number of young Gentlemen over that Ground where the Palace and Castle of Dionysius stood before they were demolish'd by Timoleon There attended on the Solemnity several thousands of Men and Women all crowned with Flowers all aray'd in fresh and cleanly Attire which made it look like the Procession of a publick Festival the Discourse of all which and their Tears mingled with the Praise and Benediction of the dead Timoleon did manifestly show that it was not any superficial Honour or commanded Homage which they then paid him but the testimony of a just sorrow for his Death and the expression and recompence of true Kindness The Bier at length being plac'd upon the Pile of Wood that was kindled to consume his Corps Demetrius one of their loudest Cryers began to read a Proclamation or written Edict to this purpose The People of Syracuse has made a special Decree to interr Timoleon the Son of Timodemus that noble Corinthian at the common Expence of 200 Attick pounds and to honour his Memory for ever by an Appointment of annual Prizes to be celebratee in Musick and Horse-races and all sorts of bodily Exercise and that because he destroy'd Tyrants and overthrew the Barbarians and replenish'd many great Cities that were ruinous and desolate before with new Inhabitants and then restor'd the Sicilians to a State of Freedom and the Priviledge of living by their own Laws Beside this they made a Tomb for him in the Market-place which they afterward built round with Galleries and joyn'd certain Cloisters thereto as a Place of Exercise for their Youth which had the Name of Timoleontâ—um and then keeping to that Form and Order of Civil Policy and observing those Laws and Constitutions which he left them they liv'd themselves a long time in all manner of Prosperity PELOPIDAS 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 M Burg. sculp THE LIFE OF PELOPIDAS Translated from the Greek By Thomas Creech of Wadham Colledge in Oxon. Volume II. CAto Major hearing some commend one that was rash and inconsiderately daring in a Battel said There is a difference between a man's prizing Valour at a great rate and valuing Life at little an excellent Saying for Antigonus had a Souldier a venturous Fellow but of an ill Complexion and very meager and the King asking the Cause of his Paleness and understanding from him that 't was a secret Disease he strictly commanded his Physicians to imploy their utmost Skill and recover him if possible but this brave Fellow being cur'd never afterward sought Danger never appear'd venturous in a Battel insomuch that Antigonus wondred and upbraided him with his Change but the Man told him the Reason and said Sir You are the Cause of my Cowardise by freeing me from those Miseries which made me despise Life And upon the same account the Sybarite seems to have said concerning the Spartans That 't was no commendable thing in them to die in the Wars since by that they were freed from such hard Labour and miserable Diet but in truth the Sybarites a soft and dissolute People might imagine that they hated Life because in their eager pursuit of Vertue and Glory they were not afraid to die yet the Lacedaemonians esteem it a Vertue to be willing either to die or live as that Epicedium testifies They dy'd but not as lavish of their Blood Or thinking Death it self was simply good Or Life both these the strictest Vertue try'd And as that call'd they gladly liv'd or dy'd For an Endeavour to avoid Death is not discommendable if we do not basely desire to live nor willingness to die good and vertuous if it proceeds from a Contempt of Life and therefore Homer always takes care to bring his brave and stout Men well arm'd into the Battel and the Greek Law-givers punish'd those that threw away their Shields but not him that lost his Sword or Spear intimating that they should be more careful to defend themselves than offend their Enemies This every one ought to mind but especially a Governour of a City or a General for if as Iphicrates divides the light arm'd are the Hands the Horse the Feet the Infantry the Breast and the General the Head when he puts himself upon danger he doth not only venture his own Person but all those whose safety depend on his and so on the contrary And therefore Callicratides though in other things a great Man did not answer the Augur well who advis'd him the Sacrifice being unlucky to be careful of his Life Sparta says he doth not consist in one Man 't is true Callicratides in any Engagement either at Sea or Land was but a single Person but being General he seem'd to contain the Life of all and so must be more than one since by his Death so many must be ruin'd But better was the Saying of old Antigonus who when he was to fight at Andros and one told him The Enemies Ships are more than ours reply'd For how many then wilt thou reckon me intimating that a stout and experienc'd Commander is highly to be valued whose principal care it is to save him that preserves the rest and therefore I applaud Timotheus who when Chares show'd the Wounds he had receiv'd and his Shield pierc'd by a Dart told him Indeed I should have been asham'd if when I fought against Samos a Dart should have fallen near me as behaving my self more rashly than became a General of such an Army Indeed where the General 's hazarding himself will do a great deal of good there he must fight and venture his Person and not mind their Maxims who would have a General still die with Age or at least an old Man but when the Advantage will be but small if he gets the better and the Loss considerable if he falls who then would desire that good which a common Souldier might perform with the danger of the Commander This I thought fit to premise before the Lives of Pelopidas and Marcellus who were both great Men but both ruin'd by their Rashness for being stout Men and having gotten their Countrey great Glory and Reputation by their Conduct and fighting against terrible Enemies the one as History delivers overthrew Annibal who was till then invincible the other in a set Battel beat the Lacedaemonians the Commanders at Sea and Land but they ventur'd too far and were heedlesly prodigal of their Lives when there was the greatest need of such Men and such Commanders and this Agreement in their Tempers and their Deaths is the Reason why I compare their Lives Pelopidas the Son of Hippoclus was descended as likewise Epaminondas was from an honourable Family in Thebes and being bred in Gallantry and having a fair Estate left him whilst he was young he made it his business to relieve the good and deserving amongst the Poor that he might shew himself Lord and not Slave to his Estate For amongst Men as Aristotle observes some are too narrow-minded to use their Wealth and some are
Occasion which they had for his Service Therefore to obviate this Mischief they contriv'd that some other Orators who did not appear to be Enemies to Alcibiades but really hated him no less than those who avow'd themselves to be so should stand up in the Assembly and say that it was a very absurd thing that one who was created General of such an Army with absolute Power after his Troops were compleated and the Confederates were come should lose the present Opportunity whilst the People were choosing his Judges by Lots and appointing times for the hearing of the Cause And that therefore he ought to set Sayl presently and may good Fortune attend him but when the War should be at an end he might then in Person make his Defence according to the Laws But Alcibiades soon perceiv'd the Malice of this Delay and appearing in the Assembly represented to them that it was a very grievous thing to him to be sent forth with the Command of so great an Army when he lay under such Accusations and Calumnies that he deserv'd to die if he could not clear himself of the Crimes objected to him But when he had purg'd himself and appear'd to be innocent he should then chearfully apply himself to the War as standing no longer in fear of false Accusers But he could not prevail with the People who commanded him to sail immediately So he departed together with the other Generals having with them near 140 Galleys 5100 men at Arms and about 1300 Archers Slingers and light arm'd men and all the other Provisions were answerable and every way compleat Arriving on the Coast of Italy he landed at Rhegium and there propos'd his Advice in what manner they should manage the War. Wherein he was oppos'd by Nicias but Lamachus being of his opinion they sail'd for Sicily forthwith and took Catana That was all which was done while he was there for he was soon after recall'd by the Athenians to abide his Tryal At first as we before said there were only some slight suspicions offer'd against Alcibiades and accusations by certain slaves and strangers But afterwards in his absence his Enemies attack'd him more fiercely and confounded together the breaking the Images with the pro 〈…〉 anation of the holy Mysteries as tho' Spanâ— been committed in pursuance of the â—ame Conspiracy for changing the Government Thereupon the People imprison'd all that were accus'd without distinction and without hearing them and repented themselves exceedingly that having such pregnant Evidence they had not immediately brought Alcibiades to his Tryal and given Judgment against him And if any of his Friends or Acquaintance fell into the Peoples hands whilst they were in this Fury they were sure to be us'd very severely Thucydides hath omitted to name his Accusers but others mention Dioclides and Teucer Amongst whom is Phrynichus the Comic Poet who introduces one speaking thus Hear Hermes thy deceiv'd Athenians call Preserve thy Image from a second fall Lest Dioclydes once again accuse And sacred Justice by false Oaths abuse To which he makes Mercury return this Answer Safe from Affronts my Statues I will guard False Teucer shall not meet with new Reward Nor shall his impious Lyes obtain Regard The truth is his Accusers alledg'd nothing that was certain or solid against him One of them being ask'd How he knew the men who defac'd the Images when he said He saw them by the light of the Moon was grosly mistaken for it was just New Moon when the Fact was committed This made all men of Understanding cry out upon the thing as a Contrivance but the People were as eager as ever to receive further Accusations nor was their first Heat at all abated but they instantly seiz'd and imprison'd every one that was accus'd Amongst those who were detain'd in Prison in order to their Tryals there was Andocides the Orator whom the Historian Hellanicus reports to be descended from Vlysses He was always look'd upon to hate the Popular Government and to affect an Oligarchy The chiefest ground of causing him to be suspected for defacing the Images was because the great Mercury which was plac'd near his House and was an ancient Monument of the Tribe of the Aegeides was almost the only Statue of all the remarkable ones which remain'd entire For this Cause it is now call'd the Mercury of Andocides all men giving it that Name tho' the Inscription is an Evidence that it belongs to another Tribe It happen'd that Andocides above all others who were Prisoners upon the same account did contract a particular Acquaintance and Friendship with one Timaeus a Person not equal to Andocides in Quality but very extraordinary both for Parts and Boldness He perswaded Andocides to accuse himself and some few others of this Crime urging to him that upon his Confession he would be secure of his Pardon by the Decree of the People whereas the event of Judgment is uncertain to all men but to great Persons as he was most terrible So that it was better for him if he regarded himself to save his Life by a Falsity than to suffer an infamous Death as one really guilty of the same Crime And if he had a regard to the publick Good it was commendable to sacrifice a few suspected men by that means to rescue many excellent Persons from the Fury of the People The Arguments us'd by Timaeus so far prevail'd upon Andocides as to make him accuse himself and some others and thereupon according to the Decree of the People he obtain'd his Pardon and all the persons which were nam'd by him except some few who sav'd themselves by Flight suffer'd Death To gain the greater Oredit to his Information he accus'd his own Servants amongst others But notwithstanding this the Peoples Anger was not appeas'd and being now no longer diverted by those who had violated the Images they were at leisure to pour out their whole Rage upon Alcibiades And in conclusion they sent the Galley call'd the Salaminia to recal him but they gave it expresly in Command to those that were sent that they should use no violence nor seize upon his Person but address themselves to him in the mildest terms requiring him to follow them to Athens in order to abide his Tryal and purge himself before the People For indeed they fear'd a Mutiny and a Sedition in the Army in an Enemy's Countrey which they knew it would be easie for Alcibiades to effect if he had a mind to it For the Souldiers were dispirited upon his departune expecting for the future tedious delays and that the War would be drawn out into a lazy length by Nicias when Alcibiades who was the Spur to Action was taken away For tho' Lamachus was a Souldier and a Man of Courage yet being poor he wanted Authority and Respect in the Army Alcibiades just upon his departure prevented Messina from falling into the hands of the Athenians There were some in that City who
were upon the point of delivering it up but he knowing the persons discover'd them to some Friends of the Syratusans and thereby defeated the whole Contrivance When he arriv'd at Thuria he went on shore and concealing himself there escap'd those who search'd after him But to one who knew him and ask'd him If he durst not trust his native Countrey he made Answer Yes I dare trust her for all other things but when the Matter concerns my Life I will not trust my Mother lest she should mistake and unwarily throw in a black Bean instead of a white one When afterwards he was told that the Assembly had pronounc'd Judgment of Death against him all he said was I will make them sensible that I am yet alive The Information against him was conceiv'd in this Form Thessalus the Son of Cimon of the Town of Laciades doth accuse Alcibiades the Son of Clinias of the Town of Scambonides to have offended the Goddesses Ceres and Proserpine by representing in derision the holy Mysteries and shewing them to his Companions in his own House Where being habited in such Robes as are us'd by the Chief Priest when he shews the holy things he nam'd himself the Chief Priest Polytion the Torch-bearer and Theodorus of the Town of Phyâ—ea the Herald and saluted the rest of his Company as Priests and Novices All which was done with design to expose the Rites and Institutions of the Eumolpides and the Priests and other Officers of the holy Mysteries of the Temple at Eleusis He was condemn'd as contumacious upon his not appearing his Estate confiscated and it was decreed that all the Priests and Priestesses should solemnly curse him But one of them Theano the Daughter of Menon of the Town of Agraulos is said to have oppos'd that part of the Decree saying That her holy Office oblig'd her to make Prayers but not Execrations Alcibiades lying under these heavy Decrees and Sentences when first he fled from Thuria pass'd over into Peloponnesus and remain'd some time at Argos But being there in fear of his Enemies and seeing himself utterly rejected by his native Countrey he sent to Sparta desiring Letters of safe Conduct and assuring them that he would make them amends by his future Services for all the Mischief he had done them while he was their Enemy The Spartans giving him the Security he desir'd he went thit her chearfully and was well receiv'd At his first coming he brought it to pass that laying aside all further Caution or Delay they should aid the Syracusans and he quickn'd and excited them so that they forth with dispatch'd Gylippus into Sicily at the Head of an Army utterly to destroy the Forces which the Athenians had in Sicily Another thing which he perswaded them to do was to make War also upon the Athenians on the side of Peloponnesus But the third thing and the most important of all the rest was to make them fortifie Decelea which above all other things did streighten and consume the Common-wealth of Athens As Aloibiades gain'd Esteem by the Services which he rendred to the Public so he was no less respected for his manner of living in private whereby he wholly captivated the People and made them dote on him For he conform'd himself entirely to the Laconic way so that those who saw him shav'd close to the Skin and bathe himself in cold Water and feed upon a course Cake and use their black Broth would have doubted or rather could not have believ'd that he ever had a Cook in his House or had ever seen a Perfumer or had worn a Robe of Milesian Purple For he had as it was observ'd this peculiar Talent and Artifice whereby he gain'd upon all men that he could presently conform himself to and take up their Fashions and way of Living more easily than a Chamaelion can change himself into new Colours For a Chamaelion they say cannot imitate one Colour that is White but Alcibiades whether he convers'd with debauch'd or vertuous persons was still capable of imitating and complying with them At Sparta he was diligent at his Exercises frugal and reserv'd In Ionia he was luxurious frolick and lazy In Thracia he was always drinking or on Horse-back And when he transacted with Tisaphernes the King of Persia's Lieutenant he exceeded the Persians themselves in Magnificence and Pomp Not that his natural Disposition chang'd so easily nor that his Manners were so very variable but being sensible that if he pursu'd his own Inclinations he might give offence to those with whom he had occasion to converse he therefore transform'd himself into such Shapes and took up such Fashions as he observ'd to be most agreeable to them So that to have seen him at Lacedaemon if a Man judg'd by the outward appearance he would say of him 'T is not Achilles Son but it is He The very man the wise Lycurgus taught But if one look'd more nearly into his Manners he would cry out according to the Proverb 'T is the old Woman still still lewd as ever For while King Agis was absent and abroad with the Army he corrupted his Wife Timaea and got her with Child Nor did she deny it but when she was brought to Bed of a Son call'd him in publick Leotychides but when she was amongst her Confidents and her Attendants she would whisper that his Name ought to be Alcibiades To such a degree was she transported by her passion for him But he on the other side would say in sport he had not done this thing out of Revenge or Lust but that his Race might one day come to Reign over the Lacedoemonians There were many who acquainted Agis with these Passages but the time it self gave the greatest Confirmation to the Story For Agis being frightned with an Earthquake fled out of Bed from his Wife and for ten months after never lay with her and therefore Leotychides being born after those ten months he would not acknowledge him for his Son which was the Reason that at last he never came to the Kingdom After the Defeat which the Athenians receiv'd in Sicily Ambassadors were dispatch'd to Sparta at once from Chios and Lesbos and Cyzicum to signifie their purpose of deferting the Interests of the Athenians The Boeotians interpos'd in favour of the Lesbians and Pharnabazus of the Cyzyanians but the Lucedoemonians at the perswasion of Alcibiades chose to assiâ—â— those of Chios before all others He himself also went instantly to Sea and procur'd almost all Ionia to revolt at once and joyning himself to the Lacedaemonian Generals did great mischiof to the Athenians But Agis was his Enemy hating him for having dishonour'd his Wife which he resented highly and also not able to bear patiently the Glory he acquir'd for most of the great Actions which succeeded well were universally ascrib'd to Alcibiades Others also of the most powerful and ambitious amongst the Spartans were ready to burst with Envy
War. For they posâ—ess'd the utmost Bounds of Italy which borâ—ers upon the Alpes and that part of the â—ame Mountain which is wash'd by the Tuscan â—ea and were mingled with the Gauls and Spaniards who inhabited the Coasts Besides â—t that time they were busie at Sea and â—ayling as far as the Streights mouth in light Vessels fitted for that purpose robb'd and â—estroy'd all that traffick'd in those Parts These waited the coming of Emilius with â—n Army of 40000 who brought with him not above 8 so that the Enemy was 〈◊〉 to one when they engaged yet did he vanquish and put them to flight forcing them 〈◊〉 retire into their wall'd Towns and in 〈◊〉 condition gave them hopes of an Accoâ—modation it being the Policy of the Râ—mans not utterly to destroy the Liguriâ—â— whilst they were as a Guard and Bulwark â—gainst the Gauls who made such frequent Aâ—tempts to over-run Italy Trusting whoâ—â— therefore to Emilius they delivered up thâ— Towns and Shipping into his hands â—â—ras'd only the Fortifications and deliver'â— their Towns to them again but all thâ— Shipping he took away with him leaâ—ing them no Vessels bigger than those 〈◊〉 three Oars and set at liberty great nuâ—bers of Prisoners they had taken both by 〈◊〉 and Land Strangers as well as Romans Thâ—â— were the things most worthy of Remark the first year of his Consulship Afterwards he frequently declared 〈◊〉 Desire of being a second time Consul aâ— was once Candidate but meeting with Repulse and being pass'd by mov'd no 〈◊〉 in it but was wholly intent upon his 〈◊〉 of Augur and the Education of his Childreâ— whom he not only brought up as he himsâ—â—â— was in the Roman and ancient Discipliâ—â— but also in that of Greece which was steemed more genteel and honourable 〈◊〉 this purpose he not only entertained Masters to teach them Grammar Logick and Rhetorick but the Arts of making Statues and Painting and also such as were skilful in breeding Horses and Dogs and could instruct them in Hunting and Riding And if he was not hindred by publick Affairs he himself would be with them at their Studies and see them perform their Exercises being the most indulgent of Fathers amongst the Romans As to Matters relating to the Common-wealth at that time the Romans were engaged in a War with Perseus King of the Macedonians and highly blamed their Commanders that either through their want of Skill or Courage they so ill and shamefully manag'd the Concerns of the Common-wealth that they did less hurt to the Enemy than they received from him For they that not long beâ—ore had forc'd Antiochus the Great to quit the â—est of Asia and driving him beyond Mount â—aurus confin'd him to Syria glad to buy his â—eace with 15000 Talents They that not â—ong since had vanquish'd King Philip in Thesâ—aly and freed the Greeks from the Maâ—edonian Yoke nay had overcome Hanâ—ibal himself who far surpass'd all Kings 〈◊〉 Bravery and Courage thought it scorn â—hat Perseus should think himself an Eneâ—y fit to match the Romans and to be â—ble to wage War with them on equal terms with the remainder only of his Father 's routed Forces but they little weigh'd that the Macedonian Army was become much more powerful and expert after the Overthrow of Philip. To make which appear I shall briefly recount the Story from the beginning Antigonus who was the most potent aâ—ongst the Captains and Successors of Alexander having obtained for himself and his Posterity the Title of King had a Son nam'd Demetrius Father to Antigonus call'd Gonatuâ— and he to Demetrius who reigning some short time died and left a young Son call'd Philip. The Nobility of Macedon fearing great Confusions might arise in the Minority of their Prince trusted the Government in the hands of Antigonus Cousin german to the late King and married him to his Widow the Mother of Philip. At first they only styled him Regent and General but when they found by experience that he govern'd the Kingdom with Moderation and to their Advantage they gave him the Title of King This was he that was sirnam'd Doson as if he was only a promiser not a performer of his words To him succeeded Philip who in his Youth gave great hopes of equalling the best of Kings and that he one day would restore Macedon to its former State and Dignity and be alone able to give a stop to the Power of the Romans which was now a general Oppression to the World. But being vanquish'd in a pitch'd Battel by Titus Flaminius near to Scotusa his Resolution was dash'd and he yielded himself and all that he had to the Mercy of the Romans well contented that he could escape with paying a small Tribute Yet afterwards recollecting himself he bore it with great Regret and thought he liv'd rather like a Slave that was pleas'd with ease than a Man of Sense and Courage whilst he held his Kingdom at the pleasure of his Conquerors which made him resolve upon a War and prepare himself with as much Cunning and Privacy as possible To this end he left his Cities on the high-Roads and Sea-Cost ungarrison'd and almost desolate that they might seem inconsiderable in the mean time furnishing his mid-land Castles strong-holds and Towns with Arms Money and Men fit for Service he provided himself for War and yet kept his Preparations close He had in his Armory Arms for 30000 Men in Granaries in Places of Strength 8 millions of Bushels of Corn and as much ready Money as would defray the Charge of maintaining 10000 mercenary Souldiers to defend his Country for 10 years But before he could put these things into motion and bring his Designs to effect he died for grief and anguish of Mind being sensible he had put his innocent Son Demetrius to death upon the Calumnies of one that was far more guilty Perseus his Son that surviv'd inherited his Hatred to the Romans as well as his Kingdom but was very unfit to carry on his Designs through his want of Courage and the viciousness of his Manners especially when amongst the Vices and Diseases of his Mind of all sorts Covetousness bore the chief sway There is a Report also of his not being legitimate but that the Wife of King Philip took him from his Mother Grathania a Woman of Argos that earn'd her living by Botching as soon as he was born and brought him up privately as her own And this might be the chief Cause of his contriving the Death of Demetrius for the might well fear that whilst there was a lawful Successor in the Family his being illegitimate would not lye conceal'd Notwithstanding all this and tho' his Spirit was so mean and temper so sordid yet trusting to the strength of his Preparations he engaged in a War with the Romans and for a long time maintain'd it Some of their Captains and those of Consular Dignity and great Armies and Fleets he repulsed and
fashion of his Countrey he look'd like one altogether â—stonish'd and depriv'd of Reason through the greatness of his Misfortunes Next follow'd a great Company of his Friends and Familiars whose Countenances were disfigur'd with Grief and who testify'd to all that beheld them by their Tears and their continual looking upon Perseus that it was his hard Fortune they so much lamented and that they were regardless of their own Perseus sent to Emilius to entreat that he might not be led in Pomp but be left out of the Triumph who deriding as was but just his Cowardise and fondness of Life sent him this Answer That as for that it was before and is now in his own power giving him to understand that this disgrace was to be prevented by Death which the faint-hearted Wretch being not able to sustain and made effeminate by I know not what Hopes became a part of his own spoyls After these were carried 400 Crowns all made of Gold and sent from the Cities by their respective Ambassadors to Emilius as a Reward due to his Valour Then he himself came seated on a Chariot magnificently adorn'd a Man worthy to be beheld even without these Ensigns of Power he was clad in a Garment of Purple inter woven with Gold and held out a Laurel Branch in his right hand All the Army in like manner with Boughs of Laurel in their hands divided into Bands and Companies follow'd the Chariot of their Commander some singing Odes according to the usual Custom mingled with Raillery others Songs of Triumph and the Praise of Emilius his Deeds who was admir'd and accounted happy by all Men and unenvy'd by every one that was good only that it seems the Province of some God to lessen that Happiness which is too great and inordinate and so to mingle the Affairs of Humane Life that no one should be entirely free and exempt from Calamities but as it is in Homer that those should think themselves truly bless'd to whom Fortune has given an equal share of Good and Evil. Emilius had four Sons of which Scipio and Fabius as is already related were adopted into other Families the other two which he had by a second Wife and were yet but young he brought up in his own House One of these died at 14 years of age five days before his Father's Triumph the other at 12 three days after so that there was no Roman without a deep sence of his Suffering and every one dreaded the Cruelty of Fortune that did not scruple to bring so much Sorrow into a House replenish'd with Happiness Rejoycing and Sacrifices and to intermingle Tears and Complaints with Songs of Victory and Triumph But Emilius reasoning according to Judgment consider'd that Courage and Resolution was not only requisite to resisâ— Armour and Spears but also to withstand all the Shocks of ill Fortune and so did he adapt and temper the necessity of his present Circumstances as to overbalance the Evil with the Good and his private Concerns with those of the publick that thus they might neither take away from the Grandeur nor sully the Dignity of his Victory For as soon as he had bury'd the first of his Sons as we have already said he triumph'd and the second deceasing almost as soon as his Triumph was over he gather'd together an Assembly of the People and made an Oration to them not like a Man that stood in need of Comfort from others but of one that undertook to support his fellow Citizens who griev'd for the Sufferings he himself underwent I says he that never yet fear'd any thing that was humane amongst such as were divine have always had a dread of Fortune as faithless and unconstant and on the very account that in this War she had been as a favourable Gale in all my Affairs I still expected some Change and Reflux of Things For in one day says he I pass'd the Ionian Sea and arriv'd from Brundisium at Corsica thence in five more I sacrific'd at Delphos and in other five days came to my Forces in Macedonia where after I had finish'd the usual Sacrifices for the purifying of the Army I fell to my design'd Business and in the space of 15 days put an honourable period to the War. But when I still had a jealousie of Fortune even from the smooth Current of my Affairs and saw my self secure and free from the Danger of an Enemy I chiefly dreaded the Change of the Goddess at Sea whilst through my Success I brought home with me so great and victorious an Army such vast Spoyls and Kings themselves Captives Nay more after I was return'd to you safe and saw the City full of Joy Congratulating and Sacrifices yet still did I suspect Fortune as well knowing that she never conferr'd any Benefits that were sincere and without some Allay Nor could my mind that was still as it were in Labour and always foreseeing something to befall this City free it self from this Fear until so great a Misfortune befel me in my own Family and that in the midst of those days set apart for Triumph I carried two of the best of Sons one after another to their Funerals Now therefore am I my self safe from Danger at least as to what was my greatest Care and I trust and am verily perswaded that for the time to come Fortune will prove constant and harmeless unto you for she has sufficiently wreck'd her Envy at our great Exploits on me and mine nor is the Conquerour a less famous Example of humane Frailty than the Man he led in Triumph with this only difference that Perseus though conquer'd does yet enjoy his Children and the Conquerour Emilius is depriv'd of his This was the generous and magnanimous Oration Emilius is said to speak to the People from a Heart truly sincere and free from all Artifice Although he very much pitied Perseus his condition and studied to befriend him in what he was able yet could he procure no other Favour than his removal from the common Prison into a more cleanly and humane Place of Security where whilst he was guarded it is said he starved himself to death Others relate a very particular and unheard of manner of his dying That the Souldiers that were his Guard having conceiv'd a Spite and Hatred against him for some certain Reasons and finding no other way to grieve and afflict him kept him from Sleep with all diligence disturb'd him when he was dispos'd to rest and found out Contrivances to continue him still waking by which means at length he was quite tired out and gave up the Ghost Two of his Children also died soon after him the third who was named Alexander they say prov'd an exquisite Artist in turning and graving in little and withal learn'd so perfectly to speak and write the Roman Language that he became Clerk to the Senate and behav'd himself in his Office with great Skill and Conduct They ascribe to Emilius
one of them said Friends we ask a favour of you that will prove both an Honour and Comfort to us in this our great Misfortune for the Thessalians shall never again wait on the living Pelopidas never give Honours of which he can be sensible but if we may have his Body adorn his Funeral and interr him we shall certainly show th at we esteem his Death a greater loss to the Thessalians than the Thebans you have lost only an expert General we a General and our Liberty for how shall we desire from you another Captain since we cannot restore Pelopidas The Thebans granted their Request and there was never a more splendid Funeral in their opinion who do not think the Glory of such Solemnities consists only in Gold Ivory and Purple as Philiâ—â—us who extravagantly celebrates the Funeral of Dionysius where his Tyranny concluded like the pompous Exit of some great Tragedy Alexander at the Death of Hephestiâ—â— did not only cut off the Mains of his Horses and his Mules but took down the Battlements from the City-Walls that even the Towns might seem Mourners and instead of their former beauteous Appearance look bald at his Funeral But these things being commanded and forc'd from the Mourners attended with the Envy of those that enjoy'd them and hatred of those that compell'd them were no Testimonies of Love and Honour but of the barbarous Pride Luxury and Insolence of those who lavish'd their Wealth in these vain and inimitable Fancies But that a Man of common Rank dying in a strange Countrey neither his Wife Children nor Kinsmen present none either desiring or compelling it should be attended buried and crown'd by so many Cities that strove to exceed one another in the Demonstrations of their Love seems to be the height of Happiness for as Aesop observes the Death of the happy Men is not the most grievous but most blessed since it secures their Felicity and puts it out of Fortunes Power And that Spartan advis'd well who embracing Diagoras who had himself been crown'd in the Olympian Games and saw his Sons and Grandchildren Victors said Dye Diagoras for thou canst not be a God and yet who would compare all the Victories in the Pythian and Olympian Games with one of those Enterprizes of Pelopidas of which he successfully perform'd many and having spent his Life in brave and glorious Actions he dy'd fighting for the Liberty of the Thessalians His Death as it brought Grief so likewise Profit to the Allies for the Thebans as soon as they heard of his fall delay'd not their Revenge but presently sent 7000 Foot and 700 Horse under the Command of Malcitus and Diogiton and they finding Alexander weak and without Forces compell'd him to restore the Cities he had taken to draw his Garrisons from the Magnesians Pthiotae and Achaians swear to assist the Thebans against whatsoever Enemies they should require This contented the Thebans but Punishment follow'd the Tyrant for his wickedness and the Death of Pelopidas was reveng'd in this manner Pelopidas as I have already mention'd taught his Wife Thebe not to be afraid of the outward Bravery and Guard of the Tyrant since she was within his Arms Slaves Now she fear'd his Inconstancy and hated his Cruelty and therefore conspiring with her three Brothers Tisiphonus Patholaus and Lychophron dispatch'd him in this manner All the other Apartments were full of the Tyrants Night-Guards but their Bed-Chamber was an upper Room and before the Door lay a chain'd Dog to guard it which would fly at all but the Tyrant and his Wife and one Servant that fed him now when Thebe had a mind to kill him she hid her Brothers all day in a Room hard by and she going in alone according to her usual custom to Alexander that was asleep already in a little time came out again and commanded the Servant to lead away the Dog for the Tyrant would take some rest she cover'd the Stairs with Wooll that the young Men might make no noise as they came up and then bringing up her Brothers and leaving them at the Chamber-door she went in and brought away the Tyrants Sword that hung over his head and shew'd it them for a confirmation that he was fast asleep now the young Men appearing fearful and unwilling to do the Murder she chid them and angrily swore she would wake Alexander and discover the Conspiracy so with a Candle in her Hand she conducted them in being both asham'd and afraid and brought them to the Bed one of them caught him by the Feet the other pull'd him backward by the Hair and the third ran him through The Death was more speedy than was fit but in that he was the first Tyrant that was kill'd by the contrivance of his Wife and his Carkass abus'd thrown out and trodden under foot by the Phereans he seems to have suffer'd what his Villanies deserv'd Marcellus THE LIFE OF M. MARCELLUS Englished from the Original by Walter Charleton Dr. of Physick and Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians London Volume II. THey say that MARCUS CLAUDIUS who was five times Consul of the Romans was the Son of Marcus and that he was the First of his Family called MARCELLUS that is Martial Posidonius affirms For he was by long experience skilful in the art of War of a strong body valiant of his hands and by natural inclination addicted to War. This great fierceness therefore and heat he brought with him to battels in other things modest obliging and so far studious of Greek and Learning Discipline as to honour and admire those that were therein excellent but he attained not to a proficiency in them equal to his desire by reason of his imployments For if God ever destined any other men as Homer saith To be from their first years to their last day Viers'd in fierce War he certainly destined the Roman Princes of that time Who in their youth had War with the Carthaginians in their middle age in Sicily with the Gauls in the defence of Italy it self at last being now grown old strugled again with Hannibal and the Carthaginians and wanted in their old age what is granted to the Vulgar vacation from the toils of War because they were according to their Nobility and Vertue advanced to the management of Wars and to Empire And Marcellus ignorant or unskilful of no kind of fighting contending in single Combat upon a Challenge overcame himself Wherefore by whomsoever he was challenged he declined not the provocation and killed all by whom he was challenged His Brother Oracilius circumvented in Sicily he protected and saved and slew the Enemies that press'd him for which facts he was by the Generals while he was yet but young presented with Crowns and other honourable Rewards But when his Vertue more and more shined forth the people created him Aedilis Curulis and the High-Priests Augur which is that Priesthood to which chiefly the Law assigns the procuration and
the mercenary Spaniards that served the Carthaginians and by Numidians so that even themselves envied to themselves that unhoped success that they had oppress'd among a few Fregellans that were Scouts the most Valiant the most Potent and most Renowned man among the Romans Let no man think that we have said these things out of design to accuse but of freely reprehending in their names those and their Virtue and Courage or to which when they despise Life and refer the rest of their noble Endowments they perished not more to their Countrey Allies and Friends than to themselves After Pelopidas his death his friends for whom he died made a Funeral for him the Enemies by whom he had been kill'd made one for Marcellus That was to be wish'd for and fortunate For he that honours Virtue pursuing him with enmity is more noble and excellent than he that requites a benefit Since virtue alone challenges to it self the honour of the former but in the latter profit and private advantage is rather beloved than Virtue Ask'd by th' illiterate Clown his vote to wit Tho 'gainst himself does y e Good man submit Noe wrong to him had Aristides done But he was just and that disgusts the Clown Thus where y e Rabble rule y e Great th'y erislave And vertues self 's destructive to the Brave THE LIFE OF ARISTIDES Translated from the Greek by John Cooper Fellow of Trinity Colledge in Cambridg Volume II. ARISTIDES the Son of Lysimachus was of the Tribe Antiochis and Borough of Alopece but concerning what Estate he had there are various Discourses some that he passed his Life in extream Poverty and left behind him two Daughters whose Indigence long continued them unmarried But Demetrius the Phalerian opposing this general Report in his Socrates professes to know a Farm at Phalera going by Aristides's Name where he was interred and as marks of the plentiful Condition of his Family supposeth first the Office of Archon to be one which he obtained by the lot of the Bean drawn amongst those Families of the most considerable Possessions whom they call'd Pentacotiomedimnos Secondly the Ostracism accustomed to be inflicted on none of the poorer sort but those of great Houses and who were by their eminent Quality exposed to Envy The third and last that he left certain Tripodes in the Temple of Bacchus Offerings for his Victory in the Stage-Plays which are even in our Age to be seen retaining this Inscription upon them The Tribe Antiochis obtain'd the Victory ARISTIDES defrayed the Charges ARCHESTRATUS 's Play was Acted But this Argument tho in appearance the greatest is of the least moment of any For Epaminondas whom all the World knows was Educated and lived in much poverty and Plato the Philosopher exhibited very Magnificent shews the one setting forth an Entertainment of Flutenists the other of the Singers of Dithigrambicks Dion the Syracusian supplying the expences of the latter and Pelopidas those of Epaminondas For good men are not irreconcileable Enemies to the receiving Presents from their friends but looking upon those that are taken to hoard and with an avaritious intention as sordid and mean refuse not such as are had on the score of Ambition and Splendour whence no gain accrueth But Panaetius sheweth that Demetrius was mistaken concerning the Tripode through the likeness of the Name For from the Persian War to the end of the Pelopennesian there are upon Record onely two by the Name of Aristides who have set sorth Plays and carried the Prize neither of which was the same Son of Lysimachus but the Father of the one was Xenophylus and the other much more modern As the way of writing by the Grammar in use since the time of Euclid and the addition of the Name of Archestratus prove whom in the time of the Wars with the Medes no one Writer mentions but several during those of Peloponnesus Chronicle as a Dramatick Poet. But this of Panaetius ought to be more nearly considered As for the Ostracism every one was liable to it who for his Reputation Quality or Eloquence was esteemed above the common Level In so much as even Damon Praeceptor to Pericles was banished thereby because he seemed a man of more than ordinary Sense And more Idomeneus saith that Aristides was not made Archon by the lot of the Bean but the free Election of the People And if he governed after the Battel of Plateae as Demetrius himself hath written it is very probable that by reason of his so great Reputation and success in the Wars he was preferred to that for his Virtue which others received in consideration of their wealth But Demetrius manifestly endeavoureth not only to exempt Aristides but Socrates likewise from Poverty as a great Ill for he saith the latter had not onely an House of his own but also seventy Minae put out to use with Crito But Aristides being the familiar acquaintance of that Clesthenes who setled the Government after the Expulsion of the thirty Tyrants and above all Politicians imitating and admiring Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian adhered to the Aristocratical way of Government but had Themistocles Son to Neocles his Adversary in behalf of the Populacy Some say that being Boys and bred up together from their Infancy they were always at variance with each other in all their Words and Actions as well serious as divertive and that from this their contention they soon made discovery of their natural Inclinations the one being ready adventurous and subtle soon and with much ease carried to any thing the other a stayed and setled Temper and intent on the exercise of Justice not admitting in any degree falsifying ill language or deceit no not so much as at his play Aristo of Chios saith their Enmity had its beginning from Love and thence encreased to so great an height for being both enamoured of Stesilaus of Cea the most beautiful of Youths they were passionate beyond all moderation neither laid they down their Rivalship even with the decaying Beauty of the Boy but as it were exercised therein they immediately applied themselves to publick business with Heats and Differences Themistocles therefore joyned to a Party fortified himself with no inconsiderable strength insomuch as to one who told him were he impartial he would govern Athens well I wish replied he I may never sit on that Tribunal where my Friends shall not plead a greater Priviledg than strangers But Aristides was in a manner singular in his Politicks being unwilling in the first place to go along with his Associates in ill doing or by not gratifying them therein to become displeasing to them secondly observing that many were encouraged by the Authority of their Friends to act injuriously he was cautious being of Opinion that the integrity of of his Words and Actions was the onely security to a good Citizen Howbeit Themistocles making many dangerous alterations and withstanding and interrupting him in the whole Series of his Actions he also was
out with this Sentence CARTHAGE METHINKS OUGHT UTTERLY TO BE DESTROY'D But P. Scipio Nasica wou'd always declare his opinion to the contrary in these words It seems requisite to me that Carthage should still stand Now P. Scipio seeing the Romans very haughty and by reason of their prosperity growing obstinate and disobedient to the Senate as also drawing the whole City whither they wou'd after them He vvould have had the Fear of Carthage to serve as a Bit to hold in the Contumacy of the Multitude for though he look't upon the Carthaginians too weak to overcome the Romans yet he thought them too Great to be despis'd On the other side it seem'd a dangerous thing to Cato that a City which had been always great and was now grown sober and wise by reason of its former Calamities shou'd still lie as it were upon the Catch with the Romans who were now become wanton and faulty by reason of their Power so that he thought it the wisest course to have all outward dangers remov'd when they had so many inward ones among themselves Thus Cato they say stirr'd up the third and last War against the Carthaginians But no sooner was the said War begun but he dy'd prophecying of the Person that should put an End to it viz. Scipio the second who was then but a young man but being a Colonel he in several Fights gave proof of his Courage and Conduct The news of which being brought to Cato's Ears at Rome he thus express'd himself He onely breathes couragiously Whilst others like swift shadows fly This same Prophecy Scipio soon confirm'd by his Actions In fine Cato left no Posterity besides one Son by his second Wife who was nam'd as we said Cato Salonius and a little Grandson by his Eldest Son who dy'd Cato Salonius dy'd when he was Praetor but his Son Marcus was afterwards Consul and Grand-father of that Cato the Philosopher who for Vertue and Renown was one of the most Eminent Personages of his time THE COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES With MARCUS CATO By Edward Blount Esquire HAving mention'd the most Memorable Actions of these Great Men if the whole Life of this be compar'd with that of the other it will not be easie to discern the difference between them being involv'd under so many like circumstances by which they resemble each other But if we examine them a-part as we should consider a piece of Poetry or some Picture we shall find this common to them both that they advanc'd themselves to great Honour and Dignity in the Common-wealth by no other means than their own virtue and industry But it seems when Aristides appear'd Athens was not in its grandeur and plenty the chief Magistrates and Officers of his time being Men only of moderate and equal fortunes among themselves The estimate of the greatest Estates then was 500 Medimns The second of Knights 300 The third andlast called Zeugitae 200. But Cato out of a petty Village from a Country life leapt into the Commonwealth as it were into a vast Ocean at a time when there were no such Governours as the Curit Fabricii and Hostilii Poor labouring Men were not then advanc'd from the Plough and Spade to be Governours and Magistrates but greatness of Families Riches profuse Gifts large Distributions among the People Ambition and Power were the only things regarded keeping a high hand and in a manner insulting over those that courted them for Preferment It was not equal to have Themistocles for an Adversary a Person of mean extraction and small Fortune for he was not worth as it 's said more than four or five Talents when he first apply'd himself to Publick affairs and to contest with Scipio Africanus Sergeus Galba and Quintius Flaminius having no other aid but a Tongue free to assert right Besides Aristides at Marathon and again at Plateae was but the tenth Commander whereas Cato was chosen second Consul having many Competitours and was preferr'd before seven most Noble and Eminent pretenders to be second Censor too But Aristides was never Principal in any Action for Miltiades carried the day at Marathon at Salamis Themistocles and at Plateae Herodotus tells us Pausanias got the glory of that Noble Victory Moreover Sophanes and Aminias Callimachus and Cynaegyrus behav'd themselves so well in all those Engagements that they contended with Aristides even for second place Now Cato not onely in his Consulship was esteem'd as Chief for Courage and Conduct but even whilst he was onely Colonel at Thermopylas under another's Command he gain'd the glory of the Victory for having as it were open'd a large Gate for the Romans to rush in upon Antiochus and brought War on his back whilst he onely minded what was before him For that Victory which was beyond dispute all Cato's own work clear'd Greece of Asia and by that means made way thither afterwards for Scipio Both of them indeed were always Victorious in War but at home Aristides stumbled being banish'd and oppress'd by the faction of Themistocles yet Cato notwithstanding he had almost all the chief and most powerful of Rome his Adversaries and wrastled with them even to his old age kept still his footing ingag'd also in many publick Suits sometimes Plaintif sometimes Defendant he cast the most and came off clear with all thanks to his Eloquence that bulwark and powerful instrument of life to which more truly than to chance or his fortune he ow'd that he sustain'd his Dignity to the last for Antipater gives this high commendation to Aristotle the Philosopher writing of him after his death That among his other Vertues he was endow'd with a faculty of persuading people which way he pleas'd questionless there is no perfecter endowment in man than Politicks whereof Oeconomicks is commonly esteem'd not the least part for a City which is a Collection of private houses grows into a Commonwealth by the particular manners of the Citizens that compound it Also Licurgus prohibiting Gold and Silver in Sparta made the Citizens money of Iron spoil'd by the fire did not discharge them from minding their houshold Affairs but cutting off Luxury the corruption and tumour of riches he provided there should be an abundant supply of all necessary and useful things for all persons as much as any other Lawmaker ever did always being more apprehensive of a poor needy and indigent Citizen than of one that was rich and haughty And truly Cato seem'd no less wise in the management of domestick concerns than in the government of publick affairs for he increas'd his Estate and became a Master to others in Oeconomy and Husbandry concerning which he collected in his Writings many useful things But on the contrary Aristides by his poverty made Justice odious as if it were the Pest and Impoverisher of a family and more beneficial to all rather than those that were indow'd with it yet Hesiod said many things to exhort us both to