Friends to Piso let him not fear to help him with his Eloquence and Care I exhort his Accusers to the like Application and Constancy We will only indulge this to Germanicus that his Death shall be enquired into in the Curia p The Curia is the Place where the Senate used to assemble to Consult about the publick Concerns of the Commonwealth not the Forum q The Forum is the place where the publick Courts of Iustice sate before the Senate rather than the ordinary Iudges all the rest shall be according to the common Form Lastly I desire you will neither regard Drusus's Tears my Affliction nor any Calumnies XIII It was ordered the Accusers should have two days to bring in their Accusations the Defendant three to answer and six to prepare for it Then Fulcinius began with old and frivolous matters as his governing Spain ambitiously and covetuously a conviction whereof would not have Condemned him had he justified himself of the rest nor the clearing himself of that would have acquitted him if found guilty of the new Crimes he was charged with Serveus Veranius and Vitellius continued the Accusation with the like warmth but the latter with more Eloquence objected That Piso out of Hatred to Germanicus and desire of Innovation so corrupted the Soldiers by too much Indulgence and Licentiousness at the Expence of their Allies that the worst of them called him Father of the Legions On the other hand he had ill used the best Officers and especially the Friends of Germanicus whom he killed by his Charms and Poison as the detestable Sacrifices made by him and Plancina for Ioy at his Death do testifie r See chap. 76. l. 2. That he was in Arms against the Commonwealth and had never been brought to Iustice but that he was overcome in Battle XIV His Defence was weak for he could neither deny his gaining the Soldiers by Ambition nor exposing the Province to them nor his Reproaches to the Emperor he only seemed to clear himself from the charge of Poison which in truth was not well proved 1 For Poison says Patin that is always said upon the Death of Princes of which they often make a Mystery Lettre 69. As if says Strada it was a Dishonour to them to Die a Natural Death because that would make Princes and others too equal Livre 2. de la seconde Decade de sa Guerre de Flandres For to say he poisoned the Meat by touching it as he sate one day above Germanicus at Table that was so absurd there was no probability in it that Piso should dare to do so before the Servants and Waiters and Germanicus himself too And he desired his Servants and Family might be put to the Question But the Iudges were inexorable 2 Upon State Accusations says Cardinal Richlieu You are to shut thâ— Door against Pity and Despise the Complaints of those that are concerned To be rigorous against those that Contemn the Laws and Government is to be good for the publick against which a Prince cannot offend more than in being indulgent to those that violate them C. 5. de la seconde Partie de son Testament Politique and all on different Motives the Emperor because of the War in the Province the Senate out of Prejudice upon suspicion that Germanicus died not a natural Death Some were for obliging him to shew the Letters his Friends writ him from Rome while he was in Syria but Tiberius opposed that as well as he At the same time the People cried aloud before the Senate-House that if Piso was acquitted he should not escape them 3 The Prince ought never to suffer the People to take Cognizance of those accused of State-Crimes nor let them examine whether the Iudgeâ— should acquit or condemn Iâ— thiâ— Door be once open the People will be Masters of all Iudgments by the Seditions they will raise in favour of those they would save or to take of those Ministers and Publick Officers they hate and his Statues were dragged to the Gemonies s This was a Place where Condemned Persons were dragged and cast into the Tyber It was up stairs and from thencè Scala Gemonia and Graduâ— Gemonii because as some are of Opinion the first that suffer'd in this manner his Name was Gemonius or as others because it was Locus Gemitus Calamitatum And from hence they used to throw down the Statues of Criminals This was upon the Aventine Mount and had been broke there but that Tiberius protected them Piso was carried back by a Captain of the Pretorian Band which was differently interpreted some saying he was to guard him from the fury of the People others to be his Executioner XV. Plancina was as much Hated but more in Favour 1 It is a fatality in all Monarchies to have a Minister the more loved by his Prince as he is hated by the People and to have popular Hatred preserve those a Prince would willingly give up when he is informed of their Behaviour if it were not to gratifie the People You therefore often see Ministers and Favourites prosper and flourish when the People clamour against them and fall from the top of their Grandeur when the People seem weary of hating and affronting them and therefore it was doubted whether Tiberius would bring her to Trial 2 Nothing is more dishonourable to a Prince than to suffer a great Man to grow to that Credit or Power as shall oblige him to cover his Faults so that he dares not let him be questioned for Crimes against the State As long as Piso had any Hopes she Vowed she would accompany him in his Fortune and Death too if that happened but she was no sooner Pardoned by Augusta's means than she began to leave her Husband 3 Every thing is sacrificed to Life and as A. Perez says There is not a Truer Friendship than betwixt the Soul and the Body for they would never part A great many Women make their Husbands all the Promises Plancina made Piso but you see none keep them they are the inseparable Companions of their good Fortune but instead of comâ—orting them in bad are oftentimes their Scourges He is exceeding happy who meers with a good One and make her Defence apart which Piso took for a certain sign of his Death Doubting whether he should any more try the Compassion of his Iudges at the persuasion of his Sons he takes Courage and goes again to the Senate He found the Accusations renewed the Iudges set against him and all conspiring his Destruction Nothing troubled him more than the Carriages of Tiberius which appeared without Pity without Passion â—ixt insensible and unmoveable When he was brought back as if he was providing for his Defence next day he writes Seals it up and delivers it to one who had been his Servant and then took that Care of himself he used to do Lastly his Wife leaving his Chamber at
was left to him that Henry the Third nourished Vipers in his Bosom that if he any longer deferred the Remedy of the Evils which threatned him he would see his Fault when it was too late It is worth observing by the way that Coloma himself believed that the Duke of Guise had sold himself to the King of Spain when he saith That the Commander Iohn Morâ—o who managed the Money which Philip the Second distâ—ibuted in France so entirely gained this Duke that he became wholly Spanish L. 3. of the same History and above all by giving them their Discharge so soon Yet he was not wanting to relate to the Senate his Exploits and to give large Commendations to his Valour but in Terms too much affected and labour'd to be thought sincere q It was his Desire that they should believe that he exceeded in the Praises of Germanicus thereby to lessen all the great Things which he had said of him Pessâ—mum inimicorum genus laudantes He spoke more sparingly of Drusus and of the Success of his Voyage into Illyria but it was with more Frankness and more Love and besides he order'd the same Conditions to be made for the Legions in Pannonia which Germanicus had granted to his own XLVI In the same Year died Iulia the Daughter of Augustus r Iulia saith Paterculus utterly forgetting that she was Augustus's Daughter and Tiberius's Wife gave herself up to all manner of Debaucheries which a Woman was capable of how shameful and infamous soever She measured the Greatness of her Fortune by Licentiousness and Impunity Her Adulterers were Iulius Antonius the Son of Mark Anthony and Husband of Marcella Augâ—stus's Niece Quintius Crispinus Appius Claudius Semproâ—ius Gracchus and Scipio besides some others of less Quality Hist. 2. c. 100. She had four Children by Agrippa her second Husband three Sons and one Daughter who inherited her Name and her Manners Sueton saith That when she was the Wife of Marcâ—llus she had a great Passion for Tiberius as it is the way of Coâ—ueâ—s and lewd Women always to love another better than their own Husband Seneca saith That Augustus perceiving too late the Error he had committed in publishing the Infamy of his Daughter by banishing her said with Grief That all this would not haâ—e 〈◊〉 him iâ— Agrippa or 〈◊〉 had been alive whom for her Incontinence he had formerly confin'd to the Isle of Pandataria s Now Pianosa in the Bay of Poâ—zzoli and afterwards to Rhegium near the Coast of Sicily During the Life of Caius and Lucius Agrippa her Sons she had been given in second Marriage to Tiberius whom she despis'd as a Man below her Quality 1 Unequal Marriages are almost always unfortunate especially those of Gentlemen with Princesses of the Royal Blood For commonly these Princesses will make up this Inequality at the Expence of the Honour or the Estate of their Husbands And it is of them that it is truly said That Majesty and Love never dwell together Add hereto that the infinite Respect which they exact upon the account of their Rank is insupportable to Husbands who have reason to be highly displeased at Irregularities which they dare not take notice of We ought therefore to observe the Precept of the Wise Man of Greece who advises not to marry a Wife of too great Riches or too high a Birth for fear of having a Master in stead of a Companion or as an old Poet said wittily for fear of meeting with a Husband in stead of a Wife and this was the principal Occasion of the Retirement of Tiberius to Rhodes But when he succeeded to the Empire not content to behold her banish'd dishonour'd and by the Death of Agrippa Posthumus depriv'd not only of all Hopes but of all Support he caus'd her to die in Want and Misery imagining that the distance of the Place to which she was banish'd would hide the manner of her Death Sempronius Gracchus was likewise slain on her Account Gracchus who was of a ready Wit and Eloquent with Cunning and Insinuation had debauch'd Iulia during her Marriage with Agrippa and his Gallantry with that Lady ended not with her first Husband's Death for he continu'd her perpetual Adulterer even after her Marriage with Tiberius He was continually provoking her against her Husband and encourag'd her to Disobedience It was also thought that he was the Author of those Letters which she writ to her Father against Tiberius and which occasion'd his Disgrace For these Reasons he was confin'd to an African Island call'd Cercina where he remain'd in Exile 14 Years He was found by the Soldiers who were sent to kill him on a Prominence at a little distance from the Shore and presaging no Good from their Arrival He desir'd some little Time to write his Last Will to his Wife Alliaria after which he freely offer'd them his Head A Constancy not unworthy of the Sempronian Name though he had degenerated from it by the Voluptuousness of his Life 2 Men are never throughly known till their Deaths All the Stains of a Voluptuous and Irregular Life are effaced by a Generous Death The Count de Chalais did himself as great Honour by his Death at which he called upon God to the Twentieth Stroke of the Thirty six that he received from the Executioner's Hand an extraordinary Thing as the Disorders of his Life and his Conspiracy against the King had dishonoured him Letters of the 19th of August 1626. Tome I. of the Memoirs of Cardinal Richelieu Don Rodrigo Calderon the Favourite of Philip the Third King of Spain by the Heroick Constancy of his Death turned the Hatred under which he lay into Esteem and Compassion Savadra Empr. 33. Un bel morir saith Petrarch tutta la vita honora Some have written that those Soldiers were not sent from Rome but from Lucius Asprenas Proconsul of Africa on whom Tiberius thought in vain to have cast the Odium of that Murder 3 How desirous soever Princes are to throw upon others the Hatred of the violent Resolutions which are executed against Great Men they are always believed to be the Authors thereof when they let those Persons go unpunished who have put them in execution After that Peter the Cruel had secretly put to Death Iohn Nugnez de Prado Grand Master of Calatrava this King saith Mariana expressed Grief for it to avoid the Hatred and the Insamy which would be upon him by the unjust Death of a Lord whose greatest Crime was his Friendship with a disgrac'd Favourite But when he made no inquiry and consequently inflicted no Punishment for so horrid a Fact the whole Kingdom believed that what all Pâ—â—ple before suspected of the King was a Truth which admitted of no Doubt History of Spain lib. 16. cap. 18. XLVII This Year was also made Remarkable by the Institution of new Ceremonies for there was establish'd at this time a College of Priests in Honour of Augustus in
their Condition sets them at a greater Distance from it Commines speaking of the Vow which Lewis XI made never to touch any Woman but his Wife saith that Although the King ought to have done it according to the Ordinance of the Church it was nevertheless a great Thing for him who had so many Women at his command to persevere in this Promise considering also that the Queen was not a Woman in whom he could take much Pleasure Memiors lib. 6. cap. 9. It is a great Miracle saith a Famous Panegyrist that he for whom the Church hath so often prayed that he might not fall into extraordinary Crimes did not so much as fall into the Common Faults which we call Humane Frailties But let us call them as we will they are no other than Mortal Sins which cannot be excused â—either by the Vigour of our Age and heat of our Blood seeing Lewis was Chast in his blooming Youth nor by the Opportunities of Sin seeing he was Chast in the midst of the Court nor by the Violence of Temptations seeing the finest Eyes of the World lay in wait in vain for him nor by the Difficulty of the Precept seeing neither Age nor Blood nor Opportunity nor the Charms of Beauty hindred him from preserving an inviolable Chastity The Funeral Oration of Lewis XIII by Franc. Ogier and a sure Issue As great a Captain as Alexander if you 'l not reckon the Successes of the other's Rashness and who after he had broken the Germans by so many Victories would have entirely reduc'd Germany under the Obedience of the Romans had he not been recall'd when he was upon the Point of finishing his Conquests But had he been invested with the Title and Power of King 4 Independance is a mighty advantage in a General of an Aâ—my for the Execution of Enterprizes Germanicus would have compleated the Conquest of all Germany if Tiberius had not been Iealous of his Glory The Duke of Alva would have taken Rome and Pope Paul IV. if Philip II. his Master had been of the humour of Charles V. The Count de Rantzau who was afterwards Mareschal of France would inâ—allibly have surpriz'd the Citadel of Ghant wherein there were at that time many French Portugâ—ese and Catalans Prisoners if Monsiâ—ur dâ— Noyers who govern'd all under Cardinal Richelieu had been willing to have seconded this Enterprize whereas he disappointed it to hinder the Count whose Person he hated from growing more considerable at Court by so great a Service The Mareschal de la Mothe Houdancourt would have carried the King of Spain Prisoner to Paris if the Regency had not been in the Hands of his Sister who on this Occasion preferr'd her Brother's Interests to her Sons he would as easily have Equall'd Alexander in Military Glory as he Excell'd him in Clemency Temperance and other Virtues His Body before it was burnt was exposed naked to be viewed in the Market-place of Antioch where his Funeral Pile was Erected It is very uncertain whether or no there appeared on it any signs of Poison for People as they were influenc'd with Compassion for Germanicus and with the common Prejudice against Piso on the one hand or as they were inclin'd to â—avour him on the other spake differently of it LXXV The Lieutenant-Generals and some Senators who were in those Parts immediately held a Consultation about the Choice of a Person to Administer the Government of Syria All the Competitors that appear'd for it soon quitted their Pretensions except Vibius Marsus and Cneius Sentius betwixt whom there was a warm Competition until Marsus at last gave it up to Sentius as being the Elder Person and the more eager Competitor 1 A good Minister ought to sacrifice his Private Interests to the Publick Service without being obstinately bent to carry it from his Rivals There is nothing more pernicious than the Dissentions which happen betwixt the Great Officers of a Province whilst there is a Powerful Rebel who endeavours to make himself Master of it On such occasions it is a Victory to yield to an Ambitious Competitor who is of a Humour obstinately to support his Pretensions Don Iohn de Cerda Duke de Medina Caeli being come to Brussels to succeed the Duke d'Alva in his Government of the Low-Countries chose rather to return into Spain than to enter into a Contest with Alva who refus'd to put these Provinces into his hands under colour that they had yet need of his Presence and that Medina was too gentle to govern so rough a People Cabrera's History Lib. 10. Cap. 2. As soon as he was in the Government at the request of Vitâ—llius Veranius and some others who proceeded against Piso and Plancina as if they had been already convicted he sent to Rome one Martina a Woman who had been infamous in that Province for poysoning and Plancina's great Favourite 2 Persons who have a Friendship with Poysoners that are known to be such are easily believed to be Guilty if they are once accus'd of Poysoning The Acquaintance of la Voisin and the Lady de Brinvilliers was unfortunate to several People and many more would have felt the Rigour of Iustice if the King's Clemency had not removed the Ballance LXXVI But Agrippina notwithstanding she was almost sinking under Grief and Indisposition of Body yet impatient of any thing that might retard her revenge 1 A Wife can't do any thing more worthy of conjugal Love than to prosecute the Murthereâ—s of her Husband took Ship with her Children and her Husband's Ashes which was a Spectacle that drew Compassion from all to see so great a Princess who in regard of her happy Marriage was lately Applauded and Ador'd by all People 2 Past Prosperity draws greater compassion on the present Adversity Especially when they are Persons who have behaved themselves well in their good Fortune now carry in her arms her Husband 's mournful Urn full of anxious Thoughts whether she should find at Rome any Iustice for him or Safety for her self and who by her unhappy Fruitfulness was obnoxious to so many more strokes of Fortune 3 According to the Proverb which saith That He is a Fool that lets the Children live whose Father he hath kill'd Agrippina who looked on Tiberius as the Principal Author of her Husband's Death had just cause to fear lest he should also destroy her Children And as she had six Tacitus who never saith any thing in vain expresses by these three Words toties fortunae obnoxia that she foresaw that they would be so many Victims which Tiberius would sacrifice to his Iealousie And this Presage was in part accomplish'd by the Death of Nero and Drusus her two Eldest Sons In the mean time 〈◊〉 Messenger overtakes Piso at the Isle of Coos with the News of Germanicus's Death which he receiv'd with such extravagant Ioy that he ran to the Temples and offer'd Sacrifices 4 He is very rash who exposeâ— himself
poena ad paucos perveniret Pro Cluentio That is Our Ancestors have decreed that if many offend against Martial Law some only shall be punished by Lot so that their Punishment may strike Terrour to all the rest Appius Claudius seems to have been the first Author of Decimation among the Romans His Army having forsoke him in his Expedition against the Volsci he Decimated them at his return and cut off the Centurions Heads after they had run the Gantleâ— T. Liv. livrez The same Historian says he killed the Roman Soldiers vitibus and the Foreigners fustibus Paterculus says That the Proconsul Calvinius Domitius caused Vibillius a Lieutenant Colonâ—l to be slain with his Generals Staff because he shamefully run away Hist. 2. Chap. 78. Sometimes the Roman Consuls vigesâ—â—aâ—ant and centesimaâ—ant i. e. punished only One of Twenty or an Hundred those dishonourable Troops 2 Decimation is the most effectual remedy for the Cowardice Disobedience and Infidelity of Soldiers It is rarely executed in France but supplied with an equivalent the breaking of Companies What Lewis the Iust did in 1639. is remarkable Viz. The King being well informed how cowardly the Troops of Light Horse of Fontette Castelet and Cuvilliers left the Foot at the Battle of Thionville and resolving such Infamy should be taken notice of and exemplarily punished ordered they should be broke and never raised again His Majesty declares the Captains and Officers of the said Troops infamous and incapable of ever having any Command reserving himself to appoint them such Punishment as they deserved And in a Letter to the Viscount de Lignon My desire is says he That you break with Disgrace and expel your Regiment all the Officers and Soldiers that were known to fly on that occasion and that you let them not serve in other â—roops where the Contagion of their ill Conduct may make the like disorder as at the Battle of Thionville Dans le Tom. 4. des Memoires du Ministere du Cardinal dâ— Richelieu and drubb'd them to Death A Punishment rare in those times tho' practised formerly Which Severity did so much good that an Ensign with no more than 500 old Soldiers defeated Tacfarinas's Army 3 Sometimes those that are Beat bring more Resolution Courage and Conduct to a second Battle than their Victors for these are apt to relax through Haughtiness and Pride which Victory inspires when the others have Shame Anger and a desire of Vengeance to spur them to recover the Esteem and Favour of their General Which Tacitus says Acriâ—râ— disciplinâ— victi quam victores agunt hos ira odium ulâ—ionis cupiditas ad virtutem accendit illi per fastidium contumaâ—iam hebescunt Hist. 2. Profuisse disciplinae ipsum pudorem Hist. 3. as they were going to assault a Fort called Thala In which Battle Rufus Helvius a common Soldier had the Honour to save a Citizen's Life on whom Apronius bestowed a Chain and Spear Tiberius added the Civic Crown finding Fault rather than offended that Apronius did not give it 4 Princes are always pleased to have their Ministers leave to them the disposing of Rewards especially Military Rewards the distribution whereof draws great Consequences after it when done by other Hands After the Battle of Rocroy the Bâton of Marshal was not refused M. de Gassion because the D. d'Anguien asked it but because the Queen Regent and Cardinal Mazarine would not let him owe that Dignity to a Victorious General However there is nothing gives a Soveraign greater satisfaction than the Moderation of a Subject who after he has done great Services will receive no Recompence from any other hand than his Cardinal d'Ossat speaking of the Presents Cardinal Ioyeuse had sent him after his Promotion said He accepted only the Silver Basin which might be worth an Hundred Crowns fâ—r tho' he had not then what became him to support his Dignity yet he would not renounce his Abstinence that he had always preserved to be obliged to any other Lord or Prince than the King Lettre 171. The King saith a Modern Author should be the only Master and Iudge of all Rewards and ought to dispose them himself so that they who receive any of them may be persuaded they owe them to his Bounty Besides nothing can give juster satisfaction to Subjects who have a true Sense of Honour than to receive a Favour from the King 's own Hand because the Dignity of the Royal Hand adds a Quality to the Present that augments its excellence and value Chap. 9. du Traité de la Politique dâ— Francâ— which he might have done as Proconsul But Tacfarinas seeing the Numidians daunted and resolved against more Sieges scatter'd the War giving ground when pursued and following upon the Retreat and thus kept the Romans in play to no purpose But greedy of Booty he got near the Sea-Coasts and encamped Apronius Caesianus being sent by his Father with the Horse and Auxiliaries and the greater part of the Legions found a way to Fight him and drove him to the Desarts XXIII Lepida who besides the Honour of the Aemilian Family from whence she was descended had L. Sylla and Cneius Pompeius for her Grandfathers was accused by her Husband Publius Quirinus a Rich Man and Childless for a Supposititious Child and also for Adulteries and Poisonings 5 It is easie to persuade Iudges a Woman that commits Adultery would Poison her Husband and that she had consulted the Baldeans against Caesar's House Her Brother Marius Lepidus desended her And tho' she was faulty and infamous yet Quirinus's Prosecution c Ita enim apud Romanâ—s says Appian futuri anni Consul primus censet after he was Divorced from her made others have Compassion on her It was hard to guess Tiberius's Inclination he so artfully mixed the signs of his Anger and Clemency He requested the Senate to let alone the Charge of Treason at that time then he drew from M. Servilius that had been Consul and the other Witnesses what he pretended he would have concealed and sent Lepida's Servants to the Consuls under a guard of Soldiers and would not suffer them to be examined on the Rack against her Lastly Dispensed with Drusus Consul Elect giving his Opinion first which was differently interpreted that the Iudges might not be led by his Son and others that they might have the greater liberty to Condemn her 1 'T is very certain if Tiberius had desired to have saved Lepida he would have let his Son have spoke first to have had the Reputation of it to which the 〈◊〉 would willingly have consented because the Contempt they had for Quirinus her Accuser would have enclined the Iudges to shew her Favour He would not let his Son declare himself first under pretence of leaving others to their liberty but in effect that they might do what he would not be thought the Author of and to shew that instead of imposing a necessity on the
extolling their Zeal for severely punishing the least Offence against their Prince desiring them not rashly to punish Words for the future 6 Bloody Princes are wont to put on Clemency after Blood is spill'd to cast the Odium on those have served them in it After Queen Elizabeth had cut off the Queen of Scotâ— Head she committed Secretary Daviâ—son to Prison who carried the Warrant for her Execution pretending he had surpriz'd her in signing it And Philip II. of Spain let Process issue against Antonio Pâ—râ—z his Secretary for the Murther of Secretary Escovâ—do though he had his Order under his hand â—or it And Cabrera that pretends to write in Favour of Philip cannot forbear declaring the violent Death of this Man wrought no Compassion in him Chap. 3. du Livrâ— 12. de sâ—n Histoire He commended Lepidus and blamed not Agrippa 1 When a Prince blames not cruel or severe Actions 't is a sure sign he is easie or at least not troubled at them And a Decree pass'd the Senate that their Sentences should not be carried to the Treasury before the Tenth Day t That is that those who are sentenced shall not be executed till ten days after Sentence given to give the Condemn'd so long time to live But the Senate could not alter the Sentence u The Roman Laws allowed not the Magistrates to change any thing in their Sentences not so much as a Letter Proâ—onsulis tabella sententiâ— est quae semel lecta neque aâ—gâ—ri litterâ neque minus potest sed ut cunque recitata ita Provinciae instrumento refâ—rtur Apul. Lib. 11. Hor. Thereâ—ore Pilate answered the Iews that would have had him alter the Inscription upon Christ's Cross Quod Scripsi Sâ—ripsi and time never mollify'd Tiberius The Year of Rome 775. LIV. C. Sulpiciâ—s and Decimus Haterius were the next Consuls This year there were no Troubles abroad but great severity was apprehended against Luxury at home which grew to excess in all things that were expensive Yet some of their Expences however proâ—use were covered by concealing their Cost x The price of Iewels Vessels of Silver and Gold and rich Stuâ—fs being not commonly known those that Bought them took care not to tell what â—hey cost But all their Discourse was of their Gluttony which they feared Tiberius a Prince of Frugality equal to the Ancients would restrain For â— Bibulus beginning the other Ediles shewed that the Sumptuary Laws were neglected and that notwithstanding any Prohibitions the price of Necessaries daily encreased and that such Disorders were not to be redressed by ordinary Ways And the Senate after Deliberation referred the whole matter to the Prince But he after he had considered whether such Extravagances could be redressed whether a Reformation would not be more to the prejudice than benefit of the Commonwealth 2 The first thing a Reformer should well consider is That his Reformation bring not greater Mischiefs than those he would Refoâ—m Pius V. after he had shut up all the Courtisans in a separate place was acquainted by the Confessors that Adulteries Incests and Sodomiâ—s plainly encreased Pagliari daâ—â— son Commentaire sur Tacite Observ. 389. Sixtus V. who understood the best of any Man how to make himself Obeyed succâ—â—ded no better than Pius He drove many of them out of Rome where they were in very great numbers and shut up the rest but the Confessors â—aying the same things before him as before Piâ—s he commanded the Governors of Rome to revoke the Order and gave leave to those were gone away to return Leti Livre 1. de la secâ—nde partie de sa Vie how dishonourable it would be to him to undertake what he could not effect or if he did that it would require the punishing some noble Persons Hâ— writ thus to the Senate LV. It were perhaps more proper My Lords in other Matters to ask my my Opinion in your Presence and to have me there tell you what I thought expedient for the Commonwealth but in this 't is better I am absent lest by the Fears and Countenances of some among you I should discover those who lead this shameful life and as it were take them in the Fault If the Ediles had first consulted me I cannot tell but I might have advised them rather to connive at those Vices that have taken deep root and are inveterate 3 A Prince that would establish an absolute and despotick Government if he be wise will have a care how he reforâ—s Luxury the best and most agreeable Instrument of Slavâ—ry Ciriacus de Lentz says speaâ—ing of Tiberiuâ— Therefore a Prince will not reâ—orm Luxury because thâ— great and rich Men that live in Pleasure and Magnificence are so many Pledges and Hostages of Slavery Iâ— Vespasiam could by his Example recover the ancient manner of living and restore Frugality If Lewis XIII could by an Edict remedy the Fashions and excessive Expences in Cloths Why might not Tibâ—rius have done the like 〈◊〉 he had the like Inclâ—nations Dans 〈◊〉 Aâ—gustus He adds in his 〈◊〉 Tiberiana Thâ—t the Caâ—o's Dâ—â—asea's and 〈◊〉 are never â—ccâ—ptable to Tyrants and tâ—at Socrates tho' very poor was suspected to the Thirty Tyrants â—ecauâ—e he contemned the Pleasuâ—es of Life So that ill Princes look as ill upon those as they do upon Amâ—â—tious Persons that prefer their Reâ—putation before the Engagements of Pleasures Aphorism â— du Liv. 3. than hazard shewing there are some we are not able to remedy 4 Tho' the Complaints made against inveterate Vices are reasonable yet Princes will tolerate them because we are not capable of that Perfection those Censors expect that understand not the Government of States The most reasonable Orders are not always best because some being not suitable to those who are to observe them But these worthy Magistrates have done their Duty as I could wish all others would For me I think it neither honest to hold my Tongue nor expedient to speak for I am neither an Edile Praetor nor Consul 5 Great Princes are not to trouble themselves with all Affairs nor to descend to liâ—â—le matters While they are employed on the greater their Ministers and Magistâ—ates dispatch the lesser Their Application to these would make them forget or at least Postpone others which were very prejudicial to the good of the State Iuan Antonio de Vera says the Emperor Charles V. tho' a pious Prince never had much Communication with Monks out of Conâ—ession while he Governed And one day that Father Francis of Madrid consulted him upon some Abuses of their Order which he thought worâ—hy Reformation he answered in some displeasure Father Francis of all you have said to me I find nothing concerns the Emperor but would have you apply to the Pope or the General rather than to me who lose not my time in discoursing the Affairs of a Cloister Dans l'Epitome de sa Vie I beseech your Majesty says
the Complaints of the Injured but a Prince displeased with his good Qualities the Honour of the Man and the worst of all Enemies his Commenders Now there ensued such unhappy Times that would not permit Agricola to pass his Life in Silence For so many Armies had been lost in Mesia Datia Germany and Pannonia by the Temerity or Ignorance of the Generals so many Cohorts and gallant Men defeated and taken that 't was not the Bank of a River or the Limits of the Empire but even our Winter-Quarters and what we were in possession of that was in a dangerous Condition Thus having a continued Series of Misfortunes and every Year being signalized by some Calamity or Destruction Agricola was call'd for to be General by the common Voice of all comparing his Constancy Vigour and Military Experience with the Ignorance Pusillanimity of others 'T is certain these Discourses frequently reached Domitian's Ears 'till his best Friends out of Fidelity and the bad out of Envy and Malice stirred up their Prince of himself prone to make the worst of Things So that Agricola by his own Virtues and the Vices of others was hurried to Glory XLII This Year a new Pro-Consul of Asia and Africa was to be chosen Civica being lately slain Agricola did not want Advice nor Domitian an Example Some who were acquainted with the Prince's Mind came to him and asked him If he would accept of that Province And at first â—aintly commended a private Life then proffered him their Service to get him excused but at last no longer palliating the Matter sometimes perswading sometimes threatning him they pull'd him to Domitian who with a Set Hypocrisie and Majestick Arrogance hears his Request and Excuse to which when he had yielded he graciously suffered himself to be Thank'd never blushing at so abusive a Favour But the Salary usually offered to Persons of that Quality and granted to many Others he never gave to Agricola either being angry 't was not requested or being sensible that he should look as if he had paid for what he was against It is the Property of Human Nature to hate those they injure but Domitian's Nature prone to Anger which the more concealed was the harder to be appeased Agricola made Mild and Gentle by his Prudence and Moderation for he never by Contumacy or a vain Ostentation of Liberty â—ought Fame or tried his Fortune therefore let those know who are fond of Things unlawful that Good Men may live under Bad Princes and that Modesty and Submission joyn'd with Vigour and Industry will acquire that Glory which Others seeking by indirect Ways not in the least serviceable to the Commonwealth grow only famous by that Death which their Ambition brings them to XLIII Agricola's Death was lamentable to his Relations sad to his Friends and a great Concern to Strangers and Persons unknown The Common People and such as were here upon their Diversion wou'd visit his House and speak of him in all Publick Meetings Neither did any body that heard of his Death either rejoyce at it or soon forget it but that which increased their Commiseration was a Report of his being poyson'd which I cannot affirm But it is certain all the time of his Sickness Domitian's chief Servant and most trusty Physician came to him oftner than is usual for a Prince to send him as from himself on a Visit which was great Care or Inquisitiveness On the last Day of his Life every Moment he was expiring was signified by Posts laid ready for the purpose and No-body thought they were in haste to hear that News for which they would be sorry But Domitian put on a sad Countenance and being free from what he hated he found it an easier Matter to dissemble his Ioy now than formerly his Fear But it is certain when Agricola's Will was read in which he made him a Co-heir with his Wife and Daughter he rejoyced exceedingly as if it had been an Act of Iudgment and Respect being so blinded by continual Flattery as not to know a Good Father never made any Prince but a Bad one his Heir XLIV Agricola was born on the Thirteenth Day of Iune Caius Caesar being the third time Consul and died on the Twenty-fourth Day of September in the Fifty-sixth Year of his Age Collega and Priscus Consuls If Posterity would have a Description of his Person he was well proportion'd but not tall in his Countenance was nothing of Fear but a great deal of Sweetness so that you would easily guess him a Good Man and as readily a Great Man Tho' he was snatched away in the midst of the strongest part of Man's Life yet by reason of the Honour he had gained he lived to a great Age for he had arrived to the true Worth which consists of Virtuous Actions and having been Dignified with Triumphal and Consular Ornament What cou'd Fortune give him more He did not desire immoderate Riches but he had a plentiful Estate In this he was happy that he had a Wife a Daughter and in that he escaped future Calamities by his Death at a time when his Honour was untainted his Name flourished and his Relations and Friends were all prosperous For as he did foretel and desire to live in this Happy Age and to see Trajan Prince so he had this great Solace of his sudden Death that he avoided the Last Times in which Domitian not by Intervals or short Pauses but as it were at one continued Blow destroyed thâ— Commonwealth XLV For Agricola did not see the Senate-house beset the Senate encompass'd with Arms a great many of Consular Dignity massacred and Multitudes of honourable Women forced to Flight and Banishment by the same Outrage Carus Metius yet had obtained but one Victory Messalinus's Sentence only made a Noise in the Mannor of Albana and Messa Bebius was but then accused But by and by we carried Helvidius to Prison the Sight of Mauricius and Rusticus wounded our Hearts and Senecio sprinkled us with his Blood Nero withdrew and would not behold those Cruelties he commanded But the chiefest part of our Misery was to see and to be seen under Domitian while our very Sighs and Groans were Registred and while he was able to behold the Paleness and Fear of so many Persons with a stern Countenance and Face Red against all Shame and Blushing O Agricola thou art happy not only in a famous Life but a well-timed Death As they tell us who heard your last and dying Words You with great Constancy and Willingness submitted to your Fate and did all that you could to bequeath Innocence to your Prince But that which increases mine and your Daughter's Grief besides the sharp Affliction of the Loss of you her Parent is that we did not attend you when sick cherish you when fainting and satisfie our longing Eyes and Arms in beholding and embracing you Had we received your Commands they had been for ever imprinted in our Minds this is the greatest Wound
among them So Piso that was called The Father of the Legions after he was accused by the Senator Sentius for endeavouring to raise a Civil-war in the Province encreased the Suspicion of that Crime by conversing familiarly with the Legion that returned to Rome as soon as he arrived at Narni n A Câ—ty of Umbria he embarked upon the River Nare to avoid Suspicion or because those that are timorous are always uncertain But he incensed the People by his landing in their sight at the Burying-place of the Caesars with Plancina both were pleasant and cheerful he attended with a Multitude of Followers and she with a great Train of Women Their House which stood very publickly was adorned with Lawrels and Garlands there was a Festival and great Rejoycings and all so publick as to raise them more Envy 7 Pomp Ceremony Festivals and Rejoycings are accounted so many new Crimes in one accused of Designs against the State for it is indeed to brave a Prince and the Laws in shewing he fears them not Tiberius rejoyced at Germanicus's Death but that troubled him Piso should have forbore entring with so much Splendour and making those Shews at his House which served only to raise a publick Displeasure by the Comparison was made betwixt his Rejoycings and the Silence Sorrow and Mourning at Agrippina's Cabrera says The Magnificence Anthony Perez lived in while the Wife and Children of the Secretary Iuan Escovedo whom he had caused to be Assassinated prosecuted his Death so provok'd the People that Phillip II. was at last forced to give him over to Iustice which treated him with great Rigour and Ill-will X. The next day Fulcinus Trio accused Piso before the Consuls but Veranius Vitellus and others that had been with Germanicus insisted That it belong'd to them and not to Trio and that instead of being Accusers they would only report as Witnesses the last Declaration of the Deceased Trio waved that part and contented himself with the Liberty to enquire into the Life of Germanicus The Emperor desired Cognizance of this himself and Piso freely consented for fear of falling into the hands of the People or Senate both too much enclined to Germanicus's Family and knowing also Tiberius valued not Reports and that his Mother had agreed with him the Orders she sent Plancina Besides Truth is more easily discerned by a single Iudge than an Assembly 1 The diversity of Humours and Interests among those compose an Assembly opens the way to all Passion and then it is impossible to discern Truth from Falshood which has always Prejudice for its Advocate where Hatred and Envy are too prevalent Tiberius was not ignorant of the Consequence of this Affair nor the Reflections he lay under After hearing therefore before some of his Confidents the Complaints of the Accusers and Piso's Answer he sent all back to the Senate XI In the mean time Drusus returning from Sclavonia came privately to Rome deferring till another time the Triumph the City decreed him for the taking Maroboduus and his great Actions the Summer before Afterwards Piso desiring T. Aruntius Fulcinius Asinius Gallus Eserninus Marcellus and Sextus Pompeius for his Advocates and they excusing themselves 2 A Criminal when the People seek for his Death with Threats that they will cut him in pieces tho' he should be acquitted by his Iudges would find â—t difficult getting Advocates to make his Defence Means are often found to escape the Wrath of a Prince but very seldom that of the People on divers Pretences M. Lepidus Lucius Piso and Liveneius Regulus were appointed him All the City expected with great Impatience to see the Fidelity of Germanicus's Friends o They had promised Germanicus before he died to lose their Lives rather than his Death should be unpunished as Tacitus says towards the end of his Second Book of Annals the Courage of the Criminal and whether Tiberius would discover or conceal his Sentiments For the People never shewed greater Suspicion nor took more Liberty to Censure their Prince XII The Day the Senate met Tiberius made a set Speech and said That Piso had been Augustus's Friend and Lieutenant and that by Authority of the Senate 3 When a Prince has chose a Governor or other Officer whose Administration is blamed he commonly divides it with his Council So Tibâ—rius here would have it believed that the reason why he sent Piso Governour into Syria was in Conformity to Augustus who had honoured him with his Friendship and divers Employs in which he had well acquitted himself he was sent with Germanicus to govern the East They were impartially to judge whether he had provoked the young Prince by his Disobedience and Disputes if he rejoyced at his Death or was the Cause of it For says he if he exceeded what was committed to him when Lieutenant disobeyed his General rejoyced at his Death and my Affliction I will banish him my House and be revenged of him as a Father not a Prince 1 There is great difference betwixt Offences against the Person and the Authority of a Prince He may pardon the first but ought never to let the others go unpunished because their Consequences are always dangerous to the State For that would be as Cardinal Richlieu has very well observed A mistaken Clemency more dangerous than Cruelty Ch. 5. de lâ— seconde partie de son Testament Politique Nay if he hath been guilty of any Crime that deserves Punishment even the Death of any private Man give your selves the Children of Germanicus and us their Parent just Satisfaction And especially forget not to enquire if he hath corrupted the Military Discipline if he hath ambitiously endeavoured to gain the Soldiers Affections and if he returned into the Province by force of Arms or if these things be false and aggravated by the Accusers 2 When a Prince puts a great Man into the Hands of Iustice and there is enough against him it is wise and honourable in him to Command the Iudges not to trouble themselves with the Examination of uncertain and doubtful Crimes whereof he is accused to shew he acts without Passion and will proceed only according to Law whose great zeal I have cause to be offended with For Why was Germanicus's Body stript and exposed naked to the People and why has it been reported he was Poisoned if these things are yet uncertain and to be proved I lament the loss of my Son and shall always do it but will not hinder the Accused making his Defence 3 A Prince has a double Obligation upon him that of Nature to his Children and of Government to his People As he is a common Father he ought to hold the Balance even especially when he is to Revenge the Death or Complaints of the former without sparing Germanicus if he hath been to blame I beseech you let not my Trouble make you take Accusations for Crimes If any among you are Relations or