in hearing interrogating and confronting them with him that is accused Therefore hee sent the cause and the parties to Iunius Rufus Governour of Macedonie commaunding him to examine diligently the witnesses and take good advisement whether they were good men worthy of credit and if Alexander the accuser could not prove well his accusation that he should banish him to some place This commandement of the emperour Adrian hath since been marked by the Lawyers which since made a law thereof Behold how men must proceed when it lies on mens lives and not to beleeve Marmosets and reporters neither beleeve papers without seeing or hearing witnesses and the accused without searching whether the witnesses be good men or no as is done at this day for at this day there is nothing wherof magistrats make a better market than of mens lives But let us passe on Froissart lib. 2. cap. 173. lib. 3. cap. 63 68. and other following and lib. 4. cap. 92. c. I would now rehearse an example truly tragicall of king Richard of England who was sonne of that valiant and victorious prince of Wales This king came to the crowne very yong and had three good uncles about him the duke of Lancaster Yorke and Glocester by whose counsell for a certaine time hee governed well his kingdome But the earle of Suffolke whom the king made duke of Ireland entred so farre into the kings favour that he governed himselfe after his fancie Then took he occasions to talke so of the kings uncles as was very strange for he told him that his uncles desired nothing but to deale in the affaires of the kingdome to obtaine it to themselves a thing which they never thought And did so much by his reports that the king put his uncles from his counsell and from dealing with any of the affaires of the kingdome whereof the people and especially the Londoners were so evill contented that they rose up and made warre against the king or rather against the duke of Ireland and they were at a point to give the battell one against the other But the duke of Ireland who was generall of the kings armie lost his courage with great feare that he had to be slain or taken and therfore fled passed into Flanders where he finished his dayes never after returning into England As soone as he was fled his armie was dissipated the kings uncles seized upon the kings person established a new Counsell by justice executed some of them which were of the duke of Ireland his adherents A longtime after another Marmoset called the earle Marshall gained the duke of Ireland his place and was so farre in the kings good grace that he governed all as he would One day this earle Marshall talking with the earle of Darbie eldest sonne of the duke of Lancaster the earle of Darbie chanced to say Cousin what will the king do will he altogether subject the English nobilitie there will soone be none it is plainely seene that he desireth not the augmentation of his kingdome But he held this talke because the king had put to death chased away a great number of gentlemen and caused the duke of Glocester to die a prince of his blood and yet continued in that rigour to make himselfe be feared and revenging still that which was done in the duke of Irelands time The earle Marshall answered nothing to the speeches of the earle of Darbie but only marked them in his heart Certain daies after he reported them to the king and to make them seeme of more credit he profered and said hee was readie to enter into the campe against the earle of Darbie to averre the said words as outragious injurious against his Majestie The king not measuring the consequence of the deed in place to make no account of these words sent for the earle of Darbie his cousin germane and after hearing before him the earle Marshall speak his wil was they should enter into the camp and fight it to utterance But the kings Counsell conceiving it might come to be anevill example such great lords to slay one another and that the earle Marshall was not of equall qualitie unto the earle of Darbie they counselled the king to take another course namely to banish from England for ever the earle Marshall because he had rashly appealed and challenged unto single combat a Prince of the bloud to banish also the Earle of Darbie for ten years only for speaking the aforesaid words of the king his lord The king following the advice of his Counsel by sentence given by himself banished the earle Marshall out of England forever the earle of Darbie for six years only moderating his Counsels advice foure years When the earle of Darbie came to depart there assembled in the streets before his gates at London more than fortie thousand which wept cried lamented his departure extreamly blamed the king and his Counsell insomuch that going away he left in the peoples hearts an extreame anguish and greefe for his absence and a very great amitie towards him yet notwithstanding he left England and came into France Whilest he was in France the duke of Lancaster his father died The king to heape up his evill lucks caused to be taken seized into his hands all his lands goods because they fell to the earle of Darbie Hereby hee got great hatred and evill will of the Nobilitie and of all the people Finally the Londoners which are a people easie to arise made a complot and part against the king and secretly sent word to the earle of Darbie that hee should come and they would make him king The earle arriving in England found an armie of the Londoners ready So went he to besiege the king Richard in his castle unprovided whom he tooke and imprisoned and caused him to resigne unto him the Realme and Crowne of England King Richard was put to death in prison after hee had raigned two and twentie yeares a thing very strange rigorous and unheard of in England or in any kingdomes nigh unto it And so the earle of Darbie who had beene banished from England remained a peaceable king and was called Harry the fourth of that name This earle Marshall who kept at Venise knowing these newes died ragingly This was the end of this Marmoset and the tragicall evill hap whereunto he brought his master and that upon words reported which were never spoken as any evill speech of the king but onely for the greefe hee had that they of his Counsell governed so evill the kingdomes affaires Which words should nor ought not to have been taken up nor reported to the king and being reported unto him he should have made no account of them to have alwaies presumed rather well than evill of his cousin Germane Herodes borne of a lowe and base race was created king of Iudea Galalie Samaria Joseph Antiq â—ib 14. cap 23.
to the manner of speech used amongst the people but there was never Philosopher so beastly that ever thought her to be any goddesse but when the auncient Philosophers say any thing comes by fortune or by adventure or contingencie they meane that the efficient cause of such a thing is unknowne for that is their doctrine and manner of speech to say that a thing happeneth or chanceth by Fortune and contingently when they know not the cause thereof Learnedly speakes Plutarke to this purpose when he sayth That the poets have Plutarke in libello de Fortuna done great wrong to Fortune to say she is blind and that she gives her gifts to men rashly without knowing them for sayth he it is we which know it not for Fortune is no other thing but the cause whereof we are ignorant of things which wee see come to passe And therfore the Stoicke philosophers although they knew not the second causes of all things no more than other philosophers yet used they another manner of speech than they and attributed the haps and chances of all things unto the ordinance and providence of God which they called by the name of Fatum yet indeed the Fatum differeth much from the providence of God which the Christians hold For the Stoickes held That God could worke no otherwise than the order of second causes would beare and leade him unto but wee hold That God is free in operation and not tied to second causes without which he can do that which he doth by them and can change them at his pleasure Timotheus an Athenian captaine comming one day from the war where his affaires had succeeded and sped well hee was much greeved at some which said that he Plu. in Silla was very happie and fortunate so that one day in a publike assemblie of all the people of Athens hee made an oration wherein hee discoursed all his gestes and victories uttering by the way the meanes and counsell which hee had used in the conduction of his affaires and after all this discourse Maisters said hee Fortune hath had no part in all this that I have accounted unto you as if he would say That it was by his owne wisedome that these things had so well succeeded to him The gods saith Plutarke were offended at this foolish ambition of Timotheus insomuch that he did never after any thing of account but all things he did turned against the haire till hee came to bee hated much of the Athenian people that in the end hee was banished and chased from Athens Hereby we may see that the ancient Paynims meant to attribute to the gods that which men in their common manner of speech attributed to Fortune but they never beleeved shee was a goddesse When Messiere de Commines speaketh of the constable of S. Pol who was so great and puissant a lord yet in the end such evill luck befell him that his hand was De Com. lib. 1. cap. 18. cut off Heereof hee makes a question and wisely and religiously absolveth it What shall wee say saith hee of Fortune This man that was so great a lord that by the space of twelve yeeres he had handled and governed king Lewis the eleventh the Duke Charles of Bourgoigne hee was a wise knight and had heaped together great treasures and in the end fell into her net Wee may then well say that this deceitfull Fortune beheld him with an evill countenance nay contrary wee must answere saith hee that Fortune is nothing but a poeticall fiction and that God must of necessitie have forsaken him because hee alwaies travailed with all his power to cause the war still to continue betwixt the king and the duke of Bourgoigne for upon this war was founded his great authoritie and estate and hee should bee very ignorant that would beleeve that there was a Fortune therein which could guide so wise a man to obtaine the evill will of two so great princes at once and also of the king of England which in their lives accorded in nothing but in the death of this constable Beholde the very words of Commines speaking of Fortune which senteth as much of a good man and a good Christian as the Maxime of Machiavell tastes of a most wicked Atheist And as for that which Machiavell saith That Fortune favours such as are most hazardous and rash Titus Livius is of a farther opinion who speaking of the victorie Tit. Livi. lib. 2. Dec. 3. which Anniball obtained nigh the lake Trasimene against the consull C. Flamminius saith That evill luck came by the temeritie of Flamminius which was nourished and maintained in him by fortune whereas before things had well succeeded with him but now hee which neither tooke counsell of the gods nor of men it was no mervaile if sodainely hee fell into ruine This losse of the battaile was the cause that Fabius Maximus was elected Dictator to go against Anniball as indeed after his election he tooke the field with a new army and certain time after being sent for of the Senat to assist at Rome certain sacrifices and ceremonies he left in the campe Minutius his Lieutenant saying unto him in this manner I pray you Minutius take heed you do not as Flamminius did but trust you more in good counsell than in fortune better it were to bee assured not to be vanquished than to hazard your selfe to bee vanquisher In another place Titus Livius rehearseth That Caius Sempronius captaine of the Roman Armie against the Volsques trusting in Fortune as a thing Lib. 4. Dec 1. constant and perdurable because alwaies before the Romanes had it in custome to overcome that nation used no prudence nor good counsell in his conduction but hazard and temeritie therefore saith Livie fortune and good successe followeth abandoneth rashnesse and this happeneth most commonlie Heere you see the opinion of Fabius Maximus and of Titus Livius much better than that of Machiavell who would persuade us that wee had better bee rash than prudent to have fortune favourable unto us for certaine it is that the haps which men call of Fortune proceede from God who rather blesseth prudence which hee hath recommended unto us than temeritie and although sometimes it happen that hee blesse not our counsels and wisedomes it is because we take them not from the true spring and fountaine namely from him of whom we ought to have demanded it and that most commonly wee would that our owne wisedome should bee a glorie unto us whereas onely God should bee glorified Heere endeth the second part entreating of such Religion as a Prince should use THE THIRD PART TREATING of such Pollicie as a Prince ought to hold in his Commonweale ¶ The Praeface I Have before in order disposed all Machiavels Maximes touching Counsell and Religion and at large I have shewed That all his doctrine shootes at no other marke but to instruct a prince to governe himselfe after his owne fancie not
must have a wise quicke and sharpe wit and iudgement rightly and discreetly to ponder and weigh the circumstances and accidents of every affaire prudently to apply them to the rules and Maximes yea sometimes to force and bend them to serve to the present affaire But this science and habit of knowing well to weigh and examine the accidents and circumstances of affaires and then to be able handsomely to apply unto them their rules and principles is a science singular and excellent but rare and not given to many persons For of necessâ—â—â— he that will come to this science at the least in any perfection to be able to mannage and handle weightie affaires had need first to bee endowed with a good and perfect naturall iudgement and secondly he must be wise temperate and quiet without any passion or affection but all to publicke good and utilitie and thirdly hee must bee conversed and experimented in many and sundry affaires These he cannot have and obtaine unlesse hee himselfe have handled or seene them handled or els by great and attentive reading of choise hystories he have brought his iudgement to bee very stayed and well exeecised in such affaires We must not then thinke that all sorts of people are fit to deale with affaires of publicke The scope of the Author estate nor that every one which speaketh and writeth thereof can say that which belongeth thereunto But it may be some will enquâ—re if I dare presume so much of my selfe as to take upon me effectually to handle this matter Hereunto I answer that nothing lesse and that it is not properly my purpose wherunto I tend or for which cause I enterprise this Worke But my intent and purpose is onely to shew That Nicholas Machiavell not long agoe a Secretarie of the Florentine commonweale which is now a Dutchie understood nothing or little in this Politicke science whereof we speake and that he hath taken Maximes and rules altogether wicked and hath builded upon them not a Politicke but a Tyrannicall science Behold here then the end and scope which I have proposed unto my self that is to confute the doctrine of Machiavell not exactly to handle the Politick science although I hope to touch some good points thereof in some places when occasion shall offer it selfe Vnto my aforesaid purpose I hope to come by the helpe of God with so prosperous a good wind and full sailes as all they which reade my writings shall give their iudgement and acknowledge that Machiavell was altogether ignorant in that science that his scope and intent in his writings is nothing els but to frame a very true and perfect tyrannie Machiavell also never had parts requisit to know that science For as for expertence in managing of affaires he could have none since during his time hee saw nothing but the brabblings and contentions of certaine Potentates of Italie and certaine practises and policies of some cittizens of Florence Neither had hee any or very little knowledge in hystories as shal be more particularly shewed in many places of our discourse where God ayding we will marke the plaine and as it were palpable faults ignorances which he hath committed in those few hystories which it pleaseth him sometimes by the way to touch which also most commonly he alledgeth to evill purpose and many times falsely As for a firme and sound iudgement Machiavell also wanted as is plainely seene by his absurd and foolish reasons wherewith for the most part he confirmes his propositions and Maximes which he sets downe only he hath a certaine subtiltie such as it is to give colour unto his moct wicked and damnable doctrines But when a man comes something nigh to examine his subtilties then it truth it is discovered to be but a beastly vanitie and madnesse yea full of extreame wickednesse I doubt not but many Courtiers which deale in matters of Estate others of their humor will find it very strange that I should speake in this sort of their great Doctor Machiavell whose bookes rightly may bee called The French Courtiers Alcoran they have them in so great estimation imitating and observing his principles and Maximes no more nor lesse than the Turkes doe the Alcoran of their great Prophet Mahomet But yet I beseech them not to be offended that I speake in this manner of a man whom I will plainely shew to be full of all wickednesse impietie and ignorance and to suspend their iudgement whether I say true or no untill they have wholly read these my discourses For as soone as they have read thâ—â— I doe assure my selfe that every man of perfect iudgement will say and determine thâ—t I speake but too modestly of the vices and brutishnesse found in this their great Doctor But to open and make easie the intelligence of that should here be handled wee must Of Machiavell and his writings first search out what that Machiavell was and his writings Machiavell then was in his time the Secretarie or common Notarie of the Common-weale of Florence during the kingdome of Charles the eight and Lewis the twelfth kings of France Alexander the sixt and Iulius the eleventh Popes of Rome and of Henry the seventh and Henry the eight kings of England in which time hee writ his bookes in the Italian language and published them about the first beginning of Francis the first king of Fraunce as may be gathered by his owne writings Of his life and death I can say nothing neither did I or vouchsafed I once to enquire thereof because his memorie deserved better to be buried in perpetuall oblivion than to be renewed amongst men Yet I may well say that if his life were like his doctrine as is to be presumed there was never man in the world more contaminated and defiled with vices and wickednesse than hee was By the Praefaci he made unto his booke entituled De Principe Of the Prince it seemeth he was banished and chased from Florence For he there complaineth unto his Magnificall Lawrence de Medicis unto whom he dedicated his Worke of that hee endured iniuriously and uniustly as he said And in certaine other places he reciteth That one while he remained in France another time at Rome and another while not sent embassadour for he would never have forgotten to have said that but as it is to be presumed as a fugitive and banished man But howsoever it be he dedicates the said booke unto the said Lawrence de Medicis to teach him the reasons and meanes to invade and obtaine a principalitie which booke for the most part containeth nothing but tyrannicall precepts as shall appeare in the prosecution and progresse of this Worke. But I know not if they de Medicis have made their profit and taken use of Machiavels precepts contained in his said booke yet this appeares plainely that they since that time occupied the principalitie of Florence and changed that Aristocraticall free estate of that cittie into a Dutchie
violence But because at the first they which reade this place of Commines may peradventure thinke that he seemes too much to limit and restraine a Princes power I will here as it were by an interpretation of his saying a little cleare this point You must then understand and presuppose that in a soveraigne Prince there A Prince hath a double power an absolute and a civile are two powers the one is called an absolute power and the other a civile power The absolute power is that which cannot nor ought not to be any thing limited but stretcheth it selfe to all things whatsoever they be unlesse it be to the lawes of God and of nature and of those lawes which are the foundation of the principalitie and estate For a Prince hath not power over God no more than the vassall hath over his liege Lord but ought himselfe to obey his commandements and ordinances So much there wants that he can any thing abolish or derogate from them The Prince also cannot abolish the fundamentall lawes of his principalitie wherupon his estate is founded and without which his said estate cannot subsist nor endure for so might he abolish and ruinate himselfe As in France the king cannot abolish the Salicke law nor the three estates nor the law of not alienating the countries and provinces united to the crowne For the Realme and the Royaltie are founded upon those three points which are as three pillars that sustaine and hold up both the king and kingdome neither can the Prince breake nor abolish any law naturall approved by the common sence of all men But in all other things the absolute power of a Prince reacheth without limitation for it is above all other lawes which he may make and unmake at his pleasure he hath power also over the body and goods of his subjects without restriction purely and simply True it is that he ought to temperat the use of that Absolute power by the moderation of his second power which is Civile as we shall say hereafter But suppose he will not moderate his absolute power by the Civile we must notwithstanding obey because God commandeth us But before we speake of the Civile power we must a little more amply cleare the points before touched The first point then which is that the Absolute power of a Prince stretcheth not above God is a matter of all confessed And there were never found any Princes or very few which would soare and mount so high as to enterprise upon that which belonged unto God yea even the Emperours Caligula and Domitian are blamed and detested by the Paynim hystories which had no true knowledge of God for that they durst enterprise upon God and upon that which appertained unto him Also it is a Maxime in Theologie That we must rather obey God than men which Maxime hath at all times ben practised by all good people and holy persons which are praised even with the mouth of God in the holy Scriptures as by Daniell and his companions the Apostles the Christians of the primitive Church and many of our time As for the other point which is that the Prince cannot abolish the foundamentall The Prince cannot abolish the fouÌ„damentall lawes of his principality lawes of his principalitie it is as cleare of it selfe For if a Prince overthroweth the foundations of his principalitie he ruinateth and overthroweth himselfe and his estate cannot endure for the first sencelesse and unwise man that comes thereunto will overthrow all upside downe As if in Fraunce a king may overthrow the Salicke law and so subject his Crowne unto the succession of women it is certaine that long ago the estate of France had been overthrowne For kings which have left none but daughters after them as Philipâ—le long Charles le bel and Lewis the twelfth had been easily enclined upon naturall affection towards their daughters to have broken that Salicke law if they so could to cause the Crowne to have falne unto their said daughters by the meanes whereof the kingdome after should have falne into strangers hands and by consequent into ruine and dissipation For the nature of the inhabitants of France is such that they cannot long suffer a strange Prince wherein they differ from many other nations as they could not long beare the domination of the Romane Emperours but against the reigne of the Emperour Tiberius they began to kicke and be greeved with the rule of Princes of another nation than their owne and finally they rid themselves of the Romanes yoke and Gaule was the first Province that cut it selfe from the Empire Neither was there ever found king that durst enterprise to breake the Salicke law True it is that king Charles the sixt at the instigation of Philip duke of Bourgoigne gave the kingdome of France in dowrie with his daughter Katherine which he maried to the king of England and declared the Dolphin unable and incapable to succeed in the kingdome of Fraunce because at Monterean-fante-Yonne Iohn father of the said Philip duke of Bourgoigne was by him slaine But this donation held not as being made against the Salicke law insomuch that the said duke Philip himselfe which had procured and caused to declare the said Dauphin unable to be king of France after the death of king Charles the sixt acknowledged him for king and lawfull successor to the Crowne of Fraunce For as for incapacitie it was knowne there was none because that duke Iohn which the Dauphin had slaine deserved it well having before caused to be slaine the duke of Orleance the kings only brother Yet because the manner of the execution which the said Dauphin caused to be made upon the said duke Iohn was not by lawfull meanes he acknowledged his fault in that case and made a great satisfaction to the said duke Philip as shall hereafter be more at large set forth So then the Salicke law hath alwaies remained firme as one of the three pillars of the kingdome and royaltie of France our ancestors neverbeing willing to suffer women to raigne and rule over them As much is to be said of the Estates generall the authoritie of which hath alwaies remained whole untill this present even from the foundation of the kingdome as being the second piller whereupon the kingdome is founded For if it happen that the crowne fall to a king under age or to one that is not well in his wit and understanding or that the king be a prisoner or captive or that the kingdome have urgent necessitie of a generall reformation how necessarie is it in all these cases that the estates assemble to provide for all affairs otherwise the estate of the kingdome and of the Roialtie would incontinent fall to the ground and without doubt it could not long continue in his being if the generall estates were abolished and suppressed For to say that in the aforesayd cases other than the foresaid estates may well order the affairs of the
do often proceed when kings governe themselves by men of base hand as they call them for then are princes and great lords jealous And therefore to shun such jealousies and just complaints that great men may have to see themselves despised a prince ought so to advance meane men that hee recoile not great men and meane men ought alwaies to acknowledge the place from whence they came respecting great men according to their degrees without staggering in their dutie to their prince common-wealth And when they see that by some accident they are evill beloved of great men or of the common people and that for the good of peace it is requisit to extinguish the envie and jealousie conceived against them they ought voluntarily to forsake their estate For willingly to retaine it to the detriment and confusion of the common-wealth therein doe they evidently shew that they are not good servants of their prince King Charles the seventh had Counsellors both wise and loiall as M. Tanguy du Chastell M. Iohn Lowet president de Provence the Bishop of Cleremont Annal. upon An. 1426. and certaine others of meane qualitie which had done him great services in great affaires he had had as well when he was Dolphin as after he was king At that time this king had civile warre against the duke of Burgoigne whome secretly the duke of Bretaigne favoured which warre the king would gladly have had extinguished Therefore hee himselfe openly spoke to the said lords and dukes which made him answere That they were content to come to some good accord provided that hee would put from him such Counsellors as he had and take others These beforenamed Counsellors knowing this said to the king Since Sir it holds but thereon to quench civile warre which there is against the house of Burgoigne let them all goe home againe it shall not come of us that so good a thing shall bee hindered and they themselves desired and counselled the king to accord to that condition These were good and loyall Counsellors but they are dead and there are no more such to bee found But such there are now adaies which had rather see the commonwealth in combustion and ruine than they would suffer themselves to be removed from their places one pace Yet these good Counsellors abovesaid withdrew to their houses willingly and without constraint and soone after peace was accorded and finished betwixt the king and the duke of Burgoigne These good persons alledged not That men sought to take away the kings faithfull Counsellors to seduce and deceive him and that their dutie commaunded them then more than ever to keepe nigh his Majestie seeing the great troubles and affairs of the kingdome and that otherwise they might be accounted traitors and disloiall No no they alledged no such thing they looked right upon the white to keepe peace in the kingdome For they knew well that if they had used these reasons to the duke of Burgoigne that he could soone have answered replied that they were too presumptuous and proud to thinke that in all the kingdome of Fraunce there could not be found people as wise and faithfull to their prince as they For in all times the kingdome of Fraunce more than any other hath ever beene well furnished with wise and vertuous people of the Nobilitie Iustice Cleargie yea Marchants and of the third Estate To come againe to our purpose certaine it is That a prince which committeth the government of his affaires to one alone brings himselfe in great daunger and hardly can such governement bee without great mischeefes and disorders For this commonly men hold That being lifted up unto great honor and dignitie they cannot hold a moderation and mediocritie which is that which giveth taste and grace to all our actions The emperour Severus so high advaunced Plautianus that being great master of his houshold the people thought seeing his dealings in his office that hee was the emperour himselfe and that Severus was but his great master Hee Dion Spartian Severo slew robbed banished confiscated the goods of all such as hee would in the sight and knowledge of Severus who contradicted him in nothing So farre mounted this great and immoderate license that Plautianus durst well attempt to cause Severus to be slaine and his two sonnes But his wickednesse was disclosed by a captaine unto whom he had discovered it insomuch that Severus caused him to come before him and although by nature he were a cruell Prince yet was he so firmely affected to Plautianus that he never spoke sharpe or rigorous word unto him but onely uttered this remonstrance I am abashed Plautianus how it came in thine heart to enterprise this against me who have so much loved and exalted thee and against my children whereof Bassianus my eldest sonne hath married your daughter and so is your sonne in law Truly the condition of men is very miserable that cannot maintaine themselves in such honour and dignitie as I have placed you in I pray you tell me your reasons defences to purge you of this act The abovesaid Bassianus seeing that the emperour his father would receive Plautianus to his justification fearing he should have escaped caused one of his men to slay him in the presence of his father adding to the saying of Severus Certaine it is that great honors attributed to one man alone as to governe the affaires of a kingdome not only makes him go out of the bonds of reason but also subjects him unto great envies wherby great mischeefes happen unto him In the time of Philip le Bell king of Fraunce M. Enguerrant de Marigni Countie Annal. upon An. 1314 1326. de Longuevile a valiant and wise knight governed almost all the affaires of the king and his kingdome and especially of his common treasure which was distributed by his ordinance Amongst other things he caused to build that great Pallace at Paris where the court of parliament is held After the death of king Philip Charles Counte de Valois his brother begun criminally to pursue M. Enguerrant before certaine commissionaries of the said court delegated for that purpose And so farre did the said Countie de Valois being a great lord prince of the bloud and in great credit with king Lewis le Hutin his nephew and sonne of the said Philip pursue the cause against M. Enguerrant who was then out of credit after the death of king Philip his master that he was condemned to bee hanged and strangled on a gibbet at Paris as he was indeed This happened onely unto him by the envie he had procured by his great place and too great credit For true it is that he was accused of many things but he was not condemned of any punishable thing But our hystories say That he was not received unto his justifications and defences he was so fiercely pursued by the said Countie de Valois who after he had caused him to bee hanged and that
But if any demand how diviners and astrologers could so justly foretell the death of the emperour Domitian I answere that we must beleeve that this said prediction was not by art or science but the evill spirit would give boldnesse of enterprising unto Domitians enemies in making them know by frivolous divinations his fatall houre that they might beleeve the starres and heaven to aid their enterprise And God above who serves himselfe with such meanes as pleaseth him to exercise his justice gives efficacie to the spirit of error The same effect came of the divination of Caracalla for it was the cause that Macrinus enterprised to sley him although he never before thought of it till the astrologers declared their divination nay he would never have done that enterprise if that divination had not constrained and drawne him unto it Master Philip de Comines reciteth to this purpose a very memorable hystorie that happened in his time He saith there was at Naples a king called Alphonsus a bastard of the house of Arragon who was marvellous cruell a traitour and dangerous for none could know when he was angry he could so well manage his countenance yea and often betray men as he made them good cheare and he was a man wherein there was neither grace nor mercie neither had hee any compassion of the poore people This king Alphonsus had a sonne also as wicked as he called Ferrand who had found means to bring before him under his fathers assurance many princes and barons of the countrey to the number of foure and twentie and amongst them the prince de Rosane his brother in law having married his sister all which hee caused to be imprisoned notwithstanding the faith and assurance which he had given them insomuch as some remained foure or five and twentie yeares prisoners As soone as the king Alphonsus was dead and Ferrand his sonne was king the first thing hee did at his comming to the crowne was to massacre all those said great princes and barons which he himselfe had imprisoned during his fathers life by a Moorean slave of Affrica which he rewarded and straight after the execution sent him into his countrey This king Ferrand or Ferdinand having newes of the said murder as the king of Fraunce Charles the eight enterprised the conquest of Naples judging himselfe unworthie to be king because of his great and abhominable cruelties sent embassadors to the king to agree and to be at an accord with him offering to yeeld himselfe tributarie to the crowne of Fraunce to hold the kingdome of Naples of him and to pay him 50000 crownes yearely But the king who knew there was no fidelitie in the Arragonian race of Naples would enter into no treatie with the king Ferdinand who being in dispaire to be ever able to hold that kingdome against the king of Fraunce having his owne subjects his enemies died for sorrow and dispaire and left his sonne Alphonsus his successor This Alphonsus the new king was as wicked as his father and had alwayes shewed himselfe pittilesse and cruell without faith without religion and without all humanitie insomuch as perceiving that king Charles approched Rome his conscience also judging himselfe to be an unworthy king he resolved to flie into Spain and to professe himselfe a monke in some monasterie But before hee fled hee caused to be crowned king at Naples a young sonne of his called Ferdinand who was not yet hated in the countrey his nailes beeing not yet either strong or long ynough to doe evill This done hee fled into Sicilie and from thence to Valence in Spaine where he tooke the habite of a monke and in a little time after died of an excoriation of gravell But it was marvellous that this cruel tyrant should be so seized of feare as he should go in no good order away but left all his moveable goods and almost all his gold and silver in his castle at Naples And this feare proceeded to him from a faintnesse of heart for as Comines saith never cruell man was hardie And when one desired him onely to stay three dayes to packe up his goods No no said he let us quickly depart from hence heare you not all the world crie Fraunce Fraunce Men may see how an evill conscience leaves a man never in quiet This wicked man knowing that by his crueltie hee had procured the hatred of his subjects the wrath of God and the enmitie of all the world was tormented in his conscience as of an infernall furie which ever after fretted his languishing soule in the poore infected and wasted bodie And to end this tragoedie straight after he had saved himselfe the king of Fraunce obtained the kingdome of Naples And a little while after the said young Ferdinand sonne of the said Alphonsus died of a feaver and a flux So that within the space of two yeares God did justice on foure kings of Naples two Alfonses and two Ferdinands because of their strange cruelties which were accompained with disloyall impietie and oppression of subjects for alwaies those keepe company together A like punishment happened by the conduction and judgement of God to that Comines lib. 1 cap. 132. 133. and Bellay lib. 1. of his memories cruell king Richard of England king Edward the fourth his brother This king Edward deceasing left two sonnes and two daughters all yong and in the tutelage and goverment of Richard duke of Glocester his brother This duke desiring for himselfe the crowne of England caused his two nephewes cruelly to be slaine and made a report to goe that by chance they fell of a bridge and so were slaine His two nieces he put into a religion of Nunnes saying they were bastards because saith hee the dead king Edvard their father could not lawfullie espouse their mother for that before hee had promised to espouse a gentlewoman which hee named and the bishop of Bath beeing present protested it was so and the promises of marriage were made betwixt his hands The duke of Glocester having thus dispatched both his nephewes and nieces caused himselfe to be crowned king of England and because many great lords of England murmured at this crueltie this new tyrant king which named himselfe king Richard the third made to die of sundrie deaths all such as hee knew had murmured against him or his tyrannie After all this when hee thought hee had a sure estate in the kingdome it was not long before God raised him up for enemie the earle of Richmond of the house of Lancaster who was but a pettie lord in power without silver and without force who but a little before was detained prisoner in Bretaigne To whom certaine lords of England sent secretly that if he could come into England but with two or three thousand men all the people would come to him make him king of England The earle of Richmond hasted to king Charles the eight then raigning in France by whose permission hee levied people in
a gentle and kind prince For it often happeneth that such cruell judges which have bestowed great paines to make their dâ—lligence allowed of the cruell princes have beene after paid their wages and received their due recompence of some good prince succeeding Nabis was a tyrant who without right or title got soveraigne possession of the commonwealth of the Lacedaemonians and there committed many cruelties and Titus Livius lib. 5. Dec. 4. indignities The Aetolians a furious and cruell kinde of people esteemed that it would bee a great glorie and honour unto them if they could slay this tyrant any way and that all Greece especially the Lacedaemonians would thank them So they enterprised to joyne themselves unto him under a pretext and shew of Faith and socieâ—â—e the better to overthrow him Alexamenes was deputed captaine and conductor of the Aetolian forces to effect that enterprise who did so much as hee entered into league and confederation with Nabis who at that time greatly feared the Romanes This league being past Alexamenes persuaded Nabis that both together they must often exercise their souldiers by bringing them into the fields to wrastle leape skirmish and practise other millitarie exercises to shun idlenesse and to make them good souldiers Nabis beleeved him insomuch as one day beeing in the field together Alexamenes came behinde him and threw him cleane over his horse with a blow hee gave him and then presently caused him to be slaine and massacred This being done Alexamenes his people returning towards the towne of Sparta from whence they departed thinking to seize upon the castle to guard themselves from all assaults of the tirants frinds but they could not obtaine it For the Lacedaemonians so disdained greeved at that most perfiidious villanus part of the Aetolians against their king Nabis although they desired no more than his death that they furiously rushed upon the Aetolians which were dispersed through the towne and looked not for their paines to be so recompensed that they slew them almost all and amongst them Alexamenes himselfe such as escaped the sword were taken prisoners and sould For the last example of this matter I will set downe that of Ioab David nephew 2. Samuel 2. 3. 20. 1 Kings 2. and constable unto whom hee did good and great services Yet David commanded Salomon his sonne that hee should put to death Ioab his cosin germane as hee did because of his perfidie for hee had slaine Abner and Amasa two other great captaines traiterously under the coulour of amitie Ioab seemed to have great causes to justifie his fact For Abner had slaine Asahel Ioabs brother and therefore Ioab could not but receive just sorrow and feeling thereof Moreover Abner had followed the contrary part to David standing for the house of Saul Amasa was a rebell and a seditious person against David and had followed Absalons part so it was evident if Ioab had had our Machivellists judges of his fact they would not onely have adjudged him innocent but for a remuneration they would have made him some great amendes with the goods of Abner and Amasa but the judgement of David which hee made at his death against his sisters sonne who had done him infinit good and great services shewed well how execrable and detestable Ioabs perfidie was to him And heereby princes have to learne to imitate this holy and wise king by whose mouth God teacheth them that they ought to observe their Faith and promise yea to their domage a doctrine fully contrary to the doctrine of this filthie and wicked Machiavell To conclude Perfidie is so detestable a thing both to God and the world that God never leaveth perfidious and Faith-breaking persons unpunished Oftentimes hee waits not to punish them in the other world but plagnes them in this yea often strangely and rigorously by exterminating as it were in a moment all their rase wives and children as the Poet Homer although a Panim hath wisely taught us saying Though straight the God of heaven lay not his punishment divine Homer Ili 4 At all times on the perfidious for his great periurie Yet neither hee himselfe nor child can skape his ire in fine No nor his wife but all destroyed by hand of his shall bee 22. Maxime Faith Clemencie and Liberalitie are vertues very domageable to a prince but it is good that of them hee have onely some similitude and likenesse THere is no necessitie saith our Florentine that a prince Cap. 18. Of the prince should bee garnished with all these vertues but it is requisit that hee have an appearance of them For I dare well say this that having and observing them in all places they will fall out mervelous domageable unto him And contrarie the maske and semblance of them is very profitable and indeede wee see each day by experience that a prince is often constrained to goe from his Faith and from all charitie humanitie and religion to conserve and defend his owne vvhich verely hee shall incontinent lose if exactly hee will observe all points which make men to bee esteemed vertuous MAchiavell sets heere downe three vertues Faith Clemencie and Liberalitie which hee reproveth in a prince as domageable and pernitious effectuallie to use them But whosoever can recover the maskes and similitudes of them as they are naturallie portraied hee shall doe well to adorne and decke himselfe with them as whores and courtizans doe which apparell themselves like women of honour to make men beleeve that they are honest and good women But I will not stand heere upon invectives to confute or cause men to detest such a filthie doctrine For what man is so brutall or ignorant that seeth not with his eie how Machiavell delights to mock play with the most excellent vertues amongst men As for the Faith which is and ought to bee amongest men for Machiavell speakes not of the Faith which is towards God wee have discoursed upon it in the former Maxime And as for Liberalitie wee shall speake upon it in another place Heere wee will speake of Clemencie and examine Machiavells doctrine whether this doctrine can bee domageable to a prince or no To shew that Clemencie cannot bee domageable but profitable to him unto Clemencie profitable honourable to such as are clement whom God imparteth that grace to bee indued therewith an argument drawne from the contrary concludes well and evidently for this purpose For if crueltie which is directly contrary to Clemencie bee pernitious and domageable to him that is infected therewith as wee have above shewed It followeth that clemencie and gentlenesse is both profitable and honourable to him that is indued and adorned therewith And indeede it is a vertue both agreeable and amiable with everie man which bringeth to whatsoever person it dwelleth in favour grace amitie honour and good will of every man to doe him pleasure All which are affections that can never bee idle nor without some operation
of flatterers were banished and driven out of Fraunce in the time of Philip Augustus Annal. upon the year 1104. as persons serving for nothing but to vanities and corruptions of manners unto which Princes and great Lords gave gifts which might better have been employed upon Gods poore And therfore that good king made a vow that he would from thenceforth give to the poore all that which before he and his ancestours had given unto janglers And to the end that other Lords of the court should follow his example and that they might have no more occasion to give any thing to the said janglers he banished them all as is said from the court Such flatterers in truth are very pernicious for seeking too much to exalt and lift up Princes by praises they are causes to mount them into pride and unmeasurable fiercenesse which after brings their destruction So came it to Iulius Caesar For Dion Plutar in Caesar Sueto in Caes cap. 78 79. Lucius Cotta Coruelius Balbus and such like janglers being nigh about him ever persuaded him first to name the moneth which then was called Quintilis with and by his name Iulius which he did and ever since was it called Iuly After that they would needs make him a Temple to make him be worshipped as a god and they called him Iupiter in his presence they also persuaded him to take the name and crowne of a king which he was determined to doe if he had not been prevented by death When the Senators came to speake with him in his house he would not arise to meet them but those flatterers hindered him neither would they permit him to rise out of his chaire to salute them saying he was Caesar the soveraign Prince of the Common-wealth and that all others ought to honor him and not he them These things which Caesar did against his will by the persuasions constraint of janglers gathered unto him hatred and evill will of all the Senate insomuch that some Senators conspired against him and slew him even in the Senat house Caius Caligula a certaine time was a good Prince but the janglers he had about Suet. in Calig cap. 22. 51. Ioseph Antiq. lib. 18. cap. 15. him by their unmeasurable praises made him become as saith Suetonius a monster they caused him to take titles of Pitions The Sonne of Campes or Hoasts Most good and Most great Caesar and in the meane while they made him become the most cruell the most coward and the most wicked tyrant in the world He tooke a desire after all those goodly names and titles yea to take the name of a King and to weare a crowne but his flatterers shewed him that the name of an Emperour was much more than a King therefore from thence forward he attributed to himselfe a divine honour So gave he commandement that men in temples should set up images of him through all the world which were subject to the Romane Empire Insomuch that the Governour of Iudea called Petronius would have placed an image of Caligula in the great temple of Ierusalem but the Iewes would not suffer him which extreamely detested images whereby there had like to have beene a great sedition but in all other provinces of the Empire it was executed without contradiction Yet not contented that his images should bee in all places adored this detestable monster would many times goe and place himselfe in person betwixt the two images of Castor and Pollux in the Temple which was consecrated to them at Rome and there made himselfe to be worshipped in the middest of the said two gods which hee called his brethren Moreover he caused a Temple to be builded and consecrated where he made his image to be erected which was of gold and caused it every day to have on such like apparrell as he wore himselfe and founded in that Temple Priests for his service and to offer up unto him rare and precious Sacrifices as Pheasants Peacockes and other like birds and beasts farre fetched every day Sometimes went hee into the Capitoll Iupiters Temple and there would come unto the image of Iupiter and make a countenance to talke with him and speake in his eare and then would lay his owne eare to Iupiters mouth as it were to heare his answere sometimes would hee lift up his voice and taunt and rebuke Iupiter and after hee was departed from thence then said he that he had spoken with Iupiter and had obtained that hee asked I pray you what will you here say Is it possible in the world to dreame or imagine a more extreame folly or a pride and arrogancie more abhominable and enraged Behold to what point janglers brought him But this was not all for seeing himselfe thus adored he fell persuaded that no man durst ever enterprise any thing against him and so committed he a thousand cruelties and strange and horrible wickednesses such as easily a soveraigne prince might doe which spends his time and power in all excesses wantonnesse and riotousnesse wherein he never ceaâ—ed to wallow and tumble himselfe till he was suddainly massacred and slain which was a just and merited recompence vnto him because he so lightly beleeved flatterers and praisers You must thinke that whilest these janglers handled thus their maister leading him to such follies that they themselves were merry and joyfull to see him so governed after their fancie yet was there not laughter for them all and to speak of them which did not laugh is so much the better fit to make others laugh First then was Dion in Caio Caligu one Macro who seeking to come in favour and good grace with Caligula not onely he employed himselfe to praise and exalt the Emperour but also he set on his wife called Ennea to make her fit and handsome to gaine the good grace of that young Prince commaunding her to refuse him nothing For such people to come to the end they purpose care not therein to employ their honour and that of their wives even so far as themselves to be very bauds She then obeying Macro her husband did so much by her journeies that she entred into Caligula his amitie and her selfe discovered unto him how well her husband loved him and what commaundement hee gave her Insomuch that Macro as well by the meanes of his wife as by his owne jangling was a good time in credit But one day he had done something that pleased not Caligula as to breake a glasse or some other like fault and this foolish Emperour caused him to be called When he came he said Come hither Gallant did not you commaund such a thing to your wife doe you not know well that it is a thing punishable by our lawes to be a baud to his owne wife You must die and so constrained him to slea himselfe without hearing any excuse or defence There are yet two others which received no lesse and I will tell you how The Emperour
gave them all great summes of money for Severus had left great treasure and made them sweare they would be faithfull unto him So that when after they knew the deed done and found themselves all gained and corrupted with silver they obeyed him without contradiction as to one sole emperour And what came of all this Bassianus not ignorant that the Senate of Rome would find this murder very strange that he had committed of his brother desired that great lawyer Papinian who was his kinsman and had beene as the Chancellor or great maister under the Emperour Severus that he would goe to the Senate and make his excuses by an Oration well set out That he had done well to slay his brother and that he had reason and occasion to doe it Papinian who was a good man answered him That it was not so easie to excuse a parricide as it was to commit it Bassianus greeved at this refusall caused one of his attendants straight to cut off his head After this willing to shew to the Senate and to the people that he greeved because he had slaine his brother and that they might see it was done by evill counsell he caused also his Marmoset Laetus his head to be cut off who had counselled him to doe that murder he caused also to die all them which helped him in that businesse which were culpable thereof saying that they were cause thereof This notwithstanding to the end Geta his friends should enterprise nothing against him he made die as many as he could catch of them So that under that title of being a friend servant or favourer of Geta his brother he made die many great and noble persons yea he slew all such as caried themselves betwixt them two as neuter and reconciliators I pray you what was the cause of all this great and horrible butcherie was it not the mortall enmitie which these Marmosets had sowne betwixt the brethren In the time of the Emperour Commodus there happened a like thing and because Dion Lamprid. in Commod Herod lib. 1. the hystorie is memorable I would rehearse it a little at length Marcus Antonius the Emperour was surnamed the Philosopher because he was a prince wise and studious and a lover of good letters In his time there were great plentie of wise and learned men because commonly saith Herodian men doe imitate their prince and give themselves to such things as the Prince loveth There was alwaies about him a great number of good and learned people for his privie Counsell which hee called his faithfull friends as the king of Fraunce also at this day dooth call his privie Counsellors in his pattents This good emperour being in Hungarie at the warre with Commodus his sonne fell into a disease whereof he died But before his death hee caused his Counsell to assemble and to recommend his sonne unto them made a little remonstrance worthy of such a Prince in this manner I doubt not my good friends that you are not anguished and sorrowfull to see me of this disposition For humanitie causeth that easily wee have compassion of mens adversities but especially when we see them with our eyes But yet in my regard there is a more speciall reason for I doubt not but you beare mee alike good will to that which I have ever borne you But now is the time for me to thanke you that you have alwayes been unto me good and faithfull Friends and Counsellors And I pray you also not to forget the honour and amitie which I have borne you You see my son which you your selves have nourished who now entreth into the flower of his youth who as he that entreth into an high sea had need of good Patrones and Governours least by ignorance and evill conduction hee stray from the right way and so come into perill I pray you then my friends whereas he had no more fathers but one in me be you many fathers unto him that he may be alwaies made better by your good counsels For truly neither the force of silver and treasures nor the multitude of guarders can maintaine a prince and make him be obeyed unlesse the subjects which owe obedience doe beare him good affection and benevolence And assuredly they onely raigne long and assuredly which ingrave and instill in their subjects hearts not a feare by crueltie but a love by bountie For they ought not to bee any thing suspected to a prince in that they doe or suffer which are drawne to obedience by their owne will and not by constrained servitude And subjects will never refuse obedience unlesse they bee handled by violence and contumelie Very true it is That it cannot bee but hard for a soveraigne prince who is at his full libertie moderately to guide and bridle his affections But if you alwayes admonish him to doe well and to remember the words which hee heareth now of me that am his father I hope you shall find him a good prince towards you and all others And in thus doing you shall manifestly shew That you alwayes have mee in remembrance by which onely meanes you may make mee immortall Vpon this speech his heart and his word failed with languishment and then all his Counsellors which were there begun to weepe lament yea some could not containe from crying for great sadnesse and bitternesse of heart that they had to see so good a prince faile After his death Commodus his sonne and successor in the empire governed himselfe some little time by the good people and auncient Counsellors of his father but this continued not long for there were straight Marmosets which found subtill meanes and entries to get into him which when they saw their time begun to say unto him What meane you to tarie in this base and barraine countrey of Hungarie better it were for you to bee at Rome to have all the pleasures in the world you have no cause to beleeve these tutors which your father left you you are no child to bee governed by tutors Commodus who was a faire young prince and one that desired nothing but his pleasures and who yet had no great resolution although his father had taken great paines to instruct him wel begun to let himself to be led with Marmosets which never spoke anything unto him but of merry and pleasant things So made he a shamefull and dishonorable peace with the Barbarians against whom his father had commenced warre and retired to Rome being there he begun to become cruell especially against the good and auncient counsellors of his fathers which hee caused almost all to die at the instigation of his Marmosets which reported unto him that they bore him no good will that they blamed his actions and controuled his pleasures He caused also many Senatours to die which his reporters for the same reason disgraced Amongst other Marmosets he had one called Perennis which persuaded him to care for nothing to take his pleasures and to
Anno 140â— Monstre lib. 1 cap. 22. and Reporters a great enmitie arose betwixt Lewis duke of Orleans the kings brother and Iohn duke of Burgoigne conte of Flanders of Artois and lord of many other lands and territories Our hystories name not these Marmosets but simply say that their houshold servants incited them to band one against another the duke of Orleans his servants and favourits said and said truly That he was the chiefe prince of the blood the kings only brother also more aged and of riper and more staied wit than the duke of Burgoigne and that therefore he should not set his foot before him in the handling of the kings affairs For at this time the king having not perfect sences his affairs were handled with the princes of the blood and the privie Counsell but contrarie the duke of Burgoigne his Marmosets said That he was the chiefe peere of France and as they cal it le Doy en des Pairs that he was more mightie and more rich than the duke of Orleans and although he was not so neere of the blood Roiall as he yet was he more neere by alliance for the Dauphin who was yet very young had espoused his daughter and therefore he ought in nothing to give place unto the duke of Orleans but that hee ought to maintaine and hold the same ranke that Philip duke of Burgoigne his deceassed father did who whilest his father liued governed the king and the kingdome at his wil. Briefly these tatlers and reporters caused this duke of Burgoigne so to mount into ambition and covetousnesse to raigne that he enterprised to cause the duke of Orleans to bee slaine who hindered his deseignes and purposes and indeed he caused him to be most villanously massacred and slaine at Paris nie the gate Barbette by a sort of murthering theeves which he had hired as the duke of Orleans went to see the queene who had lately bene brought to rest of a child Great domage there was for that good prince for he was valiant and wise as possible one might be Of him descended king Henry the second now raigning both by father and mother For king Francis his father was sonne of Charles duke of Angolesme who was son also of Iohn duke of Angolesme who was sonne of the duke of that Orleance and Madame Claude queene of Fraunce mother of the said king Henry was daughter of king Lewis the twelfth who was son of Charles duke of Orleance who was the sonne of this duke Lewis whereof wee speake I would to God princes his descendants would well marke the example of this massacre most horrible which was committed upon the person of that good duke their great grandfather and the great evill haps and calamities which came thereof to shun the like miseries which ordinarily happen when such murders goe unpunished For because the duke Iohn of Burgoine was not punished for this fault but found people which sustained and maintained it to have been well done as we shall say more at the full in another place and that followed his part stirring up civile warres which endured two generations and caused the death of infinit persons in France and that the English got a great part of the kingdome and that the poore people of Fraunce fell into extreame miserie povertie and desolation there were many causes and meanes of so many evils for injustice ambition covetousnesse desire of vengeance and other like things might goe in the ranke of causes of so many mischeefes But the Marmosets of duke Iohn of Burgoigne were they which stroke the yron against the flint out of which came that sparke of fire a device fatally taken by the duke of Burgoigne which brought into combustion and into a burning fire all the kingdome for so long time and at last ruinated the house of Burgoigne Francis duke of Bretaigne a prince that was a good Frenchman and affectionate Monstre lib. 3. cap. 4 33. to the king of France his soveraigne had a brother called Gills who gave himselfe to the English in the time that they made warre in France and accepted of the king of England the order of the Garter and the office of high Constable of England The duke and his brother much greeved hereat found meanes to take him prisoner and put him in a strong castle whereunto he would never goe to heare or see him he so much disdained him But yet he sent men unto him which hee trusted which indeed proved very Marmosets and false reporters for after Giles of Bretaigne had remained within the castle a certaine time and that he had considered well his doings that he was borne the kings vassale of France and that he ought never to have disunited himselfe from his brother he then praied his brothers people that came to see him to tell him from him that he greatly repented what hee had done and that if it pleased him to pardon him that from thence forward he would follow with a good heart the part of the king of France and his and that if it pleased them hee would streight send to the king of England his Order and Constables sword What do his Marmosets then They report to the duke that Giles his brother was still obstinate and so perfect English that no reasons they could make could turne him unto that side The duke sent still many times the same men unto him but alwaies they made the like or worse report of him insomuch that this good duke fearing that his brother was invincible in his obstination fearing also that if hee should let him loose he would cause the English to come into Bretaigne to avenge himselfe commanded the same reporters to strangle him in prison which they did Afterward as God when he seeth his time brings the most hid things to light these murdering reporters could not hold but discover the truth of the matter and that Giles of Bretaigne would have done any thing that the duke his brother would have had him to doe which comming to the dukes eares he was nigh out of his wits for his brothers death and caused the reporters to be hanged and to die with great and rigorous paines and executions Behold the end of Giles of Bretaign and the reward which such Marmosets received which were cause of his death Hereof Princes may note a rule Not to beleeve too easily reports made of men without hearing them but especially when it toucheth life One day before the emperour Adrian there was one Alexander which accused I. 3. 9. idem Diu. D. de Testi 6. of certaine crimes one Aper and for proofe of those crimes he produced certaine informations in writing against Aper which he had caused to be taken in Macedon Adrian mocked at it and said to Alexander the accuser that these informations were but paper and inke and it might be made at pleasure but in criminall causes we must not beleeve witnesses in writing but witnesses themselves
lib. 15. cap. 9. li. 16. cap. 3 4 13. lib. 17. and Idumia for the favour of Marcus Antonine a Romane capitaine and by decree of the Romane Senate he espoused a noble Ladie who was of the kings race of that countrie called Mariamme by whom he had two children Alexander and Aristobulus but Herodes had a sister called Salome who was a very Tisiphone and served for nothing but to kindle and light fires in the kings court by false reports which she invented and this infernall furie did so much as she perswaded the king her brother that Mariamme sought to poison him by his cup-bearer and brought out certaine false witnesses to proue it so that the king beleeved it and put to death his wife one of the fairest princes of the world and of whose death there was after infinit griefes and repentances But as one sinne draweth after it another Salome fearing that those two aforesaid children would feele afterward the outragious death of their mother she machinated and resolved in hir spirit that they must also dye So began she straight to forge false reports false tokens and false accusations insomuch as she perswaded Herodes the father that these two children Alexander and Aristobulus spake alreadie of revenging the death of their mother and by the same meanes to vsurpe the kingdome Herodes suffering himselfe to be persuaded by the calumniations and slaunders of his sister Salomē tooke his iourney to Rome having his two children with him where he accused them to have fought his death before Augustus Caesar he began to descipher his accusatorie oration and to deduct set out the means whereby he pretended that his two children should go about his death When it came to their turne to speake for their defence they began to weepe and lament Caesar knew well thereby that the poore children were full of innocencie So he exhorted them from thence forward to carry themselues in such sort towards their father that not only they should not doe against him any thing vnworthy or greevous but also should doe so much as to bring themselves farre from all suspition He exhorted also Herodes to use his sonnes well and to keepe them in his favor Then fell the children on their knees before their father with great effusion of teares crying him mercy by which meanes they were reconciled unto their father But after the returne of Herodes and his children this furie Salome not contented with this reconciliation which Caesar had made began to lay new ambushes by false reports that she made to Herodes wherein she mixed some truth to give the better taste Herodes who was very credulous in such matters made Augustus understand that his children had againe conspired his death Augustus answered him That if his children had done against him the thing which merited punishment that he should chastice them as he thought good and that he himselfe gave him power and permission so to do The abovesaid Herodes joyful to have received this power being led with an irreconcileable rage by the meanes of Salome caused the two poore children Alexander and Aristobulus to be strangled Salome ayded her selfe in all this businesse with one other sonne of Herodes borne of another woman called Antipater God would that Herode should discover that the accusations against his two dead children were but slaunders and that Antipater who had aided to forge them had himselfe conspired to poison his father Whereupon he caused him to be called before Guintius Varius the governor of Syria for the emperour The cause being long pleaded and debated Antipater could not purge himselfe of the sayings and proofs against him and did no other thing but make great exclamations nothing appertaining to the matter holding on that God knew all unto whom he recommended his innocencie Varus seeing that he could not wel justifie himselfe wished Herodes to imprison him and so he did Certaine dayes after Herodes fell sicke which comming to the notice of Antipater in prison he rejoyced greatly Herodes advertised that Antipater wished his death and rejoyced at his sicknesse sent one of his guard into prison to slay him which he did Five daies after Herodes died like a mad man for the evill haps he had in his children and this rage lighted a fire in his entrailes which rotted him by little and little wherupon engendred worms which eat him alive with horrible languishments before his death And who was the cause that Herodes thus contaminated his hands and all his house with the bloud of his owne children Even that most wicked reporter Salome who devised false accusations and slaunders which she blew in the king her brothers eares Besides those kind of flatterers whereof we have spoken above which are janglers Coūsellors flatterers and Marmosets there is yet a third kind which under the name and title of principall Counsellors and under the pretext and colour of conducting the affaires by good counsel they abuse the princes authoritie who are greatly to be feared To shun the mischeefe that may come therupon there is nothing better than to follow the precept of Comines namely That the king have many Counsellors and that hee Comines lib. 1. cap. 27. lib. 2. cap. 44. never commit the conducting of his affaires to one alone and that he hold as nigh as he can well his Counsellors equall For if hee commit much more to one than to another he wil be master and the others dare not reason against him freely or els knowing his inclination dare not contradict him Therefore in a criminall cause handled before the Senate of Rome against a gentlewoman of a great house called Lepida accused of treason the emperour Tiberius although he were very rude in Cornel. Tacitus annal lib. 3. li. 5. such cases would not suffer his adoptive sonne Drusus to reason first least sayth Tacitus thereby had been laied and imposed a necessitie for others to have consented unto his opinion And in another cause of like matter where Granius Marcellus was accused in a certaine place to have set his owne image above the emperors When the cause came to handling Piso whose opinion the Emperour desired first began thus to say And you Sir in what place will you reason for if you reason last I feare that by imprudencie I shall not dissent from you For that cause Tiberius declared that he would not reason at all indeed the accuser was absolved although the Emperour had shewed a countenance to be angry against him as he heard the accusation rehearsed And there is no doubt but that the counsell of one alone is Counsell of one alone dangerous perillous to the prince because naturally men are divers waies passionate and that which shall be governed by one alone is often by passion guided Also the indisposition of mens persons causeth that every one hath not alwaies his head well made as they say nor are wise at all seasons and
emptie his bodie he slew him with many prickes of a dagger So that a man may say that it was the divell which played him this part because he trusted in diviners and necromancers For had it not been that consultation wherby Macrinus was brought in perill of his life he durst never have enterprised that which hee did But necessitie makes men enterprise yea even the most cowards The yeare 1411 the lord de Rays in Bretaigne marshall of Fraunce to come unto Monstr lib. 2. cap. 248. great estate and honours gave himselfe to sorcerie and negromancie and caused many little children to be slaine for their blood wherewith he writ his divelish invocations The divell brought him to that greatnesse and height that hee was taken prisoner by the commaund of the duke of Bretaigne who caused his indictment to be made and he was publikely burned at Nantes There may be alleaged infinit examples of the judgements of God excercised against Atheists contemners of God and of all religion yea euen in our time as of that tragicall Poet Iodellius whose end was truly tragicall having like an Epicurean eaten and drunken his patrimonie he miserably died through hunger Lignerolles also the courtier who to make it appear that he was a man of service in court made an open profession of Atheisme and what was his end Certaine it is that from whence he looked for his advancement he received his merited ruine and destruction And la Lande Bissy Gaiscon and others which I will not name for the respect I have of their parents had they not unluckie ends after they had emptied and spoyled themselves of all pietie and Religion But I will not stay here to make plaine so cleere a thing of it selfe yet would I set downe one example very notable for hypocrits which make themselves great Zelators of the holy mother church and under False Zelators of the ancient Religion spoiless wicked that pretext and colour they bring into ruine and combustion their owne countrey saying That men ought inviolably to keepe the Religion of his predecessors and in the meane while their hearts tende to no other purpose but to spoile saccage and enrich themselves with the publike ruine Iosephus rehearseth That in the time of the emperour Claudius and the emperor Nero the Iewes raised up many ciuill warres in Iudea and Samaria that so customablie Ioseph de bello Judaico lib. 4. cap. 5. lib. 7. that they made no accompt of any other occupation but to live by booties rapines so that Vespasian lieftenant generall for the emperor Nero was sent against them with a great armie all the wickedest men of the countrie which were worth nothing and which could not live but of the good men gathered themselves together called themselves Zelators saying they would fight for the Temple of Ierusalem for the conservation of that Religion which they had received and learned of their forefathers and that to die for it they would not permit any other Religion to be received and exercised in their countries but their owne that was auncientlie used from hand to hand of their auncestors since Moses and Abraham Vnder the shew of this goodly name of Zelators and under colour of this boasting that they would fight die for the conservation of their ancient Religion they take vp armes and elected for captaines the worst persons they could finde amongst them Vespasian many times cavsed it to be tolde them even by Iosephus who writ this historie and was of their owne nation and had beene a captaine that he would change nothing of their Religion but maintaine them therein and in all their liberties and franchizes but like verie hypocrites and liers they thinking one thing with their hearts and saying another with their mouths would never hearken unto peace in any sort nor upon any condition whatsoever Vespasian seeing their stubbornesse was constreined to war upon them in all extremitie which endured long yea untill he came to the empire after the deaths of Nero Galba Otho and Vitellius which raigned not long Finallie these goodlie Zelators which would never hearken unto peace by their obstinacie came to such an extremitie that they themselves set their temple on fire in Ierusalem for the conservation whereof they said they fought and burnt it wholie they overthrew also both themselves and their Religion for which they bore armes and committed a thousand sorts of cruelties impieties saying they fought for pietie Brieflie this devoute zeale which they bragged they had to the ancient Religion of their fathers although they had but a masking and false countenance thereof was cause of the ruine of Ierusalem and of all the countrie and of the death of a million of men A prince then must take an other maner of resolution than that whereof Machiavell speaketh namely That he resolve himselfe to feare God and to serve him with an heart pure and without dissimulation according to his holy commaundements in doing the exercises of the true pure Religion of God which is the Christian if he do this God wil blesse him and make him prosper in his affairs Hereof there may be alleadged many examples I will content my selfe with a few of the most notable Godlinesse blessed of God The emperour Marcus Antonius the philosopher a prince both good and wise Xiphil apud Dionin Marco Anto. Capitol in Mar. though a Painim making warre against the Marcomanes and Quadiens people of Alemaigne was once with all his armie in a uery great danger and perill being enclosed in a withered and drie countrie where his souldiers for lack of water died of drought insomuch as his enemies keeping the passage intended to vanquish them without any stroake striking By hap or rather by Gods providence the emperour had in his armie a legion of Christians and it was told him by his lieutenant generall That he had heard say that those Christians by their praiers obteined of God whatsoever they demaunded which the emperour vnderstanding addressed himselfe to them of that legion which was a good zeale in the Painim though without knowledge and praied them that they would pray unto their God for the salvation of his armie Which presently they did with a good heart desiring God in the name of Iesus Christ our Saviour to conserve that armie and the emperour their prince and to draw them from the danger wherein they were Soone after their praiers God hearing them sent presently a terrible lightning upon the enemies and a great rain fell upon the Roman soldiers who had died of thirst but that they received the raine upon the hollow bottoms of their targuets bucklers and morrions In somuch that the God of hosts fighting for them they got the victorie without stroke striking cleane contrarie from that the Marcomans Quadiens looked for whereupon the emperour was much ravished with admiration and after greatly honoured the Christians Constantine the Great the
of the commons which committed those barbarous inhumanities was called Cappeluche the executioner or hangman of Paris Those comparteners of the house of Burgoigne not contented to suscitate such popular commotions stirs in France but brought also the English men into Fraunce which were like to have beene masters therof yet not herewith content they caused king Charles the sixt to war against his owne son who after was called Charles the seventh and one moietie of the kingdome against another And not to leave behind any kind of crueltie no not towards the dead they caused to bee spread and published all over Fraunce certaine Popes buls wherby they indicted and excommunicated all the house of Orleance and his partakers both quicke and dead insomuch as when there died any in the hands of the parteners of Bourgoigne either by ward prison or disease they buried them not in the earth but caused their bodies to be carried to dunghils like carrion to be devoured of wolves and savage beasts What could they have done more to the execution of all barbarousnesse and crueltie Behold what fruits civile warres doe bring wee see it even at this day with our eyes for there is no kind of crueltie barbarousnesse impietie and wickednesse which civile warres have not brought into use The prince then that is wise will leave nothing behind to appease civile warres under his owne governement but will spend all his care power and dilligence to hinder it after the example of that good and wise king Charles the seventh king Lewis the eleventh his sonne Charles the seventh being yet Daulphin the duke Iohn Monstr lib. 2. ca. 175. 180 181 182 183 186 187. of Bourgoigne a man very ambitious and vindicative after by secret practise hee had caused to be slaine Lewis duke of Orleance the onely brother of king Charles the sixt and after hee had filled the kingdome with warres both civile and strange contented not himselfe herewith but laid hold of the king who by a sickenesse was alienated of his wits and of the queene to make warre upon the Daulphin These occasions seemed sufficient to such as then governed the Daulphin and at last to the Daulphin himselfe being yet very yong to enterprise an hazardous blow He then sent to the said duke that hee would make a peace with him and prayed him they might appoint a place and day together to meet for that purpose The day was appointed the place assigned at Montean-fant-Yonne whither the said duke came under the trust of the word of the Daulphin his faith and assurance As soone as hee arrived making his reverence unto Monsieur le Daulphin he was compassed in and straight slaine and withall also certaine gentlemen of his traine Philip sonne and successor of this duke Iohn tooke greatly to heart this most villanous death of his father and sought all the meanes he could to be revenged which still continued the civile warres This meane while the English did what they could in France and conquered Normandie Paris the most part of Picardie and marched even unto Orleance which they besieged The abovesaid king Charles the sixt died so that Monsieur le Daulphin his son who was called Charles the seventh comming to the crown and finding himselfe despoiled of the most part of his kingdome insomuch as in mockerie he was generally called the king of Bourges This wise king well considered That if civile warres endured he was in the way to loose all one peece after another hee therefore laid all his care power and diligence to obtaine a peace and an accord with the duke of Bourgoigne Therefore he sent in embassage unto him his Constable Chancellor and others his cheefe Counsellors to say that he desired to have peace with him and that he well acknowledged that by wicked counsell he had caused his father duke Iohn to be slaine at Monterean and that if he had been then as advised and resolute as hee was at that present hee would never have committed such an act nor have permitted it to have beene done but hee was young and evill counselled and therefore in that regard hee offered to make him such amends and reparation thereof as he should be contented therewith yea that he would demand pardon althogh not in person yet by his embassadors which should have expresse charge thereof and prayed him to forgive that fault in the name of our Lord Iesus Christ that betwixt them two there might be a good peace and love for hee confessed to have done evill being then a young man of little wit and lesse discretion by bad counsell so to sley his father And besides this he offred to give him many great lands seigniories as the Countie de Masconnois S. Iangon the Counrie de Auxerre Barsur Seima la Counte de Boloigne Surmer and divers other lands that during his life he would acquite him and his subjects of personall service which he ought him as vassale of Fraunce yet made many other faire offers unto him This duke Philip seeing his soveraign prince thus humiliate himself to him bowed his courage justly exasperated for his fathers death harkened unto peace which was made at Arras where there was held an assembly of the embassadors of all Christian princes of the counsell of Basil of the Pope insomuch as there were there above 4000 horses All or the most part of those embassadors came thither for the good of the king and his kingdome but there was not one there which found not the kings offers good and reasonable as also did all the great princes lords of the kingdome all the kings counsel so that his majesties embassadors which were the duke of Bourbon the countie of Richemont constable of France the archbishop of Rhemes chancellor the lord de Fayette marshall many other great lords in a full assembly in the king their masters name demanded pardon of the duke of Burgoigne for his fathers death confessing as abovesaid that the king their master had done evil as one yong and of litle wit following naughtie counsell therfore they praied the duke to let passe away all his evill wil so to be in a good peace love with the king their master And the duke of Burgoign declared that he pardoned the king for the honor reverence of the death passion of our Lord Iesus Christ for compassion of the poor people of the kingdome of France to obey the Counsels reasons the Pope other Christian princes which praied him Moreover besides the aforesaid things it was accorded to the said duke that justice punishment should be done upon all such asâ—ed slain his father of such as had given the Daulphin counsell to cause his slaughter that the king himself should make diligent search through all his realme to apprehend them Here may you see how king Charles 6 appeased the civile wars of his kingdome by humilitie and
ordinarily vvhen corrupted nations frequent amongst others for they infect them vvith evill manners And therefore it is that the Almaigne nation remaines so entire and constant in his manners because the Almaignes vvere never curious to trafficke vvith their neighbours nor to dwell in other countries nor to receive strangers into their countrey but alwayes have contented themselves vvith their owne goods nouriture manners and fashion of apparrell insomuch as shunning the frequentation of Spaniards French and Italians vvhich are the three nations of the vvorld most vicious they have not yet learned their customes and corruptions I Have not here set downe this Maxime to say it is not very true For besides the examples we reade in hystories we know it by experience and sight of eye seeing wee see at this day all Fraunce fashioned after the manners conditions and vices of strangers that governe it and have the principall charges and Estates and not onely many Frenchmen are such beasts to conforme themselves to strangers complections but also to gaggle their language and doe disdaine the French tongue as a thing too common and vulgar But if wee well consider this manner of vengeance taught by Machiavell in this Maxime we shall find it is a most detestable doctrine as well for them which practise it as for them against whom it is practised The example even of Capua which Machiavell alledgeth prooveth it For the Capuans in receiving into their towne Annibals armie corrupted Tit. Livius lib. 3. Dec. 3. rupted and infected the souldiers of Anniball with all excesse and effeminate wantonnesse also by the same meanes they procured their owne ruine and entire destruction which soone after happened unto them The Persian lords which with their manners corrupted king Alexander the Great did nothing to their owne advauntage Plu. in Alex. For Alexander becomming vicious they got the evill will of the Macedonians which tooke displeasure to see their king corrupted and finally after the death of Alexander which came unto him by his dissolutenesse learned of the Persians these lords had part of the evill lucke whereof they were cause And generally we may see that the corrupters of princes and people take part alwayes in the evill whereof they are cause as in other places we have shewed by many examples of flatterers which have corrupted their princes We Frenchmen may yeeld good witnesse of what account the Italian and Neapolitane nation is by the frequentation wee had with them in the voyage which was made to Naples in the time of king Charles the eight for from thence brought they this disease which at this day is now called the French poxe and that we have ever since kept but yet so as the Italians and Neopolitanes are not exempt therefrom but both the one and the other have part of that corruption Breefely we ought to detest and hate this wicked doctrine of Machiavell and reject all vengeance and follow S. Paules lesson who commands us to converse with good people and of good manners because the conversation of the wicked not onely corrupteth good manners but also soweth those that are wicked And as for that which Machiavell saith of the Almaignes wee know and see the frequentation of the Almaignes in France and yet till this present we have not seene that they have yet gathered corruption of manners And whereas he sets downe the French nation amongst such as are most corrupted we cannot denie it but we may well say That the doctrine of Machiavell the frequentation of them of his nation are cause of the greatest and most detestable corruption which is at this day in Fraunce For of whome have the Frenchmen learned and knowne atheisme sodomie trecherie crueltie usurie and such other like vices but of Machiavell and of them of his nation So that they may brag that they are well revenged of the warres which our auncestors have made in Italie 6. Maxime It is folly to thinke that with princes and great lords new pleasures will cause them to forget old offences CAEsar Borgia saith Machiavel during the life of Pope Alexander Cap. 7. Of Princes Discourse lib. 3. cap. 4. the sixt his father usurped the domination of Romania which is a land belonging to the Church and vvas called duke de Valentinois In making those usurpations in favour of the Pope his father he offended many Cardinals and amongst others the Cardinall of Saint Peter ad vincula yet after he consented that hee should bee elected Pope after the death of Alexander his father vvhereof hee soone repented For this new Pope called Iulius the eleventh straight be took himselfe to armes to recover that vvhich Borgia had usurped although he had favoured him in his election vvhich hee should never have done nor suffered any election of a Pope vvhich vvas his enemie For saith he new pleasures never makes men forget old iniuries and offences and therefore Borgia which in all other things had governed vvell committed a foule fault in the creation of Iulius and himselfe delivered the mean of his finall destruction The same fault cōmitted Servius Tullius king of the Romanes in giving his two daughters in marriage to two Tarquins vvhich quarrelled for the crowne and vvhich thought that Tullius vvould usurpe it upon them For not only this alliance extinguished the envie and rancour vvhich they had to Servius but that which is more it caused one of the daughters to enterprise to sley her owne father IF seemeth that this which Machiavell telleth of Borgia boweth something from the truth of the hystorie For Sabellicus writeth That during the election of Pope Iulius the eleventh Borgia was shut up in the Popes tower to be safe and guarded by his enemies So there was no likelyhood that a man brought into such an extremitie as to hide himselfe and be shut up in prison for the great multitude of enemies which hee had procured should have such great credit in the Popes election But suppose it was true that Borgia helped Pope Iulius to the Popedome and that Pope Iulius was unthankfull for that benefit for the remembrance that he had of the old and ancient injuries that Borgia had sometimes done him what followes hereof That all great lords will alwayes doe the like will some Machiavelist answer and that therefore they ought not to bee trusted Is not here a goodly doctrine for a prince Breefely it is Machiavels mind to teach a prince to trust in no lord which hee hath once offended and againe that none which hath made a fault or offended him shall any more trust him whatsoever reconciliation peace concord amitie pleasure and good offices may happen since the offence Here behold a most wicked and detestable doctrine to say That an offence ought to take so deepe root in the heart of the offended that by no pleasures services or other meanes it can be rased out But Machiavell seemeth something excusable to maintaine this Maxime for according to
such people I know men had neede take heede for although for a time they dissemble their choller and their appetite to vengeance yet will they not faile to discover it as soone as they see a commodious time to bee revenged with advantage But all Princes resemble little the Tarquines or Pope Iulius whereof Machiavell speaketh For Tarquin who enterprised to sley king Servius Tullius his father in law to obtaine the kingdome of Rome shewed well by that act and many other that hee was a very tyrant His end was also such as commonly tyrants have for he was driven from his kingdome which hee had unduly and unjustly usurped and was compelled to passe the rest of his daies in great povertie as a private person banished from Rome with all his children And as for Pope Iulius hee was knowne for a true and disloyall tyrant who greatlie abused the bountie of king Lewis the twelfth For that good king tooke from the Bentivolians Boloigne and many other townes from such pettie lords as occupied them and delivered them into the popes hands because they were lands belonging to the Romane church Yet in recompence this good Pope by published bulls exposed the whole kingdome of Fraunce for a prey to whomsoever would take it together with all the countries and lands of the allies of Fraunce and so Iohn de Albert king of Navarre lost his kingdome and king Lewis lost Millaine and almost all that hee held beyond the mountaines as wee have said in another place And this was the recompence the king received for all his benefits of this disloyall and wicked Pope of whom in his time was made a Pasquil at Rome and registred in our annales which in this sort speakes to his holinesse Of Gennua thy father was from Greece thy mother came A child then borne upon the sea what good in thee can bee Genuais deceivers are Greekes huge lyers are by fame No faith in sea thou hold'st these points most fully all in thee 7. Maxime A Prince ought to propound unto himselfe to imitate Caesar Borgia the sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt IT is not possible for me saith M. Nicholas to give better Cap. 14. Of the Prince precepts to a new prince than to lay before his eyes for an example the acts of Caesar Borgia duke de Valentinois sonne of Pope Alexander the sixt And although his affaires little prospered yet it vvas not vvholly his fault but rather the malignitie of an extraordinarie Fortune First then by the meanes of the Pope his father he troubled all the Estates of Italie that he might the more assuredly seize upon part of them A thing he easily effected For at the instigation of the Pope his father and of the Venetians the king of Fraunce Lewis the twelfth passed into Italie and so soone as he arrived at Millaine hee gave succours to the Pope to subiugate Romania vvhich straight vvas reduced under the hands of Borgia for the reputation of the French puissance Secondly because at Rome there were two mightie factions the Colonoise and the Vrsine against whose enterprises he feared they would oppose themselves hee got on his side the Vrsine faction by faire vvords and promises by the meanes wherof hee beat downe the French forces and overthrew the Colonois This being done he gained the gentlemen as vvell of the one faction as of the other honestly according them retaining them in his house giving them governments of townes and other honorable charges after their merites and qualities insomuch as in a little time the Vrsine and Colonois faction remained vvithout cheefetaines After this by faire and sweet vvords accompanied vvith good presents he caused the Vrsines to come to him unto Synagyllia vvhich being once together in his hands he slew them all Having thus suppressed those two factions and seeing himselfe peaceable and all Romania and in the dutchie of Vrbin to make himselfe feared to represse the insolencies of the pettie lords of that countrey hee sent thither for governour Messiere Remiro Dorco a severe and cruell man unto vvhom he gave full power Who exercising his crueltie committed many executions by meanes vvhereof he vvith feare made all the countrey tremble and so as peaceable and obedient as might be What then did Borgia To make the vvorld beleeve that such cruell executions vvere not done by his command nor by his consent suddainly he caused publickely the head of Messier Romiro to be cut off after this being afraid of the Frenchmen he refused any more to be served with the French forces so he put them away and to assure himselfe against them he sought alliance vvith the Spaniards vvhich then made vvarre in the kingdome of Naples and so were farther off to hurt him than the French which abode at Millaine Besides all this he put to death all the lords which hee had wronged and all their generation and very few escaped least a new Pope after his father should take occasion to warre upon him to reestablish those lords or their posteritie in their heritage as for the Lords which hee had not offended hee drew them almost all on his side to help him to bridle a new Pope that hee might not enterprise any thing against him his purpose was to make himselfe lord of all Tuscane and after lord of all Italie And already hee had under his protection Pise and Sienna and Luca inclined unto him But Pope Alexander his father dyed and failed him at his neede so that his domination beeing yet as a thing hanging in the ayre which was nothing solide Pope Julius the eleventh easily dispoyled him Borgia seeing that fortune which before had shewed him so good a countenance turned her backe and prooved so maligne and contrary unto him fell sicke and dyed and upon his death bed hee said He had prevented and thought upon all inconveniences that might happen unto him but death which hee never supposed would so soone have come IS not heere a gallant life and a goodly hystorie to propose for princes to imitate or rather a marke of Gods just judgement Caesar Borgia an example of Gods judgement which wee see hee ordinarily exerciseth against such detestable tyrants which by all manner of cruelties and disloyalties seeke to dominier For God in the end brings all their desseignes and goodly enterprises into smoke and makes them die in languishment and confusion and in displeasure that they have ever lived to see themselves falne into a mockerie and reproch with all the world by their wicked enterprises Yet this is not all for dying full of all vices not grieved for the evils they have done but rather for that they had no meanes nor leisure to doe more mischiefe they depart from this languishing life to goe suffer eternall paines by the just judgement of God who yeeldeth to the wicked persevering in their vices the reward of their merit Is not this wicked Borgia a faire example to us who at his
so ruled in him that as soone as any spoke unto him any word that displeased him he changed colour voice and gate and could not commaund himselfe nor keepe from committing many cruelties and injustices his judgement was so with choller oppressed Finally it was the cause of his death For one day the Quadians demanded peace of him and by their embassadors excusing themselves of a rebellion he began to speak to those embassadors in so great anger rehearsing his kindnesse humanitie before used unto them that at once his voice and words failed him as if he had been strucken with a deadly blow and withall begun to send out a mortall sweat he was incontinent carried to a chamber and laid upon a bed and by the advice of one of his physicians a veine was opened but it was not possible to draw a drop of blood out the said choller had so burned and dried his inward parts so he died A notable example for princes to take that consideration of their health that they never suffer choller nor crueltie to abide in them for such passions once taking an habit in them they burne rost their entrailes and so will not suffer them to live long But they ought further to consider that such vices also doe soile and defile the reputation of that generositie and magnanimitie that ought to be in a prince For we have seene and doe ordinarily see that chollericke and cruell men have almost alwayes been and are cowards and fearefull but generous and valiant men are gentle and full of humanitie Princes ought further to consider that if they be once spotted with crueltie they never make good end and God will have it so because he that committeth crueltie violateth the divine law which forbiddeth to shed mans bloud and to sley but by forme of justice He also violateth the law of nature for he destroyeth his like which nature hath produced and which hath given that instinct even to brute beasts not to destroy beasts of their own kind there is also a precept of the law of nature not to offend another Hee likewise violateth the civile law whereby is forbidden all murder and homicide upon paine of death Is it then any marveile if sanguinarie and bloodie princes have commonly evill ends seeing they violate the divine naturall and civile lawes approved of all people and nations There was never a more cruell nor a more cowardly man than Caligula the emperour for he quaked and trembled as he went to warre to heare speake onely of his Sueton in Calig cap. 45. 46. 47. â—2 58 59. enemies without seeing them Making warre in Almaigne in a forrest nigh unto him he caused certaine Apostata Almaignes to lie in ambush and commaunded one of them when hee was at dinner to declare unto him that the enemie was discovered in the said forrest As soone as he heard this hee incontinent sounded the trumpet and placing his battaile in array he caused them to assault that poore forrest which he made to be cut all downe and having so obtained this goodly victorie against this forrest he came backe againe with great vaunt and fiercenesse taxing and reproching the cowardise of such as remained behind and were not present at this great overthrow Was not this an act of a generous a valiant prince Another time he caused to ordaine and place his battaile strong and in good order to fight and commanded that every one should march in his ranke and that al their artillerie and all other furniture for an assault should be prepared for a ready fight yet no man knew his intent what hee would doe When his armie had marched in order of battaile to the shore of the great Ocean sea which was nigh hee then commanded al his souldiers and men of warre to fish gather into their hose bosomes and murrions as many oysters as they could carrie saying it was the spoile and bootie conquered from the Ocean which hee would have to bee carried to the Capitoll of Rome in signe of that notable victorie obtained against that great Ocean Also he caused to be builded upon this shore an high tower for a memoriall of this happie journey After hee sent to Rome to prepare against his comming a goodly triumph as could be to triumph upon the great Ocean which he had so valiantly vanquished and the spoiles thereof did bring to the Capitoll Are not these heroicall acts to overthrow a forrest and fish for oysters For crueltie whereof this monster was full I will say no other thing but that he had alwayes a servant expert in cutting off of heads which ordinarily at his dinners and suppers beheaded poore prisoners in his presence and for his pleasure I leave to speake of so many good people as he brought to their deaths for I should never have done to rehearse all his cruelties His end was that his people conspired against him taking for their watchword Redoubles when they all fell upon him and massacred him with thirtie blows in his age of 29 yeares after he had raigned three yeares and ten months The crueltie of Nero which caused to be slaine Agrippine his mother Britannicus his brother Octavia his wife Seneca his master and all the most vertuous and good people of Rome even of the Senate are notorious ynough and should bee too long to recite And never man was more feminine and cowardly than he for he was never found in any warre But he had good and valiant lieutenants which acquited themselves well whilest he played upon the citheron amongst singers and common players of enterludes His death was strange For being abandoned of all the world but of some four or five servants he sought to hide himselfe in a litle house of pleasure in the fields which appertained to Phaon one whom he had enfranchised being there his men pressed him to slay himselfe quickly least he fell alive into the hands of his enemies for none of them would doe him the pleasure as to slay him Then he commanded them to make for him a grave and laid him downe upon the earth for a measure thereof but whilest they were making of the grave behold a lacquey of Phaons came who brought a decree from the Senat whereby Nero was declared an enemie of the Commonwealth with commandement to seeke him out to punish him as a publick enemie After he had read this decree he took his two daggers and proved whether they both were sharpe ynough after hee put them in the sheath saying his houre was not yet come yet straight hee prayed his men that they would begin a little to weep lament Soon after he desired that some of them would shew him by example how hee should sley himselfe But perceiving knights arriving and doubting they came to take him hee gave himselfe a stroke with his dagger in the throat with the help of Secretarie Epaphroditus he being yet alive there entred a centenier which
fained that he came to succour him unto whom hee answered that it was too late the last word that he spake was Voila la foy See what faith He died at the age of 30 yeares And it was an admirable thing that he which had caused so many others to be slaine in his time could never find a person that in a need would sley him but was forced to doe it himselfe A thing also worthie it is to be marked that at his last sigh hee complained that none kept faith with him with him I say that was full of all disloyaltie And wherfore should they do tyrants think that men will keepe faith with them seeing they themselves breake it with every one If they so thinke they are deceived For to abandon a tyrant and not any way to support him is to observe faith to his countrey and to the Commonweale We have before in another place discovered the cruelties and unhappie ends of Commodus of Bassianus Caracalla both which were faint-hearted cowardly princes never performing any warlike act or which tasted of any generositie or courage Wee may number with them Didius Iulianus Heliogabalus Gallienus Maxentius Philippus Phocas Carinus Zeno and many other sluggish and faint-hearted princes that never did any good thing which also by their crueltie have brought themselves to miserable ends for they died violent deaths and raigned not long We may also adde to those examples of princes or rather tyrants which were very cruell of litle generositie the example of Herodes crueltie towards his children whereof wee have spoken before The example also of the emperor Tiberius who constrained men to die by languishing in prison by no means willing to accelerate their deaths though Sueto in Tib. cap. 6. they praied him he tooke from them their sollace to studie reade or to talke with any person The examples also of the emperours Otho Vitellius Domitianus Macrinus and other like all which were very cruell and little generositie in them they all in small time finished their lives and by the sword But for as much as the death of Domitian is worthy the noting to shew That tyrants cannot shun the divine justice I will here recite how he was massacred First wee must understand that this cruell tyrant Sueto in Domitian cap. 10 13 14 15 16 17 c. caused many great lords to die which were the principall senators of Rome and even some which had had the consularie dignitie yet had they done nothing that merited so much as a reprehension as Cerecalis Salvidienus Glabrio which he caused to die saying that they were enterprisers of novelties without either proofe or vailable conjecture He made also to die Aelius Lamia whose wife Domitia Longina he had taken from him only because he spoke these words Alas I say not a word Salvius Cocceanus because he celebrated the day of the nativitie of the emperour Otho his uncle Metius Pomposianus because there was a brute that he was born in a royall constellation and going to a certaine place he caried with him a figure of the world and the orations of kings and captaines which he found in Titus Livius and because he imposed those names Mago and Anniball to certain his slaves He also caused to die Salustius Lucullus because he had invented a new forme of halberds which hee called Lucullienes and Iunin Rusticus because he had written the praises of two very good men deceased called Taetus Trasea and Elvidius Priscus whom Rusticus had called most holy persons and therefore were all philosophers banished both Rome and Italie He caused his cosin Flavius Sabinus to die because the trumpeter or common criet had according to custome openly proclaimed That he was chosen new emperour he should have said new consull he put to death also Flavius Clemens another cousin for a light matter of suspition many other great cruelties towards good people and men of qualitie which for prolixitie I rehearse not yet will I say that to make himselfe be the more feared and reverenced and to heape up his execrable wickednesse when his officers made any publicke crie or sent any command to the people the subscription was alwayes thus Your Lord and God commands it so to be done In the end seeing himselfe evill beloved of all the world he would needs Admirable meanes of Domitians death know of the divines and astrologers what should be his end hee sent for a very famous astrologer called Ascletarion of whom hee demaunded when and how hee should die Ascletarion answered him Sir not to hide any thing I know by art and I find that you shall be soone slaine And thou said Domitian of what death shalt thou die Sir answered he I find by art I shall be eaten with dogs Well replied Domitian I will keepe thee well from that adventure and straight to convince him of a lie he commanded him to be slain to be buried after his body to be burnt into ashes according as the Romanes used to burie their dead But it happened after hee was slaine as they thought to have burnt his bodie into ashes in a publicke place the fire being lighted to burne the body there suddenly arose a great tempest which ejected the bodie halfe burnt out of the fire which incontinent was torne in pieces and eaten of dogs This beeing reported to Domitian hee was much afraid of this hap So that as well for that Ascletarion had said unto him as for that other diviners had told him the day and houre he should be slaine he thought it good to stand upon his guard and the better to see them which came behind him he caused to floore all his gallerie where he most often walked with a kind of shining stone from which as in a glasse there proceeded such a brightnesse as hee might easily see whatsoever was behind him The foretold-day being come and the houre approching which was five he asked what of the clocke it was one expressely answered him that it was six of the clocke to assure him that the danger was past but about that houre of five there knocked at his chamber dore one Stephanus his chamberlaine who was one of the conspirators against him his left arme hanging in a scarfe as if it had been hurt signifying to him that he would declare the conjuration entended against him This was the cause that Domitian suffered him to enter who straight after his entry after reverence presented unto him a request containing the discourse of the conjuration whereof he let him reade a good part at which seeing him astonished he stabbed a poinard in his bellie wounded as he was he would faine have revenged himselfe but his other houshold servants entered to massacre him giving him seven mortall wounds Behold an admirable example to shew that there is no prudence nor humane foresight that can hinder that the judgements of God be not executed upon tyrants
king how vicious soever he be but alwaies impute vices and faults to some of his governors and Counsellors rather than to him Truly if princes had alwaies good men about them they could never bee vicious at the least to the detriment of the Commonwealth Therefore by good right men do impute the evill government of a countrey rather to a princes Counsellors than to himselfe as we have proved in another place 10. Maxime A Prince ought not to trust in the amitie of men MEn generally saith Machiavell are full of ingratitude variable Cap. 17. of a Prince dissemblers flyers from dangers and covetous of gaine and so long as they profit by thee so long thou maiest hold them in thy lap and they will offer thee their lives goods and all they have even when there is no neede but in a necessitie they will turne their garment and away So that a prince which leaneth upon such a rampire shall at the first fall into ruine yea they vvill sooner be offended when a man will use love tovvards them than if by rigour hee seeke to bee feared because men make lesse accompt to offend him vvhich useth him gently and lovingly than him of vvhom they are afraid Because amitie is onely founded upon some obligation vvhich easily may bee broken but feare is founded upon a feare of punishment vvhich never forsakes the person AS well this Maxime as the former is a plain tyrannous precept For as saith the Poet Aeschilus No friend to trust what common more Amian Marcell lib. 16. Each tyrant hath this ill in store This is the reason why Denis the tyrant of Sicile caused a strong house to be built where he dwelt environed with deepe ditches full of water on all sides over which there was no entrie but a draw bridge which was every night taken in by himselfe and certaine lose planks of the bridge brought into his bed chamber which ever the next morning hee carried himselfe to the bridge againe Hee caused also his daughters to learne to bee barbars to poule and trimme his head and beard and all this did he because hee durst trust no man in the world to doe those things Yet Commodus a cruell tyrant also used another more Lamp in Commod sure receit For trusting no man with his haire of head or beard hee himselfe burnt them with a candle I leave you to thinke if such people bee miserable whose consciences are tormented in such sort that it judgeth them worthie to have all the world for a capitall enemie in such sort as they dare put no confidence in any but are in continuall feare and torment Far contrarie from this doctrine of Machiavell is the exhortation which Misipsa â—aâ—ust in bello Iugurth the good king of Numidia gave a little before his death to Iugurtha and his other children admonishing them amongst themselves to maintaine a good amitie and concord It is not sayth he puissant armies nor great treasures by the meanes of which a prince ought to conserve and maintaine his estate but by his friends which are not acquired either by force of armes or by gold silver but by good offices loialtie But who ought to be a more loiall friend than one brother to another or whome can he trust who shall be an enemie to his owne blood I leave you a kingdome firme and assured if you be good but feeble and weake if you be wicked for by concord small things encrease but by discord great things fall to ruine Behold a breefe exhortation but very weightie to shew how necessarie it is to have good friends and to maintaine good amity and loyaltie amongest parents Like unto this is the oration which Silla made to king Boccus of Mauritania Wee are very joyfull said hee that thou rather seekest to bee a friend than an enemie of the Romane people for even from her birth the Romane people being poore have alwaies better loved to acquire friends than slaves servants have ever thought it more assured to command voluntary people than any by constraint King Boccus then cannot chuse a better amity than ours which can both favour thee aide thee will never hurt thee to say truth neither we nor any other can have too many friends The amitie and friends which a prince may obtaine by a good and just government may serve so to assure him of every man in his estate that hee shall have neede of no guard if hee thinke good to bee rid of them as did that good emperour Traian who often went to visit see his friends onely accompanied with foure Dion in Traian or five gentlemen without any guard of souldiers The like did the ancient kings of France which knew not that kind of guard wee have now of gunners and halberdiers but ordinarily marched without other companie than gentlemen which onely bare their swords about them Amitie saith Cicero is the true bonde of all humane societie and whosoever will take amitie from amongst men as Machiavell doth from amongst princes he seekes to take away all pleasure solace contentment and assurance that can bee amongst humane creatures For the friend is another our selfe with whom wee rejoyce in our prosperitie and our joy encreaseth when wee have unto whom to communicate it for wee are also comforted with him in our adversitie and sorrowes and our sadnesse is more than halfe diminished when wee have upon whom to discharge by amiable communication the bitternesse of our heart Moreover although wee bee sometimes blind in our owne causes yet our friend marketh our faults and kindly sheweth them unto us and giveth us good counsell in our affaires which we cannot take of our selves Briefely humane life without amitie seemes no other thing then a sad widowage destitute of the chiefe sweetnesse and comfort that can bee gathered in humane societie as Cicero Plutarch and other great philosophers have learnedly discoursed unto which I send them which will more amply understand the good and utilitie of Amitie I will not denie but many such friends will bee found like them whereof Machiavell speaketh which will seeme to bee our friends as long as they hope to draw any profit from us and which will make us faire offers when they see we have neede but will turne their backes in our necessities There are indeede but too many such and wee are but too often deceived with them yet wee may not disdaine the good for the evill neither may wee defame friendship for the vices and incommodities which accompanie it For amongst corne commonly growes darnell and amongst wholesome hearbs some are venemous which in outward shew seeme to bee faire and good yet men may not cast away a thing so necessarie as corne for the feare to finde darnell or drauke in it nor the wholesome hearbs for such as bee venemous But wee must seeke as much as may bee to know and to separate that which is evill
from that which is good And heere that manner of electing friends which Augustus Caesar observed is worthie observation for hee did not easily retaine every man in his friendship and familiaritie but ever tooke time to proove and finde their Sueton. in Aug. lib. 66. vertues fidelitie and loyaltie Such as hee knew to bee vertuous people and which would freely tell him the truth of all things as did that good and wise Maecenas and which would not flatter him but would employ their good wills sincerely in the charges he gave them after he had well prooved them then would he acknowledge them his friends but as hee was long and difficile to receive men into familiar amitie so they which hee had once retained for friends hee would never forsake them but alwaies continued constantly his friendship towards them Adversitie also is a true touchstone to proove who are fained or true friends For when a man feeleth laborinthes of troubles fall on him dissembling friends depart from him and such as are good abide with him as saith Euripides Adversitie the best and certain'st friends doth get Prosperitie both good and evill alike doth fit 11. Maxime A prince which would have any man to dye hee must seeke out some apparent colour thereof and then hee shall not bee blamed if so bee that hee leave his inheritance and goods to his children WHen a prince saith master Nicholas will pursue the death Cap. 17. Of the prince of any man he ought to colour it with some iust colour and when hee puts him to death hee must abstaine from the confiscation of his goods for his children which abide behinde will sooner forget the death of their father than the losse of their patrimonie And withall let him know That nothing makes a prince so much hated as when hee comes to touch the goods and wives of his subiects THis is also another tyrannicall precept like to the former For it Corne. Taci Annales lib. 1 and 4. is a custome with tyrants to impose false accusations and blames against such as they will cause to die sometime before the execution sometimes after Wee have shewed before an example of Domitian who for light and no causes tooke occasion to make many great Romane lords to dye which were of him suspected as to tyrants all good and vertuous men are ordinarily which are better than themselves The emperour Tiberius saith Tacitus at the beginning of his raigne hated men of eminent vertue and such also as were extreamely vicious suspecting the vertue of some and fearing to be dishonoured and despised by the vicious But after he came to the fulnesse of all vices and loved most such as were most vicious hee practised too much this principle of Machiavell against many vertuous and honourable men for hee caused to dye a learned and most excellent man called Cremutius Cordus because hee writ an hystorie wherein hee praised Cassius and Brutus He slew also Aemylius Scaurus for writing a tragoedie which pleased him not and many other like railors whereby hee sought to cover his tyrannie Nero likewise after hee had slaine his mother writ lies to the Senat to bee published all over how he had discovered a great conspiration that his mother had intended against him to cause his death and that hee was constrained to sley her to prevent her In like sort Caracalla after hee had slaine Geta his brother caused a fame to bee spred all over that hee himselfe escaped faire for his brorher would have slaine him Briefely all tyrants use to doe so practising their cruelties and vengeances ever under some pretext or false coulour as Machiavell teacheth And there are none at this day which cannot examplifie this position with many late and fresh examples in our time For the massacres of Paris executed on S. Bartholomewes day and the execution after made of captaine Briquemand of Maistre Arnand of Carignes of contie Mongomery and of the lord of Monbrum and other like were all coloured with false imputations by these Messers Machiavellists and by wicked judges their slaves as every one knoweth And as for that which Machiavell saith That the children of such as are unjustly caused to die take no care if so bee their goods bee not taken from them Dion in Neroue and in Aâ—to Carac I beleeve few men will accord with him in this point for every one which hath a good mans hart will sooner make account of honour and life than of goods But certaine it is if the successor his sonne or other kinsman despise and make no account to pursue by lawfull meanes that justice bee done for the unjust death of the slaine men whom hee succeedeth that he leeseth his honour and by the civile lawes is culpable and unworthie of the succession Moreover the injurie done in the person of the father is reputed done to the sonne himselfe and the contrarie As also every man esteemes himselfe to suffer injurie when any of his parents or friends doe suffer it Insomuch as such violent executions are without doubt more intollerable than the losse of goods and do much more stronglie wound the hearts of men which are not destitute of naturall love towards their bloud and such as have their honour in any recommendation than all other losses and damages that they can suffer and although the Machiavellists hold for a Maxime That a dead man biteth not or makes no warre yet the death of a man oftentimes is the cause of many deaths and of great effusion of blood as more at large shall be said in another place 12. Maxime A prince ought to follow the nature of the Lyon and of the Fox not of the one without the other YOu must understand saith this Florentine that men fight in two manners the one with lawes when matters Cap. 18. 19. Of the prince are handled by reason the other with force The first is proper to men which have the use of reason The second appertaineth to beasts which have neither reason nor intelligence But because the first is not sufficient to keepe men and to maintaine them in inioying of things belonging unto them they must needes oftentimes have recourse to the second which is force Wherefore it is needefull that a prince can well play the beast and the man together as our elders have taught when they writ that Chiron the Centaure halfe a man and halfe a beast was given as an instructor for the prince Achilles For heereby hee gave to understand that a prince ought to shew himselfe a man and a beast together A prince then beeing constrained well to know hovv to counterfet the beast hee ought amongst all beasts to chuse the complexion of the Fox and of the Lyon together and not of the one without the other for the Fox is subtill to keepe himselfe from snares yet he is too weake to guard himselfe from vvolves and the Lyon is strong enough to guard himselfe from vvolves
dead man makes no warre But if a man reply upon them that a dead man yet may because of warre although he can make no warre what would they answere Dare they denie so apparent a thing as we see with our eyes and whereof hystories furnish us with infinit examples Lewis duke of Orleance king Charles the sixt his brother after the duke Iohn of Bourgoigne had caused him to be slaine made no warre indeed but yet was the cause of a civile warre in Fraunce which endured more than sixtie yeares Pompeius after he was slaine made no more warre but his death was the cause of a great and long civile warre in the Romane empire The violating and Iudges 19 20. death of a Levites wife was it not the cause of a warre wherein there died more than sixtie thousand men They which were slaine at Vassi Anno 1562 drew not they on a civile warre which endured too long They also which were slaine in Anno 1572 in the moneth of August by the great townes of Fraunce but especially Paris were not they cause of great warres It is therefore a foule and an inconsiderate saying to alledge that a dead man makes no warre thereupon to found their massacres and slaughters without considering the consequences thereof Hereupon is very memorable the speech that Geta the yong prince made to the emperour Severus his Spar. in Geta father Severus having vanquished Albinus and Niger his competitors to the empire begun to make a great slaughter of the greatest lords and gentlemen of Rome which had taken part with Albinus or Niger because they were of a more noble house than Severus As then day by day he was committing his slaughter he one day said unto Bassianus Geta his children as men spoke of that fact I shall by this meanes ease you of all your enemies Hereupon Geta his sonne demanded of him My lord and father them which you meane to put to death are they a great number Yea answered Severus and told him the number All they replied he have they neither parents allies nor friends Yea they have many said Severus You then said Geta will leave us more enemies than you take from us This wise speech of this young prince touched so well the heart of Severus although he was cruell that hee would needs cease from his slaughter but that Plautianus and other courtiers which attended the enriching of themselves by confiscations incited him to continue Let murderers then hold themselves assured that for one they have slaine they stirre up tenne enemies And yet is not this all for all the rest of their life they have soules and consciences tormented with the remembrance of such as they have most wickedly murdered and the shadowes and remembrances of them shall alwayes bee before their eyes as a feare and terror unto them O how the shadow of that great Admirall shall strangely torment these great enterprisers of massacres it will never leave them at rest but shall bee a burning flame which shall agast and fearefully accompanie them even to their sepulchres Let them then hearken unto the menace and threatening he makes in his tombe against them Although the soule from bodie mine cold death hath ravished Virgil Aene. lib. 4. Yet absent I will follow thee yea with a flame full blacke My shaddow alwaies shall appeare about thee as one dead Which shall revenge on thee my blood thou who no ill doest lacke I thought good by the way to touch what warre the dead makes or what cause of war they are to refute that saying of the Machiavellians That a dead man makes no warre Let us now come where we left Of subtilties which wee say ought not to bee practised in the government of the affaires of State and that thereby none may cover any perfidie When Anniball had gotten the battaile of Cannas against the Romanes hee toke a great number of prisoners and because he more loved money for their ransome than to hold them hee sent a certaine number of them to Rome to practise and worke their redemption but hee made them sweare and promise that they would returne to him and so did let them goe upon their Faith But one advised himselfe of a subtile device when hee came at Rome to returne no more yet none should say hee broke his Faith For having passed a good piece of his way towards Rome hee suddenly returned backe againe to Anniball fayning hee had forgotten something after againe followed his companions and so they all came to Rome But their affaires comming to bee debated in the Senate none would yeeld to redeeme the prisoners insomuch as they all which came to Rome for that purpose returned very sad to Anniballs campe except hee which returned by the way who with these came not to the campe but remained in his house thinking hee was well discharged of his Faith and othe But when the Senate heard tell of the fallacious and deceitfull returne of the said souldier so unworthy and unseemely for a Romane they commanded him to bee drawne out of his house and by force to bee led unto Anniball Heereby you may see then that no wise people of good judgement such as were the ancient Romanes can approve such subtile palliations and covertures of an infraction and breach of Faith such as Machiavell persuadeth to a prince A like deceit was in the king of France Phillip the sixt of that name for having Froisart lib. 1. cap. 10. made an oth as almost all his ancestors kings of France had done never to run over or attempt to besiege or take any thing belonging to the empire yet desiring the castle of Tin the Bishops nigh to Cambray which troubled him much caused his sonne the duke of Normandie as the chiefe generall of the armie to besiege it and himselfe went thither also as a simple souldier without any command at all By which subtiltie the king Phillip could not save his oth for hee that doth any thing by a mediator is as much as if hee had done it himselfe neither did the deceit succeede well unto him for both the duke of Normandie was constrained to raise his siege from before the castle and not long after the king lost the battaile at Cressy The emperour Valentinian in his time was cruell in his actions and dealings Amm. Marel lib. 28. and had many officers like himselfe Amongst other such there was a criminall judge called Maximus who as hee examined certaine criminall persons promised them if they would confesse the truth they should suffer no punishment either of sword or fire These poore accused persons as often men doe confessed things they had never perpretated trusting upon his Faith and promise But this wicked judge caused them to bee beaten downe and slaine with leaden hammers thinking by this cavillation to save his oth God would that for a recompence hee should after be hanged and strangled under the emperour Gratianus
clemencie yea your own and let none die that be culpable let no Senator be punished nor noble blood bee shed let such as are banished be called againe and let their consiscated goods be yeelded unto them againe and would to God that I could revoke and call again to life such as are dead For there was never found that a prince committed a good vengeance of his owne greefe but it was alwayes thought too rigorous and sharpe though never so just I would have you then to pardon Cassius his children his sonne in law and his wife How should I not say pardon since they have done nothing let them live in all assurance and so know that they live under the empire of Marcus Let them enjoy their fathers patrimonie his gold his silver and other their goods that they may be rich assured free and let them be examples of our pietie and clemencie also of yours in the mouth of al the world Neither ô ye Conscript Fathers is it any great clemencie to pardon the children and wives of such as are banished and condemned since I demand and pray for pardon even of the culpable themselves whether they be Senators or knights that you may deliver them from death from confiscations from infamie from feare from envie from all injuries and that you will do this whilest we raigne that they which were slaine in the tumult for enterprising against us bee not defamed After this missive was read in the Senate house all the Senators with an honorable acclamation begun to crie The gods conserve Antonine the clement Antonine most pittifull Antonine most mercifull The gods perpetuate thy empire into thy race We wish all good to thy Wisedome to thy Clemencie to thy Doctrine to thy Nobilitie and to thy Innocencie This acclamation declareth well how amiable acceptable Clemencie makes a prince for there is nothing in the world that better gains the hearts of men nor that brings to a prince more reverence and love than this gentlenesse and lenitie of heart And indeed this good emperour by his Clemencie got thus much that after his death all Rome made a certaine account that he was ascended into heaven as to the place of his originall Because said they it was impossible that so good a soule endowed with so excellent vertues shold come from any other place than from heaven either returne againe to any other place The very name of Antonine was also so reverenced and loved of all the world from father to sonne in many yeares and generations after him that many emperours his successors caused themselves to bee called Antonines that the rather they might be beloved of the people though that name belonged not unto them nor were of the race or familie of Marcus Antonine as did Diadumenus the emperour Macrinus his sonne and his companion in the empire and as also did Bassianus and Geta Severus his children and Heliogabalus they were all surnamed Antonines But as this name appertained not unto them so held they nothing of the vertues of that good emperour with whose name they decked themselves Yet many reprehended in Marcus Antonine this his great Clemencie whereby he so easily pardoned such as had conspired against him saying That he provided evill for the safetie of himself and his children to suffer conspirators to live This was but a meanes to emboulden wicked people to enterprise conspiracies and amongst others the empresse Faustine his wife found it evill and of bad consequence that he punished not rigorously the partakers of Cassius whereupon he writ a very memorable letter to this effect Very religiously dost thou ô Faustine my deare companion to have care of the assurance of us and our children but whereas thou admonishest me to punish the complices of Avidius Cassius I do advertise thee that I had rather pardon them for nothing more recommendeth a Romane emperour amongst all nations than Clemencie That was it which placed Iulius Caesar in the number of the gods which hath consecrated Augustus which gave that most honourable title of Pius that is gentle and godly to thy father Finally Cassius himselfe had not beene slaine if my advice had been demanded in the slaying of him I pray thee therefore my deare companion be not afraid but hold thy selfe assured under the protection of the gods who no doubt will guard us because pietie and Clemencie are so pleasant and agreeable unto them For a resolution then certaine it is that nothing can so become or is so worthy of a prince to practise as Clemencie by pardoning such as offend him and even them which have committed some fault that may bee excused by some equitable reason and by mitigating the punishments of the law to such as upon custome commit no excesse and which otherwise are vertuous and valorous people and their offence not exceeding great and hainous for if otherwise a prince use his Clemencie without having these considerations before his eyes his fact will rather hold of crueltie and injustice than of clemencie but for a man to practise it with a counterpoise and equall ballance of equitie justice can be nothing interressed but rather shall bee reduced and applied to his true rule But assuredly as a princes Clemencie bringeth to his subjects the fruit of a good equitie so doth it also acquire unto himselfe this inestimable good to be beloved of every one as was Marcus Antonine the emperour The like happened to Vespasian Sueto Vesp Pas cap. 14. 15. in â—iâ—o cap. 1. 9. the emperour who was greatly beloved for his great Clemencie and gentlenesse for he was so gentle kind and clement that he easily forgot offences committed against him yea he would doe good to his enemies As when he maried and endowed very richly and honourably the daughter of Vitellius his enemie which warred upon him Moreover hee would never suffer that any were punished who did not well deserve it Likewise his sonne Titus was so good and clement that hee was never blamed for bearing evill will to any man often he had this word in his mouth That he had rather perish himselfe than lose any He was of the people surnamed The delights of mankind for his kindnesse and Clemencie In like sort Traian Adrian Pius Tacitus and many other Romane emperours were so beloved and reverenced of their subjects for their naturall humanitie and Clemencie that they are placed after their deaths in the rowle of their gods Moreover whensoever a prince shall be soft and clement there is no doubt but Clemencie cause of good works his subjects will imitate him therein for it is the peoples nature to conforme themselves unto their princes manners as the Proverbe saith The example of the princes life in all things commonly The subiect seekes to imitate with all his possibilitie But whensoever subjects doe imitate that most excellent vertue of Debonairetie and Clemencie certaine also it is that the whole bodie of the commonwealth
Volsques practised in the campe towards the souldiers the same rigour and severity which hee did against the common people at Rome and cared not to bee beloved but onely sought to make himselfe to be feared This was the cause that his people of warre would not obey him but as constrained they executed their charge cowardly and negligently When hee commanded to march quickly and swiftly his souldiers would goe slowly and softly when hee came towards them to command them any thing they would not vouchsafe to regard him but fixed their eyes on the ground and as hee passed by cursed him Hee once went about to assemble them all in one place to have persuaded them to have performed their dueties in a battaile but in place being assembled they scattered themselves hither and thither When hee saw this manifest disobedience in lieu to correct his rigour which was cause thereof hee augmented and redoubled it by causing them to bee whipped with rods and by putting to death the captaines which dispersed themselves when they should have joyned together and at last he fell to decimer and to tythe all the rest of his army by lot putting to death one of each ten through his army Yet for all this hee did nothing of account or to his honour Returning after to Rome hee was accused by the tribunes of his great severitie and inclemencie and by not getting the love of his souldiers hee effected nothing but his dishonour and shame But fearing to bee condemned hee procured his owne death in his house and this evill hap accompanied with great opprobrie ignominie had not happened unto him if hee had beene of a gentle and good nature to have obtained love The Bountie Clemencie and Gentlenesse of a prince manifest themselves by many meanes towards his subjects as by good tractations and comforts farre from oppression by maintaining their liberties and franchises by making edicts equall ordinances and in observing and causing good justice to be observed But the pleasantest meane which most contenteth the subjects is when the princed dooth them this honour to communicate himselfe to them deales in publick affaries with them and demands their advises aids and meanes for subjects seeing themselves on the one side so much honoured of their prince as to be called into the participation of his counsell and seeing and understanding on the other side the urgencie of the publicke affaires and just reasons wherefore the prince demaundeth such a thing or such a thing it is certain that they will obey much more voluntarily than when they know nothing of his affaires and when they know not wherfore nor wherein mony should bee employed that is demanded This was seene and practised at the beginning in a parliament held at Tours of the generall States during the raigne of king Charles the eight Anno 1483 as M. Philip de Comines witnesseth for the poore people De Comines lib. 1. cap. 109 110. of Fraunce were before vexed and eaten up by the space of 20 yeares and more with great tallages and imposts and great civile warres which never comes without a great ruine yet notwithstanding seeing themselves so much honoured by their prince as by him to be convocated together with the States to understand publicke affaires and therein to give their aid and advice not onely the States accorded to their king the impost which he demaunded but also humbly besought his majestie that it would please him to assemble them againe within two yeares after and that if his said Majestie had not money ynough to dispatch his affaires they would at his pleasure furnish him and that if he had any warre or that any would offend him they would employ their persons and goods for his service and never would denie him any thing whereof hee had need Behold then how this soft and sweet manner of a princes actions to conferre of his affaires with his subjects makes him so obeied as by this meanes hee may sooner obtaine a great thing than by rigour a small thing And to this purpose he askes certaine questions with a good grace Might it Comines not bee accounted a farre more just thing both before God and the world by such force as this to levie money than upon a disordinate will For no prince cannot otherwise levie it but by tyrannie would priviledges to take it at their pleasure bee alledged against so good subjects which so liberally give that which is demaunded was such an assembly daungerous and treasonable according as some men of base condition and baser vertue say alledging that to congregate the States is to diminish the kings anthoritie and to commit treason but rather those commit treason towards God the king and the commonweale which hold estates and offices which they never merited neither serve they to any other thing but to whisper and tattle in princes eares things of small account and they feare nothing more than great assemblies that so they may not appeare and bee knowne as they are These words of Comines are very notable to be applied to our time Let us now come to the other effect of the Clemencie of a prince which concerneth the assurance of his estate Hereupon I thinke every man will confesse unto me A clement prince assured in his State that there is nothing that better assureth a prince in his estate than when hee hath no enemies But a debonaire and gentle prince shall never lightly procure enemies but rather daily friends because that vertue of Clemencie is of it selfe so amiable and attractive that they are alwayes loved which are endowed therewith And if sometimes enemies arise against a good and gentle prince as the envie and desire to have and to make themselves greater causeth ambitious and covetous men sometimes to enterprise upon such clement princes yet very hardly shall such enemies shake their estates or prevaile against them and especially if that prince with his Clemencie have about him a good Counsell For his vertues will procure him many friends of his neighbours and make his subjects voluntarie and obeisant insomuch as it shall be very easie for him to resist the enterprises of such as will invade set upon him We reade that the emperour Alexander Severus was very modest Lampri in Alex. Sever. soft clement and affable towards all his subjects wherewith Mammaea his mother was not content So that one day she said unto him that he had made his authoritie not regarded but contemptible by his Clemencie Yea but answered hee I have made my estate so much the longer and more assured And in truth he had in likelyhood lived longer time but she so ruled him that he got the evill will of his subjects and so did his sonne by the extreame avarice and arrogancie that was in her which caused the death of them both The same notable speech of Alexander is attributed to Theopompus king of Sparta who knowing that the puissance of a
king is good and Plutarch in Apo. excellent when kings use it well but because there were farre more kings which abuse their powers than that use them well he provided for himselfe and his successors certaine Censors and correctors to reprehend them of their faults which were called Ephori Certaine then said unto Theopompus that by this establishment of Ephori he had lessened and enfeeblished his power Nay then said he I have fortified it and made it perdurable meaning to say as true it is that there is nothing which better fortifieth nor which makes more firme and stable a princes estate than when he governes himselfe with such a sweet moderation that even he submits himselfe to the observation of lawes and censures The emperour Severus otherwise endowed with Spart Dion in Carac many great vertues had not this good to be debonaire and clement but rather was rigorous and cruell yet he knew well and himselfe confessed that Clemencie is a vertue most worthie of a prince and he much desired to bee so esteemed although his actions were contrarie I know well that here the Machiavellists may reply upon me that he faigned and only made a shew to esteeme of Clemencie upon a certain kind of playing the Fox and dissimulation which Machiavell holdeth to be convenient for a prince Here unto I make a double answere And I say suppose in this place Severus meant to play the Fox yet when he so much praiseth Clemencie and so faine would seeme clement he therby seemes to approve that vertue as both lowable and good Secondly I say that it is credible that Severus although he was exceeding sanguinarie and cruell during his raigne yet in the end he found that it had been better for him if he had been Clement for with his owne eyes he saw Plautianus his greatest and especiallest friend and Bassianus his eldest son whom with himselfe he associated in the empire both of them though not together conspire to slay him insomuch as he durst not punish them because they had learned of him to be sanguinarie and cruell and at the end of his dayes the last words hee spake were That he left the empire firme and assured to his Antonines meaning Bassianus and Geta which he named Antonines that they might be beloved provided that they proved good princes but if they were wicked and cruell then he left them weak and evill assured And indeede these last words were as a prophecie to his children For Bassianus his eldest sonne who succeeded him in the empire was as cruell as he and begun to exercise his crueltie in slaying with his owne hand Geta his brother and after continued it upon his friends and other notable people a great number which he brought to their deaths and therefore was not his foot long in the empire but according as his father prophecied of his death hee was soone despoyled thereof and of his life withall for he was slaine by Macrinus his lieutenant and lived but nine and twentie yeares whereof he raigned sixe The emperour Domitian also was a very cruell prince yet he greatly praised Clemencie in a prince and ordinarily when he reasoned upon any affaire in the Senat he often enterlaced amongst his speeches some commendations of his owne Clemencie although he was most cruell and wicked And breefely we may say and conclude that this vertue of Clemencie is so excellent and lowable of it selfe that even the wicked which reject it are notwithstanding constrained to have it in estimation and to confesse it is a vertue worthie of a prince From the beginning that Rome was reduced into the forme of a commonweale and delivered from the tyrannie of the Tarquins the people were sent to the warre Dioni Halic lib. 5. without wages and whilest they were at the warre for the commonweale the interests and usuries which they ought to the rich for alwaies the poore are debters to the rich left not to encrease and multiplie insomuch as when the souldiers returned from the warre some being maimed and wounded in stead to have rest in their houses they had the usurers on their backs which demanded the usuries run on during the time of the warre Hereupon arose there in the towne a great sedition for the poore amongst the people could not suffer this rude handling that they thus should be tormented with seisures and pawning of their goods and with imprisonments of their persons for the interests growing during the warre and being in the common-wealths service This cause finally comming in deliberation in the Senate house Valerius Publicola who was one of them which helped away the tyrant from Rome spoke thus This the usurers rigorous dealing is but a new tyrannie and it is but a small thing for us to have expulsed from Rome the tyrannie of the Tarquins if now wee will establish another that it was too unreasonable that souldiers should pay interests running on whilest they served the commonwealth since also they served without wages Therefore he exhorted the Senate to releeve the people of those interests for their content and that afterward they might with so much the better will serve the commonweale at a need For els saith he certaine it is if there be a continuance of this rigorous dealing it will bring the people into a great disobedience a sedition into the commonwealth the estate wherof by this means may be shrewdly shaken and hazarded But if the people be kindly and graciously used in acquiting them of the said interests by this meanes you shall make most assured the estate of the citie The Senate followed this advice of Publicola knowing well that the firmitie and assurednesse of the publicke State is founded upon Clemencie and Gentlenesse Anniball making warre in Italie meaning to goe to Capua commanded one of Titus Livius lib. 2. Dec. 3. the prisoners he held to guide him to a place called Casin which was in the way to Capua This prisoner supposing Anniball had bidden him guide him to Casilin and that because Anniball spoke not well the Latine language hee conducted his armie on that side to Casilin farre from the way to Capua Anniball perceiving hee was evill guided caused to whip and hang the prisoner which had done this before he would heare any excuse This rigorous execution and other cruelties that he used never caused such as were allied with the Romanes to breake from them although on every side they saw themselves in great perill because saith Titus Livius they knew that they were commanded by a just and a moderate government and by good people that hated crueltie therefore refused they not to obey which is the true bond of Faith the best most prudent and humane Antiochus king of Syria and a great dominator in Levant having enterprised a Titus Livius lib. 7. Dec. 3. warre against the Romanes they sent against him Lucius Scipio for captaine generall of their armie although otherwise he
remaineth to shew That Liberalitie is profitable and necessarie for a prince when he applieth it to good uses When Alexander the Great departed from Macedonie to goe to the conquest Plutarch in Alexand. of Asia hee caused all the captaines of his armie to appeare before him At their comming he distributed unto them almost all the revenue of his kingdome insomuch as he left to himselfe almost nothing Amongst them one of the said captaines called Perdicas said unto him What then will you Sir keepe for your selfe Even Hope answered Alexander We then shall have our part thereof replied Perdicas since we goe with you Thus Perdicas and certaine other also refused the gifts which their king offered them and were as thankfull as if they had accepted them So that they accompanied him in his voyage of Asia full of good will to serve him as they did For he was so well served of these valiant Macedonians his subjects that with them he conquered almost al Asia so the Liberalitie of Alexander was very profitable unto him The ancient Romanes had this custome ordinarily to encrease the seignories and Titus Livius lib 7. Dec. 4. Plutarch in Caton dominations of the kings their allies as they did to Massinissa king of Numidia unto whom they gave a great part of the kingdome of Syphax his neighbor and some part of the countrey of the Carthaginians after they had vanquished Syphax and the Carthaginians as also they did to Eumenes king of Pergamus in Asia unto whom they gave all they conquered upon king Antiochus from beyond the mount Taurus which came to more than foure times so much as all Eumenes his kingdome They also practised great Liberalities towards Ptolomeus king of Cyprus towards Attalus another king of Pergamus towards Hiero king of Sicilie and many others And what profit got they by all this even this that in the end all the countries and kingdomes fell into the Romans hands either by succession and testamentarie ordinance of those kings or by the will of the people or otherwise And this reputation of Liberalitie which the Romans acquired was the cause that the kings and potentates of the world affected and so greatly desired their amitie and alliance Silla Marius his lieutenant making warre upon king Iugurtha persuaded Bocchus king of Salust de bello Mauritania to take part with the Romanes against Iugurtha because saith hee the Romanes are never wearie with vanquishing by beneficence but doe alwaies enrich their friends and allies The king Cotis of Thrace having promised the Romanes that he would proove their good and faithfull friend and to that effect having delivered them hostages notwithstanding they aided king Perseus of Macedonie against the Romanes when after by warre king Perseus was vanquished wherin Bitis the said king Cotis his sonne was taken prisoner this king would have ransomed his sonne and withall made certaine frivolous excuses The Senate made him this worthie answere That the Romanes knew very certainely that hee had preferred the good grace and favour of Perseus before their amitie but that therefore they would not cease to give him his sonne and his hostages because the benefits of the Romane people are free insomuch as they better love to leave the price and the recompence within the hearts of such as receive their said benefits than to be readie to receive prompt and quicke satisfaction Augustus Caesar seeing himselfe have many enemies which he had gotten by civile Dion in August warres he knew not whether he should put them all to death or what hee should doe For he on the one side considered that if he caused all to die then the world would thinke that either he was entring into the butcherie of a civile warre or els to usurpe a tyrannie and on the other side he feared that some mischeefe would happen unto him if he suffered them to live The abovesaid Livia his wife which was a good and sage ladie shewed him that he ought to gaine his enemies which he feared by liberalitie and beneficence Hee followed this counsell and begun with one Cornelius the nephew of Pompeius whom hee advaunced into the office of Consull and in like sort to others which he tooke to be his enemies he practised beneficence and bountifulnesse in such sort as he gained all their hearts But because the remonstrance which Livia made to Augustus is very memorable I will here summarily recite it I am very sorrowfull my most deare lord and spouse to see you thus greeved and tormented in your spirit so that your sleepe is taken from you I am not ignorant that you have great occasions because of many enemies which you will have still feeling in themselves the deaths of their friends and parents which you have caused to die during those civill wars withall that a prince cannot so well governe but there will be alwaies mailcontents and complainers There is this moreover that this change of estate which you have brought into the commonweale by reducing it into a monarchie makes that a man cannot well assure himselfe of such as they esteeme to be their friends yet I beseech you my good lord to excuse me if I a simple woman take that hardinesse to tel you my advice upon this matter which is that I thinke there is nothing impossible to represse by soft and gentle meanes for the natures of such as are enclined to do evill are sooner subdued and corrected by using clemencie and beneficence towards them than severitie For princes which are courteous and mercifull make themselves not onely agreeable and honourable to them upon whom they bestow mercie but also towards all others And by contrary such as are inexorable and will abate nothing of their rigour are hated and blamed not only of them towards whom he shewes himselfe such but of all others also See you not my good lord that either never or very selde physicians come to cut the sicke members of the bodie but onely seeke to heale them by soft and gentle mendicaments in like sort are maladies of the spirit to be healed And the gentle medicaments of the spirit may these well be called Affabilitie and Soft words of princes towards every one his Clemencie and placabilitie his Mercie and debonairetie not towards wicked and bad persons which make an occupation to do evill but towards such as have offended by youth imprudencie ignorance by chance by constraint or which have some just excuse It is also a very requisit thing in a prince not only to do no wrong to any person but also to be reputed such a man as will never do wrong to any man because that is the meane to have the amitie and benevolence of men which a prince can never obtaine unlesse he doe persuade them that he will do well to the good and that hee will doe wrong to none For feare may well bee acquired with force but amitie cannot bee obtained but by persuasion
wee come to alledge For they said That men must not stay upon fishing for froggs but men must catch in their nets the great Salmons that one Salmons head was more worth than tenne thousand froggs and that when they had slaine the cheefetaines of pretended rebels that they should easily overthrow the rude and rascally multitude which without heads could enterprise nothing These venerable enterprisers should have considered that which here their Doctor Machiavell saith which also since they have seen by experience That a people cannot want heads which will alwayes rise up yea even those heads which bee slaine If they had so well noted practised this place of Machiavell as they do others so much blood would never have ben shed their tyrannie it may be had longer endured than it hath done For the great effusion of blood which they have made hath incontinent cried for vengeance to God who according to his accustomed justice hath heard the voice of that blood and for the crie of the orphant and widdow hath laid the axe to the root of all tyrannie and alreadie hath cut away many braunches thereof and if it please him will not tarry long to lay all on the ground and so establish Fraunce in his auncient government As for Fortresses in frontiers of countries they have been long time practised and are profitable to guard from incursions and invasions of enemies and to the end such as dwell upon the borders may the more peaceably enjoy their goods Wee reade That the emperour Alexander Severus gave his Fortresses upon frontiers to Lamprid. in Alex. Pomp. Laetus in Constant Magno good and approoved captaines with all the lands and revenewes belonging unto them to enjoy during their lives to the end saith Lampridius that they might be more vigilant and carefull to defend their owne And afterward the emperour Constantine the Great ordained That the said Fortresses with their grounds and revenewes should passe to the heires of the said captaines which held them as other manner of goods and heritages And hereupon some say have come such as the civile law call Feudi 34. Maxime A Prince ought to commit to another those affaires which are subiect to hatred and envie and reserve to himselfe such as depend upon his grace and favour A Prince vvhich vvill exercise some cruell and rigorous act saith cap. 7. 14. of a prince M. Nicholas he ought to give the commission thereof unto some other to the end he may not acquire evill vvill and enmitie by it And yet if he feare that such a delegation cannot bee vvholly exempted from blame to have consented to the execution which was made by his Commissarie he may cause the Commissarie to be slaine to shew that he consented not to his crueltie as did Caesar Borgia and Messire Remiro Dorco THis Maxime is a dependancie of that goodly doctrine which Machiavell learned of Caesar Borgia which although it was very cruell yet meaning to appeare soft and gentle following therein the Maxime which enjoyneth dissimulation committeth the execution of his crueltie to Messire Remiro Dorco as at large before wee have discoursed that hystorie And because we have fully shewed that all dissimulation and feignednesse is unworthie of a prince we will stay no longer upon this Maxime Well will I confesse that many things there be which seeme to be rigorous in execution although they be most equall and just which it is good a prince doe commit to others to give judgement and execution by justice as the case meriteth For as the emperour Marcus Antonine said It seemeth to the world that that which the prince doth hee doth it by his absolute authoritie and power rather than of his civile and reasonable power Therefore to shun that blame and suspition it is good that the prince delegate and set over such matters to Iudges which are good men not suspected nor passionate not doing as the emperour Valentinian did who would never heare nor receive accusations against Iudges and Magistrates which hee had established but constrained the recusators or refusers to end their cause before those Iudges only Whereby he was much blamed and his honor impeached and disgraced For truly the cheefe point which is required to cause good Passionate Iudges cannot judge well justice to be administred is That Iudges be not suspected nor passionat because the passions of the soule and heart doe obfuscate and trouble the judgement of the understanding and cause them to step aside and stray out of the way It is also a thing of very evill example when a prince with an appetite of revenge or to please the passions of revengefull great men dooth elect Iudges and Commissaries that bee passionate and which have their consciences at the command of such as employ them As was done in the time of king Lewis Hutin in the judgement of Messire Enguerrant de Marigni great master of Fraunce and in the time of king Charles the sixt in the judgement of the criminall processe of Messire Iean de Marests the kings Advocate in the parliament of Paris And a man may put to them the judgements given in our time against Amie du Bourg the kings Counsellor in the said parliament and against captaine Briquemand and M. Arnand de Cavagnes master of the Requests of the kings houshold and against the countie de Montgomerie and many others For the executions to death which followed manifested well That the Iudges were passionate men their consciences being at the command of strangers which governed them 35. Maxime To administer good Iustice a Prince ought to establish a great number of Judges TO have prompt and quicke expedition of good Iustice saith Machiavell many Iudges must be established for few can dispatch Discourse lib. 1. cap. 7. few causes and a small number is more easie to gaine and be corrupted than a great number And vvithall a great number is strong and firme in Iustice against all men EXperience hath made us wise in France that this Maxime of Machiavell is not true For since they multiplied the Officers of Iustice Multiplicitie of Officers cause of the corruption of â—ustice in Fraunce in the kingdome by the encrease of Counsellours in parliaments by erection of Presidents seats by creation of new or alternative Officers we have processes and law causes more multiplied longer and worse dispatched than before insomuch as by good right and by good reason the last Estates generall held at Orleance complained to king Charles the ninth of that multiplication and multitude of Officers which served not as it doth not yet but to multiplie law causes to ruinate and eat up the people and yet no better expedition of Iustice than before but rather worse and notoriously more long and of greater charges to the parties Vpon which complaint it was holily ordained That offices of Iustice which became vacant by death should bee suppressed and that none should come in their