diminution of the subiects obseruance 2 From whence the authoritie of the Nobilitie doth proceed 3 The detestable crueltie of the Turkish Emperour against the next of his bloud 4 Vsage of great men taken by the Turkes 5 The vncertaine fortune and estate of the Turkes officers 1 TO the end the dependencie and authoritie whereof wee haue hitherto entreated be without alteration maintained it is requisite that the Prince haue a care that there be none in his countrey who for their greatnesse may incourage the people and embolden them to attempt ought backt by their authoritie countenance and conduct 2 This greatnesse may grow from three principall causes either in regard they are Princes of the bloud or for that they are noted to be nobly descended and rich or else for the reputation they haue gotten and a long while preserued either by cunning or by their owne valour and merit things that winne credit and name amongst the common people Concerning the first cause the children brethren and kinsmen of the Turke are great by consanguinitie The Barons of the country obtaine the second ranke whereto the noblenesse of their family calleth them for the third such ministers and officers as beare a stroake and swaie in matters of the highest consequence are accounted great 3 The Ottaman Princes of nature barbarous and cruell ordinarily shelter themselues from these inconueniences with courses far from all humanity in as much as without all respect of Law religion or other ciuill consideration they vpon the least scruple that may be ridde their hands by execrable murthers of their neerest kinsfolkes and friends yea euen of their fathers and brethren alone to inioy and by their death to assure to themselues the quiet possession of their kingdome Selim the first murthered two of his brethren procured the death of all his nephewes yea and of his father also He would often say that there was nothing more sweet then to raigne out of the suspition and shadow of his kindred and that he deserued pardon for what he had committed since it was the same play and vsage he should haue receiued if any other but himselfe had attained to the crowne Amurath the third which now raigneth made his entry by the death of his brother and searched the establishing of his Empire euen in the belly of his mother then great with childe making for this end one end of her what she went withall these cruelties are monstrous in the sight of God and man and full of horror and infamie yet hath it not beene knowen for all this that euer any citie any people or armie did reuolt or mutine This inhumanitie is amongst them growne to that lawfull and ordinarie consequence as they vsually put it in practise without feare of blame or reproch The examples thereof are as infinite as their memories stinking and abhominable In a word this butchering is amongst them an hereditary succession descending from one to another which God would reuenge with our hands if we would amend our liues 4 As for the Barons and Lords of the countrey Mahomet the first destroied their seed expelling them out of his estate as he did all the originarie Turkish Princes his allies and if by chance there remaine any of the Ottoman race he is so kept downe as he traileth as they say his belly vpon the ground liuing most poorely without all charge and manage of affaires so as neither valour nor riches can make him appeere or shine in the worlds eie rather he remaineth eclipsed amongst the vulgar sort without honour credit or estimation As for the Princes and mightie men of the countrey by them subdued they know well enough how to ridde their hands of them in sort as we haue before declared so as neuer Empire was raised or maintained with more execrable murthers then this hath beene in these daies they neither sparing Princes of their bloud nor the chiefe Potentates of their prouinces for they blinde them if not kill them 5 Now concerning the ministers and officers who by long managing of waightie affaires haue attained to Honorable places authority and reputation there is not one be hee neuer so great which at the least winke wrath and pleasure of his Lord loseth not his life immediatly Baiazet caused Acomat Bassa to be put to death an excellent man of armes and a woorthy Captaine saying the too much reputation of the seruant was a cause of the too great ielousie of the master Selim likewise put many to death and amongst others Mustafa Bassa whom he caused to be strangled at Prusa and after to be cast out to the dogs This was his recompence for fauoring him in the vsurpation of the Empire against Baiazet his father then liuing and for making riddance of his two brethren Acomat and Corcut. He suspected it was he that had reuealed his secret as indeed he had to Aladin and Amarath children of his brother Acomat because contrary to his expectation he sought their death It is in a manner an ordinary course with Princes that one light offence obscureth and maketh them forget a thousand good seruices performed for the good of their affaires For my part I am of opinion that this rage and inhumane cruelty familiar with the house of the Ottomans is but a true and iust iudgment of God who will by their parricid handes chastice the Apostasies and wickednesse of one by another considering the greater part of them are Christians who haue denied their faith and by that miserable act climed vp to the height of those eminent charges and dignities they possesse As not long since his diuine Maiestie permitted a poore simple souldiour to kill Mahomet Bassa a man most mighty in credit and authority but more rich of power and meanes yet such a one as had beene a Christian and had taken vpon him the orders of Priesthood CHAP. VII How he confoundeth the practises of forraine Princes his neighbours 1 The diuorce of the Greeke church from the Romish confirmeth the Turkish Empire 2 What were requisite to stir vp the Turkish subiects to rebellion 3 The Greekes vtterly destitute of meanes for such proceedings 4 His owne subiects throughly curbed 1 ONe of the most assured meanes practised by the Turke as an infallible course of setling his estate against the intelligence which his people might hold with Christian princes is the diuorce separation he maintaineth betweene the Greeke the Romish church supposing while this schisme shall continue amongst them that they will neuer establish betweene them a sound amity This made the conquest of Constantinople easie vnto them this hath forwarded the proceeding of his victories and as it were put into his hands all those rich and goodly Prouinces whereof he is at this day the peaceable but Tyrannicall owner moreouer he so narrowly obserueth our vnhappie discord as he by a perpetuall counsaill endeuoureth all he can possibly that the Patriarkes render no obedience to the Pope neither is it
meanes whereby he may be inwardly weakened and whether by the infirmities which are begotten in other estates that of the Ottomans may be likewise distempered and corrupted of the inward causes of this corruption some concerne the Heads and Ministers others are deriued from among the people I will then produce some few examples noting the errors of such as sway a Soueraigne authority and so orderly come to the other to collect thence what may serue to procure the Turkes ruine 2 That which would fall most to our purpose would be if the great Turke should die without heires of the true line and race of Ottoman For in such a case it is likely the Beglerbyes Vizirs Bassas Sangiacks and the greatest personages of the Turkish nation would each one for himselfe indeauour to possesse himselfe of whatsoeuer he could most easily compasse 3 The second cause would be if in regard of his cruelty or negligence the Prince should giue his subiects occasion to hate and contemne him but the mischiefe would proue yet greater if it did arise from the cowardlinesse or sloath of the Prince For his strength consisting wholly in the great numbers of his souldiours ordinarily intertained how could he possibly containe such mighty armies in deuotion and quietnesse if he did not daily busie them in the exercise of war And lesse how could so many nations be held within compasse of feare and obedience without the feare of ordinary armes It is not to be doubted then if they had a Prince who were giuen ouer to idlenesse and a loose life or that they discried him to be a coward slothfull but they would be forward to draw their swords against him and thence worke their owne destruction Baiazet the second had proofe of this for abandoning himselfe to all pleasures and resoluing vpon a priuat and retired course of life to spend his time in reading good authors his sonne sought his destruction and in the end fauored by the Ianizzars depriued him of his life and kingdome For though Baiazet repressed the first violence of his sonnes ambition yet he was at the last forced by the Ianizzars not only to pardon his rebellion but also to send him with an army against his other sonne Accomat who supposing his father ment to prefer Selim before himselfe who was the elder caused the noses and eares of his fathers messengers most shamefully to be cut off the enormity of this fact ill digested and worse interpreted was that which cancelled the greater faults of Selim to take vengeance of this last lesse outrage whence it came to passe in the end that these same Ianizzars possest Selim of the empire who soone after put to death his vnhappy father Amurath the third now raigning hauing withdrawne himselfe from the actions of war to liue in ease and quiet hath lost much of his souldiours and seruants ancient obedience zeale and obseruance such as they were wont to carry towards their Soueraignes greatnesse The Bassa of Cairo who had the gouernment of Aegypt named Ragusei being summoned according to their Emperious custome to make his appearance at the port flatly refused to come thither and made his escape with a world of treasure which he had amassed by extorsions and pilling of the people during the time of his administration The Ianizzars which were at those times appointed for the wars of Persia would not once moue a foote to march thitherward but as halfe in a mutiny said plainly they would not any more go vpon any enterprise vnlesse the great Turke their Lord would vnchamber himselfe from among his concubines and vndertake the voyage himselfe in person so as he was constrained by vertue of giftes and increase of pay to win them to the war Moreouer of late after the ouerthrow of Tauris the Turke hauing appointed a new generall for the succoring of his vanquished army and reenforcing of such as remained within the cittadell all the commandements he could lay vpon him could not preuaile so much with him as to get him to march forward rather he grew to capitulate with him and that finished he made the most adoe in the world to muster vp twenty thousand men who refused likewise to goe to that war otherwise then vpon all the aduantages they could deuise to demand not like subiects and slaues but as if they had beene neighbours allies and confederates These breaches already made in the obedience they were wont to render thir lord and Master may perswade vs that they will easily rebell vpon the first occasion that shall present it selfe without respect of their Princes greatnesse or obseruation of their ancient military policy 4 The third occasion might befall if there were many brethren to debate the Empire after the death of their father as it hapned between Zizimus and Baiazet sonnes of Mahomet and betwene Acomat and Selim sonnes of Baiazet This Baiazet was fauoured of the Ianizzars against his brother Zizimus was vpheld onely by the aid of the Soldan of Cairo and King of Persia Selim likewise was borne by the Ianizzars and Bassas and Acomâ—nt by forraine Princes they incountred and fought cruel battailes whose victories brought the whole Estate in danger Baiazet and Selim remained conquerours each one his party by meanes of the great numbers of men that accompanied them and of the valour of the souldiours of the old bandes which serued vnder them Notwithstanding all these opportunities which God so to the purpose prepared not one Christian Prince once stirred or so much as made offer to arme in fauour of the weaker of those which contended which would no doubt haue entangled both of them in a long and dangerous strife enough finally to haue ruined or much decaied the house of the Ottomans when they should haue called such an one to their succour as would haue rather blowen then quenched their fires Amongst all the Princes of Christendome there was none but the great master of Rhodes which sent some supplies of artillery to Zizimus and which after receiued and defended him from the hands of Baiazet when he was driuen to retire himselfe to his protection 5 These domestique quarrels cannot now become so strong especially such as might happen betweene brethren as then they might considering that the Mamelucks who as neighbours might haue fomented and giuen intertainment to such differences are now extinct and their name no more mentioned They were in their time the only emulators of the Turkes glory Rhodes hath made an exchange of her fortune and is now in the power of this tyrant Cypres beareth the like yoake These two Ilands affoorded an especial commodity to sow dissentions among the Turks to fauour and succour one of the parties 6 The fourth cause would easily arise from the presumption and head-strong rashnesse of the Ianizzars likely enough to attempt and execute as much as sometime did the Pretorian bands of the Romans who made slender account to fill the Empire with slaughters
addict themselues and though a man be so smally durable as he cannot attaine to perfection in diuers sciences nor so inable himselfe to the attention of sundry matters as hee may game the mastery for which he striueth yet all men will busie themselues about knowledge and intermeddle with all Arts and practises not heeding that in stead of forwarding themselues they recoile from that perfect knowledge which is requisite for them and so remaine vnfurnished or but weakely grounded in one onely profession 4 On the contrarie the Turkes fashion their whole dessignes to the war and bend all their thoughts and studies to the exercise of armes reiecting all other courses and pleasing themselues onely in what may stand them in stead for that profession 5 There is nothing more true and we finde it in histories then that the Romanes were most excellent Souldiers but especially before they opened their gates to Arts and Sciences presented them by the Greeks and that they gaue themselues ouer to the pleasures of the East Then were they at the best for true cariage of marshall affaires when their Consuls scorned not to hold the plough when Physicians Surgeons men of such like profession were in no credit amongst them And to say the truth we finde that if afterward they did atchieue any worthy enterprise it was not by meanes of any valour which was remaining with them but by the reputation strength they had formerly gotten For proofe heereof we may plainly perceiue that as soone as they had giuen entertainement to forraine sciences made tender by study they receiued notable and dishonorable ouerthrowes as well at the hands of Iugurtha Mithridates the Cimbrians Numantins Spartans the Parthians as of others 6 For confirmation whereof we obserue in ancient histories that the most warlike people withal such as haue performed the memorablest acts haue beene the most grosse rude and inured to paine and hardnesse far from all ciuility free from such delicacy and wantonnesse as is corruptly stept in amongst vs such as had no learning or taste of any knowledge or action which might allay or neuer so litle shake their couragious resolutions and warlike dessignes Of this composition were long since and are at this daie the Scythians who sometimes made their worthy armes resound as far as the most remote parts of the East as far as the Danow and the bankes of Nilus It is not long since that they conducted by Quingus their King ouerran all the East harrowed the plaine country and replenished all with misery and desolation The memory of the famous acts of great Tamberlane is yet fresh who only hitherto may vaunt that he hath in a ranged battel vanquished the Turkish armies led their Cōmander captiue making him serue as his footstoole In our time the Mogores a grosse and ignorant people sprung out of Scythus or to say better out of Tartaria haue atchieued great conquests towards India Euery man also knowes that the great Cham as rude rough hewen as these is neuerthelesse one of the most mighty potentates of the world ruling ouer a people of the least ciuilitie that can be imagined But not to wander out of Europe let vs behold the Swizzers we shall finde that for knowledge and ciuility they are no better then these yet haue they performed many worthy exploits as well at Nancy Dijon Nouare Marignan Dreux as else where In such sort as not infected with our vanity they giue as a man may say the law to the mightiest Princes that seeke their assistance 7 Now the Turks aboue all nations haue euer profest to follow this course of life so barbarous and rude and euen at this day they contemne all knowledge and profession of whatsoeuer arte be it neuer so noble or industrious among the rest they abhor painting and ingrauing neither make they any account of architecture and in very deede we see that they haue euer held it an especiall offence towards God to ingraue or paint him As for learning they recken it as meere foolery In a word there are none amongst them so slenderly esteemed as men learned and seene in any kinde of knowledge In their garments they affect not stuffes wrought imbroidered or curiously cut and fashioned but such as are whole and lasting laces fringes and other ornaments are by them reiected beaten and massie gold is only in request amongst them In the wars they seeke rather to appeere fearce and terrible then gallantly set forth and apparelled their whole delight is set vpon war and armes insomuch as it is hard to finde any one of them who will not manifest by his fashion of liuing that he is rather borne for the wars then ought else so as when there is any leuying of Souldiours such as are left at home hold themselues highly iniured so honorably doe they esteeme of the life of a souldier Whence it proceedeth that they are so feared in all their attempts either for beseeging battering or forcing of places of greatest strength for skirmishing on foote or on horsebacke in set battailes by sea or by land or for fortifying and defending 8 Whereof they gaue sufficient proofe when hauing gotten Ottranto they valiantly made it good against the forces of all Italy euen till the death of their master Mahomet the 2. leauing behinde them trenches bulwarkes ramparts and all other sorts of fortifications so well contriued and disposed as they haue serued since for patterns and models to our Commanders of Christendome 9 Such is their laborious vertue in the wars as there is no place so strong or enterprise so difficult which will not prooue easie at the enforcing of their powers 10 Returning now to that I said concerning knowledge I expect that some one should say And what I praie is learning a let to military vertue or a meanes to hinder a man from becomming a perfect souldier surely no I am of a contrary opinion and I ground it in part vpon the experience of such Captaines as I will heere reckon Alexander the great and Caesar who were of the principall most aduenturous and politicke Masters of the wars were most excellently seene in all sorts of knowledge for my owne part I hold it very difficult for any without the aide of Historie or the Mathematiques to deserue the name of a great Captaine and sage conductor of armies 11 Since Historie by the variety of examples both of good and bad successe furnisheth a man with heedfulnesse and discretion with resolution and aduice in all occurrents and makes him more considerate in what he vndertaketh like as the Mathematikes refine his knowledge and iudgement as well in engines of war as in fortifying 12 In conclusion it is not to be denied but that learning is most proper to mould and perfectly fashion a heart and courage borne and disposed to armes for this cause they would in old time that Pallas armed should signifie vnto
see that the most disloiall amongst them were not the most assured in the forces of their trecheries Amurath the second Mahymeth the second Baiazeth the second Selim the second were held the most subtile Princes of their race but we must grant that if those their wicked procedings thriued for a time it was more through the coldnesse and dissentions of the Christians when they should haue reuenged and repelled their iniuries then that we should therefore beleeue that it is well done to proue periured and disloiall Amurath the second made proofe of it to his cost and hauing receiued an ouerthrow at the handes of Ladislaus King of Polonia he speedily made peace with him and turned his forces against Caramania where whilest he was busied Ladislaus iudging so perswaded and backt by Pope Eugenius that hee should not doe amisse to falsifie his faith with a Barbarous Turke of so insolent a nature and so capital an enimie of Christendome as all breach of peace might seeme as a true performance thereof resolued to make war vpon him on the sodaine which proued so dangerous as Amurath was neere tumbling from the top of an high and glorious fortune to the lowest degree of misery so as his estate was neuer more shaken and endangered if the Christian army which followed their victory had not as I haue said disordered thēselues Whereupon the glory and triumph fell to the Infidels to the great misery and confusion of the Christians Selim the second hauing vnlooked for attempted vpon the Venetians to the preiudice of his vowed faith pulled vpon his necke the forces of the league had too late repented himselfe if God in regard of our sinnes had not in such sort sealed vp the eies of the Christians as they could not see nor make their benefit of the gate his diuine Maiesty had set open to a more high enterprise then the losse they receiued at Lepanto Soliman that was held the most wise Prince of all the Ottomans if wisdome be able to shine where there is no light of true faith and Christian beleefe hauing vnderstood at such time as he caused his army by Sea to fall downe towards Ottranto the yeare 1537. that Mercurin de Gatinaro and the Citizens of Castro were made prisoners after they had surrendred the place contrary to promise hee foorthwith commanded that they should be released saying that disloialtie to violate their faith and word once passed was not the meanes to win the hearts and likings of strange nations CHAP. VIII That he hath beene alwaies serued in his wars by good and valiant Captaines 1 Whether an experienced Commander and rawe Souldiers or experienced Souldiers and an vnskilfull Commander be the better 2 The first best allowed and the reasons 3 Examples heereof 1 IT is ordinarily disputed amongst Souldiers and martiall men which is the better a good Captaine emploied about the conducting of an armie consisting of raw Souldiers or an armie of old Souldiers committed to the command of a raw and vnexperienced Captaine 2 As for me if my opinion may carie credit amongst so many sufficient to decide this question I hold it better that a worthy and valiant Captaine should haue the charge of an armie of vntrained men without experience then that an armie of old Souldiers trained and beaten to the wars should be recommended to a Captaine yet a nouice and vnskild in the profession of armes The reasons proper for the maintaining of this proposition are so plaine to such as without being obstinate or passionate in behalfe of either party will entertaine them as they are not to be gainsaid for is it not much more fit and easie that a good Captaine make and fashion a campe of rawe Souldiers then that good and experienced Souldiers prepare and fashion their Captaine to the conduct of an armie who can without shame denie that an armie doth not rather obey the voice and command of their Captaine then the Captaine of his armie otherwise it were as they say to set the cart before the horse 3 Now we must come to such examples as may instruct and make cleere the truth of my proposition If we will as we ought examine how many times the Christians haue beene ouerthrowne by the Turkes we shall vndoubtedly finde that it hath euermore hapned rather through want of experience courage sufferance concord and authoritie in the Commanders then for any other default So at the battailes of Nicepolis for that such like Captaines did set light by the Turkes forces and tooke not a sufficient suruey of them they receiued a most shamefull ouerthrow a woorthy reward of their weake experience in not knowing how to fight with those barbarous nations whom they might well thinke wanted neither skill nor valour Did not Lewes king of Hungary by meanes of the Bishop of Tomerea who brought him almost to the slaughter indure the like disgrace at the battaile of Mogoria for want of experience in matter of warre and of iudgement sufficiently to discouer the enemies forces and the passages of the countrey where he was to buckle with him In like sort was not the vnskilfulnesse of the Italians cause of that victorie the Turkes gained at Grado who had then for their leader Homarbay Generall of the Turkish armie Also the yeare 1537. at Exechium Mahomet Iahiaoglis being Gouernour vnder Soliman of Belgrad and the frontiers of Hungarie in the time of king Iohn the great Caziauer losing his courage did he not abandone to spoile death and ruine a faire and strong armie which he commanded for the Princes of Germany and Italy some one troupe excepted which dishonorably togither with him saued themselues by flight Also before this heauie losse did not Anthony Grimani Generall of the Venetian armie faile of courage when with great aduantage he might haue charged the Turkes and put them to the woorse The very like want of experience and valour was seene in an other Venetian Generall who shamefully left the I le of Negropont to the spoile of the enemy To conclude haue not the Christians beene so many times put to the woorse neere about Buda for want of valiant and experienced Captaines as it cannot without griefe be related On the contrarie the Ottomans haue neuer suffered misfortune of warre at the least for lacke of authoritie command or wisedome in managing their armies for they themselues haue in person conducted them and beene present at all their high exploits and important enterprises by them atchieued They haue likewise euermore committed the charge of their difficult actions and affaires of warre to the most valiant and experienced Captaines amongst them whom they had formerly well knowen trained vp and exercised to such charges by infinite proofes of their courage and wisdome in most dangerous and difficult occasions In summe experience is that which perfecteth valor The Turkish Emperors haue alwaies giuen to their Captaines ample power commission freely to
the first without respect to any This is the reason that there hath neuer beene knowen any popular rebellion in his estate 2 The port of the great Turke as they tearme it as who would say his courte and gard consisteth chiesely and ordinarily of foure thousand horse distributed into foure companies to wit the Spahioglani who are in al a thousand besides their seruants which march not in their rancke but apart and of these euery one hath seauen or eight These range themselues on the right hand of their Lord wheresoeuer he become and the Solastri equall in place and authority on the left These two sortes are accounted as children of the great Turke and are nourished and brought vp in the Sarraglio at his charge as hath beene said and there trained vp in all exercises of armes After these march the companies of the Vlifezgi Charipici inferiour to the other in rancke and authority Those on the right hand these on the left either consisting of a thousand horse And wheresoeuer the great Turke goe they neuer forsake him These foure thousand horse together with twelue thousand Ianizzars are the strength and gard of the person and port of the Turke with these forces he is alwaies able to hold in awe and subiection a city more populous then Constantinople and not stand in feare of any attempt against his person 3 In other places of his Empire he bestowes other great numbers of the Ianizzars to be assistant to the Gouernors and Bassas besides the succours they are to haue of such horse and foote as those are bound to furnish on whom the Turke hath at other times bestowed such arable lands as haue beene conquered by armes whence he draweth one man or more as the necessity of his affaires requireth and according as is the value of what they possesse These are called Mozzellini Such as are tied to this contribution may be compared to the Feudataries of our Prince towards whose seruice they are to finde a light horse or musket and some of them two more or lesse according to the imperiall institutions of such fees and tenures as so binde them After all those we haue named march the Alcanzi or Aconizij as a man would say Aduenturers which haue no wages are appointed to march a daies iourny before the campe pilling harrowing and hauocking all before them whereof they are to answeare the fift parte clcere to the great Turke of these there are thirty thousand besides them there are the Azapi of meane quality but such as serue his turne for Gally-slaues mariners and pioners to intrench fill vp ditches raise engines and perform other such like seruill offices their number is 40000. Ouer and aboue these vnder two Beglerbees or Lientenants generall the one in Europe the other in Asia he hath neere an hundred thousand horse in ordinary intertainment The Beglerby of Grecia or Europ which is as much to say as Prince of all Princes hath his place of residency at Sophia a towne of Seruia That of Asia abideth at Culhea a towne of Galatia Each of these hath vnder his obedience many Sangiacks as much as to say sherifes or bailifs the very children of the great Turke which gouerne in the Prouinces where they command are bound to obey them This great multitude of horsemen are so well mounted and armed as none can chuse or wish a more fit or direct meanes then their ordinary strength to hinder all popular reuolts or rebellions be they neuer so great That which hapned to Gazeles after the death of Selim doth sufficiently approue it he thought to stirre against Soliman and to moue Syria to rebell but he was preuented by that mighty power which Soliman found euen then in a readinesse wherewith he ouerthrew him These ordinary prouisions of war are the more terrible and effectual in regard that all the people of his obedience are intirely disarmed of whatsoeuer offensiue weapons 4 The Romans obserued this custome to distribute diuers of their legions about the frontiers of Germany alongst the Rhene and Danowb to the same end and purpose as the Turke entertaineth his horse But it seemeth that he proceedeth therein more discreetly then did the Romans for they kept all their forces together in one place and vnder one Generall of whom depended the absolute command of the armies whence it fell out that to accommodate themselues they ouerthrew the houses of particular men ruined and famished the countrey as well by the hauocke they made which alwaies attendeth so great a multitude as by their large prouisions most necessary for an armie The other prouinces farre distant were exempt from this oppression yet not from contribution but those which sustained the armie were so ouerburdened as their miserie incited them to rebell and shake off their obedience But contrariwise the Turke which disperseth his horse and foote into diuers Prouinces vnder the command of sixtie and six Sangiacks draweth not after him such disorder or ill satisfaction as did the Romans Their great assemblie in one place was cause of seditions debates mutinies and other mischiefes most difficult to be preuented They did not perceiue how this manner of proceeding was a means that the Souldiers grew too much to affect their Captaines and that the Captaines found themselues by them enabled to attempt as they often did many things to the preiudice of the Empire And in very deed it oftentimes hapned that their armies made choice of their General for Emperour in despite of the Senatours authoritie either in regard of the valour they knew to be in them or of some pecuniarie corrupting their affections which the Senate could not remedy And in trueth it was a very easie matter for the Generall so farre from home and holding his forces vnited in one body to practise the Colonels and the Colonels to bargaine and buie the harts and affections of the Souldiers by them to possesse the Empire so as sometime the armie of Spaine chose their Generall Emperour and at the same time that of Germany theirs whereof we haue many examples as also of the calamities and miseries which did thence accrew to the Estate and subiects 5 It is an inconuenience whereto the Turke cannot be subiect for keeping his troups and armies so spread abroad and disperst they haue not the meanes to mutinie especially being in no place ouer strong nor yet grow to affect their Beglerbyes or Gouernours whom they seldome see or repaire to much lesse can the Beglerbee in his owne behalfe easily winne or entice the hearts of the Sangiacks or affections of the Souldiers as he might well doe if the troupes were alwais together in time of peace and abroad in one and the same prouince CHAP. VI. How the Turke represseth the power of the great men of his estate 1 The authoritie of a Prince if his vertue be not eminent aboue all the great men of his kingdome is by their vertue obscured whence groweth the
long since Zacharias Patriarcke of Constantinople was like to be staked for hauing admitted the new Callender and the reformation of the course of the yeere made in the time of Gregorie the 13. 2 Now to returne to the principall point it is to be presupposed that the proiects and carriage of popular rebellions cannot be vndertaken without the support and direction of the mightiest for wealth meanes and authority in the country which we would surprise and that Princes will not bouge to set a foote these plots and enterprises but by offered occasion of some fortresse which importeth the assurance and consequence of the estate and may serue for a refuge to recouer their decaied strength or else that their destigne relieth vpon some promised succour or finally vpon the consideration that those who inuite them to this conquest are so strong within themselues as they may hope for an honorable issue of their enterprise 3 These are all necessary particularities but not any of them resteth now in the hands of the Greekes abased by extreame seruitude and so far from hauing any fortresse at their deuotion as they cannot once stir without being discouered and though they were disposed to vndertake they haue at their backe so great a number of men at arms as at the least breath of a rebellion they would cut them off before they should haue meanes once to peepe forth of their shels 4 The Turke againe maketh them sure to him so many waies though all barbarous and vnciuill as he scarcely alloweth his subiects leaue to draw their breath nor suffreth his mighty men once to hold vp their heades or forraine Princes to be able in due time to attempt ought against him The end of the second Booke THE THIRD BOOKE CHAP. I. The causes of the fall and ruine of estates 1 Estates are subiect to change 2 Some of longer some of lesse continuance 3 Great small and meane estates and their causes of ruine externall internall and mixt 4 Lesse estates come to their endes soonest by externall causes 5 The great by internall 6 The meane more durable yet subiect to alteration 1 THe order that nature obserueth in all things created doth plainly enough teach vs that whatsoeuer is borne passeth and hastneth towards death and that all things which haue a beginning necessarilie and interchangably roule towards their end This proceedeth either of an ordinarie and naturall course or of the violence and alteration of compound bodies Hence we drawe this construction that estates change monarchies faile and the ruine of one serueth as the raising to the other 2 Againe as of humaine bodies some are more strong vigorous and of a better composition then others and so are of longer continuance so we see the same difference in kingdomes and estates in as much as some preserue themselues longer either because by their nature they are more surely founded as for example the Signory of Nobles is more lasting then the popular estate and a Monarchal estate more then a common-weale because a Monarchy keepeth the causes of corruption more aloofe from her or is policed with better lawes or because of the situation which is naturally more strong then the other as we see at this day in the Signorie of Venice 3 But because this assertion is subiect to diuers obiectiōs we will diuide it only into two propositions First then of principalities some are small some great some indifferent either in regard of their subsistance or first essence or of the comparison which may be made betweene them and their neighbours Secondly the efficient causes of the vtter ruine of estates are either inward or outward or mixt The inward are to be fetched and conceiued in respect of the negligence ignorance and riot of Princes which giue themselues ouer to all voluptuousnesse whereto may be added the factions secret practises ambitions and desperate humors of subiects with sundrie other occasions all fit to bring estates to their vtter ruine The outwad causes are the stratagemes armes and force of the enemie The mixt are such as participate of both as are the rebellions of the people treasons of particular men put in execution by forraine ayd and force Since then it is so that all principalities are subiect to ruine by one of these three causes we are now to vnfold what maladies may infect as well great and indifferent as small estates and draw all within the compasse of inward outward and mixt causes Now like as in naturall things naturall corruption is more tolerable then violent so must we consider whether the alteration and impairing of estates and common weales chance by reason of age or by the violence of some not forseene cause 4 Returning then to our former diuision and well examining it wee shall finde that small Estates come to their ends rather by meanes of outward causes brought in by force and violence then otherwise In as much as their power being insufficient to withstand their mighty neighbours ambitious attempts they are at the first incounter ouerset with the storm of his conquests in this maner the seueral Signories of Lombardy fel in subiection either of the Duke of Milan or of the Venetiās the free cities of Thoscany became a pray to the Duke of Florence The Princes of Africke to the King of Fez-Marocco and Algiers 5 On the contrarie great Empires are vsually subuerted by meanes of inward causes either by ease plenty which customarily makes Princes to swell with insupportable pride by voluptuous riot whereto people amidst their abundance are most prone or else by insolency and presumption seazing the great ones of the country when they see themselues much followed and reuerenced all fit inticements to dispose a hart but indifferently generous to plot for his owne raising Nec quenquam iam ferre potest Caesarue priorem Pompeiusue parem Then is it as one saith that Caesar cannot brooke a superior and that Pompey stomaketh an equall 6 Meane estates vndergoe danger as well as the two former yet far lesse since they hold the meane as the other the extreams for they are not so vnfurnished of strength as that it would be easie for euery one to inuade and oppresse them neither are they of that greatnesse and wealth as to afforde matter to particular men to grow mighty or else abandon themselues immoderatly to delights pleasures or to transport themselues beyond the limits of reason This is it that so long preserued the common weales of Sparta of Venice which euermore respectiuely intertained a meane and equality The mixt causes of the ruine of Estates are inward treacheries and outward force Treason hatched within an Estate much more indammageth a great then a small or meane Empire For a monarke is not able to turne his eie vpon euery corner of his Kingdome and sturring spirits are fortified in their attempts either with the hope of impunity the nourse of vices in all Estates and gouernments or with the opinion
inwarre 1 From the diuision of estates deliuered by vs in the former chapter this is to take his foundation and by these causes wee are to make choice of that of the three which is the surest by what accidents or infirmities both the one and the other may vndergoe a change either outwardly or inwardly and in which rank of the three wee are to lodge the Turke Some one perhaps will iudge this question superfluous and vnprofitable seeing his renowne his conquests and his long rule doe but too much teach vs what he is notwithstanding all this I should not thinke it besides the purpose a little to particularize the causes of his greatnesse 2 The estate of the Turke is held without question to bee one of the greatest and mightiest as well in regard of the large circuit it containeth as of his power he is great because of so many Prouinces reduced to his obedience and though he haue not so great a share in Europe as the Romaines sometimes had he hath to counteruaile this more aduantaged himselfe in Asia and Africke for when the fortune of the Romaines was at the greatest and that they had their armes most at libertie yet went they not beyond Euphrates It is very true that Traian went farther but all the Prouinces he subdued were soone abandoned by Adrian his successor The Turke hath not done so for he hath extended his dominion as far as Tigris he possesseth all Mesopotamia or as they terme it Diarbecke From thence he reacheth as far as Balsera or the Gulfe of Persia which the Romans neuer saw and the Gulfe of Arabia And to say better all is his from the red sea to the Cittie Aden which is in the maine continent beyond the mouth of this sea more then an hundred and fiftie miles he hath also inlarged his dominions toward the South far beyond Aegypt In Africk all is his except three places of strength which the king of Spaine holdeth Pegnon de Veles Oran and Melila Mauritania also is his only three fortresses excepted which are Tanger Arsilla and Mazagan conquered by the Portugall when I name Africk I intend that country commonly termed Barbary and not Ethiopia 3 Hauing now seene the largenes of his dominions we are next to discourse of his meanes and power I finde that he hath better established the one and the other then the Romans euer did whē they were at their intirest greatnes because in such a most large compasse of his country there is no king or common weale beareth sway to distinguish his dominions which was otherwise with the Romanes who had many such wedged in within the continent of their Empire There is not any one of his subiects that dareth to say that the house wherein he dwelleth or the land he tilleth is his owne They acknowledge to hold all they haue of him he ordinarily intertaineth diuers great and mighty armies both by sea and by land So as it must needes be granted that he is greater in his estates meanes and power then euer were the Romans for he so peaceably maintaineth what he hath conquered as he can no waies vndergoe the troubles and wars which the Romans endured at the hands of Mithridate the Parthians Farnaces and others Moreouer next Europe the Gaules are not his enemies The Cymbrians are his associats so as he fostereth such a tranquillity and obedience on all sides as he amasseth inestimable treasure 4 And more a thing worth the noting in three hundred yeeres space since he began first to reigne he hath receiued but foure notable ouerthrowes that excepted which he receiued the yeere past neere Tauris But the Romaines in lesse time receiued more and greater at the only hands of the Carthaginians In sum there is not that nation in the world which can vaunt of so many victories in so short a space or to haue triumphed of the captiuity or death of so many kings and great Princes as the great Turke or that haue with such happie successe and discipline so soone raised so mightie an Empire as his is at this day Is it not a fearfull matter to heare it related that Mahomet the second an infidel hath had such fauour of the heauens as to haue beene able in the space of 32. yeeres raigne to subdue two Empires vsurpe twelue kingdomes and take by force two hundred cities That which affordeth the greatest cause of wonder is that all this hath succeeded in the very time when the art of military engines fortifications were in their perfection and wherewith we might haue armed our selues to withstand him In conclusion what shal we say of Selim the first who in lesse then foure yeeres space vanquished the Mamelucks subdued all Syria Palestina the red sea a great part of Arabia and all Aegypt These are questionlesse goodly and notable Tropheys of the Turks greatnesse but most dishonorable and dangerous for all Christendome CHAP. IIII. Whether the Empire of the Turke draw towards an end 1 The Ottaman Empire leaneth toward ruine 2 The reasons are the bordering princes vpon the Turkes estate and their prouiding for their safety 3 Made wise by others harmes they stand vpon their defensiue war 4 They are bridled by strong fortresses 5 Contrary arguments 1 WE haue discoursed as briefely as might be of the fall and ruine of estates of their efficient causes and vpon what coniectures a man might gather them It is now time that we see and examine in like sort whether the empire of the Turke be nere his end and abatement of his greatnesse according as a man may draw from coniectures it leaneth towards his declining and though the foundation heereof be built vpon reasons so cleere and euident as they are not to be contraried yet will I alledge one that carrieth more apparence then all the other and that is that the greatnesse of his empire is at the highest that it may be by the ruine of Princes by him expelled vanquished and made away one after an other whilest he hath in the meane time triumphed of their estates and rich spoiles but now that he hath none to oppose him with hopes of so fauourable issue as had the other his ambition heart and courage will grow idle and languish whence in time will spring the ruine of his Empire Is he not already come to that passe The Princes that confine vpon him though more weake then he to bid him battaile assaile or defend haue neuerthelesse so ordered their affaires and meanes as they are able at this day to sheeld themselues sufficiently from his attempts 2 Amongst others the King of Persia doth he not so ballance his power as he hath giuen him many great ouerthrowes and one lately as I haue said neere Tauris The Tartarians also hold him plaie and more prouoke him then he them and of late they got from him Caffa a strong and wealthy towne moreouer whilest he was busied about the wars of Persia the Georgians took and
and massacres wherein many Emperours ended their daies they electing others at their pleasures against the authority of the Senat and the loue and reuerence they ought to haue borne towards their country The like may we hope or expect from the Ianizzars that they will one day assume to themselues the same power and learne to performe the like whereof they gaue an assaie at such time as they compelled Baiazet the second to resigne the Empire to Selim his sonne They did almost the like when Soliman caused his sonne Mustapha to be murthered for they besieged him and inuironed his tent for certaine daies space crying out they would know the cause of that yong Princes death In the end by the deuise of the Bassa and with stoore of coyne he wan to him foure thousand of them who disengaged him of the feare and danger wherein he was plunged 7 The fift cause may be fetched from the ambition or discontent of the great ones of the countrie or of ministers swaying the supreame authority credit in places of gouernment Gazeles gouernour of Soria made way for a reuolt of the like quality as did also Acomat Generall of Aegypt Gazeles assisted by the Mamelucks Arabians and those of Rhodes endeuoured to set himselfe vp against the great Turke but he was discouered by Cayembeius whom he had acquainted with the conspiracy This man either for feare as looking into the danger of the enterprise or for enuy of his companions greatnesse reuealed all to his Master Soliman who presently dispatched against him Faratha Bassa by whom he was vanquished in battaile Acomat had not the leasure to proceed far in his attempt for as he did inconsideratly precipitate himselfe into the triall thereof so was he as speedily discouered and in an instant suppressed and slaine without hauing thriued ought in his dessignes CHAP. XIII Of the mixt causes 1 What are the mixt causes 2 How Estates are ouerthrowen by mixt causes 1 IN this third booke we haue at large discoursed how by inward and outward causes Estates may be indangered now we must speake of causes compounded of the one and the other which to discourse more intelligibly we tearm mixt which likewise are of power of themselues to alter an Empire and to bring it either by an vniuersall or a particular change to a lamentable ruine These mixt causes then are those whereby both the enemy abroad and the subiect at home may by a common consent conspire against an Estate and subuert it 2 One of the causes or meanes may be a popular insurrection nourished by the enemy or else the conspiracy of some particular men set on by forraine practises or to tearme it better the treasons which subiects may hatch in fauour and by the meanes and authority of their neighbours This hapneth in a twofold manner when the subiect beginneth and setteth on foote the practise or when a stranger laieth the way open vnto them vnder some coulered pretence or else when some one particular person or all a whole communalty frame the occasion thereof in regard of some displeasure or oppression Finally this falleth out also when the enemy abroad tempereth with one two or three of the principall men to reuolt against their prince and take armes in hand to ouerturne and ruine the Estate CHAP. XIIII How particular persons may be gained 1 How his people are to be prouoked to rebellion 2 How his great men and chiefe officers are to be gained 3 These courses at the first not succeeding are to be oftner attempted 4 Wary proceeding is requisite lest those that manage the businesse incurre danger 5 To whom such businesses are to be committed 1 IT resteth now that we make it appeere how such practises may be set on foote and cherished we will then beginne with the enterprise to bee plotted by some particular person by whose assistance it may take effect We must presuppose that this person is either priuat or publike the priuat persons are those which suffer themselues most often to be corrupted by mony and with these there neede not so many ceremonies or broâ—kings but if they be publike persons of rancke and authority either in regard of the greatnesse of their family or managing of state affaires there is far greater difficulty in corrupting them then the other yet if we may but discouer in them the stinges of ambition and desire of greatnesse and that we propose to them the assurance of speedy succours for the execution of the desâ—â—gne then is it that we bring them to dare any thing especially if they haue neuer so little disposition to be reuenged of some receiued indignity It is indeed a hard matter to worke particular and priuate persons without great vncertaineties and dangers 2 But if we must haue to doe with the great persons of the Estate we must warily make choice of our time sound them whether they be male content or ill affected towards their Prince either in respect that some one is aduanced to their preiudice or for some other cause which may awake in them a longing to shake off their yoake and seaze themselues of the Estate These are the meanes and occasions which should be chosen and diligently husbanded by our Christian Princes smoothly and with dexterity to procure the ruine of the common enemy putting on as they say the foxes skin when the lions is wanting The displeasure and ielousie which Faratha Bassa conceiued against Hebraim Bassa because he saw him raised by Soliman to greater honour and estimation then himselfe so depriued him of all reason as suffering the desire of reuenge by little and little to transport him he began to plot a rebellion but discouered he was forthwith put to death the selfe same occasion was the ouerthrow of Pirrus and Mustapha raised by Soliman In our time in the court of Amurath the third now raigning these ielousies and hart-burnings haue beene great betweene Mahomet and Mustapha and since that betweene the same Mustapha and Cicala who hath outstript him and all for fauour of their Master If these humors and ill dispositions had beene well looked into and wisely imploied to their best vse by some great Prince of Christendome they had beene fit matter to haue bred a dissention and reuolt amongst those barbarous people 3 Now though such practises should not perhaps at the first be of sufficient power to worke that vniuersall change which we wish in that tyrants Empire yet are we not therefore to desist as men dismaied remembring that most commonly the beginnings of innouations and commotions so extraordinary are feeble and that that wisdome sheweth it selfe like it selfe which can so diligently suckle and nourish them as they may attaine to a happy growth I am of opinion that when we incounter with instruments that are not without ambition courage and a thirst of reuenge after we haue felt and sounded them once twise or thrise we shall in the end make a breach in their