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A43553 A survey of the estate of France, and of some of the adjoyning ilands taken in the description of the principal cities, and chief provinces, with the temper, humor, and affections of the people generally, and an exact accompt of the publick government in reference to the court, the church, and the civill state / by Peter Heylyn ; pbulished according to the authors own copy, and with his content for preventing of all faith, imperfect, and surreptitious impressions of it.; Full relation of two journeys Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662. 1656 (1656) Wing H1737; ESTC R9978 307,689 474

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Eastward to the West of Sussex an object of so rich contentment and so full of ravishing contemplations that I was almost of his mind who said Bonum est nobis esse hic and certainly I had dwelt there longer if the boy had not put me in mind that the flood was coming back amain as indeed it was and that if we made not speed to recover the Town before it was got near the foot of the Rocks we must of necessity be fain to abide there the greatest part of the night till the ebb ensuing On this advertisement there was no need to bid me hasten but then a new humor seized upon me when I beheld those dreadfull precipices which I was to descend together with the infinite distance of the Beach from the top of the Rocks the danger of being shut up by the sea if we made not hast and of tumbling into it if we did But as curiosity had carryed me up so necessity brought me down again with greater safety I confesse then I had deserved This adventure being like some of those actions of Alexander the great whereof Curtius telleth us that they were magis ad temeritatis quam ad gloriae famam This Town of Boulogne and the Countrey about it was taken by Henry VIII of England anno 1545. himself being in person at the siege a very costly and chargeable victory The whole list of his Forces did amount to 44000 Foot and 3000 Horse Field pieces he drew after him above 100 besides those of smaller making and for the conveyance of their Ordinance Baggage and other provision there were transported into the Continent above 25000 horses True it is that his designes had a further aime had not Charles the Emperor with whm he was to joyne left the field and made peace without him So that judging only by the successe of the expedition we cannot but say that the winning of Boulonnois was a deer purchase And indeed in this one particular Sir Walter Raleigh in the Preface to his most excellent History saith not amisse of him namely That in his vain and fruitlesse expeditions abroad he consumed more treasure then all the rest of our Victorious Kings before him did in their severall Conquests The other part of his censure concerning that Prince I know not well what to think of as meerly composed of gall and bitternesse Onely I cannot but much marvell that a man of his wisdome being raised from almost nothing by the daughter could be so severely invective against the Father certainly a most charitable Judge cannot but condemne him of want of true affection and duty to his Queen seeing that it is as his late Majesty hath excellently noted in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A thing monstrous to see a man love the childe and bate the Parents and therefore he earnestly enjoyneth his son Henry To represse the insolence of such as under pretence to taxe a vice in the person seek craftily to stain the race Presently after this taking of Boulogne the French again endevoured their gaining of it even during the life of the Conquerour but he was strong enough to keep his gettings After his death the English being engaged in a war against the Scots and Ket having raised a rebellion in Norfolke they began to hope a Conquest of it and that more violently then ever Upon news of their preparations an Embassador was dispatched to Charles the fifth to desire succor of him and to lay before him the infancy and severall necessities of the young King who was then about the age of ten years This desire when the Emperour had refused to hearken to they besought him that he would at the least be pleased to take into his hands and keeping the Town of Boulogne and that for no longer time then untill King Edward could make an end of the troubles of his Subjects at home An easie request Yet did he not only deny to satisfie the King in this except he would restore the Catholick religion but he also expresly commanded that neither his men or munition should go to the assistance of the English An ingratitude for which I cannot finde a fitting epithite confidering what fast friends the Kings of England had alwayes been to the united houses of Burgundie and Austria what moneys they have helped them with and what sundry Warres they have made for them both in Belgium to maintain their Authority and in France to augment their potencie From the marriage of Maximilian of the family of Austria with the Lady Mary of Burgundy which happened in the yeere 1478. unto the death of Henry the eighth which fell in the yeere 1548. are just 70 yeeres In which time only it is thought by men of knowledge and experience that it cost the Kings of England at the least six millions of pounds in the meer quarrels and defence of the Princes of those houses An expence which might seem to have earned a greater requitall then that now demanded Upon this deniall of the unmindfull Emperour a Treaty followed betwixt England and France The effect of it was that Boulogne and all the Countrey of it should be restored to the French they paying unto the English at two dayes of payment 800000 Crownes Other Articles there were but this the principall And so the fortune of young Edward in his beginning was like that of Julius Caesar towards his end Dum clementiam quam praestiterat expectat inca●tus ab ingratis occupatus est I am now at the point of leaving Boulogne but must first reckon with mine Host to whom we were growne into arrears since our first coming thither Our stock was grown so low when we came from Paris that had not a French Gentleman whom we met at Amiens disbursed for us it would not have brought us to this Town so that our Host was fain to furnish us with some monies to make even with him After which staying there from Sunday noon to Wednesday morning and being then fain to make use of his credit also to provide of a Boat for England which alone stood us in three pound our engagements grew greater then he had any just reason to adventure on us But being an ingenuous man and seeing that we fared well spent freely and for the most part entertained him and his family at our table he was the lesse diffident of payment as he told me afterwards Having stayed three dayes for Company and none appearing we were fain to hire a boat expresse for my companion and my self to passe over in In order whereunto I told him of our present condition assured him that we had friends in Dover who would supply us with all things necessary as indeed we had that having summed up what we owed him and what he had contracted for our passage over he should have a note under our hands for the payment of it and that one of us should remain prisoner in the Boat till the other raised money
of Nevers by whom he had no children To his second wife he took the Lady Katherine of Tremoville sister to the Duke of Thovars anno 1586. Two years after his marriage he dyed of an old grief took from a poisoned cup which was given him anno 1552. and partly with a blow given him with a Lance at the battail of Contras anno 1587. In the 11 moneth after his decease his young Princesse was brought to bed with a young Son which is the now Prince of Conde Charles Count of Soissons in the reign of Henry IV. began to question the Princes Legitimation whereupon the King dealt with the Parliament of Paris to declare the place of the first Prince of the Bloud to belong to the Prince of Conde And for the clearer and more evident proof of the title 24 Physitians of good faith and skill made an open protestation upon oath in the Court that it was not only possible but common for women to be delivered in the 11 moneth On this it was awarded to the Prince This Decree of Parliament notwithstanding if ever the King and his Brother should die issuelesse it is said that the young Count of Soissons his father died anno 1614 will not so give over his title He is Steward of the Kings house as his Father also was before a place of good credit and in which he hath demeaned himself very plausibly In case it should come to a tryall quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which God prohibit he is like to make a great party both within the Realm and without it Without it by means of the house of Savoy having matched his eldest Sister unto Don Thomaz● the second son of that Dukedome now living a brave man of armes and indeed the fairest fruit that ever grew on that tree next heir of his father after the death of Don i Amadeo yet childlesse Within the Realm the Lords have already declared themselves which hapned on this occasion In the year 1620 the month of March the King being to wash the Prince of Conde laid hold of the towell challenging that honour as first Prince of the bloud and on the other side the Count of Soissons seized on it as appertaining to his office of See ward and Prince of the bloud also The King to decide the controversie for the present commanded it to be given Monseiur his Brother yet did not this satisfie for on the morning the friends of both Princes came to offer their service in the cause To the Count came in generall all the opposites of the Prince of Conde and of the Duke of Luynes and Gu●●● in particular the Duke of Maien the Duke of Vendosme the Dukes of Longueville Espernon Nemours the Grand Prior the Dukes of Thovars Retz and Rohan the Viscount of Aubeterre c. who all withdrew themselves from the Court made themselves masters of the best places in their governments and were united presently to an open saction of which the Queen Mother declared herself head As for the Commons without whom the Nobility may quarrel but never fight they are more zealous in behalf of the Count as being brought up alwayes a Papist and born of a Catholick kindred whereas the Prince though at this instant a Catholick yet non fuit sic ab initio he was born they say and brought up an Hugonot and perhaps the alteration is but dissembled Concerning the Prince of Conde he hath a sentence of Parliament on his side and a verdict of Physitians both weak helpes to a Soverainty unlesse well backed by the sword And for the verdict of the Physitians thus the case is stated by the Doctors of that faculty Laurentius a professour of Montpellier in Languedoc in his excellent Treatise of Anatomie maketh three terms of a womans delivery primus intermedius and ultimus The first is the seventh moneth after conception in each of which the childe is vitall and may live if it be borne To this also consenteth the Doctor of their chaire Hippocrates saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that a child born in the seventh moneth if it be well looked to may live We read also how in Spain the women are oftentimes lightned in the end of the seventh moneth and commonly in the end of the eight And further that Sempronius and Corbulo both Roman Consuls were born in the seventh moneth Pliny in his Naturall History reporteth it as a truth though perchance the women which told him either misreckoned their time or else dissembled it to conceal their honesties The middle time terminus intermedius is in the ninth and tenth moneths at which time children do seldome miscarry In the former two moneths they had gathered life in these latter they only consummate strength so said the Physitians generally Non enim in duobus sequentibus mensibus they speak it of the intermedii additur aliquod ad perfectionum partium sed perfectionem roboris The last time terminus ultimus in the common account of this profession is the eleaventh moneth which some of them hold neither unlikely nor rare Massurius recordeth Papirius a Roman Praetor to have recovered his inheritance in open Court though his Mother confessed him to be borne in the thirteeenth moneth And Avicen a Moore of Corduba relateth as he is cited in Laurentius that he had seen a a childe born after the fourteenth But these are but the impostures of women and yet indeed the modern Doctors are more charitable and refer it to supernaturall causes Et extraordinariam artis considerationem On the other side Hippocrates giveth it out definitively 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that in ten moneths at the ●urthest understand ten moneths compleat the childe is borne And Ulpian the great Civilian of his times in the title of the Digests de Testamentis is of opinion that a childe born after the tenth moneth compleat is not to be admitted to the inheritance of his pretended father As for the Common Law of England as I remember I have read it in a book written of Wils and Testaments it taketh a middle course between the charity of nature and the severity of the Law leaving it meerly to the conscience and circumstance of the Judge But all this must be conceived as it was afterwards alleaged by the party of the Earl of Soissons taking it in the most favourable construction of the time after the conception of the mother and by no means after the death of the Father and so no way to advantage the Prince of Conde His Father had been extremely sick no small time before his death for the particular and supposed since his poison taken anno 1552. to be little prone to women in the generall They therefore who would have him set besides the Cushion have cunningly but malicionsly caused it to be whisppered abroad that he was one of the by-blowes of King Henry IV. and to make the matter more suspiciously probable they have cast out these conjectures
for it but being but conjectures only and prosecuted for the carrying on of so great a project they were not thought to be convincing or of any considerable weight or moment amongst sober and impartiall men They therefore argued it First From the Kings care of his education assigning him for his Tutor Nicholas de Febure whom he also designed for his Son King Lewis Secondly From his care to work the Prince then young Mollis et ap●us agi to become a Catholick Thirdly The infirmity of Henry of Conde and the privacy of this King with his Lady being then King of Nav●●e in the prime of his strength and in discontent with the Lady Marguerite of Valoys his first wife add to this that Kings love to fair Ladies in the generall and then conclude this probability to be no miracle For besides the Dutchesse of Beauforte the Marchionesse of Verneville and the Countesse of Morrel already mentioned he is believed to have been the Father of Mr. Luynes the great favourite of King Lewis And certain it is that the very year before his death when he was even in the winter of his days he took such an amorous liking to the Prince of Condes wife a very beautifull Lady and daughter to the Constable Duke of Montmorencie that the Prince to save his honour was compelled to flie together with his Princesse into the Arch-Dukes Countrey whence he returned not till long after the death of King Henry If Mary de Medices in her husbands life time had found her self agrieved it I cannot blame her she only made good that of Quin●ilian Et uxor mariti exemplo incitata aut imitari se putat aut vindicore And yet perhaps a consciousnesse of some injuries not only mooved her to back the Count of Soissons and his faction against the Prince and his but also to resolve upon him for the husband of her daughter From the Princes of the bloud descend we to the Princes of the Court and there in the first place we meet with Mr. Barradas the Kings present favourite a young Gentleman of a fresh and lively hew little bearded and one whom as yet the people cannot accuse for any oppression or misgovernment Honours the King hath conserred none upon him but only pensions and offices he is the Governour of the Kings children of honour Pages we call them in England a place of more trouble then wealth or credite He is also the Master of the horse or Le grand Escuire the esteem of which place recompenseth the emptinesse of the other for by vertue of this office he carryeth the Kings sword sheathed before him at his entrances into Paris The cloth of estate carryed over the King by the Provost and Eschevins is his ●ee No man can be the Kings spurmaker his Smith or have any place in the Kings Stables but from him and the like This place to note so much by the way was taken out of the Constables office Comes stabuli is the true name to whom it properly belonged in the time of Charles VII Besides this he hath a Pension of 500000 Crowns yearly and had an office given him which he sold for 100000 Crowns in ready money A good fortune for one who the other day was but the Kings Page And to say truth he is as yet but a little better being only removed from his servant to be his play-fellow With the affairs of State he intermedleth not if he should he might expect the Queen mother should say to him what Apollo in Ovid did to Cupid Tibi quid cum fortibus armis Mipuer ista decent humeros gestamina nostros For indeed first during her Sons minority and after since her reintegration with him she hath made her self so absolute a mistresse of his mind that he hath intrusted to her the entire conduct of all his most weighty affaires For her assistant in the managing of her greatest business she hath peeced her self to the strongest side of the State the Church having principally since the death of the Marshal D'Ancre I mean assumed to her counsels the Cardinall of Richileiu a man of no great birth were Nobility the greatest parentage but otherwise to be ranked amongst the noblest Of a sound reach he is and a close brain one exceedingly well mixt of a lay understanding and a Church habit one that is compleatly skilled in the art of men and a perfect master of his own mind and affections him the Queen useth as her Counsellour to keep out frailty and the Kings name as her countenance to keep off envie She is of a Florentine wit and hath in her all the virtues of Katharine de Medices her Ancestor in her Regency and some also of her vices only her designes tend not to the ruine of the Kingdome and her children Joan de Seirres telleth us in his Inventaire of France how the Queen Katharine suffered her son Henry III. a devout and a supple Prince to spend his most dangerous times even uncontrouled upon his beads whilest in the mean time she usurped the Government of the Realm Like it is that Queen Mary hath learned so much of her Kinswoman as to permit this son of hers to spend his time also amongst his play-fellowes and the birds that she may the more securely manage the State at her discretion And to say nothing of her untrue or misbecoming her vertue she hath notably well discharged her ambition the Realm of France being never more quietly and evenly governed then first during her Regencie and now during the time of her favour with the King For during his minority she carryed her self so fairly between the factions of the Court that she was of all sides honoured the time of this Marquesse D' Ancre only excepted and for the differences in Religion her most earnest desire was not ●o oppresse the Protestants insomuch that the war raised against them during the command of Mr. Luynes was presently after his death and her restoring into grace ended An heroicall Lady and worthy the report of posterity the frailties and weaknesse of her as a woman not being accounted hers but her sexes CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the generall A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French Bishops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly bumoured c. FRom the Court of the King of France I cannot better provide for
temperature of the air and soyl the same the humours and affections of the people still the same the Fractions of the Church as great the Government as Regal or despotical now as when the Author was amongst them The Cities stand in the same places which before they stood in and the Rivers keep the same channels which before they had no alteration in the natural parts of that great body and not much in the politick neither The change which since hath hapned by the Death of the King being rather in the person of the Prince then the form of Government Affairs of State then managed by a Queen-Mother and a Cardinal favourite as they are at this present The King in his Majority then but not much versed or studied in his own concernments as he is at this present the Realm divided then into parties and factions though not into the same factions as it is at this present and finally the English then in as high esteem by reason of the alliance then newly made between the Princes as they can possibly be now by reason of the late concluded peace betwixt the Nations Nor hath there hapned any thing not reconcilable to the present times but the almost miraculous birth of the King and his Brother after 20 years barrennesse and the mariage of the Monsieur with Montpensiers Daughter contrary to the generall expectation of all that people and for the first I think I may be bold to say of the world besides XII These reasons as they may excuse this publication in reference to the work it self so there is one which serves to justifie it in respect of the Author that is to say the manifesting of this truth to all which shall peruse these papers that he is still of the same Judgement and opinion in matters of Religion Gods worship and the government of holy Church of which he was 30 years agoe when the Relation of the first Journey was fashioned by him that he hath stood his ground in all those revolutions both of Church and State which have hapned since that he now holds no other Tenets then those to which he hath been principled by education and confirmed by study and finally that such opinions as he holds be they right or wrong he brought to the Court with him and took not from thence So that whatsoever other imputation may be charged upon him he cannot be accused for a time-server but alwaies constant to himself in all times the same Qualis ab incepto processeri● in the Poets language the same man then as now without alteration Compare my late book upon the Creed with these present Journals and it will easily be seen that in all points wherein I have occasion to declare my Judgement I am nothing altered that neither the temptations of preferment nor that great turn both in the publick and my own affairs which hath hapned since have made me other then I was at the very first XIII It 's true in reading over these papers as they were sent to the Presse I found some things which I could willingly have rectified as they passed my hands but that I chose rather to let them go with some Petit errors then alter any thing in the Copy which might give any the least occasion to this misconceit that the work went not to the Presse as it came from my pen but was corrected by the line and levell of my present Judgement And for such petit errors as then scaped my hands being they are but petit errors they may the more easily be pardoned by ingenuous men But howsoever being errors though but petit errors I hold it necessary to correct them and shall correct them in this order as they come before me Normandy bounded on the South with L'Isle de France Not with the Isle of France distinctly and properly so called occasioned by the circlings of the Scine and the Marne in which Paris standeth but by that part of France which is called commonly France Special or the Proper France as being the first fixed seat of the French Nation after their first entrance into G●ul which notwithstanding may in some sense be called the Isle of France also because environed on all sides with some river or other that is to say with the Velle on the East the Eure on the West the Oise on the North and a vein Riveret of the Seine on the South parts of it The name Neustria Not named so in the time of the Romans when it was reckoned for a part of Gallia Celtica as the words not well distinguished do seem to intimate but when it was a part of the French Empire and then corruptly so called for Westria signifying the West parts thereof the name of Westria or Westenrick being given by some to this part of the Realm of West France as that of Austria or Ostenric to a part of East France By the permission of Charles the Bald Not so but by the sufferance of Charles the Simple a weaker Prince and far lesse able to support the Majesty of a King of France For though the Normans ransacked the Sea coasts of this Countrey during the reign of Charles the Bald which lasted from the year 841 to the year 879. yet Charles the Bald was not so simple nor so ill advised as to give them livery and seisin of so large a Province That was a businesse fit for none but Charles the SIMPLE who began his reign in the year 900. and unto him the words foregoing would direct the Reader where it is thus told us of these Normans anno 900. they first seated themselves in France c. which relates plainly to the reign of Charles the Simple in the beginning whereof they first setled here though Rollo their chief Captain was not honoured with the title of Duke of Normandy untill 12 years after For the most part of a light and sandy mould mistaken in the print for a light and handy that is to say of a more easie tillage then the rest of those Kingdomes Which words though positively true of the Countrey of Norfolk are to be understood of Normandy comparatively and respectively to the rest of France for otherwise it would ill agree with the following words where it is said to be of a fat and liking soyle as indeed it is though not so fat and deep as the Isle of France La Beause or many others of the Southern Provinces The French custome giving to all the sons an equality in the Estate which must be understood of the Estates of meaner and inferiour persons and not of those of eminent and more noble Families which have been altered in this point The Lands and Honours passing undivided to the eldest sons the better to support the dignity of their place and titles as many Gentlemen of Kent have changed their old tenure by Gavellinde into Knights service for the same reason and obtained severall Acts of Parliament to make
its originall In the Universities of England this custome is still in force the putting on of the cap being never performed but in the solemn Comitia and in the presence of all such as are either auditors or spectators of that dayes exercise When I was Regent the whole house of Congregation joyned together in a Petition to the Earl of Pembroke to restore unto us the jus pileorum the licence of putting on our Caps at our publick meetings which priviledge time and the tyranny of the Vicechancellors had taken from us Among other motives we used the solemn form of creating a Master in the Acts by putting on his cap and that that signe of liberty might distinguish us which were the Regents from those boyes which we were to govern which request he graciously granted But this French sawcinesse hath drawn me out of my way An impudent familiarity which I confesse did much offend me and to which I still professe my self an open enemy Though Jack speak French I cannot endure Jack should be a Gentleman CHAP. III. ROVEN a neat City how seated and built the strength of it St. Katharines mount The Church of Nostre dame c. The indecorum of the Papists in the severall and unsutable pictures of the Virgin The little Chappell of the Capuchins in Boulogne The House of Parliament The precedencie of the President and the Governor The Legend of St. Romain and the priviledge thence arising The language and religion of the Rhothomagenses or people of Roven JUly the first we set on for Roven In 10 hours our Cart dragged us thither the whole journey being in all six leagues French admirable speed About three of the clock in the afternoon we had a sight of the Town daintily seated in a valley on the River Seine I know not any Town better situate Oxford excepted which indeed it much resembleth I mean not in bignesse but situation It standeth on all sides evironed with mountains the North excepted and hath a large and pleasant walk of meadowes by the river side to the South-east-ward as Oxford hath towards Eveley It is seated on the principall river of France distant from the Metropolis of that Country 50 miles English or thereabouts as Oxford on the Thames and from London Watered also it is with two small rivulets Robee and Renelle as the other with Charwell and Eventode The difference is that Oxford is seated somewhat higher on the swelling of an hill and a little more removed from those mountains which environ it and that the rivers which run through some part of Roven do only wash the precincts of the other The buildings are in some places wood in some stone in other both the houses without juttings or overlets four stories high and in the front not very beautifull The most promising house which mine eye met with was that of Mr. Boniface who being of obscure parents and having raised himself a fortune in the wars against the League here built a receptacle for his age It is fashioned after the manner of new buildings in London composed all of dainty white stone square and polished On the partition between the first story and the second it hath these words engraven Vi Virtute Martis opus Tentanda via Amore armis a motto sutable to his rising The other buildings of note are the bridge for I as yet omit the House of Parliament and the Churches and the Town wall by it The bridge whilst it was all standing was thought to have been the fairest and strongest piece of that kinde in all France It consisteth of twelve arches large and high there now remain but seven of them the rest being broken down by the English in the falling of their affairs in France the better to make good the Town against the French The river is here about the breadth of the Th●●nes at Fulham Between the River and the Town wall is the Exchange or meeting place of the Merchants paved with broad and even peble In breadth up to the wall-ward 30 yards in length 100 a fine walke in fair weather All along the banke side lay the ships which by reason of the broken bridge come up thither and on occasions higher a good turn for Paris The wall for the length of 100 yards is as straight as one may lay a line of a just height and composed of square and excellent stones so cunningly laid that I never saw the sides of a Noble mans house built more handsomely But it is not only the beauty of the wall which Roven delighteth in there must somewhat also be expected of strength to which purpose it might serve indifferently well were there some addition of earth within it It is well helped on the outside by the breadth and depth of the ditches but more by St. Katherines fort seated on a hill at the East side of it A Fort which were it strengthned according to the modern art of fortifying would much assure the Town and make it at once both a slave and a commander The Marshall D' Ancre when he was Lieutenant here for the Queen mother began to fortifie this mountain Quilleboeuse and other places of importance but upon his death they were all rased what were his projects in it they know best which were acquainted with his ambition Certainly the jars which he had sowen amongst the Princes one with the other and between them and the King shew that they were not intended for nothing There are in Roven 32 Parish Churches besides those which belong to Abbies and Religious houses of which the most beautifull is that of St. Audoin or Owen once Archbishop of this City The seat and Church of the Archbishop is that of Nostre dame a building far more gorgeous in the outside then within It presents it self to you with a very gracious and majesticall front decked with most curious imagery and adorned with three stately Towers The first La tour de beurre because it was built with that money which was raised by Cardinall Dr. Amboyse for granting a dispensation to eat butter in the Lent and a third built over the porch or great door wherein is the great Bell so much talked of Within it is but plain and ordinary such as common Cathedrall Churches usually are so big so fashioned Behinde the high Altar at a pillar on the left had is the remainder of the Duke of Bedfords Tomb which for ought I could discerne was nothing but an Epitaph some three yards high in the pillar I saw nothing in it which might move the envie of any Courtier to have it defaced unlesse it were the title of Regent du Royaume de France which is the least he merited Somewhat Eastward beyond this is our Ladies Chappell a prety neat piece and daintily set out There standeth on the top of the screen the image of the Virgin her self between two Angels They have attired her in a red mantle laced with two gold laces
for above 70 years been troubled with a blindnesse in the eyes of his soul Thou fool said our Saviour almost in the like case first cast out the beam out of thine own eye and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brothers eye The next morning July 3 I left my pilgrims to try their fortunes and went on in our journey to Paris which that day we were to visite My eyes not permitting me to read and my eares altogether strangers to the French chat drave my thoughts back to Roven and there nothing so much possessed me as the small honour done to Bedford in his monument I had leasure enough to provide him a longer Epitaph and a shorter apologie against the envie of that Courtier which perswaded Charles the VIII to deface the ruines of his Sepulchre Thus. Sa did the Fox the coward'st of the heard Kick the dead Lyon and profane his beard So did the Greeks about their vanquisht host Drag Hectors reliques and torment his ghost So did the Parthian slaves deride the head Of the great Crassus now betrayed and dead To whose victorious sword not l●ng before They would have sacrific'd their lives or more So do the French assault dead Bedfords spright And trample on his ashes in despight But foolish Curio cease and do not blame So small an honor done unto his name Why grievest thou him a Sepulchre to have Who when he liv'd could make all France a grave His sword triumph'd through all those Towns which lie In th' Isle Maine Anjoy Guyen Normandie Thy father 's felt it Oh! thou worst of men If man thou art do not endevour then This Conquerour from his last hold to thrust Whom all brave minds should honour in his dust But be not troubled Bedford thou shalt stand Above the reach of malice though the hand Of a French basenesse may deface thy name And tear it from thy marble yet shall fame Speak loudly of thee and thy acts Thy praise A Pyramis unto it self shall raise Thy brave atchievements in the times to come Shall be a monument above a Tombe Thy name shall be thy Epitaph and he Which once reads Bedford shall imagin thee Beyond the power of Verses and shall say None could expresse thy worthes a fuller way Rest thou then quiet in the shades of night Nor vex thy self with Curio's weaker spite Whilest France remains and Histories are writ Bedford shall live and France shall Chronicl ' it Having offered this unworthy yet gratefull sacrifice to the Manes of that brave Heros I had the more leasure to behold Mante and the Vines about it being the first that ever I saw They are planted like our Hop-gardens and grow up by the helpe of poles but not so high They are kept with little c●st and yeeld profit to an husbandman sufficient to make him rich had he neither King nor Landlord The Wine which is pressed out of them is harsh and not pleasing as much differing in sweetnesse from the Wines of Paris or Orleans as their language doth in elegancy The rest of the Norman wines which are not very frequent as growing only on the frontiers towards France are of the same quality As for the Town of Ma●●e it seemeth to have been of good strength before the use of great Ordinances having a wall a competent ditch and at every gate a draw-bridge They are still sufficient to guard their Pullen from the Fox and in the night times to secure their houses from any forain burglary Once indeed they were able to make resistance to a King of France but the English were then within it At last on honorable termes it yeelded and was entred by Charles VII the second of August anno 1449. The Town is for building and bignesse somewhat above the better sort of Market Towns here in England The last Town of Normandy toward Paris is Pontoyse a Town well fortifyed as being a borderer and one of the strongest bulwarks against France It hath in it two fair Abbies of Maubuissen and St. Martin and six Churches Parochiall whereof that of Nostre dame in the Suburbs is the most beautifull The name it derives from a bridge built over the river of Oyse on which it is situate and by which on that side it is well defended the bridge being strengthned with a strong gate and two draw-bridges It is commodiously situate on the rising of an hill and is famous for the siege laid before it b● Charles VII anno 1442. but more fortunate unto him in the taking of it For having raised his Army upon the Duke of Yorks coming to give him battail with 6000 only the French Army consisting of double the number he retired or fled rather unto St. Denis but there hearing how scandalous his retreat was to the Parisians even ready to mutiny and that the Duke of Orleans and others of the Princes stirred with the ignominiousnesse of his flight began to practise against him he speedily returned to Pontoyse and maketh himself master of it by assault Certainly to that fright he owed the getting of this Town and all Normandy the French by that door making their entrie unto this Province out of which at last they thrust the English anno 1450. So desperate a thing is a frighted coward This Countrey had once before been in p●ssession of the English and that by a firmer title then the sword William the Conqueror had convei●d it over the S●●s into England and it continued an Appendix of that Crown from the year 1067 unto that of 1204. At that time John called Sans terre third son unto King Henry II. having usurped the estates of England and the English possessions in France up●n A●thur heir of Bretagne and son unto Geofry his elder brother was warred on by Philip Augustus King of France who sided with the said Arthur In the end Arthur was taken and not long after was found dead in the ditches of the Castle of Roven Whether this violent death happened unto him by the practise of his Uncle as the French say or that the young Prince came to that unfortunate end in an attempt to escape as the English report is not yet determined For my part considering the other carriages and virulencies of that King I dare be of that opinion that the death of Arthur was not without his contrivement Certainly he that rebelled against his Father and practised the eternall imprisonment and ruine of his Brother would not much stick this being so speedy a way to settle his affaires at the murder of a Nephew Upon the first bruit of this murder Constance mother to the young Prince complaineth unto the King and Parliament of France not the Court which now is in force consisting of men only of the long robe but the Court of the P●i●rie or 12 Peeres whereof King John himself was one as Duke of Normandy I see not how in justice Philip could do lesse then summon him an
it the ornamentall parts and trappings of it being yet not added When it is absolutely consummate if it hold proportion with the other sides both within and without it will be a Palace for the elegancy and politenesse of the Fabrick not fellowed in Europe A Palace answerable to the greatnesse of her mind that built it yet it is by divers conjectured that her purpose is never to reside there for which cause the building goeth but slowly forward For when upon the death of her great Privado the Marquesse D'Ancre she was removed to Blois those of the opposite taction in the Court got so strongly into the good opinion of the King that not without great struglings by those of her party and the hazard of two civill wars she obtained her former neernesse to his Majesty She may see by this what to trust to should her absence leave the Kings mind any way prepared for new impressions Likely therefore it is that she will rather choose to leave her fine house unhabited further then on occasions for a Banquet then give the least opportunity to stagger her greatnesse This house is called Luxembourg Palace as being built in place of an old house belonging to the Duke of that Province The second house of note in this Suburb is that of the Prince of Conde to whom it was given by the Queen Mother in the first year of her Regency The Town of Paris is that part of it which lyeth on this side of the hithermost branch of the Seine towards Picardie What was spoken before in the generall hath its reference to this particular whether it concern the sweetnesse of the streets the manner of the building the furniture of the artificer or the like It containeth in it 13 Parish Churches viz. St. German de l'Auxerre 2 St. Eustace 3 Les Saints Innocents 4 St. Savueur 4 St. Nicolas des champs 6 L● Sepulore 7 St. Iacques de la bouchierie 8 St. Josse 9 St. Mercy 10 St. Jean 11 St. Gervase and St. Protasse 12 St. Paul and 13 St. Jean le tonde It also hath in it 7 Gates sc 1 St. Anthony upon the side of the river neer unto the Arcenall 2 Porte du Temple 3 St. Martim 4 St. Denis 5 Mont martre 6 St. Honorè and 7 Porte Neufue so called because it was built since the others which joyneth hard upon the Tnilleries the Garden of the Louure The principall Governour of Paris as also of the whole Isle of France is the Duke of Monbazon who hath held this office ever since the year 1619. when it was surrendred by Luines but he little medleth with the City The particular Governours of it are the two Provosts the one called Le Provost du Paris the other Le Provost des Merchands The Provost of Paris determineth of all causes between Citizen and Citizen whether they be criminall or civill The office is for term of life the place of judgement the Grand Chastelet The present Provost is called Mr. Seguier and is by birth of the Nobility as all which are honoured with this office must be He hath as his assistants three Lieutenants the Lieutenant criminall which judgeth in matters of life and death the Lieutenant civill which decideth causes of debt or trespasse between party and party and the Lieutenant particular who supplyeth their severall places in their absence There are also necessarily required to this Court the Procureur and the Advocate or the Kings Sollicitour and Attorney 12 Counsellours and of under-officers more then enough This Office is said to have been erected in the time of Lewis the son of Charles the great In matters criminall there is appeal admitted from hence to the Tournelle In matters civill if the sum exceed the value of 250 Livres to the great Chamber or Le grande Chambre in the Court of Parliament The Provost of the Merchants and his authority was first instituted by Philip Augustus who began his reign anno 1190. His office is to conserve the liberties and indulgences granted to the Merchants and Artificers of the City to have an eye over the sales of Wine Corn Wood Cole c. and to impose taxes on them to keep the keyes of the Gates to give watch word in time of war to grant Past-ports to such as are willing to leave the Town and the like There are also four other Officers joyned unto him Escbevins they call them who also carry a great sway in the City There are moreover Assistants to them in their proceedings the Kings Sollicitour or Procureur and 24 Counsellours To compare this Corporation with that of London the Provost is as the Maior the Eschevins as the Sheriffs the 24 Counsellours as the Aldermen and the Procureur as the Recorder I omit the under-officers whereof there is no scarcity The place of their meetings is called L' hostel de ville or the Guilde-hall The present Provost Mr. de Grieux his habit as also that of the Eschevins and Counsellours half red half skie coloured the City livery with a hood of the same This Provost is as much above the other in power as men which are loved commonly are above those which are feared This Provost the people willingly yea sometimes factiously obey as the conservator of their liberties the other they only dread as the Judge of their lives and the tyrants over their Estates To shew the power of this Provost both for and with the people against their Princes you may please to take notice of two instances For the people against Philip de Valois anno 1349. when the said King desiring an Impost of one Livre in five Crowns upon all wares sold in Paris for the better managing of his Wars against the English could obtain it but for one year only and that not without speciall letters reversall that it should no way incommodate their priviledges With the people anno 1357 when King John was Prisoner in England and Charles the Daulphin afterwards the fift of that name laboured his ransome amongst the Parisians For then Stephen Marcell the Provost attended by the Vulgar Citizens not only brake open the Daulphins Chamber but flew John de Conf●ans and Robert of Clermount two Marschals of France before his face Nay to add yet further insolencies to this he took his party-coloured hood off his head putting it on the Daulphins and all that day wore the Daulphins hat being a brown black Pour signal de sa dictature as the token of his Dictatorship And which is more then all this he sent the Daulphin cloth to make him a Gowne and an Ho●d of the City livery and compelled him to avow the massacre of his servants above named as done by his commandement Horrible insolencies Quam miserum est cum haec impune facere potuisse as Tully of Marcus Antonius The Armes of this Town as also of the Corporation of the Provost and Eschevins are Gule● a Ship Argent a Chief powdred with flower de
the later French writers for those of the former age savour too much of the Legend make her to be a lusty Lasse of Lorrein trained up by the Bastard of Orleans and the Seigneur of Baudricourte only for this service And that she might carry with her the reputation of a Prophetesse and an Ambassadresse from heaven admit this and farewell witchcraft And for the sentence of her condemnation and the confirmation of it by the Divines and University of Paris it is with me of no moment being composed only to humour the Victor If this could sway me I had more reason to incline to the other party for when Charles had setled his estate the same men who had condemned her of sorcery absolved her and there was also added in defence of her innocency a Decree from the Court of Rome Joane then with me shall inherit the title of La pucille d' Orleans with me she shall be ranked amongst the famous Captains of her times and be placed in the same throne equall with the valiantest of all her sexe in time before her Let those whom partiality hath wrested aside from the path of truth proclaim her for a sorceresse for my part I will not flatter my best fortunes of my Countrey to the prejudice of a truth neither will I ever be enduced to think of this female warrier otherwise then of a noble Captain Audetque viris concurrere virgo Penthesilea did it Why not she Without the stain of spels and sorcerie Why should those acts in her be counted sin Which in the other have commended bin Nor is it fit that France should be deni'd This female souldier sin●e all Realms beside Have had the honour of one and relate How much that sexe hath re-enforc'd the state Of their decaying strengths Let Scythia spare To speak of Tomyris th' Assyrians care Shall be no more to hear the deeds recited Of Ninus wife Nor are the Dutch delighted To hear their Valleda extoll'd the name Of this French warrier hath eclips'd their fame And silenc'd their atchievements Let the praise That 's due to vertue wait upon her Raise An obelisque unto her you of Gaule And let her acts live in the mouthes of all Speak boldly of her and of her alone That never Lady was as good as Jone She died a virgin 't was because the earth Held not a man whose vertues or whose birth Might merit such a blessing But above The gods provided her a fitting love And gave her to St. Denis shee with him Protects the Lillies and their Diadem You then about whose armies she doth watch Give her the honour due unto her match And when in field your standards you advance Cry loud St. Denis and St. Jone for France CHAP. III. The study of the Civill Law revived in Europe The dead time of learning The Schools of Law in Orleans The oeconomie of them The Chancellour of Oxford antiently appointed by the Diocesan Their methode here and prodigality in bestowing degrees Orleans a great conflux of strangers The language there The Corporation of Germans there Their house and priviledges Dutch and Latine The difference between an Academie and an University I Have now done with the Town and City of Orleans and am come unto the University or Schools of Law which are in it this being one of the first places in which the study of the Civill Lawes was revived in Europe For immediately after the death of Justinian who out of no lesse then 2000 volumes of law-writers had collected that bodie of the Imperiall Lawes which we now call the Digests or the Pandects the study of them grew neglected in these Western parts nor did any for a long time professe or read them the reason was because Italy France Spain England and Germany having received new Lords over them as the Franks Lombards Saxons Saracens and others were fain to submit themselves to their Laws It happened afterwards that Lotharius Saxo the Emperour wh 〈…〉 gan his reign anno 1126. being 560 years after the death of Justinian having taken the City of Melphy in Naples found there an old copy of the Pandects This he gave to the Pisans his confederates as a most reverend relick of Learning and Antiquity whence it is called Littera Pisana Moreover he founded the University of Bologne or Bononia ordering the Civill Law to be profest there one Wirner being the first Professor upon whose advice the said Emperor ordained that Bononia should be Legum juris Schola una sola and here was the first time and place of that study in the Western Empire But it was not the fate only of the Civill Laws to be thus neglected All other parts of learning both Arts and languages were in the same desperate estates the Poets exclamation of O saeclum insipiens infacetum never being so applyable as in those times For it is with the knowledge of good letters as it was with the effects of nature they have times of groweth alike of perfection and of death Like the sea it hath its ebbs as well as its flouds and like the earth it hath its Winter wherein the seeds of it are deaded and bound up as well as a Spring wherein it reflourisheth Thus the learning of the Greeks lay forgotten and lost in Europe for 700 years even untill Emanuel Chrysolaras taught it at Venice being driven out of his Countrey by the Turks Thus the Philosophy of Aristotle lay hidden in the moath of dust and libraries Et nominabatur potius quod legebatur as Ludovicus Vives observeth in his notes upon St. Austine untill the time of Alexander Aphrodiseus And thus also lay the elegancies of the Roman tongue obscured till that Erasmus More and Reuchlyn in the severall Kingdomes of Germany England and France endeavoured the restauration of it But to return to the Civill Law After the foundation of the University of Bologne it pleased Philip le bel King of France to found another here at Orleans for the same purpose anno 1312. which was the first School of that profession on this side the mountains This is evident by the Bull of Clement V. dated at Lyons in the year 1367. where he giveth it this title Fructiferum universitatis Aurelianensts intra caetera citramontana studia prius solennius antiquius tam civilis quam Canonicae facultatis studium At the first there were instituted eight Professors now they are reduced to four only the reason of this decrease being the increase of Universities The place in which they read their Lectures is called Les grand escoles and part of the City La Universite neither of which attributes it can any way remit Colledge they have none either to lodge the students or entertain the Professors the former sojourning in divers places of the Town these last in their severall houses As for their place of reading which they call Les grans escoles it is only an old barn converted into a School by the
Corne and other grain with which it abundantly furnisheth Paris and hath in it more store of pasture and medow grounds then I else saw in any part of France In Vines only it is defective and that as it is thought more by the want of industry in the people then any inhability in the soil For indeed they are a people that will not labour more then they needs must standing much upon their state and distance and in the carriage of their bodies favouring a little of the Spaniard whence Picard●er to play the Picard is usually said of those who are lofty in their looks or gluttonous at their tables this last being also one of the symptomes of a Picard The Governor of this Province is the Duke of Les Diguieres into which office he succeeded Mr. Luynes as also he did into that of the Constable Two preferments which he purchased at a deer rate having sold or abandoned that religion to-compasse them which he had prosessed more then 60 years together an apostasie most unworthy of the man who having for so many years supported the cause of religion hath now forsaken it and thereby made himself gilty of the cowardise of M. Antonius Qui cum in desertores saevire debuerat desertor sui exertilus factus est But I fear an heavier censure waiteth upon him the crown of immortality not being promised to all those which run but to those only which hold out till the end For the present indeed he hath augmented his honours by this office which is the principall of all France He hath place and command before and over all the Peers and Princes of the bloud and at the Coronation of the French Kings ministreth the oath when he entreth a City in state or upon the ●redition of it he goeth before with the Sword naked and when the King sitteth in an assembly of the three estates he is placed at the Kings right hand He hath command over all his Majesties forces and he that killeth him is guilty of high treason He sitteth also as chief Judge at the Table of marble upon all suits actions persons and complaints whatsoever concerning the wars This Table de Marbre was wont to be continually in the great hall of the Palais at Paris from whence upon the burnning of that hall it was removed to the Louure At this table doth the Admirall of France hold his Sessions to judge of trafick prizes letters of marts piracy and businesse of the like nature At this table judgeth also Le grand Maistre des eaues et forrests we may call him the Justice in Eire of all his Majesties Forrests and waters The actions here handled are Thefts and abuses committed in the Kings Forrests Rivers Parks Fish-ponds and the like In the absence of the grand Maistre the power of sentence resteth in the Les grand Maistres Enquesteurs et generaux reformateurs who have under their command no fewer then 300 subordinate officers Here also sit the Marshals of France which are ten in number sometimes in their own power and sometimes as Assistants to the Constable under whose direction they are With us in England the Marshalship is more entire as that which besides its own jurisdiction hath now incorporated into it self most of the authority antiently belonging to the Constables which office ended in the death of Edward Lord Duke of Buckingham the last hereditary and proprietary Constable of England This office of Constable to note unto you by the way so much was first instituted by Lewis the grosse who began his reign anno 1110. and conferred on Mr. Les Diguieres on the 24 of July 1622. in the Cathedrall Church of Grenoble where he first heard Masse and where he was installed Knight of both Orders And so I leave the Constable to take a view of his Province a man at this time beloved of neither parties hated by the Protestants as an Apostata and suspected by the Papists not to be entire To proceed July the 28. we came unto Clermont the first Town of any note that we met with in Picardie a prety neat Town and finely seated on the rising of an hill For the defence of it it hath on the upper side of it an indifferent large Castle and such which were the situation of it somewhat helped by the strength of Art might be brought to do good service Towards the Town it is of an easie accesse to the fieldwards more difficult as being built on the perpendicular fall of a rock In the year 1615 it was made good by Mr. Harancourt with a Regiment of eight Companies who kept it in the name of the Prince of Conde and the rest of that confederacy but it held not long for at the Marshall D' Ancres coming before it with his Army and Artillery it was presently yeelded This war which was the second civill war which had happened in the reign of King Lewis was undertaken by the Princes chiefly to thwart the designes of the Queen mother and crush the powerfulnesse of her grand favourite the Marshall The pretence as in such cases it commonly is was the good of the Common-wealth the occasion the crosse marriages then consummated by the Marshall between the Kings of France and Spain for by those marriages they seemed to fear the augmentation of the Spaniards greatnesse the alienation of the affections of their antient allies and by consequence the ruine of the French Empire But it was not the fate of D' Anire as yet to persh Two years more of command and insolencies his destinies allow'd him and then he tumbled This opportunity of his death ending the third civill war each of which his faulty greatnesse had occasioned What the ambition of his designes did tend to I dare not absolutely determine though like enough it is that they aimed further then at a private or a personall potencie for having under the favour and countenance of the Queen mother made himself master of the Kings ear and of his Councell he made a shift to get into his own hands an authority almost as unlimited as that of the old Mayre of the Palace For he had suppressed the liberty of the generall estates and of the soveraign Courts removed all the officers and Counsellors of the last King ravished one of the Presidents of the great Chamber by name Mr. le Jay out of the Parliament into the prison and planted Garrisons of his own in most of the good Towns of Normandy of which Province he was Governour Add to this that he had caused the Prince of Conde being acknowledged the first Prince of the bloud to be imprisoned in the Bastile and had searched into the continuance of the lives of the King and his brother by the help of Sorcery and Witchcraft Besides he was suspected to have had secret intelligence with some forain Princes ill willers to the State and had disgraced some and neglected others of the Kings old confederates Certainly
Of these Alliances the first were very profitable to both Princes could there be made a marriage between the Kingdoms as well as the Kings But it is well known that the affections of each people are divided with more unconquerable mountains then their Dominions The French extreamly hating the proud humor and ambition of the Spaniard and the Spaniard as much loathing the vain and unconstant lightnesse of the French we may therefore account each of them in these inter-marriages to have rather intended the perpetuity of their particular houses then the strength of their Empires and that they more desired a noble stock wherein to graft posterity then power The Alliance with Savoy is more advantagious though lesse powerfull then that of Spain for if the King of France can keep this Prince on his party he need not fear the greatnesse of the other or of any of his faction The continuall siding of this house with that of Austria having given great and many impediments to the fortune of the French It standeth so fitly to countenance the affaires of either King in Italy or Germany to which it shall encline that it is just of the same nature with the state of Florence between Millaine and Venice of which Guicciardine saith that Mantennero le cose d' Italia bilanciate On this reason Henry IV. earnestly desired to match one of his children into this Countrey and left this desire as a Legacy with his Councell But the Alliance of most use to the State of France is that of England as being the nighest and most able of all his neighbours an alliance which will make his estate invincible and encompassed about as it were with a wall of brasse As for the Kings bastard Brethren they are four in number and born of three severall beds The elder is Alexander made Knight of the Order of St. John or of Malta in the life time of his Father He is now Grand Prior of France and it is much laboured and hoped by the French that he shall be the next Master of the Order a place of great credit and command The second and most loved of his father whose lively image and character he is said to be is Mr. Cesar made Duke of Vendosme by his father and at this time Governour of Britain a man of a brave spirit and one who swayeth much in the affairs of state his father took a great care for his advancement before his death and therefore marryed him to the daughter and heir of the Duke of Mercuer a man of great possessions in Britain It is thought that the inheritance of this Lady both by her Fathers side and also by the Mothers who was of the family of Martiques being a stock of the old Ducall tree is no lesse then 200000 crownes yearly both these were borne unto the King by Madam Gabriele for her excellent beauty surnamed La belle Dutchesse of Beauforte a Lady whom the King entirely affected even to her last gaspe and one who never abused her power with him So that one may truly say of her what Velleius flatteringly spake of Liviae the wife of Augustus Ejus potentiam nemo sensit nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis The third of the Kings naturall brethren is Mr. Henry now Bishop of Metz in Lorreine and Abbot of St. Germans in Paris as Abbot he is Lord of the goodly Fauxbourg of St. Germans and hath the profit of the great Fair there holden which make a large revenue His Bishoprick yeeldeth him the profits of 20000 Crowns and upwards which is the remainder of 6000 the rest being pa●ned unto the Duke of Lorreine by the last Bishop hereof who was of that Family The mother of this Mr. Henry is the Marchionesse of Verneville who before the death of the King fell out of his favour into the Prison and was not restored to her liberty till the beginning of this Queen mothers Regency The fourth and youngest is Mr. Antonie born unto the King by the Countesse of Marret who is Abbot of the Churches of Marseilles and Cane and hath as yet not fully out 6000 l. a year when his mother dyeth he will be richer The Kings lawfull Brother is named John Baptist Gaston born the 25 of Aprill anno 1608 a Prince of a brave and manlike aspect likely to inherit as large a part of his Fathers spirit as the King doth of his Crown He is intituled Duke of Anjou as being the third Son of France but his next elder Brother the Duke of Orleans being dead in his childhood he is vulgarly and properly called Monseiur This title is different from that of Daulphin in that that title only is appropriated to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Son living this limited to the Heir Apparent being the Kings eldest Brother surviving if there be neither Son nor Brother then the next Heir Apparent is styled only Le primier Prince du sang the first Prince of the bloud This title of Monseiur answereth unto that of Despote in the Greek Empire and in imitation of that is thought to have been instituted Others of the French Princes are called Monseiurs also but with some addition of place or honour The Kings eldest Brother only is called Monseiur sans q●●ne as the French use to say that is simply Monseiur This young Prince is as yet unmarryed but destinate to the bed of the young Dutchesse of Montpensier whose Father dyed in the time of Henry IV. Had the Duke of Orleans lived he had espoused her long ere this but it is generally believed that this Prince is not so affected he seeth his elder Brother as yet childlesse himself the next heir to the Crown and it is likely he will look on a while and expect the issue of his fortune Some that speak of the affairs of the Court holdeth her a fitter match for the young Count of Soissons a Prince of the bloud and a Gentleman of a fine temper the Lady her self is said not to be averse from the match neither will the King not be inclinable unto him as hoping therein to give him some satisfaction for not performing a Court promise made unto him as some say about marrying the young Madam now Queen of England As for the Count it cannot but be advantagious to him divers wayes partly to joyne together the two families of Montpensier and Soissons both issuing from the house of Burbon partly to enrich himself by adding to his inheritance so fair an Estate and partly by gaining all the friends and allies of that Ladies kindred to his the better to enable his opposition against the Prince of Conde the difference between them standeth thus Lewis the first Prince of Conde had by two wives amongst other children two Sons by his first wife Henry Prince of Conde by the second Charles Count of Soissons Henry Prince of Conde had to his first wife Mary of Cleve daughter to the Duke
of the French to bestow honours and immunities upon those Qui as the Historian noteth ea suo arbitrio aut reposituri aut retenturi videantur quique modum habent in sua voluntate For upon a knowledge of this strength in themselves the Princes have been always prone to Civill wars as having sufficient means for safety and resistance On this ground also they slight the Kings authority and disobey his Justice In so much that the greater sort of Nobles in this Kingdome can seldome be arraigned or executed in person and therefore the Lawes condemn them in their images and hang them in their pictures A pretty device to mock Justice If by chance or some handsome sleight any of them are apprehended they are put under a sure guard and not done to death without great fear of tumult and unquietnesse Neither is it unus alter only some two or three that thus stand upon their distance with the King but even all the Nobility of the Realm a rout so disordered unconfined and numberlesse that even Fabius himself would be out of breath in making the reckoning I speak not here of those that are styled La Noblesse but of Titulados men only of titular Nobility of the degree of Baron and above Of these there is in this Countrey a number almost innumerable Quot Coelum Stellas take quantity for quantity and I dare be of the opinion that heaven hath not more Stars then France Nobles You shall meet with them so thick in the Kings Court especially that you would think it almost impossible the Countrey should bear any other fruit This I think I may safely affirme and without Hyperbole that they have there as many Princes as we in England have Dukes as many Dukes as we Earls as many Earls as we Barons and as many Barons as we have Knights a jolly company and such as know their own strength too I cannot therefore but much marvell that these Kings should be so prodigall in conferring honours considering this that every Noble man he createth is so great a weakning to his power On the other side I cannot but as much wonder at some of our Nation who have murmured against our late Soveraign and accused him of an unpardonable unthriftiness in bestowing the dignities of his Realm with so full and liberall a hand Certainly could there any danger have arisen by it unto the State I could have been as impatient of it as another But with us titles and ennoblings in this kind are only either the Kings favour or the parties merit and maketh whomsoever he be that receiveth them rather reverenced then powerfull Raro eorum honoribus invidetur quorum vis non timetur was a good Aphorisme in the dayes of Paterculus and may for ought I know be as good still Why should I envie any man that honour which taketh not from my safety or repine at my Soveraign for raising any of his Servants into an higher degree of eminency when that favour cannot make them exorbitant Besides it concerneth the improvement of the Exchequer at the occasions of Subsidies and the glory of the Kingdome when the Prince is not attended by men meerly of the vulgar Add to this the few Noble men of any title which he found at his happy coming in amongst us and the additions of power which his comming brought unto us and we shall finde it proportionable that he should enlarge our Nobility with our Empire neither yet have we indeed a number to be talked of comparing us with our neighbour Nations We may see all of the three first ranks in the books of Milles Brooke and Vincent and we are promised also a Catalogue of the Creations and successions of all our Barons Then we should see that as yet we have not surfeited Were this care taken by the Heralde in France perhaps the Nobility there would not seem so numberlesse sure I am not so confused But this is the main vice of that profession of ●ix Heralds which they have amongst them viz. Montjoy Normandy Guyenne Val●ys Bretagne and Burgogne not one of them is reported to be a Genealogist neither were their Predecessors better affected to this study Paradine the only man that ever was amongst them hath drawn down the Genealogies of 24 of the chief families all ancient and of the bloud in which he hath excellently well discharged himself But what a small pittance is that compared to the present multitude The Nobles being so populous it cannot be but the Noblesse as they call them that is the Gentry must needs be thick set and only not innumerable Of these Nobles there are some which hold their estates immediately of the Crown and they have the like immunities with the Princes Some hold their Feifes or feuda of some other of the Lords and he hath only Basse Justice permitted to him as to mulct and amerce his Tenants to imprison them or give them any other correction under death All of them have power to raise and inhance up their Rents to Tax his Subjects on occasion and to prohibit them such pleasures as they think fit to be reserved for themselves By Brettaul in Picardy I saw a post fastned in the ground like a race post with us and therein an inscription I presently made to it as hoping to have heard of some memorable battell there foughten but when I came at it I found it to be nothing but a Declaration of the Prince of Condes pleasure that no man should hunt in those quarters afterwards I observed them to be very frequent But not to wander through all particulars I will in some few of them only give instance of their power here The first is Proict de bailli age power to keep Assize or to have under him a Bailli and a Superiour seat of Justice for the decision of such causes as fall under the compasse of ordinary jurisdiction In this Court there is notice taken of Treasons Robberies Murders Protections Pardons Faires Markets and other matters of priviledge Next they have a Court of ordinary jurisdiction and therein a Judge whom they call Le guarde de Justice for the decision of smaller businesse as Debts Trespasses breach of the Kings peace and the like In this the purse is only emptied the other extendeth to the taking of life also for which cause every one which hath Haute Justice annexed to his Feise hath also his peculiar Gibbet nay which is wonderfully methodicall by the criticisme of the Gibbet you may judge at the quality of him that owneth it For the Gibbet of one of the Nobles hath but two pillars that of the Chastellan three the Barons four the Earls six the Dukes eight and yet this difference is rather precise then generall The last of their jura regalia which I will here speak of is the command they have upon their people to follow them unto the wars a command not so advantagious to the Lord as dangerous to
needs must note that as the erecting of these fabricks in these Islands was founded on the ruine of the Deanries so had the birth of this device in England been death unto the Bishopricks No wonder then if those which principally manage the affairs of holy Church so busily bestir themselves in the destroying of this viper which by no other means can come into the world then by the death and ruine of his mother Yet so it is I know not whether by destiny or some other means I would not think but so it is that much of this new plat-form hath of late found favour with us and may in time make entrance to the rest Their Lecturers permitted in so many places what are they but the Doctors of Geneva save only that they are more factious and sustain a party And what the purpose and design of this but so by degrees to lessen the repute of such daies as are appointed holy by the Church and fasten all opinion to their daies of preaching By whose authority stand the Church-wardens at the Temple doors as I have seen it oft in London to collect the bounty of the hearers but only by some of their appointments who finde that duty or the like prescribed here unto the Deacons cap. 1. 2. I could say somewhat also of our ordinary Fasts how much they are neglected every where and no Fast now approved of but the solemn Nay we have suffered it of late to get that ground upon us in the practise at the least that now no common businesse must begin without it Too many such as these I fear I could point out unto your Lordship did I not think that these already noted were too many A matter certainly worthy of your Lordships care and of the care of those your Lordships partners in the Hierarchie that as you suffer not these new inventions to usurp upon our Churches by violence so that they neither grow upon us by cunning or connivence CHAP. VI. 1 King James how affected to this Platform 2 He confirmes the Discipline in both Islands 3 And for what reasons 4 Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jarzey 5 His Articles against the Ministers there 6 And the proceedings thereupon 7 The distracted estate of the Church and Ministery in that Island 8 They referre themselves unto the King 9 The Inhabitants of Jarzey petition for the English Discipline 10 A reference of both parties to the Councell 11 The restitution of the Dean 12 The Interim of Germanie what it was 13 The Interim of Jarzey 14 The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common-prayer 15 The establishment of the new Canons IN this state and under this Government continued those Islands till the happy entrance of King James upon the Monarchy of England A Prince of whom the brethren conceived no small hopes as one that had continually been brought up by and amongst those of that faction and had so oft confirmed their much desired Presbyteries But when once he had set foot in England where he was sure to meet with quiet men and more obedience he quickly made them see that of his favour to that party they had made themselves too large a promise For in the conference at Hampton Court he publickly professed that howsoever he lived among Puritans and was kept for the most part as a ward under them yet ever since he was of the age of ten years old he ever disliked their opinions and as the Saviour of the world had said though he lived among them he was not of them In this conference also that so memorized Apophthegm of his Majesty No Bishop no King and anon after My Lords the Bishops faith he I may thank ye that these men the Puritans plead thus for my Supremacy Add to this that his Majesty had alwaies fostred in himself a pious purpose not only of reducing all his Realms and Dominions into one uniform order and course of discipline which thing himself avoweth in his Letters Patents unto those of Jarzey but also to establish in all the reformed Churches if possibly it might be done together with unity of Religion and uniformity of devotion For which cause he had commanded the English Liturgie to be translated into the Latine and also into most of the national Languages round about us by that and other more private means to bring them into a love and good opinion of our Government which he oftentimes acknowledged to have been approved by manifold blessings from God himself A heroick purpose and worthy of the Prince from whom it came This notwithstanding that he was enclined the other way yet upon suit made by those of these Islands he confirmed unto them their present orders by a Letter under his private Seal dated the 8. of August in the first year of his reign in England which Letters were communicated in the Synod at St. Hilaries the 18. of September 1605. the Letter written in the French Tongue but the tenor of them was as followeth James by the Grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland c. unto all those whom these presents shall concern greeting Whereas we our selves and the Lords of our Councell have been given to understand that it pleased God to put it into the heart of the late Queen our most dear sister to permit and allow unto the Isles of Jarzey and Guernsey parcel of our Dutchy of Normandy the use of the Government of the reformed Churches in the said Dutchy whereof they have stood possessed until our coming to this Crown for this couse we desiring to follow the pious example of our said Sister in this behalf as well for the advancement of the glory of Almighty God as for the edification of his Church do will and ordain that cur said Isles shall quietly enjoy their said liberty in the use of the Ecclesiastical Discipline there now established forbidding any one to give them any trouble or impeachment as long as they contain themselves in our obedience and attempt not any thing against the pure and sacred Word of God Given at our Palace at Hampton Court the 8. day of August Anno Dom. 1603. and of our reign in England the first Signed above James R. The reasons which moved this Prince to assent unto a form of Government which he liked not was partly an ancient rule and precept of his own viz. That Princes at their first entrance to a Grown ought not to innovate the government presently established But the principal cause indeed was desire not to discourage the Scots in their beginnings or to lay open too much of his intents at once unto them For since the year 1595. his Majesty wearied with the confusions of the Discipline in that Church established had much busied himself in restoring their antient place and power unto the Bishops He had already brought that work so forwards that the Scottish Ministers had admitted of 13 Commissioners which was the antient