ecclesiae maculis reproborum dissipatur acrumpitur Idcirco Decrevimus Nos c. There was a sad example of it in K. Iohn's time For when he threw the Clergy from his Protection it is incredible what injuries what affronts what robberies yea what murders were committed upon the Bishops and Priests of H. Church whom neither the Sacrednesse of their persons nor the Lawes of God nor the terrors of Conscience nor feares of Hell nor Church-censures nor the Lawes of Hospitality could protect from Scorne from blowes from slaughter Now there being so neer a tye as the necessity of their own preservation in the midst of so apparent danger it will tye the Bishops hearts and hands to the King faster then all the tyes of Lay-Allegiance all the Politicall tyes I mean all that are not precisely religious and obligations in the Court of Conscience 2. But the interest of the Bishops is conjunct with the prosperity of the King besides the interest of their own securitie by the obligation of secular advantages For they who have their livelyhood from the King and are in expectance of their fortune from him are more likely to pay a tribute of exacter duty then others whose fortunes are not in such immediate dependancy on His Majesty Aeneas Sylvius once gave a merry reason why Clerks advanced the Pope above a Councell viz. because the Pope gave spirituall promotions but the Councels gave none It is but the Common expectation of gratitude that a Patron Paramount shall be more assisted by his Beneficiaries in cases of necessity then by those who receive nothing from him but the common influences of Goverment 3. But the Bishops duty to the King derives it selfe
of a stranger nor will they follow him and therefore those sheapheards whom the Church hath followed in all ages are no strangers but Sheapheards or Pastors of Christs appointing or else Christ hath had no sheep for if he hath then Bishops are the sheapheards for them they have ever followed I end with that golden rule of Vincentius Lirinensis Magnopere Cap. 3. adv haereses curandum est ut id teneamus quod ubique quod semper quod ab omnibus creditum est Hoc est enim verè proprieque Catholicum For certainly the Catholick belief of the Church against Arius Eunomius Macedonius Apollinaris and the worst of hereticks the Cataphrygians was never more truly received of all and alwaies and every where then is the government of the Church by Bishops Annunciare ergo Christianis Catholicis praeter id quod Cap. 14. acceperunt nunquam licuit nunquam licet nunquam licebit It never was is nor ever shall be lawfull to teach Christian people any new thing then what they have received from a primitive fountain and is descended in the stream of Catholick uninterrupted succession * I onely adde that the Church hath insinuated it to be the duty of all good Catholike Christians to pray for Bishops and as the case now stands for Episcopacy it selfe for there was never any Church-Liturgy but said Letanyes for their KING and for their BISHOP 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A SERMON PREACHED IN SAINT MARIES Church in OXFORD Vpon the Anniversary of the GUNPOWDER-TREASON By IEREMY TAYLOR Fellow of Allsoules Colledge in OXFORD Nolite tangere Christos meos OXFORD Printed by LEONARD LICHFIELD Printer to the Vniversity M. DC XXXVIII TO THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD WILLIAM by Divine providence LORD ARCH-BISHOP OF CANTERBURY His Grace Primate of all England and Metropolitane CHANCELLOUR of the University of OXFORD and one of his MAIESTIES most Honourable Privy Councell My most Honourable good LORD May it please your GRACE IT was obedience to my Superiour that ingaged me upon this last Anniversary commemoration of the great Goodnesse of God Almighty to our King and Country in the discouery of the most damnable Powder-Treason It was a blessing which no tongue could expresse much lesse mine which had scarce learn'd to speake at least was most unfit to speake in the Schooles of the Prophets Delicata autem est illao bedientia quae causas quaerit It had beene no good argument of my obedience to have disputed the inconvenience of my person and the unaptnesse of my parts for such an imployment I knew God out of the mouth of Infants could acquire his praise and if my heart were actually as Uotive as my tongue should have beene it might bee one of Gods Magnalia to perfect his owne praise out of the weaknesse and imperfection of the Organ So as I was able I endeavour'd to performe it having my obedience ever ready for my excuse to men and my willingnesse to performe my duty for the assoylment of my selfe before God part of which I hope was accepted and I have no reason to thinke that the other was not pardoned When I first thought of the Barbarisme of this Treason I wondred not so much at the thing it selfe as by what meanes it was possible for the Divell to gaine so strong a party in mens resolutions as to move them to undertake a businesse so abhorring from Christianity so evidently full of extreame danger to their lives and so certainly to incurre the highest wrath of God Almighty My thoughts were thus rude at first but after a strict inquisition I fond it was apprehended as a businesse perhaps full of danger to their bodies but advantagious to their soules consonant to the obligation of all Christians and meritorious of an exceeding weight of Glory for now it was come to passe which our dear Master foretold men should kill us and thinke they did God good service in it I could not thinke this to be a part of any mans religion nor doe I yet believe it For it is so apparently destructive of our deare Master his Royall lawes of Charity Obedience that I must not be so uncharitable as to thinke they speake their owne minde truly when they professe their beliefe of the lawfullnesse and necessity in some cases of rebelling against their lawfull Prince and using all meanes to throw him from his kingdome though it be by taking of his life But it is but iust that they who breake the bonds of duty to their Prince should likewise forfeit the lawes of charity to themselves and if they say not true yet to bee more uncharitable to their owne persons then I durst be though I had their own warrant Briefly Most R. Father I found amongst them of the Roman party such prevailing opinions as could not consist with loyalty to their Prince in case hee were not the Popes subiect and these so generally believed and somewhere obtruded under perill of their soules that I could not but point at these dangerous rocks at which I doubt not but the loyalty of many hath suffered shipwrack and of thousands more might if a higher Starre had not guided them better then their owne Pilots I could not therefore but thinke it very likely that this Treason might spring from the same Fountaine and I had concluded so in my first meditations but that I was willing to consider whether or no it might not bee that these men were rather exasperated then perswaded and whether it were not that the severity of our lawes against them might rather provoke their intemperate zeal then religion thus move their setled conscience It was a materiall consideration because they ever did and still doe fill the world with outcries against our lawes for making a rape upon their consciences have printed Catalogues of their English Martyrs drawn Schemes of most strange tortures imposed on their Priests such as were unimaginable by Nero or Dioclesian or any of the worst and cruellest enemies of Christianity endeavouring thus to make us partly guilty of our owne ruine and so washing their hands in token of their owne innocency even then when they were dipping them in the blood Royall and would have emptyed the best veynes in the whole Kingdome to fill their Lavatory But I found all these to be but Calumnies strong accusations upon weake presumptions and that the cause did rest where I had begun I meane upon the pretence of the Catholique cause and that the imagin'd iniquity of the Lawes of England could not be made a vaile to cover the deformity of their intentions for our Lawes were just Honourable and Religious Concerning these and some other appendices to the businesse of the day I expressed some part of my thoughts which because happily they were but a just truth and this truth not unseasonable for these last times in which as S. Paul prophecyed men would be fierce Traytors heady and high minded creeping into houses leading
quòd aberrarunt quidam from which charity and purity and goodnesse and sincerity because some have wandred deflexerunt ad vaniloquium And immediately after he reckons the oppositions to faith and sound doctrine and instances only in vices that staine the lives of Christians the unjust the uncleane the uncharitable the lyer the perjur'd person si quis alius qui sanae doctrinae adversatur these are the enemies of the true doctrine And therefore S. Peter having given in charge to adde to our vertue patience temperance charity and the like gives this for a reason for if these things be in you and abound yee shall be fruitfull in the knowledge of our Lord Jesus Christ. So that knowledge and faith is inter praecepta morum is part of a good life * Quid igitur credulitas vel fides opinor fidelitèr hominem Christo credere id est fidelem Deo esse hoc est fidelitèr Dei mandata servare So Salvian And Saint Paul cals Faith or the forme of sound words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the doctrine that is according to godlinesse 1 Tim. 6. 3. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That 's our Religion or Faith the whole manner of serving God C. de summâ Trinit fide Cathol And veritati credere and in injustitiâ sibi complacere are by the same Apostle opposed and intimate that piety and faith is all one thing faith must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intire and holy too or it is not right It was the heresy of the Gnosticks that it was no matter how men liv'd so they did but believe aright Which wicked doctrine Tatianus a learned Christian did so detest that he fell into a quite contrary Non est curandum quid quisque credat id tantum curandum est quod quisque faciat And thence came the Sect Excratites Both these heresies sprang from the too nice distinguishing the faith from the piety and good life of a Christian They are both but one duty However they may be distinguished if we speak like Philosophers they cannot be distinguished when we speak like Christians For to believe what God hath commanded is in order to a good life and to live well is the product of that believing and as proper emanation from it as from its proper principle and as heat is from the fire And therefore in Scripture they are used promiscuously in sense and in expression as not only being subjected in the same person but also in the same faculty faith is as truly seated in the will as in the understanding and a good life as meerly derives from the understanding as the will Both of them are matters of choyce and of election neither of them an effect naturall and invincible or necessary antecedently necessaria ut fiant non necessario facta And indeed if we remember that S. Paul reckons heresy amongst the works of the flesh and ranks it with all manner of practicall impieties we shall easily perceive that if a man mingles not a vice with his opinion if he be innocent in his life though deceiv'd in his doctrine his errour is his misery not his crime it makes him an argument of weaknesse and an object of pity but not a person sealed up to ruine and reprobation For as the nature of faith is so is the nature of heresy contraries having the same proportion and commensuration Now Numb 9. faith if it be taken for an act of the understanding meerly is so farre from being that excellent grace that justifies us that it is not good at all in any kinde but in genere naturae and makes the understanding better in it selfe or pleasing to God just as strength doth the arme or beauty the face or health the body these are naturall perfections indeed and so knowledge and a true beliefe is to the understanding But this makes us not at all more acceptable to God for then the unlearned were certainly in a damnable condition and all good Scholars should be saved whereas I am afraid too much of the contrary is true But unlesse Faith be made morall by the mixtures of choyce and charity it is nothing but a naturall perfection not a grace or a vertue and this is demonstrably prov'd in this that by the confession of all men of all interests and perswasions in matters of meer belief invincible ignorance is our excuse if we be deceived which could not be but that neither to believe aright is commendable nor to believe amisse is reprovable but where both one and the other is voluntary and chosen antecedently or consequently by prime election or ex post facto and so comes to be consider'd in morality and is part of a good life or a bad life respectively Just so it is in heresy if it be a design of ambition and making of a Sect so Erasmus expounds S. Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sectarum * Alieni sunt à veritate qui se obarmant multitudine Chryst. authorem if it be for filthy lucres sake as it was in some that were of the circumcision if it be of pride and love of preheminence as it was in Diotrephes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or out of pevishnesse and indociblenesse of disposition or of a contentious spirit that is that their feet are not shod with the preparation of the Gospel of peace in all these cases the errour is just so damnable as is its principle but therefore damnable not of it selfe but by reason of its adherencie And if any shall say any otherwise it is to say that some men shall be damned when they cannot help it perish without their own fault and be miserable for ever because of their unhappinesse to be deceived through their own simplicity and naturall or accidentall but inculpable infirmity For it cannot stand with the goodnesse of God who does Numb 10. so know our infirmities that he pardons many things in which our wills indeed have the least share but some they have but are overborn with the violence of an impetuous temptation I say it is inconsistent with his goodnesse to condemn those who erre where the error hath nothing of the will in it who therefore cannot repent of their errour because they believe it true who therefore cannot make compensation because they know not that they are tyed to dereliction of it And although all Hereticks are in this condition that is they believe their errous to be true yet there is a vast difference between them who believe so out of simplicity and them who are given over to believe a lie as a punishment or an effect of some other wickednesse or impiety For all have a concomitant assent to the truth of what they believe and no man can at the same time believe what he does not believe but this assent of the understanding in Hereticks is caused not by force of Argument but the Argument is made forcible by something that is
amisse in his will and although a Heretick may peradventure have a stronger Argument for his errour then some true Believer for his right perswasion yet it is not considerable how strong his Argument is because in a weak understanding a small motive will produce a great perswasion like gentle physick in a weak body but that which here is considerable is what it is that made his Argument forcible If his invincible and harmlesse prejudice if his weaknesse if his education if his mistaking piety if any thing that hath no venome nor a sting in it there the heartinesse of his perswasion is no sin but his misery and his excuse but if any thing that is evill in genere morum did incline his understanding if his opinion did commence upon pride or is nourished by covetousnesse or continues through stupid carelesnesse or increases by pertinacy or is confirmed by obstinacy then the innocency of the errour is disbanded his misery is changed into a crime and begins its own punishment But by the way I must observe that when I reckond obstinacy amongst those things which make a false opinion criminall it is to be understood with some discretion and distinction For there is an obstinacy of will which is indeed highly guilty of misdemeanour and when the Schoole makes pertinacy or obstinacy to be the formality of heresy they say not true at all unlesse it be meant the obstinacy of the will and choyce and if they doe they speak imperfectly and inartificially this being but one of the causes that makes errour become heresy the adequate and perfect formality of heresy is whatsoever makes the errour voluntary and vitious as is cleare in Scripture reckoning covetousnesse and pride and lust and whatsoever is vitious to be its causes and in habits or morall changes and productions whatever alters the essence of a habite or gives it a new formality is not to be reckoned the efficient but the forme but there is also an obstinacy you may call it but indeed is nothing but a resolution and confirmation of understanding which is not in a mans power honestly to alter and it is not all the commands of humanity that can be Argument sufficient to make a man leave believing that for which he thinks he hath reason and for which he hath such Arguments as heartily convince him Now the persisting in an opinion finally and against all the confidence and imperiousnesse of humane commands that makes not this criminall obstinacy if the erring person have so much humility of will as to submit to whatever God sayes and that no vice in his will hinders him from believing it So that we must carefully distinguish continuance in opinion from obstinacy confidence of understanding from peevishnesse of affection a not being convinced from a resolution never to be convinc'd upon humane ends and vitious principles Scimus quosdam quod Lib. 2. Epist. 1. semel imbiberint nolle deponere nec propositum suum facile mutare sed salvo inter collegas pacis concordiae vinculo quaedam propriae quae apud se semel sint usurpata retinere Qua in re nec nos vim cuiquam facimus aut legem damus saith S. Cyprian And he himselfe was such a one for hee persisted in his opinion of rebaptization untill death and yet his obstinacy was not called criminall or his errour turned to heresy But to return In this sense it is that a Heretick is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 selfe condemn'd not by an immediate expresse sentence of understanding Numb 11. but by his own act or fault brought into condemnation As it is in the Canon Law Notorius percussor Clerici is ipso jure excommunicate not per sententiam latam ab homine but à jure No man hath passed sentence pro tribunali but Law hath decreed it pro edicto So it is in the case of a Heretick The understanding which is judge condemns him not by an expresse sentence for he erres with as much simplicity in the result as he had malice in the principle But there is sententia lata à jure his will which is his law that hath condemn'd him And this is gathered from that saying of S. Paul 2 Tim. 3. 13. But evill men and seducers shall wax worse and worse deceiving and being deceived First they are evill men malice and peevishnesse is in their wills then they turn Hereticks and seduce others and while they grow worse and worse the errour is master of their understanding they are deceiv'd themselves given over to believe a lie saith the Apostle They first play the knave and then play the foole they first sell themselves to the purchase of vaine glory or ill ends and then they become possessed with a lying spirit and believe those things heartily which if they were honest they should with Gods Grace discover and disclaime So that now we see that bona fides in falso articulo a hearty perswasion in a false article does not alwayes make the errour to be esteemed involuntary but then only when it is as innocent in the principle as it is confident in the present perswasion And such persons who by their ill lives and vitious actions or manifest designes for by their fruits yee shall know them give testimony of such criminall indispositions so as competent judges by humane and prudent estimate may so judge them then they are to be declared Hereticks and avoided And if this were not true it were vaine that the Apostle commands us to avoid an Heretick For no externall act can passe upon a man for a crime that is not cognoscible Now every man that erres though in a matter of consequence Numb 12. so long as the foundation is intire cannot be suspected justly guilty of a crime to give his error a formality of heresy for we see many a good man miserably deceiv'd as we shall make it appeare afterwards and he that is the best amongst men certainely hath so much humility to think he may be easily deceiv'd and twenty to one but he is in some thing or other yet if his error be not voluntary and part of an ill life then because he lives a good life he is a good man and therefore no Heretick No man is a Heretick against his will And if it be pretended that every man that is deceived is therefore proud because he does not submit his understanding to the authority of God or Man respectively and so his errour becomes a heresy To this I answer That there is no Christian man but will submit his understanding to God and believes whatsoever he hath said but alwayes provided he knowes that God hath said so else he must doe his duty by a readinesse to obey when he shall know it But for obedience or humility of the understanding towards men that is a thing of another consideration and it must first be made evident that his understanding must be submitted to men and
who those men are must also be certaine before it will be adjudg'd a sinne not to submit But if I mistake not Christs saying call no man master upon earth is so great a prejudice against this pretence as I doubt it will goe neere wholy to make it invalid So that as the worshipping of Angels is a humility indeed but it is voluntary and a will-worship to an ill sence not to be excused by the excellency of humility nor the vertue of Religion so is the relying upon the judgement of man an humility too but such as comes not under that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that obedience of Faith which is the duty of every Christian but intrenches upon that duty which we owe to Christ as an acknowledgement that he is our great Master and the Prince of the Catholike Church But whether it be or be not if that be the Question whether the disagreeing person be to be determined by the dictates of men I am sure the dictates of men must not determine him in that Question but it must be settled by some higher principle So that if of that Question the disagreeing person does opine or believe or erre bonâ fide he is not therefore to be judg'd a Heretick because he submits not his understanding because till it bee sufficiently made certaine to him that hee is bound to submit he may innocently and piously disagree and this not submitting is therefore not a crime and so cannot make a heresy because without a crime he may lawfully doubt whether he be bound to submit or no for that 's the Question And if in such Questions which have influence upon a whole systeme of Theology a man may doubt lawfully if he doubts heartily because the authority of men being the thing in Question cannot bee the judge of this Question and therefore being rejected or which is all one being questioned that is not believed cannot render the doubting person guilty of pride and by consequence not of heresy much more may particular questions be doubted of and the authority of men examined and yet the doubting person be humble enough and therefore no Heretick for all this pretence And it would be considered that humility is a duty in great ones as well as in Idiots And as inferiours must not disagree without reason so neither must superiours prescribe to others without sufficient authority evidence and necessity too And if rebellion be pride so is tyranny and it being in materiâ intellectuali both may be guilty of pride of understanding sometimes the one in imposing sometimes the other in a causelesse disagreeing but in the inferiours it is then only the want of humility when the guides impose or prescribe what God hath also taught and then it is the disobeying Gods dictares not mans that makes the sinne But then this consideration will also intervene that as no dictate of God obliges men to believe it unlesse I know it to be such So neither will any of the dictates of my superiours engage my faith unlesse I also know or have no reason to dis believe but that they are warranted to teach them to me therefore because God hath taught the same to them which if I once know or have no reason to think the contrary if I disagree my sinne is not in resisting humane authority but divine And therefore the whole businesse of submitting our understanding to humane authority comes to nothing for either it resolves into the direct duty of submitting to God or if it be spoken of abstractedly it is no duty at all But this pretence of a necessity of humbling the understanding is none of the meanest arts whereby some persons have Numb 13. invaded and usurpt a power over mens faith and consciences and therefore we shall examine the pretence afterwards and try if God hath invested any Man or company of Men with such a power In the meane time he that submits his understanding to all that he knowes God hath said and is ready to submit to all that he hath said if he but know it denying his own affections and ends and interests and humane perswasions laying them all down at the foot of his great Master Jesus Christ that man hath brought his understanding into subjection and every proud thought unto the obedience of Christ and this is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the obedience of Faith which is the duty of a Christian. But to proceed Besides these heresies noted in Scripture the age of the Apostles and that which followed was infested Numb 14. with other heresies but such as had the same formality and malignity with the precedent all of them either such as taught practicall impieties or denyed an Article of the Creed Egesippus in Eusebius reckons seven only prime heresies that sought to defloure the purity of the Church That of Simon that of Thebutes of Cleobius of Dositheus of Gortheus of Masbotheus I suppose Cerinthus to have been the seventh man though he expresse him not But of these except the last we know no particulars but that Egesippus sayes they were false Christs and that their doctrine was directly against God and his blessed Sonne Menander also was the first of a Sect but he bewitched the people with his Sorceries Cerinthus his doctrine pretended Enthusiasm or a new Revelation and ended in lust and impious theorems in matter of uncleannesse The * Vid. Hilar. lib. 1. de Trin. Ebionites denyed Christ to be the Sonne of God and affirmed him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 begot by naturall generation by occasion of which and the importunity of the Asian Bishops S. John writ his Gospel and taught the observation of Moses Law Basilides taught it lawfull to renounce the faith and take false oaths in time of Persecution Carpocrates was a very bedlam halfe-witch and quite mad-man and practizd lust which he cald the secret operations to overcome the Potentates of the world Some more there were but of the same nature and pest not of a nicety in dispute not a question of secret Philosophy not of atomes and undiscernable propositions but open defiances of all Faith of all sobriety and of all sanctity excepting only the doctrine of the Millenaries which in the best Ages was esteemed no heresy but true Catholike Doctrine though since it hath justice done to it and hath suffered a just condemnation Hitherto and in these instances the Church did esteeme Numb 15. and judge of herefies in proportion to the rules and characters of Faith For Faith being a Doctrine of piety as well as truth that which was either destructive of fundamentall verity or of Christian sanctity was against Faith and if it made a Sect was heresy if not it ended in personall impiety and went no farther But those who as S. Paul sayes not only did such things but had pleasure in them that doe them and therefore taught others to do what they impiously did dogmatize they were Hereticks both in
no ends upon them or something that is of an equall height to fit their understandings If you tell them they must beleeve the Church you must tell them why they are bound to it and if you quote Scripture to prove it you must give them leave to judge whether the words alledged speak your sense or no and therefore to dissent if they say no such thing And although all men are not wise and proceed discreetly yet all make their choice some way or other He that chooses to please his fancie takes his choice as much as he that chooses prudently And no man speaks more unreasonably then he that denyes to men the use of their Reason in choice of their Religion For that I may by the way remove the common prejudice Reason and Authority are not things incompetent or repugnant especially when the Authority is infallible and supreme for there is no greater reason in the world then to beleeve such an authority But then we must consider whether every authority that pretends to be such is so indeed And therefore Deus dixit ergo hoc verum est is the greatest demonstration in the world for things of this nature But it is not so in humane dictates and yet reason and humane authority are not enemies For it is a good argument for us to follow such an opinion because it is made sacred by the authority of Councells and Ecclesiasticall Tradition and sometimes it is the best reason we have in a question and then it is to be strictly followed but there may also be at other times a reason greater than it that speaks against it and then the authority must not carry it But then the difference is not between reason and authority but between this reason and that which is greater for authority is a very good reason and is to prevaile unless a stronger comes and disarms it but then it must give place So that in this question by Reason I doe not meane a distinct Topick but a transcendent that runs through all Topicks for Reason like Logick is instrument of all things else and when Revelation and Philosophie and publick Experience and all other grounds of probability or demonstration have supplyed us with matter then Reason does but make use of them that is in plain terms there being so many wayes of arguing so many sects such differing interests such variety of authority so many pretences and so many false beliefes it concernes every wise man to consider which is the best argument which proposition relies upon the truest grounds if this were not his only way why doe men dispute and urge arguments why do they cite Councels Fathers why do they alledge Scripture and Tradition and all this on all sides and to contrary purposes If we must judge then we must use our reason if we must not judge why doe they produce evidence Let them leave disputing and decree propositions magisterially but then we may choose whether we will believe them or no or if they say we must believe them they must prove it and tell us why And all these disputes concerning Tradition Councells Fathers c. are not arguments against or besides reason but contestations and pretences to the best arguments and the most certain satisfaction of our reason But then all these comming into question submit themselves to reason that is to be judged by humane understanding upon the best grounds and information it can receive So that Scripture Tradition Councells and Fathers are the evidence in a question but Reason is the Judge That is we being the persons that are to be perswaded we must see that we be perswaded reasonably and it is unreasonable to assent to a lesser evidence when a greater and cleerer is propounded but of that every man for himselfe is to take cognisance if he be able to judge if he be not he is not bound under the tye of necessity to know any thing of it that that is necessary shall be certainly conveyed to him God that best can will certainly take care for that for if he does not it becomes to be not necessary or if it should still remain necessary and he damned for not knowing it and yet to know it be not in his power then who can help it there can be no further care in this business In other things there being no absolute and prime necessity we are left to our liberty to judge that way that makes best demonstration of our piety and of our love to God and truth not that way that is alwayes the best argument of an excellent understanding for this may be a blessing but the other onely is a duty And now that we are pitch'd upon that way which is most naturall Numb 6. and reasonable in determination of our selves rather then of questions which are often indeterminable since right reason proceeding upon the best grounds it can viz. of divine revelation and humane authority and probability is our guide Stando in humanis and supposing the assistance of Gods Spirit which he never denies them that faile not of their duty in all such things in which he requires truth and certainty it remaines that we consider how it comes to pass that men are so much deceived in the use of their reason and choice of their Religion and that in this account we distinguish those accidents which make error innocent from those which make it become a heresie SECT XI Of some causes of Errour in the exercise of Reason which are inculpate in themselves 1. THen I consider that there are a great many inculpable causes of Errour which are arguments of humane imperfections Numb 1. not convictions of a sinne And 1. the variety of humane understandings is so great that what is plaine and apparent to one is difficult and obscure to another one will observe a consequent from a common principle and another from thence will conclude the quite contrary When S. Peter saw the vision of the sheet let downe with all sorts of beasts in it and a voice saying Surge Petre macta manduca if he had not by a particular assistance beene directed to the meaning of the holy Ghost possibly he might have had other apprehensions of the meaning of that vision for to my selfe it seemes naturally to speake nothing but the abolition of the Mosaicall rites and the restitution of us to that part of Christian liberty which consists in the promiscuous eating of meates and yet besides this there want not some understandings in the world to whom these words seeme to give Saint Peter a power to kill hereticall Princes Me thinkes it is a strange understanding that makes such extractions but Bozius and Baronius did so But men may understand what they please especially when they are to expound Oracles It was an argument of some wit but of singularity of understanding that hapned in the great contestation betweene the Missalls of Saint Ambrose and
persons and were impatient and peevish by their owne too much confidence and the luxuriancy of a prosperous fortune but then they would not endure persons that did dogmatize any thing which might intrench upon their reputation or their interest And it is observable that no man nor no age did ever teach the lawfullnesse of putting hereticks to death till they grew wanton with prosperity But when the reputation of the Governours was concerned when the interests of men were indangered when they had something to lose when they had built their estimation upon the credit of disputable questions when they began to be jealous of other men when they over-valued themselves and their owne opinions when some persons invaded Bishopricks upon pretence of new opinions then they as they thrived in the favour of Emperours and in the successe of their disputes sollicited the temporall power to banish to fine to imprison and to kill their adversaries So that the case stands thus In the best times amongst the Numb 5. best men when there were fewer temporall ends to be served when Religion and the pure and simple designes of Christianity were onely to be promoted in those times and amongst such men no persecution was actuall nor perswaded nor allowed towards disagreeing persons But as men had ends of their owne and not of Christs as they receded from their duty and Religion from its purity as Christ anity began to be compounded with interests and blended with temporall designes so men were persecuted for their opinions This is most apparent if we consider when persecution first came in and if we observe how it was checked by the holiest and the wisest persons The first great instance I shall note was in Priscillian and his Numb 6. followers who were condemned to death by the Tyrant Maximus Which instance although S. Hierom observes as a punishment and judgement for the crime of heresie yet is of no use in the present question because Maximus put some Christians of all sorts to death promiscuously Catholike and Heretick without choyce and therefore the Priscilianists might as well have called it a judgement upon the Catholiques as the Catholiques upon them But when Ursatus and Stacius two Bishops procured the Priscilianists death by the power they had at Court S. Martin Numb 7. was so angry at them for their cruelty that he excommunicated them both And S. Ambrose upon the same stock denyed his communion to the Itaciani And the account that Sulpitius gives of the story is this Hoc modo sayes he homines luce indignissimi pessimo exemplo necati sunt The example was worse then the men If the men were hereticall the execution of them however was unchristian But it was of more authority that the Nicene Fathers supplicated Numb 8. the Emperour and prevailed for the banishment of Arius Sozom. l. 1. c. 20 of this we can give no other account but that by the historie of the time we see basenesse enough and personall misdemeanour Socrat. l. 1. c. 26 Cont. Crescon Grammat lib. 3. c. 50. vide etiam Epist. 61. ad dulcilium et Epist. 158. et 159. et lib. 1. c. 29. cont tit petilian vide etiam Socrat. li. 3. c. 3 et c. 29. and factiousnesse of spirit in Arius to have deserved worse then banishment though the obliquity of his opinion were not put into the ballance which we have reason to beleeve was not so much as considered because Constantine gave toleration to differing opinions and Arius himselfe was restored upon such conditions to his country and office which would not stand with the ends of the Catholiques if they had been severe exactors of concurrence and union of perswasions I am still within the scene of Ecclesiasticall persons and am considering what the opinion of the learnedest and the holiest prelates were concerning this great question If we will beleeve Lib. 2. Cap. 5. retractat vide Epist. 48. ad vincent script post retract et Epist. 50. ad Bonifac. Saint Austin who was a credible person no good man did allow it Nullis tamen bonis in Catholicâ hoc placet si usque ad mortem in quenquam licet haereticum saeviatur This was S. Austins finall opinion For he had first been of the mind that it was not honest to doe any violence to mis-perswaded persons and when upon an accident happening in Hippo he had altered and retracted that part of the opinion yet then also he excepted death and would by no means have any meere opinion made capitall But for ought appears S. Austin had greater reason to have retracted that retractation then his first opinion For his saying of nullis bonis placet was as true as the thing was reasonable it should be so Witnes those known testimonies of a ad S capulaÌ„ Tertullian b lib. 3. Ep. 1. Epist Cyprian c Lib. 5. c. 20. Lactantius d in cap 13. Matth. et in cap. 2. hos Hierom e in vit S. Martin Severus Sulpitius f O ctav Minutius g cont Auxent Arr. Hilary h 3. sect C. 32. Damascen i in cap. 13. Matth. hom 47. Chrysostome k in cuang Matth. Theophylact and l in verba Apost fides ex auditu Bernard and divers others whom the Reader may find quoted by the Arch-Bishop of Spalato Lib. 8. de rep Eccles. cap. 8. Against this concurrent testimony my reading can furnish me with no adversarie nor contrary instances but in Attious of C. P. Theodosius of Synada in Stacius Ursaeus before reckoned Only indeed some of the later Popes of Rome began to be busie and unmercifull but it was then when themselves were secure and their interests great and their temporall concernments highly considerable For it is most true and not amisse to observe it that no man who was under the ferula did ever think it lawfull to have opinions Numb 11. forced or heretiques put to death and yet many men who themselves have escaped the danger of a pile and a faggot have changed their opinion just as the case was altered that is as themselves were unconcern'd in the suffering Petilian Parmenian and Apud Aug li. 1. c. 7. coat Epist. Parmenian l. 2. c. 1â— coat tit Petilian Gaudentius by no means would allow it lawfull for themselves were in danger and were upon that side that is ill thought of and discountenanc'd but * Epist. 1. ad Tuâ—bium Gregory and * Lib. 1. cp 72. Leo Popes of Rome upon whose side the authority and advantages were thought it lawfull they should be punished and persecuted for themselves were unconcerned in the danger of suffering And therefore S. Gregory commends the Exarch of Ravenna for forcing them who dissented from those men who called themselves the Church And there were some Divines in the Lower Germany who upon great reasons spake against the tyrannie of
Bishop held the Reynes or the stearne of the Roman Church saith Theodoret hist tripart lib. 1. cap. 12. But the instances of this kind are infinite two may be as good as twenty and these they are The first is of S. Ambrose HONOR SUBLIMITAS Episcopalis de dignit sacerdot c. 2. nullis poterit comparationibus adaequari The HONOUR and SUBLIMITY of the Episcopall Order is beyond all comparison great And their commission he specifyes to be in Pasce oves meas Vnde regendae Sacerdotibus contraduntur meritò RECTORIBUS suis subdi dicuntur c The sheepe are delivered to Bishops as to RULERS and are made their Subjects And in the next chapter Haec verò cuncta Fratres Cap. 3. ideò nos praemisisse cognoscere debetis vt ostenderemus nihil esse in hoc saeculo excellentius Sacerdotibus nihil SUBLIMIUS EPISCOPIS reperiri vt cùm dignitatem Episcopatûs Episcoporum oraculis demonstramus dignè noscamus quid sumus .... actione potius quà m Nomine demonstremus These things I have said that you may know nothing is higher nothing more excellent then the DIGNITY AND EMINENCE OF A BISHOP C. * The other is of S. Hierome CURA TOTIUS ECCLESIAE AD EPISCOPUM PERTINET The care of the whole Church appertaines to the Bishop But more confidently spoken is that in his dialogue adversus Luciferianos Ecclesiae salus in SUMMI SACERDOTIS DIGNITATE pendet cuisi non exors quaedam ab Cap. 4. omnibus EMINENS DETUR POTESTAS tot in Ecclesiis efficientur schismata quot Sacerdotes The safety of the Church consists in the DIGNITY OF A BISHOP to whom vnlesse an EMINENT and UNPARALELL'D POWER be given by all there will be as many Schismes as Priests Here is dignity and authority and power enough expressed and if words be expressive of things and there is no other use of thē then the Bishop is SUPERIOUR IN A PEERELESSE AND INCOMPARABLE AUTHORITY and all the whole Diocesse are his subjects viz in regimine Spirituali BUT from words let us passe to things For the § 35. Requiring Vniversall obedience to be given to Bishops by Clergy and Laity Faith and practise of Christendome requires obedience Universall obedience to be given to Bishops I will begin againe with Ignatius that these men who call for reduction of Episcopacy to Primitive consistence may see what they gaine by it for the more primitive the testimonies are the greater exaction of obedience to Bishops for it happened in this as in all other things at first Christians were more devout more pursuing of their duties more zealous in attestation of every particle of their faith and that Episcopacy is now come to so low an ebbe it is nothing but that it being a great part of Christianity to honour and obey them it hath the fate of all other parts of our Religion and particularly of Charity come to so low a declension as it can scarce stand alone and faith which shall scarce be found upon earth at the comming of the Sonne of Man But to our businesse S. Ignatius in his epistle to the Church of Trallis Necesse itaque est saith he quicquid facitis ut sine EPISCOPO NIHIL TENTETIS So the Latine of Vedelius which I the rather chuse because I am willing to give all the advantage I can It is necessary saith the good Martyr that whatsoever ye doe you should attempt nothing without your BISHOP And to the Magnesians Decet itaque vos obedire EPISCOPO ET IN NULLO ILLI REFRAGARI It is sitting that ye should obey your BISHOP and in NOTHING to be refractory to him Here is both a Decet and a Necesse est already It is very fitting it is necessary But if it be possible we have a fuller expression yet in the same Epistle Quemadmodum enim Dominus sine Patre nihil facit nec enim possum facere à me ipso quicquam sic vos SINE EPISCOPO nec Presbyter nec Diaconus nec Laicus Nec QUICQUAM videatur VOEIS CONSENTANEUM quod sit PRAETER ILLIUs IUDICIUM quod enim tale est iniquum est Deo inimicum Here is obedience Vniversall both in respect of things and persons and all this no lesse then absolutely necessary For as Christ obey'd his Father in all things saying of my selfe I can doe nothing so nor you without your BISHOP whoever you be whether Priest or Deacon or Lay-man Let nothing please you which the Bishop mislikes for all such things are wicked and in enmity with God * But it seems S. Ignatius was mightily in love with this precept for he gives it to almost all the Churches he writes to Wee have already reckon'd the Trallians and the Magnesians But the same he gives to the Priests of Tarsias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ye Presbyters be subject to your Bishop The same to the Philadelphians Sine EPISCOPO nihil facite Doe nothing without your BISHOP But this is better explicated in his Epistle to the Church of Smyrna Sine EPISCOPO NEMO QUICQUAM FACIAT eorum quae ad Ecclesiam spectant No man may doe ANY THING WITHOUT THE BISHOP viz. of those things which belong to the Church So that this saying expounds all the rest for this universall obedience is to be understood according to the sense of the Church viz. to be in all things of Ecclesiasticall cognizance all Church affaires And therefore he gives a charge to S. Polycarpe their Bishop that he also look to it that nothing be done without his leave Nihil sine TUO ARBITRIO agatur nec item tu quicquam praeter Dei facies voluntatem As thou must doe nothing against Gods will so let nothing in the Church be done without thine By the way observe he saies not that as the Presbytery must doe nothing without the Bishop so the Bishop nothing without them But so the Bishop nothing without God But so it is Nothing must BE DONE without the Bishop And therefore although he incourages them that can to remaine in Virginity yet this if it be either done with pride or without the Bishop it is spoiled For si gloriatus fuerit periit si id ipsum statuatur SINE EPISCOPO corruptum est His last dictate in this Epistle to S. Polycarpe is with an Episcopo attendite sicut Deus vobis The way to have God to take care of us is to observe our Bishop Hinc vos decet accedere SENTENTIAE EPISCOPI qui secundùm Deum vos pascit quemadmodum Episl. ad Ephes facitis edocti à spiritu you must therefore conforme to the sentence of the BISHOP as indeed yee doe already being taught so to doe by Gods holy Spirit There needs no more to be said in this cause if the authority of so great a man will beare so great a burden What the man was I said before what these Epistles are and of what authority
Princes Courts I st is me diantibus mansuescit circa simplices judiciarius rigor admittitur clamor pauperum Ecclesiarum dignitas erigitur relevatur pauperum indigentia firmatur in clero libertas pax in populis in Monasteriis quies justitia liberè exercetur superbia opprimitur augetur Laicorum devotio religio fovetur diriguntur judicia c. When pious Bishops are imployed in Princes Councells then the rigor of Lawes is abated equity introduced the cry of the poore is heard their necessities are made known the liberties of the Church are conserved the peace of Kingdomes labour'd for pride is depressed religion increaseth the devotion of the Laity multiplies and tribunalls are made just and incorrupt and mercifull Thus farre Petrus Blesensis * These are the effects which though perhaps they doe not alwaies fall out yet these things may in expectation of reason be look'd for from the Clergy their principles and calling promises all this quia in Ecclesiâ magis lex est ubi Dominus legis timetur meliùs dicit apud Dei Ministros agere causam Faciliùs enim Dei timore sententiam legis veram promunt saith S. Ambrose In 1. Corinth 6. and therefore certainly the fairest reason in the world that they be imployed But if personall defaillance be thought reasonable to disimploy the whole calling then neither Clergy nor Laity should ever serve a Prince And now we are easily driven into an understanding of that saying of S. Paul No man that 2. Timoth. 2. 4. warreth entangleth himselfe with the affaires of this life For although this be spoken of all Christian people and concernes the Laity in their proportion as much as the Clergy yet nor one nor the other is interdicted any thing that is not a direct hinderance to their owne precise duty of Christianity And such things must be par'd away from the fringes of the Laity as well as the long robe of the Clergy But if we should consider how little we have now left for the imployment of a Bishop I am afraid a Bishop would scarce seem to be a necessary function so farre would it be from being hindered by the collaterall intervening of a Lay-judicature I need not instance in any particulars for if the judging matters and questions of religion be not left alone to them they may well be put into atemporall imployment to preserve them from suspition of doing nothing I have now done with this only intreating this to be considered Is not the King fons utriusque jurisdictionis In all the senses of Common-law and externall compulsory he is But if so then why may not the King as well make Clergy-Iudges as Lay-Delegates For to be sure if there be an incapacity in the Clergy of medling with secular affaires there is the same at least in the Laity of medling with Church affaires For if the Clergy be above the affaires of the World then the Laity are under the affaires of the Church or else if the Clergy beincapable of Lay-businesse because it is of a different and disparate nature from the Church does not the same argument exclude the Laity from intervening in Church affaires For the Church differs no more from the common-wealth then the common-wealth differs from the Church And now after all this suppose a King should command a Bishop to goe on Embassy to a forraine Prince to be a Commissioner in a treaty of pacification if the Bishop refuse did he doe the duty of a Subject If yea I wonder what subjection that is which a Bishop owes to his Prince when hee shall not be bound to obey him in any thing but the saying and doing of his office to which he is obliged whether the Prince commands him yea or no. But if no then the Bishop was tyed to goe and then the calling makes him no way incapable of such imployment for no man can be bound to doe a sinne BUt then did not this imployment when the occasions §. 50. And therefore were inforced to delegate their power and put others in substitution were great and extraordinary force the Bishops to a temporary absence And what remedy was there for that For the Church is not to be left destitute that 's agreed on by all the Canons They must not be like the Sicilian Bishops whom Petrus Blesensis complains of that attended the Court and never visited their Churches or took care either of the cure of soules or of the Church possessions What then must be done The Bishops in such cases may give delegation of their power and offices to others though now adaies they are complain'd of for their care I say for their care For if they may intervene in secular affaires they may sometimes be absent and then they must delegate their power or leave the Church without a Curate *** But for this matter the account need not be long For since I have proved that the whole Diocesse is in curâ Episcopali and for all of it he is responsive to God Almighty and yet that instant necessity and the publike act of Christendome hath ratified it that Bishops have delegated to Presbyters so many parts of the Bishops charge as there are parishes in his Diocesse the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is pretended for delegation of Episcopall charge is no lesse then the act of all Christendome For it is evident at first Presbyters had no distinct cure at all but were in common assistant to the Bishop and were his emissaries for the gaining soules in Citty or Suburbs But when the Bishops divided parishes and fixt the Presbyters upon a cure so many Parishes as they distinguished so many delegations they made And these we all believe to be good both in law and conscience For the Bishop per omnes divinos ordines propriae hierarchiae exercet mysteria saith S. Denis Eccles. hierar c. 5. he does not doe the offices of his order by himselfe onely but by others also for all the inferior orders doe so operate as by them he does his proper offices * But besides this grand act of the Bishops first and then of all Christendome in consent we have faire precedent in S. Paul for he made delegation of a power to the Church of Corinth to excommunicate the incestuous person It was a plain delegation for he commanded them to doe it and gave them his own spirit that is his own authority and indeed without it I scarce find how the delinquent should have been delivered over to Satan in the sense of the Apostolick Church that is to be buffeted for that was a miraculous appendix of power Apostolick * When S. Paul sent for Timothy from Ephesus he sent Tychicus to be his Vicar Doethy diligence 2. Timoth. 4. v. 9. 12. to come unto me shortly for Demas hath forsaken me c. And Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus Here was an expresse delegation of the power of jurisdiction to Tychicus who for
from a higher fountaine For it is one of the maine excellencies in Christianity that it advances the State and well being of Monarchies and Bodies Politique Now then the Fathers of Religion the Reverend Bishops whose peculiar office it is to promote the interests of Christianity are by the nature and essentiall requisites of their office bound to promote the Honour and Dignity of Kings whom Christianity would have so much honour'd as to establish the just subordination of people to their Prince upon better principles then ever no lesse then their precise duty to God and the hopes of a blissefull immortality Here then is utile honestum and necessarium to tye Bishops in duty to Kings and a threefold Cord is not easily broken In pursuance of these obligations Episcopacy payes three returnes of tribute to Monarchy 1. The first is the Duty of their people For they being by God himselfe set over soules judges of the most secret recesses of our Consciences and the venerable Priests under them have more power to keep men in their duteous subordination to the Prince then there is in any secular power by how much more forcible the impressions of the Conscience are then all the externall violence in the world And this power they have fairely put into act for there was never any Protestant Bishop yet in Rebellion unlesse he turn'd recreant to his Order and it is the honour of the Church of England that all her Children and obedient people are full of indignation against Rebells be they of any interest or party whatsoever For here for it wethanke God and good Princes Episcopacy hath been preserv'd in faire priviledges and honour and God hath blest and honour'd Episcopacy with the conjunction of a loyall people As if because in the law of Nature the Kingdome and Priesthood were joyned in one person it were naturall and consonant to the first justice that Kings should defend the rights of the Church and the Church advance the honour of Kings And when I consider that the first Bishop that was exauctorated was a Prince too Prince and Bishop of Geneva me thinks it was an ill Omen that the cause of the Prince and the Bishop should be in Conjunction ever after 2. A second returne that Episcopacy makes to Royalty is that which is the Duty of all Christians the paying tributes and impositions And though all the Kings Leige people doe it yet the issues of their duty and liberality are mightily disproportionate if we consider their unequall Number and Revenues And if Clergy-subsidies be estimated according to the smallnesse of their revenue and paucity of persons it will not be half so short of the number and weight of Crownes from Lay Dispensation as it does farre exceed in the proportion of the Donative 3. But the assistance that the Kings of England had in their Counsells and affaires of greatest difficulty from the great ability of Bishops and other the Ministers of the Church I desire to represent in the words of K. Alvred to Walfsigeus the Bishop in an Epistle where he deplores the misery of his owne age by comparing it with the former times when the Bishops were learn'd and exercis'd in publike Counsels Faelicia tum tempora fuerunt inter omnes Angliae populos Reges Deo scriptae ejus voluntati obsecundârunt in suâ pace bellicis expeditionibus atque regimine domestico domi se semper tutati fuerint atque etiamforis nobilitatem suam dilataverint The reason was as he insinuates before Sapientes extiterunt in Anglicâ gente de spirituali gradu c. The Bishops were able by their great learning and wisdome to give assistance to the Kings affaires And they have prosper'd in it for the most glorious issues of Divine Benison upon this Kingdome were conveyed to us by Bishops hands I meane the Union of the houses of York Lancaster by the Counsells of a Iohn Speeds Hist. l. 9. c. 19. n. 23. p. 716. Bishop Morton and of England Scotland by the treaty of b Ibid. c. 20. n. 64. p. 747. Bishop Fox to which if we adde two other in Materia religionis I meane the conversion of the Kingdom from Paganisme by S t Augustine Archbishop of Canterbury and the reformation begun and promoted by Bishops I think we cannot call to mind foure blessings equall to these in any age or Kingdome in all which God was pleased by the mediation of Bishops as he useth to doe to blesse the people And this may not only be expected in reason but in good Divinity for amongst the gifts of the spirit which God hath given to his Church are reckon'd Doctors Teachers and * 1. Cor. ca 12. v. 28. helps in government To which may be added this advantage that the services of Church-men are rewardable upon the Churches stock no need to disimprove the Royall Banks to pay thanks to Bishops But Sir I grow troublesome Let this discourse have what ends it can the use J make of it is but to pretend reason for my Boldnesse and to entitle You to my Book for I am confident you will owne any thing that is but a friends friend to a cause of Loyalty I have nothing else to plead for your acceptance but the confidence of your Goodnesse and that I am a person capeable of your pardon and of a faire interpretation of my addresse to you by being SIR Your most affectionate Servant J. TAYLOR Syllabus Paragraphorum § 1. Christ did institute a government in his Church p. 7 2. This government was first committed to the Apostles by Christ p. 12 3. With a power of joyning others and appointing Successours in the Apostolate p. 13 4. This succession into the ordinary office of Apostolate is made by Bishops p. 15. For the Apostle and the Bishop are all one in name and person 5. And office p. 20. 6. Which Christ himselfe hath made distinct from Presbyters p. 22 7. Giving to Apostles a power to doe some offices perpetually necessary which to others he gave not p. 23 As of Ordination 8. And Confirmation p. 28 9. And superiority of Iurisdiction p. 35 10. So that Bishops are successors in the office of Apostleship according to the generall tenent of antiquitie p. 49 11 And particularly of S. Peter p. 54 12 And the institution of Episcopacy as well as of the Apostolate expressed to be Divine by primitive authority p. 62 13 In pursuance of the Divine institution the Apostles did ordain Bishops in severall Churches p. 68 As S t Iames at Ierusalem S. Simeon to he his successor 14 S. Timothy at Ephesus p 75 15 S. Titus at Creet p. 85 16 S. Mark at Alexandria p. 93 17 S. Linus and S. Clement at Rome p. 96 18 S. Polycarp at Smyrna and divers others p. 97 19 So that Episcopacy is at least an Apostolicall Ordinance of the same authority with many other points generally believed p. 100 20 And was an