the Earle and his brother with a great number of gentlemen and the slaughter of the poore people was also great For King Edward at his departure out of Flaunders resolued to cry no more to saue the people and kill the nobles but he had conceiued extreeme hatred against the communalty of England both for the great fauor they bare the Earle of Warwick and for other respects also wherefore at this battell he spared them not Of the Kings side died about fifteene hundred and the field was valiantly fought At the time of this battell the Duke of Burgundie lay before Amiens where he receiued letters from the Duches his wife that King Edward hir brother was not a little discontented with him alleaging that the aide he gaue him was giuen in euil sort and with euill will so far foorth that he was almost vtterly forsaken of him and to say the truth the King and he after this neuer loued one an other Notwithstanding the Duke supposing that this victory would greatly further his affaires caused the newes to be published in all places I had forgotten to tell you how King Edward finding King Henry at London lead him with him into the battell aboue mentioned This King Henry was a very simple man and almost an innocent and if I haue not heard a lie incontinent after the battell the Duke of Glocester K. Edwards brother who afterward named himselfe K. Richard slue this holy man K. Henry with his own hands or caused him to be slaine in his presence in some secret place 2 The Prince of Wales was landed in England when this battell aboue mentioned was fought hauing in his company the Dukes of Excester and Sommerset with diuers others of his kinsfolkes and ancient folowers of his house His army was to the number of forty thousand as I haue been informed by diuers that were with him and if the Earle of Warwicke would haue staied for him it is very like the victory would haue been theirs But the Earle feared both the Duke of Sommerset whose father and brother he had slaine and also Queene Margaret the Princes mother wherefore he fought alone and would not tarie for them 3 Marke heere by this example how long ancient factions and partialities endure how much they are to be feared and what great damage ensueth thereof So soone as King Edward had obteined this victory he marched incontinent against the Prince of Wales where another cruell battell was fought for the Princes force was greater than the Kings notwithstanding the lot of victory fell to the King and the Prince was slaine vpon the place 4 with diuers other great Lords and a maruellous number of common soldiers The Duke of Sommerset was taken and the next day beheaded In eleuen daies the Earle of Warwicke subdued the whole realme of England at the least brought it to obedience and in one and twenty King Edvvard recouered it hauing fought two great and cruell battels Thus you see what sudden mutations haue been in England K. Edvvard caused many of the people to be put to death in many places especially such as had made assemblies against him And from that day forward raigned peaceably in England till his death though not without great trouble and vexation of minde I will heere end my discourse of these English affaires till time and occasion serue in some other place only adding this that of all the nations in the world the English men are most desirous to try their quarrels by dint of sword The Notes 1 Our Chronicles report that the Duke turned on the Kings side at Couentrie before the Kings comming to London and they vary also in other circumstances from our author 2 Our histories report otherwise of King Henries death for he was slain in the Tower and not so soone after the battell 3 Our Chronicles report that the Duke of Sommer set was at Barnet field with the Earle of VVarvvicke and repaired afterward to the Queene and was taken in the second battell and then be he aded 4 Our histories write that the Prince was not slaine in the battell but soone after hauing had communication with King Edward How the wars reuiued betweene King Lewis and Charles Duke of Burgundy by the sollicitation of the Dukes of Guienne and Britaine Chap. 8. I Wil now return to our affairs on this side the sea wherof I haue made no mention since the Duke of Burgundies departure from before Amiens the Kings returne into the country of Touraine and the Duke of Guienne his brother into Guienne The saide Duke of Guienne continued still his sute aboue mentioned for his mariage with the Duke of Burgundies daughter whereunto the said Duke in word euer shewed himselfe willing but in deede meant nothing lesse both bicause he purposed to vse hir as an instrument whereby to entertaine all the world and a marchandise to put euery man in hope of and also for that he stomacked the euill practises they had contriued to constraine him to this mariage perforce The Earle of Saint Paul Constable of Fraunce busied himselfe in this treaty very earnestly desiring that the mariage might seeme to be effected by his onely meanes and procurement On the other side the Duke of Britaine traueled therein to the end the whole honor thereof might redound to him The King was as busie as the best to breake it off though needlesly as well for the two reasons aboue alleaged as also bicause the Duke of Burgundy was not desirous of so great a sonne in lawe wherefore in vaine the King troubled himselfe but he could not see another mans thoughts And sure he had iust cause of feare for if this mariage had taken effect his brother should haue beene so mighty that he and the Duke of Britaine ioined togither might haue put the Kings estate and his childrens in great danger In the meane time about these affaires many ambassadors passed to and fro as well secretly as openly This often passing to and fro of ambassadors is a thing very dangerous for vnder colour thereof many times euill practises are set abroch yet notwithstanding ambassadors must of force both be sent and receiued They that shall reade this historie will aske peraduenture what remedie I can deuise against this inconuenience bicause it seemeth almost remedilesse For answere whereunto I will shew mine aduise notwithstanding that I know a number far better able to discourse heerof than my selfe Ambassadors that come from perfect friends with whom no occasion of quarrell can arise must be well intertained and permitted to come often to the Princes presence I meane if the Prince be wise and of comely personage otherwise the lesse he be seene the better Notwithstanding when he must of necessitie be seene let him be well apparelled and well instructed what to say and vse short speech according to Princes amitie which vsually is but short But if ambassadors be sent openly or secretly betweene Princes that are in continuall
Prince of Wales sonne to King Henry attempt to set vp againe the house of Lancaster passe with the said Prince into England discomfited in the field and slaine both he his brethren and kinsfolks and diuers other noble men of England who in times past had done the like to their enimies After all this the children of these when the world turned reuenged themselues and caused in like maner the others to die which plagues we may be assured hapned not but by the wrath of God But as before I said the realme of England hath this speciall grace aboue all other realmes and dominions that in ciuill wars the people is not destroied the towns be not burned nor razed but the lot of fortune falleth vpon the soldiers especially the gentlemen whom the people enuy to too beyond reason for nothing is perfect in this world After King Edvvard was quiet in his realme and receiued yeerely out of Fraunce fifty thousand crownes paid him in the tower of London and was growen so rich that richer he could not be he died suddenly as it were of melancholy bicause of our Kings mariage that now raigneth with the Lady Margaret the Duke of Austriches daughter For so soone as he was aduertised thereof he fell sicke and began then to perceiue how he had been abused touching the mariage of his daughter whom he made to be named the Lady Daulphinesse Then also was the pension which he receiued out of Fraunce taken from him which he called tribute although indeed it were neither the one nor the other as before I haue declared 10 K. Edward left by his wife two goodly sonnes one Prince of Wales the other D. of Yorke and two daughters The D. of Glocester his brother tooke vpon him the gouernment of his nephew the Prince of Wales being about ten yeeres of age and did homage to him as to his soueraigne Lord and lead him to London pretending that he would there crowne him King hoping by that meanes to get the other brother out of the Sanctuary at London where he was with his mother who began already to be iealous of his proceedings To be short by meanes of the Bishop of Bathe who hauing been somtime of K. Edwards Councell fell afterward into his disgrace and was put in prison and made to fine for his deliuerance the D. of Glocester executed this exploit which you shall now heare This Bishop aduertised the Duke that K. Edvvard being in loue with a certaine Lady promised hir mariage vpon condition that he might lie with hir wherunto she consented so far foorth that the said Bishop maried them togither none being present but they two and he himselfe Which matter this Bishop being a iolly courtier neuer disclosed during K. Edvvards life but caused also the said Lady to conceale it so that it was kept secret After this the said King falling againe in loue maried the daughter of an English knight called the Lord Riuers being a widow and mother of two sonnes But after K. Edvvards death this Bishop of Bathe reuealed this matter to the D. of Glocester whereby he egged him forward not a little to the executing of his mischieuous pretended enterprise For the said D. murthered his two nephewes crowned himselfe King by the name of Richard the third proclaimed his brothers two daughters bastards in open parlament tooke from them their armes and put to death all the faithull seruants of the late King his brother at the least as many as he could lay hands on But this cruelty remained not long vnpunished for when the said King Richard thought himselfe safest and liued in greater pride than any King of England did these hundred yeeres hauing put to death the Duke of Buckingham and hauing a great army in a readines God raised vp an enimy against him of no force I meane the Earle of Richmond then prisoner in Britaine but now King of England of the house of Lancaster though not This error of Commines touching K. Henry the 7. you shall finde controuled by the peâ—egree in the end of this booke the neerest to the crowne 11 whatsoeuer men say at the least so far as I can learne The said Earle told me a little before his departure out of this realme that from the fift yeere of his age he had liued continually like a prisoner a banished man And indeed he had been fifteene yeeres or therabout prisoner in Britaine to Duke Frances that last died into whose hands he fell by tempest of the sea as he fled into Fraunce accompanied with the Earle of Pembroke his vncle I my selfe saw them when they arriued for I was come of a message to the D. at the same time The Duke entreated them gently for prisoners after King Edwards death lent the said Earle great force of men a great nauie with the which he sent him hauing intelligence with the Duke of Buckingham who for this cause was afterward put to death to lande in England but the winde was against him and the seas so rough that he was forced to returne to Diepe and from thence by land into Britaine From whence soone after he departed with his band into Fraunce without taking leaue of the Duke partly bicause he feared to ouercharge the Duke for he had with him fiue hundred English men and partly bicause he doubted lest the Duke would agree with King Richard to his preiudice for he knew that King Richard practised with him to that ende Soone after the King that now is appointed three or fower thousand men to waft him ouer onely and deliuered those that accompanied him a good summe of money and certaine peeces of artillerie and thus passed he ouer in a ship of Normandie to land in Wales where he was borne King Richard foorthwith marched against him but a kinght of England called the Lord Stanley who was married to the Earles mother ioined himselfe with the Earle and brought vnto him at the least 26000. men 12 The battell was giuen King Richard slaine and the Earle crowned King in the field with the said Richards crowne Will you saie that this was fortune No no it was the iudgement of God and for further proofe thereof marke this also Immediately after the King had murthered his two nephews he lost his wife whom some say he murthered also Further he had but one onely sonne who died in like maner incontinent after this murther This example would haue serued better heereafter when I shall speake of King Edwards death for he was yet liuing at the time my former Chapter treateth of but I haue rehearsed it heere to continue my discourse which I am fallen into In like maner we haue seene of late the crowne of Spaine altered after the death of Dom Henry that last died For the said Dom Henry had to wife the King of Portugales sister last deceased by whom he had issue a goodly daughter which notwithstanding succeeded not hir father but was
and the Earle of Charolois and his confederates page 40 Chap. 15 How by the diuision that hapned betweene the Dukes of Britaine and Normandy the King recouered the said Duchie which he had giuen his brother page 42 Chap. 16 How the new Duke of Normandy returned into Britaine in very poore estate and vtterly discouraged bicause he had failed in his enterprise page 43 The second Booke Chap. 1 Of the wars betweene the Burgundians and Liegeois and how the towne of Dinand was taken sacked and rased page 45 Chap. 2 How the Liegeois brake the peace with the Duke of Burgundie then Earle of Charalois and how he discomfited them in battell page 48 Chap. 3 How some of the Citizens of Liege agreeing to yeeld their towne and others refusing so to do the Lord of Hymbercourt found meanes to enter into it for the Duke of Burgundy page 52 Chap. 4 How the Duke of Burgundy made his entrie into the towne of Liege and how the citizens of Gaunt where he had beene euill intreated before humbled themselues vnto him page 55 Chap. 5 How the King seeing what had happened to the Liegeois made war in Britaine vpon the Duke of Burgundies confederats and how they two met and communed togither at Peronne page 57 Chap. 6 A discourse wherein is declared how greatly learning especially in histories profiteth Princes and Noble men page 60 Chap. 7 How and for what cause the King was staied and held prisoner in the castle of Peronne by the D. of Burgundies commandement page 62 Chap. 8 A discourse wherein is shewed that an enteruiew betweene two great Princes for treatie of their affaires hurteth more than profiteth page 64 Chap. 9 How the King to deliuer himselfe out of the castle of Peronne renounced his league with the Liegeois page 67 Chap. 10 How the King accompanied the Duke of Burgundie making war vpon the Liegeois who before were his confederates page 69 Chap. 11 How the King arriued in person with the Duke of Burgundy before the citie of Liege page 71 Chap. 12 How the Liegeois made a desperate salie vpon the Duke of Burgundies men where he and the King were in great danger page 73 Chap. 13 How the city of Liege was assaulted taken and spoiled and the Churches also page 75 Chap. 14 How King Lewis returned into Fraunce with the Duke of Burgundies consent and how the Duke proceeded in destroying the countries of Liege and Franchmont page 77 Chap. 15 How the K. by subtill meanes perswaded the Lord Charles his brother to take the Duchie of Guienne for Brie and Champaigne to the Duke of Burgundies discontentment page 80 The third Booke Chap. 1 How the King tooke occasion to make war anew vpon the Duke of Burgundy and how he sent a Purseuant of the Parlament of Gaunt to sommon him to appeere at Paris page 82 Chap. 2 How the townes of Saint Quintin and Amiens were yeelded to the King and for what causes the Constable nourished the war between the K. and the Duke of Burgundy page 84 Chap. 3 How the Duke of Burgundy tooke Piquigni and afterward found meanes to make truce with the King for a yeere to the Constables griefe page 86 Chap. 4 Of the wars among the Princes of England during these troubles betweene King Lewis and Charles Duke of Burgundy page 89 Chap. 5 How by King Lewis his aide the Earle of Warwicke chased King Edward out of England to the Duke of Burgundies great griefe who receiued him into his countries page 92 Chap. 6 How the Earle of Warwicke tooke out of prison King Henry of England page 96 Chap. 7 How king Edward returned into England where he slew in battell first the Earle of Warwicke and then the Prince of Wales page 99 Chap. 8 How the wars reuiued betweene king Lewis and Charles D. of Burgundy by the sollicitation of the Dukes of Guienne and Britaine page 101 Chap. 9 How the finall peace treated of betweene the Duke of Burgundy and the king brake off bicause of the Duke of Guiennes death and how these two great Princes sought to deceiue each other page 105 Chap. 10 How the Duke of Burgundy seeing that he could not take Beaunais before the which he had laid his siege went to Roan page 108 Chap. 11 How the king made peace with the Duke of Britaine and truce with the Duke of Burgundy how the Earle of Saint Paul escaped for that time a conspiracie that these two Princes made against him page 110 Chap. 12 A discourse very fit for this place of the wisedome of the king and the Constable with good aduertisements to such as are in credite with Princes page 114 The fourth Booke Chap. 1 How the Duke of Burgundie being seazed of the Duchie of Gueldres sought to encroch further vpon the Almaines and how he laid his siege before Nuz page 116 Chap. 2 How the towne of Nuz was succoured by the Emperor and the Almaines against the Duke of Burgundie and of other enimies that the king procured the Duke page 120 Chap. 3 How the king wan from the Duke of Burgundie the castell of Tronquey the townes of Montdidier Roye and Corby and how he sought to perswade the Emperor Frederic to seiz vpon all that the said Duke held of the Empire page 122 Chap. 4 How the Constable began to be had in suspition againe as well of the king as of the Duke of Burgundy page 124 Chap. 5 How the Duke of Burgundy leuied his siege before Nuz by composition and how the king of England his confederate sent to defie king Lewis page 126 Chap. 6 Of the trouble the Constable was in and how he sent letters of credit to the king of England and the Duke of Burgundy which after were in part cause of his death page 129 Chap. 7 How the king clothed a poore seruant in a cote armor with a scutchin and sent him to speake with the king of England in his campe where he receiued a very good answere page 131 Chap. 8 How truce for nine yeeres was treated of betweene the kings of Fraunce and England notwithstanding all the lets and impediments that the Constable and the Duke of Burgundy made page 133 Chap. 9 How the king feasted the English men in Amiens and how there was a place assigned for the enteruiew of the two kings page 136 Chap. 10 How the two kings met and sware the treatie before concluded and how some supposed that the holy Ghost came downe vpon the king of Englands pauilion in the likenes of a white pigeon page 140 Chap. 11 How the Constable after the truce made with the English men sought to excuse himselfe to the king and how truce was also concluded for nine yeeres betweene the king and the Duke of Burgundie page 143 Chap. 12 How the Constables death was fully concluded and sworne betweene the king and the Duke of Burgundy and how he went into the Dukes dominions where by his commandement he was
came on the one side of the bridge and the Duke on the other being both accompanied with a great number of men of armes especially the Duke They fell in communication togither vpon the bridge at the which were present on the Dukes side onely three or fower 5 But after they had talked a while the Duke either through earnest sollicitation of those that were with the King or of a desire he had to humble himselfe before him vnboulted the wicket on his side and the others on theirs Three of the Dukes men went through before him and then himselfe passed being the fourth and was immediately slaine 6 and they also that accompanied him wherefore ensued great miseries and calamities to this realme 7 as all the world can witnes This historie was before my time wherefore I forbeare further to speake therof but thus the King rehearsed it to me word for word at the same time that this enteruiew with King Edvvard was appointed saying that if there had beene no wicket no occasion had beene to desire the Duke to passe through the grate and then that great misfortune had not happened The authors whereof were certaine of the Duke of Orleans seruants that was slaine who were then in great credit with King Charles The Notes 1 The King vpon a super slition kept holy twelue daies in the yeere viz. euerie moneth one in remembrance of the Innocents day and the day heere mentioned was one of them 2 These eleuen yeeres was in the text but one yeere the Printer for onze ans auoit hauing printed vn an auoit For the Duke of Orleans was slaine ann 1407. the 22. of Nouember and the King of England laid his siege before Roan 1418. the last of Iuly but Meyer saith in Iune and it was yeelded to him the 19. or 16. as some write of Ianuarie 1419. which was eleuen yeeres and somwhat more after the Duke of Orleans death 3 All authors report that not onely Roan but tall Normandie was taken before D. Iohn of Burgundie was slaine for Roan was yeelded to the English 1419. the 19. of Ianuarie and the Duke slaine the same yeere in Nouember September or August for authors so diuersly report the time but Commines maner as himselfe writeth is not to stand so exactly vpon times Further authors agree not among themselues about this matter Lastly this place may be vnderstood that when Duke Iohn leuied his armie his meaning was to raise the siege before Roan though he could not come time ynongh to execute his enterprise Of the Dukes death reade Meyer lib. 15. fol. 255. 256. Chron. Fland. fol. 281. Annal. Burgund c. 4 Note that this notwithstanding he was not King yet but Daulphin 5 The French writers say each of them hauing ten Knights 6 The French to excuse the Daulphin say that Tanneguy du Chastell somtime seruant to the Duke of Orleans that was slaine slue Duke Iohn with one blowe of a battell axe bicause of certaine arrogant words vsed at that time to the Daulphin wheras Commines and Meyer report that too great humilitie was cause of his death Tanneguy du Chastell Oliuer Layet Peter Frotier and William Batilier slue Duke Iohn and the Lord of Nouaille with him who drew his sword in the Dukes defence Annal. Burgund Introduct de la Marche Meyer 7 For Duke Philip of Burgundie to reuenge his fathers death entred into league with the English men How the two Kings met and sware the treatie before concluded and how some supposed that the holy Ghost came downe vpon the King of Englands pauilion in the likenes of a white pigeon Chap. 10. OVr grate being finished as you haue heard the next day the two Kings came thither in the yeeere 1475. the 29. of August 1 The K. had with him about eight hundred men of armes and arriued first at the grate on the King of Englands side stood all his armie in order of battell which vndoubtedly was great both of horsemen and footemen yet could not we discouer his whole force We on our side seemed but a handfull to them and no maruell for the fourth part of the Kings armie was not there It was appointed that each of the Kings should be accompanied at the grate with twelue persons which were alreadie named of the noblest personages and such as were neerest about them Moreouer on our side were fower of the King of Englands seruants to view what we did and as many of ours on their side The King as I told you arriued first at the grate and twelue of vs waited vpon him among whom were the late Duke Iohn of Bourbon and the Cardinall his brother It pleased him that I should weare that day a sute of apparell like his owne for he had vsed of long time and that verie often to command one or other to be apparelled like himselfe The King of England came along vpon the causey aboue mentioned with a maruellous goodly traine as was conuenient for the maiestie of a Prince he was accompanied with the Duke of Clarence his brother the Earle of Northumberland and diuers other noble men namely the Lord Hastings his Chamberlaine his Chauncellor and others But there were not past three or fower besides himselfe apparelled in cloth of golde Further he ware on his head a black veluet cap with a maruellous rich iewell being a Flower de luce set with stones He was a goodly tall Prince but inclined now to be somewhat grosse I had seene him before much beautifuller than at this present for sure when the Earle of Warwicke chased him out of England he was the goodliest gentleman that euer I set mine eie on When he came within fiue foote of the grate he tooke off his cap and bowed downe within halfe a foote of the ground the King in like maner who was leaning vpon the grate vsed great reuerence towards him when they came to embrace each other through the grate the King of England againe made low obeisance Then the King began the talke and said Cosin you are most hartily welcom there is no man in the world whom I haue so much desired to see as you and praised be God that we are met heere to so good a purpose heereunto the King of England answered in good French This talke ended the Chancellor of England who was a Prelate and Bishop of Elie began his oration with a prophesie whereof the English men are neuer vnfurnished 2 which said that in this place of Picquigny an honorable peace should be concluded betweene the realmes of Fraunce and England The Bishops oration being ended the letters were opened that the King had deliuered to the King of England touching the conclusion of the treatie and the said Chancellor asked the King whether they were written by his commandement and whether he auowed them whereunto the King answered yea Then the Bishop asked him againe if he held himselfe contented in like maner with those letters and
to his yoongest sonne Philip the hardie for his aduancement in marriage with the Ladie Margaret of Flaunders Philip the hardie second husband to the Ladie Margaret Ottho the 16. Duke of Burgundie m. Iane the eldest daughter Philip died afore his father anno 1346. m. Iane daughter to William Earl of Boloin and Auuergne Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundie succeeded his grandfather died 1361. m. Margaret daughter and heire hir second husband was Philip the hardie Burgundie Countie Othelin Earle of Burgundie died 1303. Arthois m. Maude daughter to Robert Earle of Arthois 1 Touching the title of Arthois this is to be obserued that Robert Earle of Arthois father to Maude had a sonne named Philip who died before his father and left behinde him a sonne named Robert Earle of Beumont who after his grandfathers death demanded the Countrey of Arthois but this Maude by fauor of the French King obtained it bicause she was adiudged neerer heire to the Earle Robert being his daughter than the Earle of Beumont being his sonnes sonne for spite whereof the Earle of Beumont reuolted to the King of England of him are descended the Earles of Eu. Iane succeeded hir mother in hir widowhood and was poisoned immediately after hir mothers death m. Philip the long King of Fraunce Iane the eldest daughter m. Ottho the 16. Duke of Burgundie Philip died afore his father anno 1346. m. Iane daughter to William Earl of Boloin and Auuergne Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundie succeeded his grandfather died 1361. m. Margaret daughter and heire hir second husband was Philip the hardie Margaret 2 This Margaret being in hir widdowhood succeeded in Arthois and the Countie of Burgundie of Philip hir sister Ianes sonnes sonne and husband to Margaret hir sonnes daughter to whom after hir death the said Seigniories descended m. Lewis Earle of Flaunders Lewis of Malain Earle of Flaunders m. Margaret daughter to Iohn D. of Brabant Margaret daughter and heire hir second husband was Philip the hardie m. Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundie succeeded his grandfather died 1361. Blaunch m. Charles le bel K. of Fraunce How the King of Portugale was cosin germane to the Duke of Burgundy as is mentioned Lib. 5. cap. 7. Ferdinand the ninth King of Portugale Iohn a bastard but King of Portugale m. Philippa daughter to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Isabella m. Philip Duke of Burgundie Charles Duke of Burgundy Mary daughter and heire to D. Charles m. Maximilian Emperor Edward King of Portugale m. Iane sister to Alfonse King of Arragon Naples and Sicile Leonora m. Frideric the third Emperor Maximilian Emperor m. Mary daughter and heire to D. Charles Alfonsus King of Portugale the same that came into Fraunce for succours How the Duke of Cleues was the Lady of Burgundies neerest kinsman by his mother as is mentioned Lib. 5. cap. 16. Iohn Duke of Burgundy m. Margaret sister to William Earle of Hainault and Holland Mary m. Adolf the first D. of Cleues Adolfe Lord of Rauastain m. Betrice daughter to Iohn Duke of Cuymbria in Portugale Philip Lord of Rauastain mentioned in many places of this historie m. Mary base daughter to Philip Duke of Burgundy Iohn Duke of Cleues the D. heere mentioned m. Isabella daughter to Iohn E. of Neuers Iohn duke of Cleues the Dukes sonne for whom the marriage with the Lady Mary should haue beene made Philip Duke of Burgundy m. Isabella daughter to Iohn K. of Portugale Charles Duke of Burgundy m. Isabella daughter to Charles Duke of Bourbon Mary Duchesse of Austrich so often mentioeed in this historie m. Maximilian Emperor How King Henry the 7. was right heire of the house of Lancaster contrary to Commines who affirmeth the contrary Lib. 5. cap. 18. togither with the excuse of Commines error Edward the third King of England Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster m. Blaunch daughter and heire to Henry D. of Lancaster Iohn Duke of Bedford Henry the 4. Rex Angliae Henry the 5. Rex Angliae Henry the 6. Rex Angliae Edward Prince of Wales Thomas D. of ClareÌ„ce Humfrey Duke of Glocester m. Katharine the third wife Iohn Earle of Sommerset Iohn Duke of Sommerset the eldest sonne Margaret countesse of Richmond Henry the 7 Edmund made D of Sommerset bicause his brother died without issue male Henry Duke of Sommerset beheaded by K Edward the fourth Edmund Duke of Sommerset beheaded also by K. Edward the fourth A daughter maried Humfrey Duke of Buckingham Iohn slaine at the battell of Teukesbury The excuse of Commines error The line of Henry the fourth being failed in Prince Edward the right of the house of Lancaster came to the house of Sommerset as heere is set foorth but after the dâ—â—th of Iohn Duke of Sommerset who died without heire male Edmund his brother was made Duke of Sommerset Wherefore Commines knowing Henry the 7. to claime the right of the house of Lancaster as heire of the house of Sommerset and seeing others to be Dukes of Sommerset and not him supposed them to be of the elder house to him yet notwithstanding was Henry the 7. neerer heire than they being by his mother descended of the elder brother though they being of the male line obtained the title of Sommerset before him But this in my fansie bred Commines error and thus much in his excuse The title the Duke of Lorraine had to the realme of Sicilie countie of Prouence and Duchy of Bar mentioned by Commines Lib. 7. cap. 1. and the Kings title thereto togither with the whole quarrell betweene the house of Arragon and Aniou and why the house of Aniou had the best title as mentioneth Commines Lib. 8. Cap. 16. Naples Charles Earle of Aniou and Main brother to King S. Lewis King of Naples and Sicilie Prouence m. Betrice heire of Prouence 2 Charles surnamed the Boiteux King of Naples Hungarie m. Mary daughter heire to Stephen King of Hungary Charles Martell King of Hungarie the eldest brother Cornumbert King of Hungarie Lewis King of Hungarie Andrew strangled by Queen Iane his wife 4 m. Iane succeeded Robert hir grandfather 3 Robert King of Naples the yoonger brother Charles sans terre died before his father 4 Iane succeeded Robert hir grandfather m. Andrew strangled by Queen Iane his wife Mary Boccace his Conc. Margaret 5 m. Charles King of Naples and Hungarie 7 Iane succeeded Ladislaus hir brother died anno 1433. 6 Ladislaus King of Naples died 1414. Lewis D. of Durazzo Charles of Durazzo executed by Lewis King of Hungarie 5 Charles King of Naples and Hungarie m. Margaret 7 Iane succeeded Ladislaus hir brother died anno 1433. 6 Ladislaus King of Naples died 1414. Clementia m. Charles Earle of Valois Philip of Valois King of Fraunce Iohn King of Fraunce Lewis of Aniou adopted by Q. Iane the first slaine an 1385. Lewis of Aniou troubled K. Ladislaus died anno 1417. Bar. Yoland heire of Bar by Yoland hir mother Marie m. Charles the 7 K. of France Lewis
staied deliuered to the king and after put to death page 147 Chap. 13 A discourse of the fault the Duke of Burgundie committed in deliuering the Constable to the king contrary to his safe conduct and what ensued thereof page 150 The fift Booke Chap. 1 How the Duke of Burgundy making war vpon the Swissers was ouerthrowen at the straights of the mountaines neere to Granson page 153 Chap. 2 How after the ouerthrow of Granson the Duke of Milan king Rene of Sicilie the Duchesse of Sauoy and others departed from their league with the Duke of Burgundy page 156 Chap. 3 How the Swissers vanquished the D. of Burgundy in battell neere to the towne of Morat page 159 Chap. 4 How after the battell of Morat the Duke of Burgundy tooke the Duchesse of Sauoy how she was deliuered and sent home into hir countrey by the kings meanes page 161 Chap. 5 How the D. of Burgundy liued as it were solitary the space of certaine weekes during the which time the D. of Lorraine recouered his towne of Nancy page 163 Chap. 6 Of the Earle of Campobaches great treasons and how he kept the D. of Burgundy from hearing a gentleman that would haue reuealed them to him before he was put to death and how the said D. made no account of the aduertisements the king gaue him page 166 Chap. 7 How the Duke of Lorraine being accompanied with good force of Almains came to the towne of Saint Nicholas during the siege of Nancy and how the king of Portugale who was in Fraunce came to see the Duke of Burgundy during the said siege page 169 Chap. 8 How the D. of Burgundy refusing the good counsell of diuers of his men was discomfited slaine in the battell fought betweene him and the D. of Lorraine neere to Nancy page 171 Chap. 9 A discourse vpon certaine vertues of the D. of Burgundie and of the time his house florished in prosperitie page 173 Chap. 10 How the king was aduertised of the Duke of Burgundies last ouerthrow and how he gouerned his affaires after the said Dukes death page 175 Chap. 11 How the king after the Duke of Burgundies death seazed into his hands the towne of Abbeuille and of the answere they of Arras gaue him page 177 Chap. 12 A discourse not appertaining to the principall matters of the great ioy the king was in to see himselfe deliuered of so many enimies and of the error he committed touching the reducing of these countries of Burgundy to his obedience page 178 Chap. 13 How Han Bohain Saint Quintin and Perronne were yeelded to the king and how he sent Master Oliuer his barber to practise with them of Gaunt page 179 Chap. 14 How Master Oliuer the kings barber failing to execute his enterprise at Gaunt found meanes to put the kings forces into Tournay page 182 Chap. 15 Of the ambassadors the Lady of Burgundy daughter to the late Duke Charles sent to the king and how by meanes of Monseur de Cordes the city of Arras the townes of Hedin and Bollein and the towne of Arras it selfe were yeelded to the king page 184 Chap. 16 How the citizens of Gaunt hauing vsurped authority ouer their Princesse after hir fathers death came in ambassage to the king as from the three estates of their countrey page 187 Chap. 17 How they of Gaunt after their ambassadors returne put to death the Chauncellor Hugonet the Lord of Himbercourt against their Princesses will and how they and other Flemmings were discomfited before Tournay and their generall the Duke of Gueldres slaine page 190 Chap. 18 A discourse vpon this point that wars and diuisions are permitted of God for the chastisement â—â— Princes and euill people with diuers good reasons and examples for the instruction of Princes wâ—â—â—â— happened in the Authors time 〈◊〉 The sixt Booke Chap. 1 How the Duchie of Burgundie was yeelded to the King page 205 Chap. 2 How the king entertained the English men after the death of Charles Duke of Burgundy to the end they should not hinder his conquest of the said Dukes dominions page 206 Chap. 3 How the marriage betweene the Lady of Burgundie and Maximilian Duke of Austrich afterward Emperor was concluded and accomplished page 209 Chap. 4 How king Lewis by the conduct of Charles of Amboise his lieutenant recouered diuers townes in Burgundy which the Prince of Orenge had caused to reuolt from him page 214 Chap. 5 How Monseur d'Argenton during these wars of the conquest of Burgundie was sent to Florence and how he receiued homage of the Duke of Milan in the kings name for the Duchy of Genua page 217 Chap. 6 Of Monseur d'Argentons returne out of Italie into Fraunce and of the battell of Guinegate page 219 Chap. 7 How king Lewis being visited with sicknes lost his wits and lay speechlesse sometime recouering and eft soones falling into his disease againe and how he behaued himselfe in the castell of Plessis les Tours page 222 Chap. 8 How the king caused the holy man of Calabria to come to Tours thinking that he could heale him and what strange things the said king did to maintaine his authoritie during his sicknes page 226 Chap. 9 How the marriage betweene the Daulphine and the Lady Margaret of Flaunders was concluded and how she was brought into Fraunce whereupon Edward king of England died for sorrow page 228 Chap. 10 How the king behaued himselfe towards his neighbors and subiects during the time of his sicknes and how diuers things were sent him from diuers places for the recouerie of his health page 231 Chap. 11 How king Lewis the 11. caused Charles the Daulphin his sonne to come to him a little before his death and of the commandements and precepts he gaue both him and certaine others page 232 Chap. 12 A comparison betweene the sorrowes and troubles that king Lewis suffered and those he caused diuers others to suffer with a rehearsal of all that he did al that was done to him til his death page 234 Chap. 13 A discourse vpon the miserie of mans life by the examples of those Princes that liued in the authors time and first of king Lewis page 238 The conclusion of the Author page 243 A supplie of the historie of Philip de Commines from the death of king Lewis the eleuenth till the beginning of the wars of Naples to wit from 1483. till 1493. of all the which time Commines writeth nothing page 247 Chap. 1 Of king Charles his comming to the crowne of the death of Oliuer king Lewis his Barber and others and of the reuoking of king Lewis his superfluous gifts ibid. Chap. 2 Of the assembly of the states held at Tours of the Duke of Orleans pursute for the regencie of the madwar raised by him and of his departure into Britaine page 248 Chap. 3 Of the troubles that hapned in Britaine betweene the Duke and his nobles and of Peter Landois death page 250 Chap.
4 Of the war the king made in Britaine and of the Earle of Dunois ambassage to the king for peace page 252 Chap. 5 Of the battell of Saint Albin wherein the Duke of Orleans was taken prisoner of the treatie of peace betweene the king and the Duke of Britaine and of the said Duke of Britaines death page 255 Chap. 6 Of the kings marriage with the Lady Anne of Britaine whereby Britaine was vnited to the crowne of Fraunce page 258 Chap. 7 Of the troubles in England and how the king of England passed the sea and besieged Bolloin and of the peace betweene the king and him and of the surprising of Arras and Saint Omers by the king of Romaines men page 259 Chap. 8 Of the restitution of the countries of Roussillon and Parpignan to the king of Spaine of the Emperor Fredericks death of the peace betweene the king of Romaines and the king and of the Duke of Orleans deliuery out of prison page 262 The seuenth Booke The Progloue of the Author containing that which he mindeth to treate of in this historie following page 265 Howe Rene D. of Lorraine came into Fraunce to demaund the Duchie of Bar the Earledome of Prouence which king Charles held and how he failed to enter into the realme of Naples whereunto he pretented title as the king did and what right both of them had thereunto page 266 Chap. 2 How the Prince of Salerne in the realm of Naples came into Fraunce and how Lodouic Sforce surnamed the Moore and he sought to perswade the king to make war vpon the king of Naples and for what cause page 268 Chap. 3 How king Charles the 8 made peace with the king of Romaines and the Archduke of Austriche restoring to them the Lady Margaret of Flaunders before he made his voiage to Naples page 274 Chap. 4 How the king sent to the Venetians to practise with them before he enterpised his voiage to Naples and of the preparation that was made for the said voiage page 275 Chap. 5 How king Charles departed from Vienna in Daulphin to conquer the realme of Naples in person and what his nauie vpon the sea did vnder the leading of the D. of Orleans page 278 Chap. 6 How the king remaining yet in Ast resolued to passe foorth towards Naples at the earnest sute of Lodouic Sforce How Philip de Commines was sent ambassador to Venice of the D. of Milans death after whose decease the said Lodouic seized vpon the Duchy to the preiudice of a sonne the said D. left behinde him page 281 Chap. 7 How Peter of Medicis yeelded fower of the Florentines strongest places to the king and how the king restored Pisa being one of them to their ancient libertie page 284 Chap. 8 How the king departed from Pisa to Florence of the flight ruin of Peter de Medices page 287 Chap. 9 How the king entred into Florence and through what other townes he passed till he came to Rome page 289 Chap. 10 How the king sent the Cardinall Petriad Vincula to Ostie what the Pope did at Rome in the meane time and how the king entred into Rome maugre all his enimies page 291 Chap. 11 How king Alfonse caused his sonne Ferrand to be crowned king and then fled himselfe into Sicilie with a discourse of the euill life that his father the old Ferrand and he had lead page 295 Chap. 12 How the yoong Ferrand after he was crowned king of Naples went and encamped at Saint Germain to resist the kings cōming of the treaty that K. Charles made with the Pope at Rome page 297 Chap. 13 How the King departed from Rome towards Naples what happened in the meane time in diuers partes of the said realme and through what places he passed till he came to Naples page 299 Chap. 14 How King Charles was crowned King of Naples of the faults he committed in the defence of the realme and how an enterprise attempted on his behalfe against the Turke was discouered by the Venetians page 301 Chap. 15 A discourse somwhat out of the course of the history wherin Philip de Commines Author of this present woorke treateth amply of the estate and gouernment of the Seniorie of Venice and of those things that he saw there and were done there during the time of his ambassage to the said Seniorie for the King page 304 The eight Booke Chap. 1 Of the order and prouision the King left in the realme of Naples at his returne into Fraunce page 314 Chap. 2 How the king departed from Naples and passed againe through Rome whereupon the Pope fled to Oruiette of the communication the king had with Monseur d'Argenton at his returne from Venice how he tooke aduise whether he should restore the Florentines places to them or not and of the sermons woorthie of memorie of frier Ierom of Florence page 316 Chap. 3 How the King retained in his hands the town of Pisa and certaine other of the Florentines places and how in the meane time the Duke of Orleans entred on the other side into Nouarre a towne of the Duchie of Milan page 319 Chap. 4 How King Charles passed diuers dangerous straights in the mountaines betweene Pisa and Seriaue how the towne of Pontreme was burned by his Almaines and how the Duke of Orleans behaued himselfe in the meane time at Nouarre page 321 Chap. 5 How the kings great artillery passed the mounts Appenines by the Almaines helpe of the danger the Marshall of Gie was in with his vaward and how the King arriued at Fornoue page 324 Chap. 6 Of the battell of Fornoue wherein the enimies of Fraunce were put to flight and how the Earle of Petillane who the same day brake the Kings prison relied them togither againe page 329 Chap. 7 How the Lord of Argenton went himselfe alone to parle with the enimies when he saw that those that were appointed to go with him would not go and how the King returned safe and sound with his army to the towne of Ast page 336 Chap. 8 How the king sent ships to the sea to succour the castles of Naples why the said castles could not be succoured page 341 Chap. 9 Of the great famine and miserie the D. of Orleans his men were in at Nouarre of the Marchionesse of Montferrats death likewise of Monseur de Vendosmes and how after long deliberation the king inclined to peace to saue those that were besieged page 343 Chap. 10 How the D. of Orleans and his company were deliuered by composition out of their great miserie in Nouarre where they were besieged and of the Swissers arriuall that came to succour the king and the said D. of Orleans page 349 Chap. 11 How the peace was concluded betweene the king and the D. of Orleans on the one side and the enimies on the other and of the conditions and articles thereof page 351 Chap. 12 How the king sent the Lord of Argenton
to Venice with certaine conditions of peace which they refused and of the D. of Milans false dealings page 353 Chap. 13 How the king after his returne into Fraunce forgot those that he left behind him in the realme of Naples and how the Daulphin died whose death the king and Queene much lamented page 356 Chap. 14 How the king was aduertised of the losse of the castell of Naples and how the Florentines places were sold to diuers men of the treatie of Atelle in Pouille to the great dammage of the French and of the death of king Ferrand of Naples page 358 Chap. 15 How certaine practises-entertained by diuers noble men of Italy on the kings behalfe as well for the conquest of Naples as of the Duchie of Milan failed for lacke of sending thither and how an other enterprise against Genua sped euill also page 362 Chap. 16 Of certaine controuersies betweene king Charles and Ferrand king of Castile and of the ambassadors that were sent too and fro to pacifie them page 366 Chap. 17 A discourse of the misfortunes that hapned to the house of Castile in the Lord of Argentons time page 370 Chap. 18 Of the sumptuous buildings K. Charles began a little before his death of the great desire he had to reforme the church himselfe to diminish his reuenues to redresse the processes of the law and how he died suddenly in this good minde in his castell of Amboise page 373 Chap. 19 How the holy man frier Hierom was burned at Florence by the procurement of the pope and of diuers Florentines and Venetians his enimies page 375 Chap. 20 Of the obsequies and funerals of king Charles the 8. and of the coronation of king Lewis the 12. his successor with the genealogies of the kings of Fraunce continuing to the saide Lewis page 377 The pedegree of Charles D. of Burgundy page 379 How Elizabeth wife to king Edward the fourth was neece to the Constable of Fraunce page 380 How Brabant Lambourg Luxembourg Namurs c. came to Charles D. of Burgundy 381. page 382 How Margaret of Flaunders was heire of Flaunders c. page 383 How Arthois and the county of Burgundy descended to the said Lady Margaret c. page 384 How the King of Portugale was cosin germaue to the D. of Burgundy page 385 How the D. of Cleues was the Lady of Burgundies neerest kinsman by his mother page 386 How King Henry the 7. was right heire of the house of Lancaster page 387 The title the D. of Lorraine had to the realme of Sicilie c. page 388 Why the Venetians had no right to the realme of Naples page 390 The house of Medices page 391 How Lewis D. of Orleans pretended title to the Duchie of Milan page 392 The pedegree of Hercules D. of Ferrara page 394 The pedegree of Francis Marques of Mantua page 395 How Ferdinand King of Arragon had more right to the realme of Naples than the Kings of the house of Arragon that possessed it page 396 FINIS THE PREFACE OF THE AVTHOR TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF VIENNA in Fraunce TO satisfie your request so often mooued vnto me right reuerend father in God I send you heere a memoriall as agreeable to truth as I can possibly call to minde of all the acts and doings that I haue been priuy vnto of king Levvis the eleuenth our master and benefactor and a prince woorthy of perpetuall memory Of his youth I can say nothing but by his owne report But from the time I entred into his seruice till the hower of his death whereat I was present I was more continually resident with him than any man of my estate that serued him being euer either of his priuy chamber or employed in his weightie affaires I found in him as in all other princes that I haue knowne or serued both good and bad For men they are as we be perfection is proper to God onely But sure that prince whose vertues and good parts surmount his vices deserueth great commendation the rather bicause commonly noble personages are more prone to al kind of wantonnes than other men partly for that in their childhood they are brought vp without due chastisement correction partly bicause when they are grown to mans estate ech man seeketh to seed their humors sooth them in all they say or do But for mine own part bicause I loue not to flatter nor misreport the truth somwhat may happily be found in this historie not tending altogither to the kings praise but I trust the readers will weigh the reasons aboue alledged Sure thus much I dare boldly say in his commendation that in mine opinion he was the prince in his age all things considered least subiect to vice Yet haue I knowne and been conuersant with as many great princes both spirituall and temporall as any man in Fraunce of my time as well the princes of this realme as those also that haue liued in Britaine Flaunders Almayne Englande Spayne Portugall and Italy Diuers others also whom I haue not seene yet haue I knowne partly by conference with their ambassadors and partly by their letters and instructions which are meanes sufficient to enforme men of their natures and inclinations Notwithstanding I minde not by setting foorth his commendation in this worke to detract from the honor and good renowne of others but send you penned in haste all that I could call to minde trusting that you haue required it of me to turne it into some worke that you purpose to publish in Latine to the perfection of which toong you haue atteined whereby may appeere both the woorthines of the prince I now write of and also the excellencie of your owne wit Farther sir if I happen to faile in any point you haue my L. of Bouchage and others who are better able to enforme you of these affaires than my selfe and to couch their words in much eloquenter language Although to say the truth considering how honorablie the king entertained me how great familiaritie it pleased him to vse towards me and how liberally he bestowed vpon me neuer intermitting one of the three till the houre of his death no man hath iuster cause to remember those times then my selfe whereunto I also adde the losses I haue susteined and dangers I haue been in sithence his decease which are sufficient I thinke to put me in minde of the great benefits I receiued at his hands during his life Notwithstanding that I know it to be a matter of course that after the death of great and mightie princes great alterations ensue to the losse of some and gain of others for riches and honors folow not alwaies their expectation that hunt after them To conclude sir the better to enforme you of the time sithence I entred into the kings familiarity which is your desire I am forced first to rehearse what hapned before I came to his seruice and so orderly to proceede from the time I
became his seruant till the houre of his death The occasion of the wars betweene Lewis the 11. and the Earle of Charolois afterward Duke of Burgundie Chapter 1. AFter I was past my childehood and able to ride 1 I was presented at Lisle to Charles then Earle of Charolois and after his fathers death D. of Burgundie who receiued me into his seruice the yeere 1464. About three daies after my comming thither arriued at the saide towne of Lisle the Earle of Eu the Chauncellor of Fraunce named Moruillier the Archbishop of Narbonne 2 sent thither in ambassage from the king who in presence of D. Philip of Burgundie his sonne the Earle of Charolois and their whole councill in open court had their audience Moruilliers speech was very bitter for he charged the Earle of Charolois there present that at his late being in Holland he had caused a little French ship of war of Diepe to be arrested and therein a bastard of Rubempre whom also he had imprisoned charging him that he was come thither to take him prisoner and causing this brute euery where to be published 3 especially at Bruges whither strangers of all nations resort by a knight of Burgundie named sir Oliuer de la Marche 4 wherefore the King finding himselfe wrongfully burdened heerewith as he said 5 required D. Philip to sende this sir Oliuer de la Marche prisoner to Paris there to be punished according as the case required Whereunto D. Philip answered that the said sir Oliuer was steward of his house borne in the Countie of Burgundie 6 and in no respect subiect to the crowne of Fraunce Notwithstanding if it could be duly proued that he had said or done any thing preiudicial to the Kings honor he would see him punished according as the fault should deserue And as touching the bastard of Rubempre he said that true it was that he was apprehended for great causes of suspicion giuen and strange behauior vsed by him and his men about the towne of Lahaye 7 in Holland where at that present his sonne the Earle of Charolois remained adding that if the said Earle were suspicious he tooke it not of him for he was neuer so but of his mother who had been the most ielous Ladie that euer liued But notwithstanding quoth he that I my selfe neuer were suspicious yet if I had bin in my sonnes place at the same time that this bastard of Rubempre haunted those coasts I would sure haue caused him to be apprehended as my sonne did Lastly he promised that if this bastard were not guiltie of this fact to waite a purpose to haue taken his sonne as common report said he was he would foorthwith deliuer him out of prison and sende him to the King according to his ambassadors demands The D. answer ended Moruillier began againe charging with great and heinous offences Frances D. of Britaine and alledging that at the Earle of Charolois late being at Tours whither he went to visit the king the said D. and he had giuen their faith ech to other in writing to become brethren in armes which writings he said were enterchangeablie deliuered by the hands of master Tanneguy du Chastel who since hath been gouernor of Roussillon and borne some swaie in this realme This fact Moruillier aggrauated in such sort that nothing he omitted in setting foorth this offence that might tend to the disgrace and dishonor of a Prince Whereunto the Earle of Charolois made offer eftsoones to answere being maruellously out of patience to heare such reprochfull speeches vsed of his friend and confederate But Moruillier euer cut him off saying My Lord of Charolois I am not come of ambassage to you but to my L. your Father The said Earle besought his father diuers times to giue him leaue to answer who in the end said thus vnto him I haue answered for thee as me thinketh the father should answer for the sonne notwithstanding if thou haue so great desire to speake bethinke thy selfe to day and to morrow speake and spare not Then Moruillier to his former speech added that he could not imagine what had mooued the Earle to enter into this league with the D. of Britaine vnlesse it were bicause of a pension 8 the King had once giuen him togither with the gouernment of Normandy and afterward again taken from him The next day in presence of the selfe same audience the Earle of Charolois kneeling vpon a veluetcushion directed his speech to his father and began with this bastard of Rubempre affirming the causes of his imprisonment to be iust lawfull as the course of his arraignment should well declare Notwithstanding I thinke nothing was euer prooued against him though I confesse the presumptions to haue been great Fiue yeeres after I my selfe saw him deliuered out of prison This point thus answered the Earle began to discharge the D. of Britaine and himselfe saying that true it was that the D. and he were entred into league and amitie had sworn themselues brethren in armes but that this league tended in no respect to the preiudice of the King or his realme but rather to the seruice and defence thereof if neede should so require Lastly as touching the pension taken from him he answered that he neuer receiued but one quarters benefit thereof to the value of nine thousand francks 9 and that for his part he neuer made sute neither for it nor the gouernment of Normandy for so long as he enioied the fauor and good will of his father he should not need to craue of any man I thinke verily had it not been for the reuerence he bare to his said father who was there present and to whom he addressed his speech that he would haue vsed much bitterer termes In the end D. Philip very wisely and humbly besought the King lightly not to conceiue an euill opinion of him or his sonne but to continue his fauor towards them Then the banquet was brought in and the ambassadors tooke their leaue both of the father and the sonne But after the Earle of Eu and the Chauncellor had taken their leaue of the Earle of Charolois who stood a good way from his father he said thus to the Archbishop of Narbonne that passed forth the last of the ambassadors Remember my most humble dutie to the King and tell him he hath made his Chauncellor to vse me very homely heere but before a yeeres end he shall repent it which message the Archbishop did to the King at his returne into Fraunce as heereafter you shall perceiue These Moruilliers words aboue rehearsed caused the Earle of Charolois hatred against the King to take deepe roote the seedes whereof were before sowne by the Kings late redeeming of the townes situate vpon the riuer of Somme 10 namely Amiens Abbeuille Saint Quintin and the rest which king Charles the 7. had engaged by the treatie of Arras to his father D. Philip of Burgundie to haue and to holde to him and
to his heires males till they were redeemed for fower hundred thousand crownes 11 How these matters passed I know not perfectly but true it is that in the D. old age he was so gouerned by the Lords of Croy and Chimay being brethren and others of their house that he agreed to take againe his money restore the said territories to the King greatly to the Earle his sons discontentation for besides that they were the frontier townes of their dominions they lost in them a number of able men for the wars The Earle of Charolois charged the house of Croy with this fact so far foorth that after extreeme age was growne vpon his father whereunto he euen then approched he banished all the said house out of his dominions and confiscated all their lands estates and offices The Notes 1 Commines vvhen he came to the Earle of Charolois seruice vvas 19. yeers of age 2 Charles Earle of Eu Peter of Moruillier and Iohn de Harcour bishop of Narbonne vvere the ambassadors heere mentioned they arriued at Liste the 5. of Nouember Annales Burgundiae 3 VVhether the king ment to haue taken the Earle of Charolois prisoner by this Rubempre reade Annal. Burgund lib. 3. pag. 880. and Meyer lib. 16. fol. 334. vvho flatly charge him vvith it 4 Sir Oliuer de la Marche heere named vvrote a Cronicle of these times 5 The cause vvhy the King sent Rubempre into Holland vvas not as he said to take the Earle of Charolois but the Vicechauncellor of Britaine named in Meyer Iohannes Rociuilla and by our author in the 3. Chapter of this first booke Rouuille vvhom the Duke of Britaine had sent into England to make a league betvveene the realme of England and him and bicause the King supposed this Vicechauncellor vvould visit the Earle of Charolois in his returne he sent this Rubempre into Holland to take him and bring him into Fraunce Annal. Burgund Meyer 6 For the better vnderstanding of the Dukes ansvvere I am forced to passe the bounds of a note VVherefore it is to be vnderstood that in the declination of the Romaine Empire the Burgundians anno 408. being chased out of Almaine vvhere they inhabited the countries novv subiect to the Palsgraue of the Rhyne inuaded Fraunce and conquered the countries novv knovvne by the names of the Countie and Duchie of Burgundy togither vvith Sauoy Daulphine Prouince and the greatest part of Svvitzerland and anno 414. chose them a king named Gondiachus vvith vvhom after diuers battels fought vvith changeable fortune Aetius the Emperour Honorius his lieutenant in Fraunce at the length made peace And Gondiachus remained King of Burgundy and ayded the Romaines against Attila Soone after failed the male line of Gondiachus and by the mariage of Clotilde daughter to Chilperic Gondiachus his sonne vvith Clodoneus King of Fraunce Burgundie fell to Clotarius sonne to the saide Clotilde and Clodoneus and so continued in the house of Fraunce till the yeere 843. vvhen the sonnes of the Emperor Lodouicus Pius vvarring togither Burgundy vvas deuided into Burgundiam Transiuranam and Cisiuranam Transiurana containing Sauoy Daulphine Prouince and Lyonnois remained to Lotharius the Emperor vvith the title of King of Burgundie Cisiurana conteining the Countie and Duchie of Burgundie vvas also dismembred for that part novv knovvne by the name of the Countie of Burgundie fell also to Lotharius share but that part novv knovvne by the name of the Dutchie of Burgundie vvas togither vvith the Realme of Fraunce yeelded to Carolus Caluus But after the death of the Emperor Lotharius his tvvo sonnes Lodouicus and Lotharius made another partition of their part of Burgundie for the realme of Austrasia vvith the Countie of Burgundie fell to Lotharius after vvhose death his vncle Carolus Caluus King of Fraunce ambitiously through violence conquered also that part of Burgundie and ioined it to the crovvne of Fraunce so that the said Carolus Caluus possessed all Burgundie Cisiurana that is both the Countie and Dutchie of Burgundie Loduicus the other sonne of the Emperor Lotharius possessed vvith the Empire all Burgundie Transiurana togither vvith the title of King of Burgundie and left behinde him one onely daughter named Hermingarde maried to Boson brother to Richilde Carolus Caluus his vvife in respect of vvhich mariage the said Caluus gaue to Boson all Burgundie Cisiurana vvhich he the said Caluus then held And thus had Boson all the realme of Burgundie viz. Transiurana in the right of his wife and Cisiurana by his brother in lawes gift Farther the said Caluus being both Emperor and King of France created the aboue named Boson King of Burgundie anno 879. to whom succeeded Lodouicus his sonne from whom Ralph King of Fraunce sonne to Richard that first intituled himselfe Duke of Burgundie wan the greatest part of Burgundy Cisiurana To this Lewis succeeded his sonne Ralph King of Burgundie who not being able to defend his realme gaue it to the Emperor Conradus 2. who notwithstanding obteined the least part thereof for as touching Transiurana Beralde Duke of Saxe had before this gift woon from King Ralph Sauoy and a great peece of Switzerland Daulphine Lyonnois Poruince Guigue le gras the first Daulphine had likewise conquered And as touching Cisiurana by treatie made betweene the Emperour Conradus 2. and Henry King of Fraunce onely the County remained to the Empire and the Dutchie to the crowne of Fraunce This I haue written bicause some hold opinion that the County of Burgundy ought also to be held of the crowne of Fraunce whereas in deede rather the Dutchy with all Transiurana the greatest part whereof the French King at this day possesseth ought to be held of the Empire from whom the said French Kings haue pulled so many prouinces that now as one properly speaketh the Eagle hath lost so many feathers that hardly he can flie 7 Lahaie in our author and in Annal. Burgund where Rubempre should haue taken the Earle of Charolois is named in Meyer Gorkem 8 The pension the Earle of Charalois had of the King with the gouernment of Normandy was 36000. franks Annal. Burgund La Marche Meyer 9 A franke is two shillings and six pence sterling after eight souse to an English shilling so that the carles pension after that rate amounted to fower thousand fiue hundred pound sterling 10 The townes and territories vpon the riuer of Somme engaged to Duke Philip by the treatie of Arras which was in the yeere 1435. are named in the articles of the said treatie rehearsed in Annal. Burgund pag. 760. and 761. and in the first booke of La Marche and in the 16. booke of Meyer and others 11 They were engaged as our author and Annal. Burgund write for 400000. crowns but Meyer saith 450000. but they were redeemed for 400000. anno 1463. La Marche Meyer Annal. Burgund How the Earle of Charolois and diuers noble men of Fraunce leuied an army against king Lewis vnder colour of the weale publique Chap. 2. SOone
battle should rest twise vpon the way to the end the foote men mought breath them bicause the vaward and it were far asunder and the corne high and thicke which troubled their going yet notwithstanding the cleane contrarie was done as though men would purposely haue lost all Wherfore heerby God manifestly declared that he is the Lord of hostes and disposeth of the victorie as seemeth best to him and sure for my part I cannot be perswaded that the wisdome of one man is sufficient to gouerne such a number of men nor that an enterprise can be executed in the field as it is deuised in the chamber and farther I verily beleeue that who so ableth himselfe by his own wit and capacitie to giue order in so waightie a matter misbehaueth himselfe towards God Notwithstanding euery man ought to do his endeuour therein acknowledging the wars to be one of the accomplishments of Gods iudgements which oftentimes he beginneth vpon small occasions to the end that by giuing victorie now to one and now to another some great realmes and seniories may fall to ruine and desolation and other some increase and florish with large empire and dominion for farther proofe whereof marke this that foloweth The Earle of Charolois marched without any breathing giuen to his shot and footemen vpon the way The Kings men of armes passed through the hedge aboue mentioned at two seuerall places and when they approched so neere their enimies that they began to charge their staues the Burgundian men of armes brake their owne shot and passed through it not giuing them leaue to let one arrow flie notwithstanding that the shot were the principall force and onely hope of their armie for of the men of armes being to the number of twelue hundred I thinke hardly fifty knew how to charge a launce there were not foure hundred of them armed with quiracies and of their retinue not one armed all the which inconueniences grew partly bicause they had rested so long in peace and partly bicause this house of Burgundie for ease of their subiects entertained no soldiers in ordinarie But since that day these Seniors of Burgundie haue continued in troubles which euen at this present rather increase than diminish Thus the Burgundian men of armes as you haue heard brake themselues the chiefe force and onely hope of their armie yet notwithstanding so it pleased God to dispose of this matter that on the right side of the castle where the Earle himselfe stoode no resistance was found All this day I my selfe neuer departed from the Earle being lesse afraide than in any other battell that euer I was at since for I was yoong and knew not what perill ment but wondred how any man durst resist the Prince I serued supposing none to be comparable to him Such are the cogitations of men lacking experience which causeth them oftentimes to maintaine fond arguments grounded vpon small reason Wherefore it is good to follow his aduise that saith A man seldome repenteth him of too little speech but often of too much On the lefthand stood the Lord of Rauastin and master Iames of S. Paul with diuers others who well perceiued their force too weake to encounter with the enimie that came to charge them but they were now so neere ioined togither that it was too late to deuise any new order To be short these were vtterly ouerthrowne and persued euen hard to our carriage where certaine of the footemen relied themselues but the greatest part tooke the forrest being but halfe a league thence The principall that folowed the chase were the gentlemen of Daulphine and Sauoy with certeine companies of men of armes who supposed the victorie to haue been theirs and not without cause for sure the Burgundians flight was great on that side yea and of great personages The most part fled toward Pont S. Maxence 12 supposing it had held yet for the Earle In the forrest also a great number staied among whom was the Earle of S. Paul well accompanied for he stood neere to the forrest side and declared afterward that he held not the battell as lost The Notes 1 This Iohn Earle of Dunois was bastard to Lewis Duke of Orleans Meyer 2 Yet La Marche saith that the Earle of Maine was of the Princes confederacie 3 The Arriereban is an edict neuer proclaimed but in cases of great extremitie for all as well nobles as others are thereupon bound to repaire to the King diuers of the which before the proclamation therof are not bound by their tenure to mooue The Arriereban of Daulphine heere named were all those of the countrie of Daulphine that held by this tenure Reade the edict made by King Francis anno 1543. and Girarde of the state of Fraunce lib. 2. fol. 113. 4 The King by the perswasion of the Earle of Maine and the Seneschall Brezey resolued at the last to fight Annal. Burgund 5 Brezey had changed armor with the King which caused his death for those that slue him supposed it had been the King Annal. Aquitan but Meyer saith he was reported to be slaine by the Kings procurement vvhich I knovve not vvhere he findeth 6 Of the day of the battell Annal. Franc. agree vvith our author but Annal. Burg. Annal. Aquit say 17. Meyer hath 17. Cal. Augusti that is the 16. day of Iuly vvith him agreeth Gaguin La Marche vvho vvas present at the battell and knighted in it 7 The Duke vvas ioined vvith the English men but 15. or 16. yeeres as saith also Introduction de la Marche for the league began anno 1419. and ended anno 1435. 8 The Burgundians dismounted so suddenly that laying dovvne their complete armor they had not leasure to buckle their lighter armor about them vvhich vvas the cause of Lalains death Annal. Burgund 9 Contay vsed another reason to persvvade the Earle to assaile his enimies heere not expressed to vvit to preuent the Parisians vvho if they issued foorth should inclose him betvveene them and the King Annal. Burgund 10 This Lalain seemeth to be the father of him that vvas slaine 11 Betvveene Longiumeau vvhere the Earles battell lay and Montl'hery vvhere his vavvard ledged are fovver English miles 12 Pont S. Clou and Pont S. Maxence vvere yeelded by the Burgundians bicause the rumor was that the Earle of Charolois was slaine in the battell Meyer Of the danger the Earle of Charolois was in and how he was rescued Chap. 4. THe Earle of Charolois pursued his enimies on that side himselfe stood halfe a league beyond Montl'hery and found no resistance notwithstanding that he were but slenderly accompanied and met with maine enimies wherefore he held the victorie for his but suddenly an old gentleman of Luxembourg called Anthony le Breton came to him and aduertised him that the French were relied vpon the field so that if he followed the chase any further he should cast away himselfe But the Earle regarded not his speech notwithstanding that he repeated it twise
well fought and there were of both parties that did their endeuor some in fighting and some in flybut sure in mine opinion it was a woorthy feat of armes to relie themselues togither vpon the field and to stand three or foure houers in order of battell the one in face of the other and vndoubtedly both the Princes had good cause to make account of their subiects that stood so well by them at their need But they did heerin like men not like angels for some lost their offices for flying which were bestowed vpon others that fled ten leagues beyond them one of our part lost his credit and was commanded out of his masters presence but within one month he was in greater fauor than before When we were inclosed with our cariage euery man lodged himselfe as commodiously as he could a great number of vs were hurt and the whole armie almost discouraged fearing that the Parisians with two hundred men of armes that were within the citie and the Marshall Ioachin the Kings lieutenant there would issue foorth and assaile vs on the other side After it was darke night fiftie launces were commanded to go foorth to vnderstand where the King lodged but hardly twenty of them went notwithstanding that our campe were not aboue three bowe shot from the place where we supposed the King had encamped In the meane time the Earle of Charolois ate and dranke a little as did all the rest of the company each man in his owne lodging and the wound in his necke was dressed but we were forced to remooue out of the place where he refreshed himselfe three or fower dead bodies to make him roome and to bring two bottles of straw vpon the which he sat downe And as they remooued these dead bodies one of the poore naked soules began to call for drinke into whose mouth was powred a little of the tysan the Earle had drunke of wherewith his spirits reuiued and then he was knowen to be an archer of the Earles garde named Sauaric a valiant fellow and he was dressed and healed The Earle debated with his Councill what was to be done the first that spake was the Earle of Saint Paule who said we stood in great danger and gaue aduise by breake of day to retire homeward to burne part of our cariage to saue onely the artillerie and to giue order that none should lead backe any cariage but such as had aboue ten launces vnder their charge adding that it was impossible to lie there without victuals between Paris and the King After him spake Mounseur de Hault-bourdin almost to the same effect saue that he aduised vs to stay till we vnderstood what newes our scoutes that were abroad would bring vs to the which purpose spake also three or fower others But the last that spake was Mounseur de Contay who said that so soone as the armie should vnderstand of this resolution rhey would al flie and by that means be taken and spoiled before they had gone twenty leagues which his opinion he confirmed by diuers very good reasons Wherefore he gaue aduise that euery man should lodge himselfe as commodiously as he could that night and the next morning by breake of day begin a new field with determination either to liue or die vpon the place which he said to be a safer course than to flie The Earle of Charolois followed the said Contaies aduise and gaue euery man commandement to take his rest for two howers and at the sound of the trumpet to be in a readines farther he willed diuers by name to send to comfort his soldiers About midnight our scoutes that were abroad returned and it well appeered they had not beene far for they brought word that the King lodged at the fires aboue mentioned Incontinent others were sent foorth and within an hower after euery man put himselfe in a readines to fight but the most part had rather haue fled About breake of day our scoutes last sent foorh met one of our Carters whom the enimies had taken prisoner that morning as he brought a pot of wine from Montl'hery This Carter told them that the French were all fled whereof they sent word incontinent to the campe and went themselues to the place and found the Carters report true whereupon they returned with this newes to the great comfort of the whole armie and then a number cried to pursue them that made but small haste after them Not an hower before my selfe had an old horse halfe tired who by chaunce thrust his head into a paile of wine and drunke it off which made him lustier and fresher that day than euer before When it was broad day euery man mounted on horseback and the squadrons made a goodly shew in the field notwithstanding all our companies were not yet come togither but a number returned at that present which had lien hidden in the woods all night The Earle of Charolois suborned a Frier Franciscan who brought worde to the campe that he came from the Britains who would be there the selfe-same day which newes comforted not a little the whole armie but all men beleeued it not Immediately after to wit about ten of the clocke in the morning arriued the Vicechancellor of Britaine called Rouuille and Maderey aboue mentioned with him accompanied with two archers of the D. of Britaines garde in their liuery coates which comforted maruellously the whole army and the said Vicechancellor was asked where he had been and was commended for his departure considering the great murmuring that was risen against him but much more for his returne and euery man welcomed them and made them good cheere All this day the Earle of Charolois kept still the field reioicing greatly and wholy attributing the honor of the victory to himselfe alone which glory cost him deere for after this he neuer followed any mans deuise but his owne and whereas before he had hated the wars and loued nothing that appertained thereunto his thoughts were after this so cleane altred that he continued in the wars till his death in them ended his life by them desolated his house at the least brought it maruellously vnderfoote though not altogither destroied it Three noble and wise Princes his predecessors had so highly aduanced it that few Kings except the K. of Fraunce were mightier than he and in rich and strong townes none passed him but no man especially no Prince ought to attribute too much to himselfe but to acknowledge all prosperitie and good successe to proceed from God Sure these two things I dare boldly say in his commendation first that I thinke neuer man endured more trauell than he in all points of bodily labour and exercise and secondarily that in mine opinion I neuer knew hardier gentleman for I neuer heard him complaine of wearines I neuer saw him shew any countenance of feare yet was I with him seuen yeeres togither in the wars euery sommer without faile and somtime both winter and
strange that all these Princes should thus conspire against the King for zeale of the common wealth if other particular greifes had not more mooued them than the misgouernment of the estate 2 To the ende the reader finde it not strange that Rene is here called King of Sicily sith the house of Arragon possessed the same Realme at that time it is to be vnderstood that the race of the Normans who about the yeere 1060. subdued Sicily Calabria and Apulia and about the yeere 1102. tooke vpon them the title of Kings of Sicily being extinct in Roger the last King of Sicily of that race about the yeere 1195. the said Realme fell to the issue of the Emperor Fridericus Barbarossa by the marriage of Constantia daughter to Roger the first King of Sicill and aunt to Roger the last King of Sicill of this race with Henry the said Barbarossas sonne in which race it continuedtily Manfridus bastard sonne to Fridericus the Emperor sonne to the aboue named Henry obteined the crowne of Sicill Naples by dispossessing Conradinus his nephew the true heir therof Against this Manfridus Pope Vrbanus the 4. called into Italie Charles of Amon brother to S. Lewis King of Fraunce who slew Manfridus in battell and afterward executed also Conradinus the true heire of the crowne being taken in battell comming with an armie to conquer the said realmes of Naples and Sicily as his true inheritance and thus obteined this Charles of Aniou the crowne both of Naples and Sicily till not long after by the comming of Peter king of Arragon who had married Constantia daughter and heire to Manfridus the Sicilians arose suddenly against the French slew them all in one euening and yeelded the Realme of Sicily to the saide Peter whose posteritie euer sithens euen till this day haue continued in possession thereof Notwithstanding the posteritie of Charles of Aniou held still the Realme of Naples with the title of the Realme of Sicily till the time that the later Iane Queene of Naples to fortifie hir selfe against Pope Vrbanus Sextus adopted Alfonse of Arragon sonne to Ferrande King of Arragon which Ferrandes mother named Elenor was daughter to King Peter but after the saide Iane for displeasure conceiued against the saide Alfonse adopted secondarilie Lewis D. of Aniou brother to Charles the 5. King of Fraunce descended of the race of the first Charles King of Sicily against whom and his sonne Lewis Alfonse long warred and in the end after Queene Ianes death chased them both out of Italy and left the Realmes of Arragon and Sicily to Iohn his brother but the Realme of Naples to Ferrande his base sonne with whom Rene heere mentioned brother to Lewis the 2. of that name D. of Aniou and king of Sicily and by him with Ianes consent adopted long vvarred but preuailed not so that Rene had onely the title of Sicily and Naples by the adoption aforesaid but no possession thereof for Sicily the kings of Arragon held euer since the conquest of Peter and the realme of Naples Ferrande the bastard held of his fathers gift from vvhose posterity hovv in the end after many alterations it fell to the house of Arragon that novv possesseth it shall be set dovvne at large in the vvars of Naples made by King Charles the 8. vvho had the house of Anious title vvhereof our author treateth in the 7. and 8. booke of this historie 3 This force led by the Marshall of Burgundie vvas of 4000. men Meyer 4 This Oudet is he that acquainted the Duke of Berry vvith this confederacie and conueighed him into Britaine Meyer La Marche 5 Franck archers were these King Charles the 7. in the yeere 1449. being destitute of footemen appointed that euery threescore houses in his realme should arme a man vvho in time of vvar receiued paie of the King and vvere exempt from all subsidies and payments for the which cause they vvere all called franck that is free but King Lewis the 11. anno 1480. abolished these franck archers and waged Switzers in their place A discourse vpon ambitious hunting after offices and estates by the example of the English men Chap. 7. I Speake of these offices and estates bicause in changes they are so greedily desired and are also cause thereof as appeereth by that which hath happened not onely in this our age but also in the time of King Charles the sixt vnder whom the wars began that endured till the treatie of Arras during the which wars the English men entred into the realme and conquered so far that at the time of the saide treatie which continued 1 the space of two moneths the Duke of Bedford brother to Henry the fift King of England being maried to Duke Philip of Burgundies sister was regent in Fraunce for the English men whose monethly allowance in that office amounted to 20000. crownes at the least At the said treatie were present for the King of Fraunce fower or fiue Dukes or Earles fiue or sixe Prelates and ten or twelue Councellers of the Parliament For Duke Philip likewise diuers Noble men 2 in much greater number for the Pope 2. Cardinals as mediators and for the English men diuers noble personages Duke Philip greatly desired to acquite himselfe honorably towards the English men before he would abandon them bicause of the ancient league that had been betweene them wherefore the Duchies of Normandie and Guien were offered to the King of England with condition that he should do homage for them to the crowne of Fraunce as his predecessors had done and restore all the places he held in the Realme out of the said Duchies which condition the English men bicause of the homage refused but to their great losse for being abandoned of this house of Burgundie their good successe altered and all their intelligences within the realme failed whereby their power daily so diminished that in short space they lost Paris and by little and little all that they held in this realme After their returne into England none of them would diminish his estate but the offices within the realme sufficed not for maintenance of them all wherupon long ciuil wars arose among them in the which King Henry the sixt who had been crowned King of England Fraunce at Paris was proclaimed traitor and imprisoned in the tower of London where he remained the greatest part of his life and in the end was there murthered The Duke of Yorke father to King Edward that last died intituled himselfe right heire to the crowne soone after was slaine in the battell and had his head smitten off as had also the Earle of Warwick 3 that last died whose credit was so great in England and all the rest that were slaine in those wars The said Earle of Warwick led the Earle of Marche afterward named Edward the fourth by sea to Calais with a small companie escaped out of battell 4 for the Earle of Warwick tooke part with the house of Yorke
as the Duke of Sommerset did with the house of Lancaster To be short these wars indured so long that all they of the houses of Warwick and Sommerset were either slaine or beheaded in them King Edward caused afterward his owne brother the Duke of Clarence to be drowned in a Butt of malmesey charging him that he ment to make himselfe King but after King Edwards death his other brother the Duke of Glocester murthered the said Kings two sonnes proclaimed his daughters bastards and vsurped the crowne Immediately after the which cruell deed the Earle of Richmond now King who had been prisoner many yeeres in Britaine passed into England and discomfited and slew in battell this bloody King Richard late murtherer of his two nephewes Thus haue there died in England in these ciuill wars since my remembrance aboue fowerscore persons of the blood Royall part of the which I my selfe knew part vnderstood of by the English men resident with the Duke of Burgundie at the same time that I serued him Wherfore you see it is not at Paris onely nor in Fraunce alone that men fall at variance for worldly goods and honors But sure all Kings and great Princes ought to take heed that they suffer not factions to arise in their courts for thereof kindleth the fire that consumeth their whole countrey in the end Notwithstanding such alterations happen not in mine opinion but by Gods disposition for when Princes and realmes haue long florished in great wealth and prosperitie and forget from whence all these benefits proceede God raiseth vp an enimie against them whom they neuer feared nor stood in doubt of as appeereth by the Kings mentioned in the Bible and by that also which hath hapned and daily doth happen not onely in England and in these countries of Burgundie but in diuers other places also The Notes 1 The last of Iuly arriued the French Kings ambassadors at the treaty of Arras Annal. Burg. so that the treaty began in the beginning of August and the English men departed discontented the 6. of December Annal. Bur. and the treatie ended the 21. of September but De la Marche saith the 10. of December Meyer 11. Calen. Octob. which agreeth with Annal. Burg. 2 At the treatie vvas present Philip D. of Burgundie himselfe La Marche Meyer 3 Our Chronicles report that the Duke of Yorke vvith diuers others slaine in the battell and the Earle of Salisbury father to the Earle of VVarvvick vvho vvas taken prisoner in the battell vvere behedded and their heds sent to Yorke in derision but I remember not that the Earle of VVarvvick vvas behedded after he vvas slaine and I suppose the vnskilfull corrector hath here omitted a vvord or tvvo and that vve must read in place of Luy le Comte de Warwic Luy le pere du Comte de Warwic 4 The Earles of Marche and VVarvvick vvent to Calice before the Duke of Yorke vvas slaine or ouerthrowen in battell for they fled from Ludlovv lying in campe there against the kings force bicause they found themselues too vveake and their counsels betrayed by Andrew Trowlop vvho fled from them to the King How King Lewis entred into Paris while the Princes of Fraunce practised with the citizens Chap. 8. I Haue been long in this discourse and it is now time to returne to the historie After the Princes were come before Paris they began to practise with the citizens promising offices and great rewards to diuers and omitting nothing that might further their purpose At three daies end the citizens assembled togither in the towne hall where when they had long debated these matters and heard the Princes requests demands made openly to them for the benefit of the whole realme as they pretended they determined to send ambassadors to them to treate of peace according to the which determination a great number of the best citizens came to Saint Mor where the Princes lay and Master VVilliam Chartier then Bishop of Paris a notable prelate declared the citizens embassage and for the Princes the Earle of Dunois was appointed to be mouth The Duke of Berry the Kings brother was president of this Councill sitting in a chaire and all the other Princes standing about him On the one side stood the Dukes of Britaine and Calabria and on the other the Earle of Charolois armed at all peeces saue the head peece and vantbrases and wearing vpon his quirage a short cloke maruellous rich for he came from Conflans and Bois-de-Vincennes being well manned was held for the King wherefore it stood him vpon to come armed and well accompanied The Princes request was to enter into Paris to confer with the citizens about the reformation of the state which they said was euill gouerned charging the King with diuers disorders The citizens gaue them very lowly and humble language desiring respite before they could make any resolute answer yet notwithstanding this delay the King was afterward discontented both with the Bishop and the rest that accompanied him Thus returned these ambassadors into the towne continuing still their former practise for euery one of the Princes talked with them apart and I am of opinion that some of them had agreed secretly to suffer the Princes in their owne persons to enter the towne and their men also if they so thought good by small troupes which practise if it had taken effect had not onely been the winning of the towne but the atchieuing of the whole enterprise For the citizens would easily haue been brought for diuers considerations to reuolt to them and so consequently all the other townes in the realme But God put wise counsell into the Kings head which also he executed accordingly being alreadie aduertised of all these practises Before the ambassadors that were returned from the Princes had made their report the King in person entred the towne of Paris accompanied like a prince that commeth to relieue his people for he brought with him into the towne two thousand men of armes all the nobles of Normandie a great number of franke archers and all his owne seruants pensioners and others that vse to accompanie the King in such affaires Thus this practise was broken off and all the people altered their mindes neither durst any of them that had been with vs make farther mention of the Princes demaunds Some of them also sped but euill for that they had alreadie done notwithstanding the King vsed no extremitie towards them 1 but some lost their offices and others were sent to dwell in other places for the which easie reuenge the King vndoubtedly deserued great commendation considering that if this practise begun had taken effect the best that could haue happened to him had been to forsake his realme which also was his resolution For as himselfe hath often told me if he could not haue entred into Paris but had found the towne reuolted he would haue retired to the Switzers or to Francis Duke of Milan whom he accounted
his especiall friend and so also the Duke shewed himselfe as well by the aide he sent him being fiue hundred men of armes and three thousand footemen vnder the leading of his eldest sonne Galeas afterward Duke of Milan who came as far as the countrey of Forrestz in Auuergne where he made war vpon the Duke of Bourbon and afterward returned home bicause of his fathers death as also by the counsell he gaue him at the treatie of peace held at Conflans where he sent him word to refuse no condition of peace but to seuer his companie and retain his owne forces still about him We had hardly been three daies before Paris when the King entred the towne immediately after whose arriuall sharpe war was made vpon vs especially vpon our forragers whom we were constrained to garde with great forces bicause they went far from our campe Now to speake somwhat of the towne of Paris we must needes confesse that it is maruellous well situate in the I le of Fraunce seeing the countrey about it was able to victuall two such huge armies for as touching vs we neuer lacked and they within the towne found nothing enhaunced saue onely a denier 2 vpon euery loafe of bread the reason wherof was bicause we held not the riuers aboue the towne being these three Marne Yonne and Seine besides diuers small streames that run into them Wherefore all things considered this towne is situate in the best and fruitfullest soile that euer I sawe yea it is almost incredible how great the prouision is that commeth thither I my selfe was resident there since the time I now write of halfe a yeere togither with K. Levvis being lodged at the Tournelles and ordinarily eating and lodging in the court Since his death also by the space of twentie moneths full sore against my will I was held prisoner in his pallace where I saw daily out of my windowe the prouision that came vp the streame out of Normandie and likewise downe the streame which was so great that I would neuer haue beleeued it had I not seene it Diuers bands as you haue heard issued daily out of Paris the skirmishes were great our watch being of fiftie launces stood neere to la Grange aux Merciers but our escouts rode as neere Paris as was possible the which were often beaten backe to our watch and eftsoones the enimie on their backe as far as our cariage retirng somtime a softpace and somtime a fast trot Then vsed we to renforce them with new supplies which beat backe the enimies hard to the towne gates and this was daily and howerly done for within the towne were aboue 2500. men of armes in verie good order and a great number of gentlemen of Normandy and franke archers besides that they sawe daily their Ladies which encouraged them to put foorth themselues Our force was also verie great but in horsemen we were not so strong as they for we had with vs onely the Burgundians being about two thousand launces good and bad nothing so well armed as they within Paris bicause of the long peace wherein they had liued as before is mentioned of the which number also two hundred men of armes were at Laigny with the Duke of Calabria but of footemen we had great force and those very good The Britains armie laie at Saint Denys making war on that side the towne of Paris all the waies they could and the other noblemen were disparkled some heere some there to make prouision of victuals In the end the Duke of Nemours the Earle of Armignac the Lord of Albret came to vs but their forces lodged a good way from our campe bicause they had no pay and should haue famished our armie if they had taken ought without money This I am sure of that the Earle of Charolois gaue them fiue or sixe thousand franckes and tooke order that they should come no neerer vs. They were at the least fiue or sixe thousand horse that did maruellous much harme in the countrey The Notes 1 Yet Meyer vvriteth that the King aftervvard poisoned the Bishop but Meyers vvords are no Gospell 2 A Denier is the tvvelfth part of threehalfepence starling How the Earle of Charolois artillerie and the Kings artillerie shot the one against the other neere to Charenton and how the Earle of Charolois caused another bridge to be built vpon boates ouer the riuer of Seine Chap. 9. NOw to returne to the campe before Paris you may be sure that no day passed without losse on both sides but no great exploit was done for the King would suffer no great force to issue out of the towne neither ment to hazard the battel but desired peace and wisely to disparkle this assemblie Notwithstanding one morning very early 4000. archers came and encamped along by the riuer side vpon the very banke directly ouer against Conflans The gentlemen of Normandie and certaine of the Kings ordinarie men of armes laie in a village but a quarter of a league from them and betweene them and their footemen was onely a faire plaine The riuer of Seine ran betweene them and vs and they began to dig a trench hard by Charenton which ran in length to the very end of our campe directly ouer against the which the riuer being betweene vs and them as you haue heard they built a bulwarke of wood and earth and thereon mounted greatstore of artilirie which at the verie first shot chased the Duke of Calabrias men out of the village of Charenton and forced them in great haste to come and lodge with vs with losse both of men and horses But the Duke of Calabria himselfe laie in a litle house betweene the riuer and the Earle of Charolois lodging directly ouer against the enimies This artilerie shot also into our campe and put the whole armie in great feare for the verie first shot slew certaine of our men and twise it strake through the Earle of Charolois chamber as he sat at dinner and slew a trumpetter vpon the staires bearing vp a dish of meate Wherefore after dinner the Earle remooued into a low parlor resoluing not to depart thence The next morning the Princes met at his lodging to consult what was to be done for they euer sate in counsell there and at their rising dined also there togither The Dukes of Berry and Britaine sate next to the wall vpon the bench and the Earle of Charolois and the Duke of Calabria ouer against them The said Earle placed euery one of them aboue himselfe as reason was he should some of them yea all of them seeing they were in his lodging There they deuised to countermount all the artillerie in their armie against the Kings wherof the Earle of Charolois had great store as had also the Dukes of Calabria Britaine for accomplishment of which their purpose they pearced the wals along the riuer side behinde Conflans and there mounted all the best peeces of their artillery saue the
but lent him during his fathers life Wherfore minding now to preuent him he said thus Chide me not I acknowledge my great follie but I was hard by the bulwarke before I wist But this notwithstanding the marshal said more to his face then he had spoken behinde his backe and sure he was a faithfull and a trustie knight The Earle answered nothing but held downe his hed and entred into this campe where they were all glad of his returne and commended the Kings faith and sure it is to be thought that both the King and the Earle had great regard of their honor considering that each of them putting himselfe into others hands Yet neither of them receiued harme notwithstanding the Earle neuer after returned vnder the Kings power The Notes 1 That is 118750. pounds sterling How the treatie of peace was concluded betweene the the King and the Earle of Charolois and his confederates Chap. 14. IN the end all matters were fully concluded and the next day as the E. of Charolois was making his musters to know what number he had lost suddenly the King accompanied with thirty or forty horse came thither without warning giuen and rid about to view all the bandes one after another saue the marshals of Burgundy who loued him not bicause not long before the King hauing once giuen him Pinal in Loraine tooke it afterward again from him to bestow vpon Iohn Duke of Calabria greatlie to the said marshals damage The King acknowledging his error by little and little reconciled him selfe to the wise and valiant knights that serued the King his father whom he at his first comming to the crowne displaced wherefore they were with the Princes in armes against him Farther it was agreed that the next day the King should come to the Castell of Vincennes and likewise al the Princes that were to do him homage for whose safety the said Castell should be put into the Earle of Charolois hands according to which agreement the next morning thither came the King and likewise all the princes none being absent the porche and the gate being manned with Burgundians well armed there the treatie of peace was concluded 1 The Lord Charles did the King homage for the Duchie of Normandie and the Earle of Charolois for the townes in Picardie aboue mentioned as did also all the rest that had homage to do and the Earle of Saint Paul tooke his othe for the office of Constable but according to the common prouerbe neuer was so plentifull a marriage feast but some departed vndined for heere some had what them lusted and others nothing The King receiued into his seruice certaine gentlemen that were with his brother and also certaine meane persons but the greatest part remained still with his said brother the new Duke of Normandie the D. of Britain who went to Roan to take possession At their departure from the castell of Vincennes they tooke their leaue each of other and returned to their lodgings farther all letters pardons and other writings seruing for the confirmation of the peace were made On one day departed all these three Princes the Duke of Normandy and Britaine first into Normandy and the Duke of Britaine from thence into his owne countrie and the Earle of Charolois into Flaunders But when the Earle was ready to take horse the King meaning effectually to shew how greatly he desired his friendship came to him and accompanied him to Villiers-le-bell a village fower leagues from Paris where both these Princes lodged that night The Kings traine was very small but he commanded two hundred men of armes to follow him to conuey him backe whereof the Earle of Charolois being aduertised as he went to bed fell into great suspicion therof and commanded a great number of his seruants to be in armes Thus you see how impossible it is for two great Princes to agree bicause of the suspicious tales and reports that are daily and howerly beaten into their heads Wherefore two Princes that desire to continue in friendship ought neuer to come togither but to imploy vertuous and wise men betweene them who will encrease their amitie and repaire all such breaches as shall happen The next morning the two Princes tooke their leaue each of other with much courteous and wise talke and the King returned to Paris accompanied with the men of armes aboue mentioned called thither for that purpose whereby he remooued all suspicion the Earle had conceiued of their comming The said Earle rode towards Compiengne and Noyon being receiued by the Kings commandement into all the townes he passed by From thence he marched to Amiens where they did him homage as did also all the other townes vpon the riuer of Somme the territories in Picardy restored to him by this treaty which the King not past nine moneths before had redeemed for the summe of fower hundred thousand crownes as before you haue heard This done he marched incontinent into the countrie of Liege bicause they had by the space of fiue or sixe moneths made war vpon his father in his absence in the countries of Namur Brabant where also they had slain certaine of his subiects 2 but bicause the winter approched he could do no great exploit notwithstanding a number of villages were burnt and diuers small ouerthrowes giuen to the said Liegeois whereupon they made a treatie with the Duke of Burgundie and for performance thereof stood bound to him in a great summe of mony This done the Earle of Charolois returned into Brabant The Notes 1 The treatie was sworne the fift of October the conditions whereof reade in Meyer fol. 337. where he saith that by this treatie Flaunders was exempt from the Kings soueraigntie which saith Degrassalius cap. 1. pag. 6. the King could not grant Quia vltimus resortus alienari aut remitti non potest which also may well appeere to be lawe bicause we reade lib. 5. cap. 17. of our author that notwithstanding this treatie the Chauncellor of Burgundie and Himbercourt being imprisoned and condemned by the citizens of Gaunt appealed to the Parlament of Paris vvhich appeale notvvithstanding vvhether it vvere lavvfull or vnlavvfull or vvhether they appealed to delay the time for safetie of their liues hoping their friends vvould deliuer them or the King happily thereby to recouer his former soueraigntie I leaue heere to discusse Notvvithstanding if any such condition vvere in the treatie of Conflans as Meyer reporteth in my simple iudgement these tvvo vvise men vvould not haue appealed contrary to it and thereby haue made the cause of their death iust though before vniust by violating this priuilege and so infringing the liberties of the state of Flaunders obtained by this treatie of the King 2 The King persvvaded the Liegeois to rebell in Iune 1465. vvhich vvas the same sommer the Earle of Charolois vvas in Fraunce thereby to vvithdravv the Earle of Charolois out of Fraunce home vvhereupon the Liegeois about mid August defied the Duke of
at variance somtime in open war and somtime in a dissembled truce wherein each party comprehended their confederates God shewed so great fauor to the realme of Fraunce that the ciuill wars in England were not yet fully ended notwithstanding that they began fifteene yeeres before and had continued with cruell and bloodie battels wherein many a good man lost his life For you shall vnderstand that there were in England two houses that claimed the crowne to wit Lancaster and Yorke for the which cause both the parties proclaimed their enimies traitors and the diuision of these two houses was the preseruation of the estate of Fraunce for doubt you not but that this realme had sustained great troubles if the English men had been in such estate then as in times past But to returne againe to our matter the Kings chiefe desire was to conquer Britaine both bicause it seemed easier to be subdued and of lesse defence than this house of Burgundy and also bicause the Britons receiued all his euill willers namely his brother and other his enimies that had intelligence in his realme Wherefore he practised continually with the Duke of Burgundy making him diuers offers if he would forsake the Britons and namely that he would in like maner abandon the Liegeois and all other the Dukes enimies Whereunto the Duke of Burgundy would not agree but made a new voiage against the Liegeois bicause they had againe broken the peace and taken and spoiled a towne called Huy 1 and chased his men out of it notwithstanding the hostages deliuered the yeere before vnder paine of death and the great summe of mony they had bound themselues to forfeit if they brake the said treatie The Duke leuied his armie about Louuain in Brabant and vpon the marches of Liege whither came to him from the King the Earle of Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce now become altogither French and resident continually with the King accompanied with Cardinall Balne and others who aduertised him that the Liegeois were the Kings confederates and comprehended in the truce wherefore the King would succour them if he inuaded them Notwithstanding they offered if he would abandon the Dukes of Berry and Britaine to the King that the King would then abandon the Liegeois to him Their audience was short and in open court neither staied they aboue one day The Duke excused himselfe and charged the Liegeois with breach of the peace alledging that they had inuaded his dominions wherefore he sawe no reason why he should not be reuenged on them without forsaking his confederates and this was his answer for that time Againe the next day after their arriuall the Duke being ready to take horse tolde them that he humbly besought the King to attempt nothing against the Duke of Britaine whereunto the Constable replied and said sir you choose not but take all for you will make war at your pleasure vpon your friends and constraine vs to lie still and not inuade our enimies as you do yours it may not be so neither will the King endure it Then the Duke taking his leaue said thus again the Liegeois are assembled togither within three d↑ies I looke for the battell if I be ouerthrowne I am sure you will do after your accustomed maner but if the victory fall on my side the Britaines shall liue quietly enough by you Which talke ended he mounted on horsebacke and the ambassadors repaired to their lodgings to make them ready to depart The Duke marched in armes from Louuaine with great force laid his siege before a town called Sainctron his power was maruellous great for all the strength of Burgundy was come to him so that this army was far greater than any other that I had seene with him before A litle before his departure he debated with his counsell whether he should put the Liegeois hostages to death or what he should do with them Some gaue aduise to kill them all especially the Lord of Contay so often aboue mentioned whom I neuer heard speake so cruelly as at that present Wherfore it is necessary for a Prince to haue more than one of his counsell for the wisest erre yea and that often Otherwhiles bicause they are partiall to the matters debated through hatred or loue somtime bicause they seeke to contrary some one that hath spoken before them possible also their bodies may be euill disposed for it is not to be held for counsell that is giuen after dinner But you will say that men subiect to such imperfections are vnfit to be of a Princes councill whereunto I answer that we are all men and that who so will haue no councillors but such as neuer faile to speake wisely nor are more troubled at one time then another must seeke them in heauen for he shall not finde them on earth But for redresse of this inconuenience somtime one of the councell will speake very well and wisely that vseth not often so to do and thus the one supplieth the others defects Now to return to the matter debated in this assembly two or three were of the said Contais opinion mooued thereunto by his great authority wisdome for in such assemblies a great number giue their opinion but as they haue heard some other speake before them not vnderstanding the matters debated but seeking onely to flatter some one being of credit and authority that hath already spoken After this the Lord of Himbercourt a gentleman borne neere to Amiens and one of the wisest knights that euer I knew being asked his aduise said that to the end the Duke might haue God on his side and discharge himselfe of cruelty and desire of reuenge before the world he thought it best to pardon all those hostages considering they came thither with a good intent supposing the treatie should haue been obserued notwithstanding he aduised the Duke at their departure to giue them to vnderstand how great grace and fauor he shewed them and to desire them to do their endeuor in perswading their citizens to peace which if they could not obtain yet at the least they themselues acknowledging his goodnes towards them should neuer after beare armes neither against him nor their bishop there present with him This opinion tooke place and the hostages when they were deliuered promised to do as the Duke required Farther this was told them at their departure that if any of them were herafter taken in armes against the Duke he should die and thus they were dismissed It is not amisse to reherse heere how after Monseur de Contayes cruell sentence pronounced against the hostages part of them which were come thither with a good meaning and vpon verie simplicitie one of the Counsell said thus to me in mine eare Marke well this man his bodie is healthfull ynough though he be old yet dare I laie a good wager he shall not liue a yeere to an end bicause of this cruell sentence he hath giuen and sure so it fell out
since the Duke of Albourg In the end these two confederate nations began to scoffe and iest each at other the King of Castile was deformed and the French misliked his apparell wherefore they derided him Our King ware his apparell very short and maruelous vncomely and was clad somtime in very course cloth besides that he ware an old hat differing from all the rest of his company and an image of lead vpon it whereat the Castilians iested saying that this proceeded of misery Thus ended this enterview with such scoffes and taunts that afterward these two Princes neuerloued togither Farther great dissention arose among the King of Castiles seruants which continued till his death and long after in such sort that I haue seene him the poorest Prince that euer raigned and abandoned of all his seruants and subiects The Queene of Arragon departed also discontented for the King pronounced sentence for the King of Castile Wherfore both the King of Arragon hir husband and she hated him euer after And notwithstanding that they vsed his helpe a while in their necessity against the towne of Barcelonne yet endured not their friendship but wars arose betweene them which continued aboue sixteene yeeres and the controuersie remaineth yet vndecided Now to proceed to other examples Duke Charles of Burgundy since the time aboue mentioned by his owne great sute and sollicitation met with the Emperor Fredericke now raigning at Treues 3 where the Duke made great preparation to shew his pompe and magnificency The Emperor and he treated there of many matters and among the rest of their childrens mariage which was afterward accomplished But when they had been togither a certaine space the Emperor to the Dukes great reproch and dishonor departed without leaue taking wherefore they neuer loued after neither themselues nor their subiects The Almains disdained the Dukes pompe and lofty maner of speech saying that it proceeded of pride the Burgundians on the contrary side despised the Emperors small traine and simple attire To be short this iar grew so great that the wars of Nuz sprang thereof I was also at Saint Paul in Artois when the Duke of Burgundy and King Edward of England met there 4 The Duke had maried his sister they were companions of one order and abode there togither two daies The Kings seruants were deuided into two factions and both the parties complained to the Duke who enclining more to the one than the other encreased their hatred and notwithstanding that he aided the King for the recouery of his realme out of the which he was chased by the Earle of Warwick and furnished him both of men money and ships yet after this meeting they neuer loued togither neither could affoord each other a good word I was likewise at Bruxels when the Palszgraue of the Rheine came thither to the Duke of Burgundy where he was honorably receaued sumptuously feasted and lodged in a chamber richly furnished The Dukes men reported the Almains to be slouens and void of ciuility alledging that they threw their mirie bootes vpon their rich and stately beds wherefore they made lesse account of them then before they knew them The Almains on the contrary side like enuious persons misliked this great pompe To conclude after this they neuer loued togither neither sought to pleasure one another I saw also the meeting of the Duke of Burgundy and D. Sigismunde of Austrich 5 who solde vnto the said Duke the County of Ferret bordering vpon the County of Burgundy for a hundred thousand gildons not being able to defend it against the Switzers These two Princes liked not greatly one another Afterward also Duke Sigismunde made peace with the Switzers and tooke againe the said County of Ferret without paying backe the money whereof ensued infinite harmes to the Duke of Burgundy At the selfe same time also came the Earle of Warwick to the Duke who after their meeting were mortall enimies each to other I was also present at the enteruiewe betweene the King our master and King Edvvard of England at Picquigny 6 neere to Amiens whereof I will make mention heereafter more at large All that they did there was but meere dissimulation for they performed no whit of that they promised And notwithstanding that they were neuer after in war togither bicause the sea seuered them yet perfect friendship was there none betweene them Wherefore to conclude this discourse me thinke that two great Princes minding to continue in amity ought neuer to meete togither The occasions of troubles that arise at such assemblies are these their seruants can not refraine from talking of matters past and words will easely be taken in euill part Secondarily it is impossible but that the traine of the one should be in better order then the other where of scoffes arise which they that are scoffed stomacke Thirdly if they be two nations their language and apparell differ and that that pleaseth the one displeaseth the other Last of all it commonly hapneth that the personage of the one Prince is comlier and better to be liked than the other wherefore he is praised and reioiceth and glorieth to heare his owne commendation which cannot be without the dispraise of the other And notwithstanding that three or fower daies peraduenture after the assembly ended these matters be communed of closely couertly in mens eares yet by vse they fall in time in open talke at dinners and suppers and so are reported to both the parties for fewe things in this world can be concealed especially tales and reports Thus you haue heard the reasons and examples that I my selfe haue seene touching this point The Notes 1 The meeting of the King and the King of Castile was anno 1463. 2 The riuer where the two Kings met was named Audaye 3 The meeting betweene the Emperour and the Duke was saith Munster anno 1469. Berlandus saith anno 1472. Meyer 1473. the 28. of September 4 VVhat yeere the meeting of King Edward and the Duke was appeereth afterwards lib. 3. cap. 6. 5 Ferret was engaged to the Duke about midsommer anno 1469. for seuentie thousand crownes Annal. Burgund but Meyer saith anno 1467. for fiftie thousand gildons and other say for 80. thousand gildons 6 VVhen this meeting vvas at Picquigny looke lib. 4. cap. 10. How the King to deliuer himselfe out of the castell of Peronne renounced his league with the Liegeois Chap. 9. NOw to returne after my long discourse to the King who was staied at Peronne as you haue heard the gates remained shut with watch and warde before them two or three daies all the which time the Duke sawe not the King neither entered any French man into the castell but by the wicket and but sew after that sort notwithstanding none of the Kings seruants were forbidden to repaire to him but few or none of the Dukes went to commune with him neither yet into his chamber especially of those that were of any credit with the Duke The first
began to attempt more boldly against his neighbors in such sort that in the end these 120000. crownes grew to 500000. and the number of his men of armes augmented so excessiuely that his subiects were greatly charged for their maintenance To say my fansie of these ordinarie men of armes I thinke vnder a wise Prince they be well imploied but if he be otherwise or happily at his death leaue his children in their minoritie the seruice wherein their gouernors imploy them is not alwaies profitable neither for the King nor for his subiects The hatred betweene the King and the Duke diminished not but still endured Further the Duke of Guienne being returned into his countrie sent often to the Duke of Burgundy following still his sute for his daughters marriage who fed him continually with faire words as he did euery other man that required hir And I thinke verily that he neither was desirous of a sonne 5 neither would haue married his daughter during his life but haue kept hir to intertaine men thereby to obtaine their friendship and aide For he had so many great enterprises in his head that all his life time could not suffice to atchieue them and those aduentures almost impossible to be compassed for halfe Europe would not haue contented him He had courage ynough to attempt any thing his bodie was able to endure as much labour and trauell as was needfull he was furnished both of men and mony but he lacked finenes and cunning sufficient for the managing of his affaires And what Prince soeuer desireth to be great notwithstanding that he be accomplished with all other good parts yet if he lacke an excellent wit all is to no purpose which vndoubtedly proceedeth of the meere grace of God To be short if part of the Dukes vertues and part of the King our masters had been tempered togither they would haue made a perfect Prince for vndoubtedly in wit the King far excelled him as it well appeered in the end The Notes 1 Of this armie he spake somwhat in the Duke of Bourbons aduertisement sent to the Duke of Burgundie mentioned in the first chapter of this booke it was led by the Earle Daulphin d'Auuergne sonne to the Earle of Montpensier Of this discomfiture reade Annal. Burgund pag. 945. 2 The reason was bicause he perceiued the intelligences of the Constable and the rest to be vntrue 3 This assembly was held the 16. of Iune Meyer 4 But this subsidie of 120000. crownes was granted but for three yeeres Meyer pag. 348. and 367. 5 The Duke desired no sonne bicause then his daughters marriage could not haue stood him in such stead as now it did Of the wars among the Princes of England during these troubles betweene King Lewis and Charles Duke of Burgundy Chap. 4. I Must now discourse of Edward King of England bicause Note that from this place til the 7. Chapter all these English affaires fall into the yeeres 1469. 1470. these three great Princes namely our King the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy liued all in one age in the which discourse I will not obserue the Historiographers vsuall order in writing who set downe the certaine yeeres and daies when each thing hapned neither will I vouch examples out of ancient histories for you know them better than my selfe and in so dooing I should but seeme to reason of Diuinitie before a Doctor But I will rudely aduertise you of all that I haue seene knowen or heard of these Princes of whom I write You liue in the selfe same age that all these things hapned wherefore me thinke it needlesse so exactly to note the houres and seasons I haue before rehearsed what occasion mooued the Duke of Burgundy to mary King Edvvards sister and said it was principally to fortifie himselfe against the King otherwise he would neuer haue done it for the great affection he bare to the house of Lancaster whereof he was descended by his mother for she was daughter to the King of Portugall and hir mother daughter to the Duke of Lancaster 1 so that as feruently as he loued the house of Lancaster as extremly hated he the house of Yorke But you shall vnderstand that at the time of this mariage the house of Lancaster was vtterly destroied and the house of Yorke no more spoken of For King Edvvard being both King and Duke of Yorke raigned peaceably During the ciuill wars betweene these two houses were fought in England seauen or eight cruell battels and in them slaine three or fower score Princes and Lords of the blood royall as before is rehearsed in this history The rest that escaped being all yoong Lords whose fathers died in these battels aboue mentioned liued as banished men in the Duke of Burgundies court who receiued them as his kinsmen of the house of Lancaster before his mariage with King Edvvards sister I haue seene them in so great misery before they came to the Dukes knowledge that those that beg from dore to dore were not in poorer estate then they for I once saw a Duke of Excester run on foote bare legged after the Duke of Burgundies traine begging his bread for Gods sake but he vttered not his name He was the neerest of the house of Lancaster and had maried King Edvvards sister 2 but when he was knowne the Duke gaue him a small pension to maintaine his estate They of the house of Somerset and diuers others were there in like maner who died all afterwards in the wars Their fathers and kinsmen had spoiled and destroied the realme of Fraunce and possessed the greatest part thereof many yeeres and afterwards slew one another and those that remained aliue in England and their children haue died as you haue seene Yet men say that God punisheth not now as he did in the children of Israels time but suffereth euill men and euill Princes to liue vnpunished True it is that he threatneth not now by expresse messengers as he was wont for he hath left examples inough to instruct vs. Notwithstanding you may perceiue by these discourses ioining thereto the great knowledge you haue besides that of euill Princes and such as haue authority in this world and abuse it to cruelty or tiranny few or none escape vnpunished though it happen not by and by after the fault committed neither so soone happily as those that are afflicted desire But to returne to King Edvvard the chiefe man in England that maintained the house of Yorke was the Earle of Warwicke And on the other side the greatest champion of the house of Lancaster was the Duke of Sommerset The said Earle of Warwicke might iustly be called King Edwards father as well for the training of him vp as also for the great seruices he did him for the which the King had also highly aduanced him for besides his owne inheritance which was great he held goodly lands of the Kings gift aswel crowne lands as lands forfeited by attaindor Farther he
was deputy of Calice and had diuers other great offices so that I haue heard his yeerely reuenewes valued at fower score thousand crownes besides his owne inheritance But in the end he fell at variance with the King his master about a yeere as I gesse before the Duke of Burgundies comming before Amiens which breach the said Duke furthered to the vttermost of his power For the Earles great authority in England much discontented him besides that they two were not friends for the Earle had continuall intelligence with the King our master To be short about this present or not long before the Earle of Warwickes force was so great that he seased the King his master into his hands and put to death diuers personages that he highly fauored namely the Lord of Scales the Queenes father 3 and two of his sonnes the third being also in great danger with them diuers other knights He entertained the King his master for a season very honorably and placed new seruants about him supposing that through simplicity he would soone forget the old The Duke of Burgundy being not a little troubled with this aduenture practised secretly how King Edvvard might escape and they two commune togither which enterprise had so good successe that the King escaped indeede and leuied men and defeated certaine of the Earles bands He was a fortunate Prince in the field for he wan at the least nine great battels fighting himselfe on foote in euery one of them The Earle of Warwicke vnable to make resistance aduertised his friends what they should do and embarked at leisure accompanied with the Duke of Clarence who had married his daughter and tooke part with him notwithstanding that he were King Edwards brother They transported with them both wiues and children and a great band of men and sailed straight towards Calais within the which was the Earles lieutenant named the Lord of Vaucler 4 and diuers of the said Earles houshold seruants who in stead of receiuing their Master presented him the canon Further you shall vnderstand that as they lay at anchor before the towne the Duchesse of Clarence daughter to the Earle of Warwicke was deliuered of a sonne and great intreatie was made before Vaucler and the rest of the towne would suffer two flaggons of wine to be brought foorth to hir which was great extremitie of the seruant towards the master For it is to be supposed that the Earle thought himselfe well assured of this place which is they very key of England and the goodliest captainship in mine opinion in the world at the least in Christendome which I dare boldly auow bicause I was there diuers times during these wars and heard also the Maior of the staple report that he would willingly farme yeerely the deputyship of Calais of the King of England for fifteene thousand crownes For the deputie receiueth the profits of all that they haue on this side the sea and of all safe conducts and placeth also the greatest part of the garrison at his pleasure The King of England fauoured highly the Lord of Vaucler for this refusall made to his Captaine and granted him by his letters patents the office of Deputie which the Earle his master before held for he was a wise and an ancient knight and one of the order of the garter The Duke of Burgundie also who then lay at Saint Omer conceiued a maruellous good opinion of him so far foorth that he sent me to him granting him a yeerely pension of a thousand crownes and desiring him to continue a true and faithfull seruant to the King his Master as he had begun which at my comming thither I found him fully determined to do so that he sware in Staple Inne in Calais laying his hand within mine to be faithfull and true to King Edward and to serue him against all men The like oth all the towne and all the garrison sware also Farther I was by the space of two months almost continually resident at Calais at the least posting daiely betweene Calais and Bullen to entertaine the said Vaucler for you shall vnderstand that during these English troubles the Duke of Burgundie came to Bullen where he prepared a great army by sea against the Earle of Warwick who at his departure from Calais tooke many ships of the Dukes subiects which aduanced forward the war betweene the King of Fraunce and vs. For the Earles men sould the bootie in Normandie whereupon the Duke of Burgundie arrested all the French Marchants that came to the Mart at Andwerp Now bicause it is meete to vnderstand as well the cunning and subtill as the iust and vpright dealings of the world not to practise them but to know how to avoide them I will rehearse vnto you a sleight or subtilitie terme it as you list that was cunningly conueighed Farther I would that men should vnderstand the practises as well of our neighbors as our selues to the end it may appeere that in all places are both good and bad When the Earle of Warwick came before Calais thinking to enter into it as his onely refuge the Lord of Vaucler being a very wise gentleman sent him word that if he entred the towne he should cast away himselfe considering that all England the Duke of Burgundie the people of the towne and a great part of the garrison namely the Lord of Duras Marshall there for the King of England and diuers others that had men in the towne were his enimies wherefore his best way should be to retire into Fraunce and as touching the towne of Calais he willed him not to trouble himselfe for he would yeeld him good account thereof when time and occasion should serue He did his Captaine good seruice by giuing him this aduise but shewed himselfe thereby a very Iudas to his Master For vndoubtedly a more traiterous part was neuer plaied considering both that the King of England had made him Deputie of the towne of Calais and the Duke of Burgundy giuen him so large a pension The Notes 1 Philippa daughter to Iohn Duke of Lancaster was married to Iohn King of Portugale and had issue by him Isabell mother to Duke Charles 2 This was Henry Holland Duke of Exceter whose wife was Anne sister to King Edward the fourth and his grandmother was Elizabeth daughter to Iohn Duke of Lancaster by his first wife but he died without issue 3 Our chronicles name the Queenes father Earle of Riuers and so doth afterward also our Author lib. 5. cap. 15. 4 This Vaucler was a Gascoine borne How by King Lewis his aide the Earle of Warwicke chased King Edward out of England to the Duke of Burgundies great greefe who receiued him into his countries Chap. 5. THe Earle of Warwicke followed Vauclers aduise and landed in Normandie where the King honorably receiued him and furnished him largely of mony for his mens expences and appointed also the bastard of Bourbon Admirall of Fraunce being well accompanied to defend the
Kings death for he feared the Earle of Warwicke who was his mortall enimie and bare now the whole sway in England The said Earle soone after he was landed found infinite numbers of men to take his part For the armie that King Edward left behinde him what for loue what for feare yeelded to him in such sort that euery day his forces encreased And in this estate went he to London where a great number of Knights and Esquires who afterward did King Edward good seruice tooke sanctuarie as also did the Queene his wife who was there deliuered of a sonne in very poore estate The Notes 1 The King embarked at Lyn. 2 Alquemare Meyer nameth Tessela 3 King Edward landed in Holland the 9. of October Meyer How the Earle of Warwick tooke out of prison King Henry of England Chap. 6. THe E. immediatly after his arriuall at London went foorthwith to the tower tooke K. Henry out of prison whom himselfe many yeres before had lead thither crying before him Traitor Traitor but now he called him his soueraigne Lord and conueighed him to his palace at Westminster where he sat him vnder the cloth of estate in the Duke of Clarences presence who litle liked that sight Farther he sent foorthwith three or foure hundred men to Calais to spoile and forray the countrey of Boulenois whom the Lord of Vaucler so often aboue mentioned friendly receiued and made then open declaration of the good will he had alwaies borne the Earle his Master The same day that the Duke receiued newes of the Kings arriuall in Holland I was come from Calais to Bulen where the Duke then lay vnderstanding nothing of this aduenture nor of the Kings flight The Duke was first aduertised that he was dead whereof he forced not greatly for he loued the house of Lancaster much better then the house of Yorke Besides that he had with him the Dukes of Excester and Sommerset and diuers others of King Henries faction by whose meanes he thought himselfe assured of peace with the house of Lancaster But he feared the Earle of Warwicke neither knew he how to entertaine him that was come to him 1 I meane King Edward who was his brother in lawe and of the same order for the King ware the golden Fleese and the Duke the Garter The Duke foorthwith sent me backe againe to Calais accompanied with a gentleman or two of this newe King Henries faction and gaue me instructions how to deale with this new world pressing me earnestly to go bicause it stood him vpon to be well serued in this busines I went as far as Tournehan a castell neere to Guiens and further durst not passe bicause I found the people flying for feare of the English men who were abroad and spoiled all the countrey But I sent foorthwith to the Lord of Vaucler desiring a safe conduct for before I was accustomed to go without any and was alwaies honorably receiued for the English men are verie curteous and honorable in their entertainment Al this seemed strange to me for I neuer had seen such sudden alterations in the world I aduertised the Duke the same night of the danger I should be in if I passed further making no mention of the safe conduct I had sent for bicause I doubted what answer I should receiue thereof The Duke sent me a ring from his finger bidding me go forward and if I were taken prisoner he would redeeme me for he cared not greatly to endanger one of his seruants at his neede But I had prouided well for my selfe for I receiued a safe conduct with very curteous letters from the Lord of Vaucler Wherein he sent me word that I might go and come after my woonted maner Whereupon I went to Guisnes and founde the captaine at the castell gate who offred me a cup of wine without that he led me into the castel as he was accustomed but he feasted and entertained honorably these gentlemen of King Henries faction that accompanied me From thence I went to Calais where no man came foorth to receiue me after their woonted sort but al men ware the Earle of Warwicks liuery Further vpon the gate of my lodging they made aboue an hundred white crosses and rimes signifying that the King of Fraunce and the Earle of Warwick were all one all the which seemed strange to me Soone after my comming to Calais I sent to Graueling being but fiue leagues thence commanding all English merchants and merchandises to be staied bicause the Englishmen had so spoiled the countrey The Lord of Vaucler sent for me to diner being well accompanied and wearing on his cap a white ragged staffe of gold enamiled 2 being the Earles cognisance which all the rest that were with him ware likewise and he that could not haue it of gold had if of cloth It was told me there at diner that within lesse than a quarter of an hower after these newes came out of England euery man ware the said cognisance so speedy and sudden was the change This was the first time that I began to consider how vnstable and vncertaine all worldly things are The said Vaucler gaue me very curteous language and made certaine excuses in the Earle his captaines behalfe rehearsing also what great benefits he had receiued at his hands But as touching the rest that were with him I neuer saw men so far out of frame for those that I tooke to haue bin the Kings trustiest seruants were they that most threatned him some I thinke for feare but others in good earnest Those household seruants of the Earles whom I had required the Lord of Vaucler heeretofore to put out of the towne were now in great credit Notwithstanding they neuer vnderstood that I had mooued the said Vaucler to any such purpose In all communication that passed betweene them and me I euer told them that King Edvvard was dead wherof I said I was well assured notwithstanding that I knew the contrary adding further that though it were not so yet was the league betweene the Duke of Burgundy and the King and realme of England such that this accident could not infringe it for we would account him King whom they did I said moreouer that bicause of the alterations that had hapned in times past these words VVith the King and the Realme were inserted into the league for performance also whereof fower of the best townes in England were in pledge to the Duke The merchants required in any wise to haue me staied bicause their goods were taken at Grauelin by my commandement as they said In the end peace was thus concluded between them me that they should pay for al the cattell they had taken or restore it again for by agreement betweene the house of Burgundy them they might go into certain pastures thereabout and take cattel for the prouision of the towne at a price which they now paide and prisoners they had taken none Thus it was agreed that the
that I now write of the D. of Guienne at the least his seruants and the D. of Britaine desired the Duke of Burgundy in no wise to call the Englishmen to his aide for seeing all that they did was for the good and benefite of the realme they would not bring the ancient enimies of the crowne into the realme adding farther that if he would be in a readines they should be strong ynough of themselues aswell bicause of their great forces as also of the good intelligence they had in the realme with diuers Captaines and others And once it was my chance to be present when the Lord of Vrfé had communication with the Duke to this effect and withall pressed him earnestly with all speede to leauy his army The Duke stoode at a window and called me to him and said Heere is my Lord of Vrfé that presseth me earnestly to leauy the greatest force that possible I may alleaging that it shall be greatly for the benefite of the realme what thinke you of this motion if I enter into the realme with my army shall I do any great good there I answered him merily that I thought no then said he I loue the realme of Fraunce better than my Lord of Vrfé weeneth for where it hath one King I would it had six During the treaty of mariage aboue mentioned Edward King of England who thought verily that the mariage should haue bin accomplished wherein he was deceiued as was also the King traueled earnestly with the Duke of Burgundy to breake it off alleaging that the K. had no issue male wherfore if he hapned to die the crown should descend to his brother whereby if this marriage tooke effect the realme of England shuld stand in great danger so many seigniories being vnited to the crown This matter troubled maruellously though needlesly not onely the King of England but also his whole Councell in such sort that they would giue no credite to the Duke of Burgundy what promise soeuer he made to the contrary The saide Duke notwithstanding the request aboue mentioned made vnto him by the Dukes of Guienne and Britaine for not calling in strangers to his aide was very desirous that the King of England should inuade some part of the realme and himselfe would haue pleaded ignorance therein But the Englishmen would not be woon therunto for they so much feared the annexing of the house of Burgundy by this mariage to the crown of Fraunce that they would at that time rather haue aided the King than inuaded him You see heere all these Princes throughly busied and accompanied with a number of wise men who as the sequele well declared foresawe a far of more by the one halfe than in their life time tooke effect for they all through this continuall toile and trauell in short space one after another ended their liues each man reioicing at others death as of a thing most desired Soone after also followed their masters leauing their successors troubles enow all saue the King our master who left his realme to his sonne quiet both from foraine wars and ciuill dissention so that he did more for him than euer he either would or could do for himselfe for I neuer knew him in peace saue onely a litle before his death The Duke of Guienne at this present lay sicke and in danger of death as som said but others affirmed the contrary his men pressed earnestly the Duke of Burgundy to put himselfe into the field bicause the time of the yeere serued fitly for that purpose and aduertised him that the Kings army was abroad and lay at Saint Iohn d' Angelie or at Xainctes or thereabout To be short they labored the Duke so importunately that he went to Arras and there assembled his forces and marched towards the townes of Peronne Roye and Montdidier his army was maruellous great yea the greatest that euer he had before for in it were twelue hundred Launces of his ordinary retinue euery one of them accompanied with three archers well armed and well mounted farther in euery company of these Launces were ten men of armes for a supply besides the lieutenant and ensine bearer The gentlemen of the Dukes dominions were likewise in very good order for they were very well paid and led by valiant knights and esquires And sure at that time these countries were maruellous rich The Notes 1 This Nicolas is named in other histories Marques du Pount 2 The King made war vpon his brother bicause he had restored the Earle of Armignac to all his possessions in Guienne whom the King before had banished Annal. Aquit How the finall peace treated of betweene the Duke of Burgundie and the King brake off bicause of the Duke of Guiens death and how these two great Princes sought to deceiue each other Chap. 9. WHile the Duke was leuying his armie aboue mentioned the Lord of Cran and the Chauncellor of Fraunce named Master Peter Doriole came to him twise or thrise from the King and secretly treated with him of a final peace which heertofore could neuer be concluded bicause the Duke required the restitution of Amiens and Saint Quintine whereunto the King would neuer condiscend but now partly bicause of the great preparation he saw made against him and partly in hope to compas certaine purposes whereof heerafter you shall heare he agreed to yeeld them The conditions of this peace were that the King should restore to the Duke Amiens and Saint Quintine and whatsoeuer else was in controuersie betweene them That he should abandon the Earles of Neuers and Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce and permit the Duke to do with them and all their possessions at his pleasure and seize them into his own hands if he could That the Duke in like maner should abandon the Dukes of Guienne and Britaine and permit the King to do with them and their seigniories at his pleasure I was present when the Duke of Burgundie sware this treatie and likewise the Lord of Cran and the Chauncellor of Fraunce in the Kings name who also at their departure from the Duke aduised him not to dismisse his armie but to march still forward to the end the King their Master might make the speedier deliuerie of the two places aboue named Further Simon of Quinchy was sent with them to see the King sweare and confirme this treaty which his ambassadors had concluded but the King delaied the confirmation a certaine space and in the meane time happened his brothers death The D. being readie to depart from Arras receiued two seuerall aduertisements one that Nicholas Duke of Calabria and Loraine heire of the house of Aniou and sonne to Iohn Duke of Calabria was comming to him about his daughters marriage whom the Duke honorably receiued and put in great hope of his sute But the next day being the 15. of May 1472. as I remember came letters from Simon of Quinchy the Dukes ambassador to the King wherein he aduertised his Master
of the Duke of Guiennes death and that the K. had alreadie recouered a great part of his countrie The like aduertisements receiued he also incontinent from others but reporting diuersly of the said Dukes death Soone after returned Simon of Quinchy from the King with a cold answer for he refused to sweare the treatie which the Duke tooke very disdainfully as a matter tending to his contempt and dishonor His men also in time of war as well for this as other causes spake very villanous and opprobrious words of the King and I warrant you the French requited them with the like The Duke of Burgundie being almost out of his wits bicause of these newes by the perswasion of certaine no lesse sorie for this accident than himselfe writ letters to diuers townes of the realme charging the King with his brothers death but little it auailed for no man stirred 1 Notwithstanding if the Duke of Guienne had liued vndoubtedly the King should haue had ynough to do for the Britons were in a readines to inuade him hauing greater intelligences in the realme than euer before all the which failed by the Dukes death The Duke of Burgundy in this fury put himselfe into the field and marched towards Nesle in Vermandois making foule and cruell war contrary to his accustomed maner for he spoiled and burned all the countrey as he passed His vaward marched before him and besieged the said towne of Nesle being of no force but the Duke himselfe lodged three leagues from it Within the towne were certaine franke archers that slew a herald of the Dukes comming to summon them Further their captaine came foorth to parle vnder surety thinking to bring the matter to composition but could not and as he returned into the towne the truce yet continuing bicause of his saly they within the towne notwithstanding that themselues stood open vpon the wall no man seeking to hurt them slew yet two other of the Dukes men wherfore the truce was disauowed word sent to the Lady of Nesle being within the towne to come foorth with all hir household stuffe which she did accordingly and immediately after the place was assaulted and taken and the greatest part of them that were within it slaine all that were taken aliue were hanged saue a few whom the soldiers for very pity let go a number also had their hands cut off It lotheth me to make mention of this cruelty but bicause I was present somewhat I am forced to write therof And sure either the Duke was maruellously passioned in that he committed so cruell an act or some great caused mooued him thereunto He alleaged two the one the Duke of Guiennes death wherof he spake very strangely vpon other mens report the other the griefe he had conceiued for the losse of Amiens and Saint Quintin aboue rehearsed Some that shall read this that foloweth will thinke happily that there was small faith in these two Princes or that I misreport them I would be loth to misreport either of them And to the King our Master how much I am bound all the world knoweth But to continue my history right reuerend father in God in such sort as you haue required I am forced to vtter that I know howsoeuer it passed And I doubt not but these two being compared with other Princes shall seeme noble woorthy and honorable and the King our Master wise aboue all the rest who left his realme enlarged and in peace with all his enimies Wherefore let vs now consider whether of these two Princes sought to deceiue the other to the end that if heereafter this history happen to fall into the hands of some yoong Prince that hath to negotiate in such like affaires he may by reading thereof be the better instructed how to looke to himselfe For notwithstanding that neither Princes nor enimies be alwaies alike nor deale alike in like affaires yet is it good to know the histories of times past To speake therefore vprightly I thinke both these Princes were fully bent each to deceiue other and tended both to one end as you shall heare Both of them had their armies abroad in a readines The King had already taken diuers places and during the treaty made sharpe war vpon his brother whom the Lords of Courton Patris Foucart and diuers others had already relinquished were receiued into the Kings seruice Further his army lay about Rochell hauing great intelligence in the towne for the citizens practised continually as well bicause of the rumor of this treaty as also bicause of the Dukes sicknes And I thinke the Kings resolution was if he could atchieue his enterprise there or his brother hapned to die not to sweare the treaty but if he found great resistance to sweare it and performe his promise thereby to auoid all danger And sure he lost no time but vsed great diligence delaying also very cunningly Simon of Quingy the space of eight daies during the which delay his brother died further he knew well the Duke of Burgundy so greatly to desire the restitution of these two townes aboue named that he durst not flatly fall out with him Wherefore he meant to delay him and feed him foorth with faire words fifteen or twenty daies as he did accordingly to see in the meane time what would happen Now that I haue spoken of the King and shewed how he was purposed to deale with the Duke it is fit I should also declare how the Duke was minded towards him and thought to delude him had not the Duke of Guiennes death happened Simon of Quinchy by the Kings request had a commission from the Duke his Master commanding him immediately after the treatie sworne and writings deliuered for the confirmation thereof to go into Britaine to informe the Duke of Britaine of the conditions of the peace and in like maner the Duke of Guiennes ambassadors resident in Britaine to the end they might aduertise their Master thereof at Bordeaux whereby the King meant to put the Britons into the greater feare when they should see themselues abandoned of him that was their chiefe anchor hold Now you shall vnderstand that Simon of Quinchy had in his company a rider of the Dukes Escuirie called Henry a Parisian borne a wise fellow and of good experience who had a letter of credit to the said Simon written with the Dukes owne hand but his commission was not to deliuer it till the said Simons departure from the King and his arriuall to the Duke of Britaine at Nantes where his charge was to deliuer him the letter and this message withall That he should will the Duke of Britaine not to thinke that his Master would abandon the Duke of Guienne and him for he would succour them both with body and goods and that he had concluded this treatie to none other end but to auoid war and recouer the townes of Saint Quintine and Amiens which the King in time of peace contrary to his promise
had taken from him And further to aduertise the said Duke that the Duke his Master would send an honorable ambassage to the King so soone as he should be seized of that he demanded humbly to beseech him to end this war and relinquish his enterprise against the said two Dukes and not to giue credite to the oth he had sworne which he was no more determined to obserue than the King had obserued the treaty â—ade before Paris called the treatie of Conflans and the treatie which he had sworne at Peronne and long after confirmed also Further desiring him to call to remembrance that he tooke these townes against his faith and promise in time of peace wherefore he must hold himselfe contented if he recouered them after the same sort And as touching the Earle of Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce and the Earle of Neuers whom the King had permitted him to vse at his pleasure he would protest that notwithstanding he hated them as he had iust cause to do yet would he forgiue all their offences and let them liue in quiet desiring the King to grant these two Dukes the like and that it would please him to suffer all men to liue in peace and safetie in such maner and forme as he had sworne at Conflans when they were all there assembled togither which if he refused to do he would then succour his confederates And it was determined that the Duke should be in campe when this ambassage should be sent to the King But God disposed otherwise of these purposes for death which departeth all things and changeth all determinations set them otherwise a worke as partly you haue vnderstood already and shall heerafter perceiue more at large for the King restored not these two townes and yet had the Duchie of Guienne by his brothers death as reason was The Notes 1 The Duke of Guienne died the 12. of May but Meyer saith the 24. Annal. Aquit the 11. Of his death reade Annal. Burgund lib. 3. fol. 946. Meyer lib. 17. fol. 353. writeth thus of it Rex fratri venenum miscet per Iordanum Abbatem Diui Ioannis beenedictini nominis where reade also what Thomas Basinus Bishop of Lisieux writeth of the Dukes death who compareth King Lewis to Cain Atreus Thiestes Polinices and Eteocles Hollandiae scriptor saith thus Rex ille inquit idem fecit quod Cain qui vnicum fratrem suum Abel interfecit Dedit enim Rex mortiferuÌ„ Carolo fratri venenum quo noÌ„ statim extinctus est sed mensibus aliquot miserabiliter afflictus Gaguin a French historiographer saith thus The King was aduertised of his brother D. Charles his death who died at Bordeaux poisoned by a certaine Abbot but not without the Kings consent as the report went Annal. Aquit written by a French man seeme to make King Lewis accessorie to his brothers death The Duke was poisoned as he sat at the table with the Lady of Mount soreau whom he entertained and who was also poisoned with him The King commanded the Abbots processe to cease and the rest which were suspected whereby he plainly bewraied his owne guiltie conscience How the Duke of Burgundy seeing that he could not take Beauuais before the which he had laid his siege went to Roan Chap. 10. NOw to returne to the war you haue heard how certaine poore franke archers were handled at the taking of Nesle thence the D. departed and went before Roye within the which were 1500. franke archers and certaine men of armes of the Arriereban The Dukes force was neuer so great as at that present The next day after his arriuall these franke archers fearing their liues leapt downe the wals and yeelded themselues to him and the third day they that yet remained within rendered themselues and the towne by composition leauing behinde them both horse and harnesse saue that euery man of armes brought foorth a trauelling nag The Duke left men in the towne and went to Mondidier which he began to raze meaning vtterly to destroy it lay it desolate but bicause of the good wil he perceiued the people of those parts 1 to beare him he caused it to be repaired and left a garrison in it From thence he departed meaning to march straight into Normandie but as he passed hard by Beauuais the L. of Cordes who led his vaward rode to the towne and at his first arriuall the suburbs before the Bishops palace were taken by a couetous Burgundian named Master Iames of Montmartin who had vnder his charge one hundred launces and three hundred archers of the Dukes ordinarie retinue The Lord of Cordes scaled the towne on the other side but he lacked ladders and those few he had were too short He had two canons which shot twise at the towne gate and brake downe a peece thereof and if he had been furnished to haue continued the shot vndoubtedly he had entred the towne but he was vnprouided bicause he came not for any such exploite At his first arriuall none were in the towne but the citizens themselues and the captaine of the towne called Loyset of Bailligny with certaine soldiers of the Arriereban but not ynow to defend the place Notwithstanding it pleased God miraculously to preserue it as he manifestly declared For the Burgundians that were with the Lord of Cordes fought hand to hand with the French at the breach made in the gate whereupon the said Lord of Cordes sent word diuers times to the Duke of Burgundie to make haste thither assuring him that the towne was his owne But in the meane time while the Duke was vpon the way one within deuised to throwe flaming fagots in their faces that were about to breake downe the gate whereof they threw so great plentie that the gate and the porch tooke fire in such sort that the Burgundians were forced to retire till the fire ceased Soone after arriued the Duke himselfe who in like maner held the towne as taken the fire being once quenched which was very great for all the porch was on fire And vndoubtedly if he had lodged part of his army on the other side of the towne towards Paris no man could haue entred to releeue it But it pleased God he should make doubt where none was for bicause of a little brooke that was to passe he made difficultie so to do then and yet afterward when a great number of men were entred the towne he would haue done it and was hardly disswaded from it notwithstanding that thereby he should then haue endangered his whole army All this happened the eight twentith of Iune in the yeere 1472. The fire aboue mentioned continued all day and in the euening ten launces onely of the Kings ordinarie retinue entred the towne as I was afterward informed for I serued yet the Duke of Burgundie but we saw them not enter both bicause euery man was busied in making his lodging and also bicause we had no force on that side the towne By
breake of day the Dukes battterie was bent against the wals but soone after we saw two hundred men of armes enter the towne and had it not beene for their comming I thinke the citizens would haue treated of a composition which notwithstanding the Duke in this fury would neuer haue granted for he desired to take the towne by assault and if he had so done vndoubtedly he would haue burnt it which had been great pitie sure it was preserued by very miracle After these men of armes were entred the Dukes artillerie shot continually the space of fifteen daies and the place was as well beaten as euer was any in such sort that the breach was saultable but the ditch of the one side of the burned gate stood full of water so that we were forced to build a bridge ouer it but on the other side we might come hard to the wals without any danger saue of one flanker which was so low that our artillerie could not beat it It is great danger and folly to assault a towne so well defended as this was for within it was the Constable 2 as I remember or lay by it I wot not wel whether the Marshall Ioachin the Marshall of Loheac the Lord of Crussoll VVilliam of Valleu Mery of Croy Sallezarde Theuenot of Vignoles being all ancient captaines accompanied with an hundred men of armes of the Kings ordinary retinue besides a great number of footemen and others that were come thither with them Yet the Duke contrary to the opinion of his whole army determined to giue the assault And the night before as he lay on his field bed in his clothes according to his accustomed maner he asked certaine there present whether they thought the town would abide the assault who answered that they thought yea seeing they were force sufficient to defend it at the which answer he scoffed saying that they should not finde a man there the next day In the morning by breake of day the assault was giuen very couragiously and the breach no lesse valiantly defended A great number went thronging on our new made bridge in such sort that an ancient knight of Burgundy called Despiris was smothered there who was the best man that died before the towne On the other side of the gate certaine of our men got vp to the top of the wall but some of them neuer returned They fought hand to hand a great while and the assault continued so long that fresh bands were appointed to succeede the first being wearied but bicause the Duke saw his men to labor in vaine he caused them to retire yet notwithstanding they within salied not for they saw company ynough ready to receiue them At this assault were slaine twelue hundred soldiers 3 and the best man that died there was the aboue named Despiris It was thought at the first that many more had been lost for aboue a thousand were hurt The next night they within salied foorth but bicause their number was small and the most of them on horsebacke and therby encombred with the cords of our tents they did no great exploit but lost two or three gentlemen of their company and hurt one of ours named Master Iames d'Orson a very honest gentleman and master of the Dukes Ordinance who a few daies after died of the said hurt Seauen or eight daies after this assault the Duke would haue diuided his army into two bands and lodged part thereof at the gate towards Paris contrary to all mens aduise and to all reason considering the great number of soldiers within the town This should haue been done at the beginning but now it was too late Wherfore seeing no remedy he raised his campe in very good order 4 hoping that they within would issue forth to the skirmish which notwithstanding they did not From thence he marched into Normandy bicause he had promised the Duke of Britaine to come as far as Roan where the said Duke of Britaine had promised in like maner to meete him But bicause of the Duke of Guiennes death he altered his minde and stirred not out of his country The Duke of Burgundy came before Eu which was yeelded vnto him as was also Saint Valery and he burnt all this quarter euen hard to Diepe He tooke likewise Neuf-chastell and burnt both it and all the country of Caux or the greatest part euen hard to Roan gates further he presented himselfe in person before the said towne of Roan he lost many of his foragers whereby his army was in great distresse of victuals In the end bicause winter approched he departed homeward and his backe was no sooner turned but the French recouered Eu and Saint Valery and tooke prisoners by composition seauen or eight Burgundians that were within them The Notes 1 The French hath Chastellenies which were places where certaine courts of the inferior iurisdiction vvere held to the which the countrey there about was bound to repaire 2 Annal. Franc. report that the Constable lay hard by the tovvne but mooued not to defend it for the vvhich cause it vvas thought he had intelligence vvith the Duke 3 Gaguin saith that there vvere slaine at the assault of Beauuais 1500. men 4 The Duke lay before Beauuais sixe and tvventy daies and leuied his siege the 22. of Iuly Meyer How the King made peace with the Duke of Britaine and truce with the Duke of Burgundy and how the Earle of Saint Paul escaped for that time a conspiracy that these two Princes made against him Chap. 11. ABout this time I came to the Kings seruice in the yeere 1472. who receiued also the selfesame yeere the greatest part of his brother the Duke of Guienne his seruants He lay then at Pont de See making war vpon the Duke of Britaine whither certaine ambassadors came to him out of Britaine and from whence also he sent his ambassadors thither Among the rest that came to him to the said towne of Pont de See were Philip of Essars seruant to the Duke and VVilliam of Sousplenuille seruant to the Lord of Lescute the which Lord of Lescute seeing his Master the Duke of Guienne at the point of death tooke sea at Bordeaux and departed into Britaine fearing to fall into the Kings hands he embarked in time and carried away with him the Duke of Guiennes Confessor 1 and a rider of his stable who were charged with the Dukes death and remained prisoners in Britaine many yeeres after When these runnings to and fro had indured a while the King in the end determined to haue peace with the Duke of Britaine and to deale so liberally with the Lord of Lescute that he would thereby asswage the euil wil he bare him and win him to his seruice For as he knew the Duke of Britaines forces being gouerned by so woorthy a man greatly to be feared so was he assured if he could win the Lord of Lescute to his seruice that the Britons would labor for peace bicause he
was their onely man of wisdome and experience in the countrey besides that generally the Britaines desire nothing more than peace with Fraunce bicause continually a great number of them haue good entertainment and be in good estimation in this realme not vnwoorthily for sure in times past they haue done great seruice heere Wherefore me thinke the King did very wisely in concluding this treaty notwithstanding that some not considering so deepely thereof as himselfe did thought otherwise of it He had a very good opinion of the Lord of Lescute knew there was no danger in putting those offices and places of charge that he did into his hands bicause he was a man of honor would neuer during these diuisions haue any intelligence with the English men nor consent that the townes in Normandie 2 should be yeelded to them but had beene the onely stay thereof which was the cause of all his preferment When the King had well debated this matter he commanded Sousplenuille to put in writing all that his Master required as well for the Duke as himselfe which done the King granted him all his demands being these A pension of 80000. franks for the Duke for his master the Lord of Lescute a pension of 6000. franks the gouernment of Guienne the two Seneschalships of Launes and Bordelois the captainship of one of the castels of Bordeaux the captainship of Blaye and of the two castels of Bayonne of Dax and of Saint Seuer 24000. crownes in ready mony the Kings order and the Earldome of Comminges All the which the King granted and agreed vnto saue that the Dukes pension was diminished by the one halfe and continued but two yeeres Further the King gaue the said Sousplenuille 6000. crownes which with the other 24. thousand giuen to his Master were to be paid in fower yeeres a pension of 1200. franks the Mayraltie of Bayonne the Bailywick of Montargis and certaine other small offices in Guienne All the which aboue rehearsed estates his Master and he enioied till the Kings death Philip d'Essars likewise was made Bailife of Meaux and lieutenant of the waters and forrests throughout the realme of Fraunce and had also a pension granted him of 1200. franks and 4000. crownes in ready money all the which offices and estates from that day till the King our Master his death they quietly enioied and the Lord of Comminges continued during his life his trustie and faithfull seruant The King hauing pacified all matters in Britaine marched straight toward Picardie for he and the Duke of Burgundie vsed alwaies when winter approched to make truce for sixe moneths or a yeere and some time more After the which their woonted maner they made truce at this present which the Chancellor of Burgundie with certaine others came to the King to conclude There the Kings Commissioners read the finall peace made with the Duke of Britaine whereby the said Duke renounced the league he was entred into with the English men and the D. of Burgundie wherfore the King required the Duke of Burgundies ambassadors not to comprehend the Duke of Britaine in the truce as their confederate whereunto they would not condiscend but agreed that the Duke of Britaine should be at his choise to declare himselfe within the time accustomed either the Kings confederate or theirs alleaging that heertofore also the said Duke had abandoned them by writing yet had not departed from their friendship Further adding that though he were a Prince wholy led and gouerned by others and doing little of himselfe yet in the end he euer yeelded to that which was best and most necessary for his estate All this was done in the yeere 1473. During this treatie they murmured on both sides against the Earle of Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce for the King and those that were neerest about him had conceiued maruellous hatred against him And the Duke of Burgundy hated him woorse than they as he had iust cause to do for I know the reasons that mooued them both to beare him ill will The Duke had not yet forgotten that he was the onely occasion of the losse of Amiens and Saint Quintin and perceiued well that he nourished this war betweene the King and him For in time of truce he spake him as faire as was possible but so soone as the war opened he shewed himselfe his mortall foe Further the Earle had sought to constraine him by force to marrie his daughter to the Duke of Guienne as before 〈◊〉 â—â—ue heard Besides all this there was yet another grudge for while the Duke lay before Amiens the Constable made a road into Henault and among other cruell exploits burned the castell of Seure belonging to a Knight named Master Baudouin of Launay before the which time they vsed on neither side to fire any place But in reuenge thereof the Duke this last sommer burned the countrie all the way his armie passed as before you haue heard Thus they began to practise the Constables destruction for the accomplishment whereof diuers of the Kings men conferred with such of the Dukes seruants as they knew to be his mortall enimies for the French had him in as great iealousie as the Duke of Burgundie had and accused him as the onely occasion of the war wherefore all his treaties and practises with both parties were ripped vp and discouered and they both sought his death Some man may peraduenture aske heerafter if the King alone were not of power sufficient to put him to death whereunto I answer that he was not For his lands lay iust in the middest betweene the King and the Duke further he held Saint Quintin a great and strong towne in Vermandois and of his owne Han Bohain and other very strong places neere to the said Saint Quintin the which he might man at all times with any nation at his owne pleasure He had charge vnder the King of fower hundred men of armes well paied of the which companie himselfe was controller and tooke the muster which was no small profit to him for his companies were not complete Besides all this he had a yeerely pension of 45000. franks and of euerie tunne of wine that passed through his countrie into Flaunders or Henault he receiued a crowne for impost He had also goodly seigniories and possessions of his owne inheritance and great intelligence as well in Fraunce as in the Dukes dominions where he had many kinsfolks and allies The truce betweene the King and the Duke continued a whole yeere all the which space this practise endured and the Kings men addressed themselues wholie to the Lord of Hymbercourt so often before named who of long time had beene the Constables enimy besides that their hatred was lately increased For in an assembly held at Roye where the Constable and others were commissioners for the King and the Chancellor of Burgundy and the Lord of Hymbercourt with diuers others for the Duke as they conferred togither of their affaires the
Constable gaue the lie very shamefully to the said Hymbercourt who answered thereunto that he would not beare this reproch at his hands were it not in respect of the Kings honor vnder whose safe conduct he was come thither as ambassador and of the Duke his Master whose person he represented and to whom he would make report of this iniurie done vnto him This onely villanie and outrage so soone done cost the Constable both lands and life as heereafter shall be declared more at large Wherefore those that are in authority yea and Princes themselues ought to take great heed how they iniurie any man by word or deed and whom they iniurie for the greater they are the greater greefe and sorrowe is conceiued of their words bicause they that are iniuried thinke that the great authority of the person that iniurieth them will cause them the more to be marked and noted And if he be their Master or Prince they vtterly dispaire of benefite or good turne at his hands and most men serue rather for the good they hope to haue than for that they haue already receiued But to returne to the point the Kings men practised continually with Hymbercourt and likewise with the Chancellor as well bicause the words spoken at Roye touched him in part as also bicause of the neere friendship that was between Hymbercourt and him And the matter was so earnestly pressed that an assembly was held about it at Bouuines a towne neere to Namur whither the King sent the Lord of Courton gouernor of Lymosin and Master Iohn Heberge afterward Bishop of Eureux and the Duke the said Chancellor and Hymbercourt being the yeere 1474. The Constable being informed that they practised at Bouuines to his cost sent with all speede to both the Princes aduertising them he vnderstood of all their doings and so cunningly he wrought that he perswaded the King that the Duke meant nothing but deceit onely to allure the said Constable to his friendship whereupon with all speed the King sent to his ambassadors at Bouuines commanding them to conclude nothing against the Constable for certain reasons he would declare vnto them but to prolong the truce according to their instructions for a yeere or sixe moneths I wot not well whether But when the messenger arriued he found the treatie already concluded and the writings sealed and deliuered the night before Notwithstanding the ambassadors had so good intelligence togither and were so great friends each to other that they deliuered the writtings backe againe the contents whereof were that the Constable for the reasons therein rehearsed was declared enimie and traitor to both the Princes who promised and sware each to other that whether of them could first lay hands on him should either put him to death within eight daies or deliuer him to the other to do with him at his pleasure It was also therein concluded that he should be proclaimed by sound of trumpet enimy to both the Princes and likewise all that should serue helpe aide or fauour him Further the King promised to deliuer to the Duke the towne of Saint Quintin so often before mentioned and to giue him all the Constables treasure and moouables that should be found in the realme of Fraunce with all such seigniories and lordships as were held of the said Duke and among the rest Han and Bohain which are two very strong places Lastly a day was appointed when both the King and the Duke should send their forces to besiege him in Han. Notwithstanding for the reasons aboue rehearsed this conclusion was cleane broken off and a day and place assigned where the Constable should come to commune with the King vnder safe conduct for he stood in doubt of his person bicause of the late treatie held at Bouuines The place assigned was three leagues from Noyon neere to the towne of La Fere vpon a pretie riuer which no man could passe bicause the Constables men had taken vp all the bridges In the said place was a narrow causey ouerthwart the which a strong grate was built whither the Constable came first accompanied with all his men of armes or the greatest part for he had with him aboue three hundred gentlemen all men of armes and he himselfe ware his quirace vnder a short gowne vngirt The King came accompanied with the Earle of Dampmartine Lord great Master of Fraunce the Constables mortall enimie and with sixe hundred men of armes and better and sent me before him to make his excuse to the Constable of his long stay and soone after arriued himselfe and they communed togither at which their communication were present fiue or sixe of the Kings seruants and as many of the Constables who excused his comming thither in armes bicause he stood in feare of the Earle of Dampmartin as he said To be short in the end it was agreed that all offences past should be forgiuen and forgotten and the Constable passed through the grate to our side of the riuer where the Earle of Dampmartin and he were made friends That night he lodged with the King at Noyon and the next morning returned to Saint Quintin throughly reconciled as he said But when the King had well weighed this matter and heard the murmuring of the people he accused himselfe of great folly in going after this sort to commune with his seruant stomaked not a little that he found the grate shut between them considering that all the Constables men of armes were his subiects and paide out of his coffers wherfore if his hatred against the Constable were great before sure this meeting much increased it and as touching the Constable his proud stomack was no whit abated The Notes 1 This Confessor was the Abbot of S. Iohn d'Angely who died prisoner at Nantes in Britaine in the great tower du Buffoy where he confessed maruellous matters and died very strangely Annal. Aquit 2 These places were those that remained in the Lord of Lescuts hands by the treaty of Caen mentioned lib. 1. cap. 15. A discourse very fit for this place of the wisdome of the King and the Constable with good aduertisements to such as are in credit with Princes Chap. 12. IF a man consider well this action of the Kings he cannot but iudge it to proceede of great wisdome for I am of opinion that the Duke of Burgundy to recouer Saint Quintin would easily haue pardoned the Constable all his offences notwithstanding any promise made to the King of the contrary Further as touching the Constable though he were a gentleman of great wisedome and vnderstanding yet did he very vnaduisedly and it appeered that God had vtterly bereft him of all good aduise in that he came thus disguised before the King his Master whose subiects all the men of armes were that accompanied him and to say the truth his very countenance shewed him to be astonished and abashed thereat for when he came in person to the place and found the grate shut betweene
which I did accordingly Then the King began to talke with diuers rehearsing vnto them the contents of these letters of defiance and seuen or eight he called apart causing the said letters to be read and shewing a good and assured countenance void of al feare for he was glad of the comfort the herault had put him in The Notes 1 Melancthon writeth that the Emperor vvould not hazard a battell neither vvith Matthias King of Hungarie nor Duke Charles Quia sibi sciebat Martem in genesi infoeliciter positum esse But Berlandus saith that the Duke fought vvith the Emperor Meyer saith that in a skirmish the Duke ouerthrevv the Marquesse Albert of Brandenbourg and slue 120. of his men and tooke diuers prisoners and another time ouerthrevv the Bishop of Munster slue fiftie tooke sixteene and chased the Bishop hard to the Emperors campe and likevvise another time the Bishops of Mentz Treues Munster and Marquesse Albert and slue a great number of their men And last of all bicause the Emperor and the Duke contended vvhether of them should first depart from before Nuz their footmen ioined and the Duke slue 1500. 2 Peace vvas concluded betvveene the Emperor and the Duke 31. Maij. 1475. 3 The Emperor departed from Nuz 29. Iunij leauing the Duke there vvho vvould not leuie his siege before the Emperors departure bicause of his honor but soone after departed also the Duke Meyer 4 The Duke lost before Nuz 15000. men Annal. Burgund vvherefore Meyer hath small reason to reprooue our author for saying that the Dukes armie vvas in so poore estate that he durst not let the English men see it 5 Hall in his Chronicle reproueth our author for reporting this Garter to be a Norman saying that neuer Norman was King of heraults which notwithstandyng I Know not why we should beleeue for he him selfe confesseth that King Edward the fourth made a Gascoine namely Vaucler Deputie of Calice a much higher and more dangerous office to be in a strangers hand than this 6 How the Queene of England was the Constables neece the pedegree in the ende of this booke will declare Of the trouble the Constable was in and how he sent letters of credit to the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy which after were in part cause of his death Chap. 6. I Must yet speake a word or two more heer of the Constable who was not a little troubled as well for the lewd touch he had plaid the Duke of Burgundy about the restitution of Saint Quintins as also bicause he saw himselfe vtterly disfauored of the King so far foorth that his cheefe seruants namely the Lords of Genly and Mouy had alreadie relinquished him and were in the Kings seruice notwithstanding the said de Mouy resorted still to him sometime Further the King pressed the Constable earnestly to come to him offering to make him such recompence for the countie of Guise as he required and the King had often promised him The Constable was willing to go so that the K. would sweare by the crosse of S. Lou of Angiers to do him no harme nor consent that any other should alleaging that he might as wel sweare therby now as in times past he did to the Lord of Lescute whereunto the King answered that he would neuer giue that oth to any man 1 but any other he would not refuse to sweare You may easily gesse how much both the King and the Constable were troubled for that no day escaped for a certaine space but one or other passed betweene them about this oth Wherefore if we well weigh our estate mans life is very miserie for we toile and trauell our selues to shorten our owne daies saying and writing a number of things cleane contrarie to our thought To conclude if these two were troubled on the one side I warrant you the King of England and the Duke of Burgundie were no lesse troubled on the other At one time in a maner both the King of England landed at Callice 2 and the Duke of Burgundie departed from before Nuz who in great haste rode straight to Callice to the said King with a very small traine for he had sent his armie in such poore estate as you haue heard to spoile the countrie of Barrois and Lorraine to the end they might there make merrie and refresh themselues which he did bicause the Duke of Lorraine had begun war vpon him and defied him before Nuz But this sending of his forces into Lorraine among diuers other his ouersights in his actions with the English men was not the lest for they thought at their landing to haue found him with 2500. men of armes well appointed and great force of other horsemen and footemen for so he had promised thereby to allure them to passe the seas and further that he would haue made war in Fraunce three moneths before their arriuall to the end they might finde the King the wearier and the weaker but God as you haue heard disposed otherwise of this matter The King of England departed from Callice in companie of the Duke of Burgundie and passed through Bolaine and from thence to Peronne where the Duke gaue the English men but cold entertainment for he caused the gates to be straightly garded and would suffer but few to enter so that the greatest part of them lodged in the fields as they might well do for they were well prouided of all things necessarie for that purpose After they were come to Peronne the Constable sent to the Duke of Burgundy one of his seruants called Levvis of Creuille by whom he excused himselfe for the withholding of Saint Quintins alleaging that if he had restored it he could haue stood him in no stead in the realme of Fraunce for he should vtterly haue lost his credit and intelligence there but now seeing the King of England was come ouer in person he promised to do heerafter all that the Duke should command him whereof the better to assure him he sent him a letter of credit directed to the King of England but referring the matter of credit to the declaration of the Duke Further he gaue the Duke his faith in writing to serue and succour him his friends and confederates as well the King of England as others against all men none excepted The Duke deliuered the King of England his letter and withall the matter of credit adding somwhat thereto of his own deuise for he assured the King that the Constable would deliuer into his hands both Saint Quintins and all his other places which the King easily beleeued partly bicause he had maried the Constables neece and partly bicause he saw him in so great feare of the King our Master that he thought he durst not faile of his promise made to the Duke and him and the Duke beleeued it also But the Constable meant nothing lesse for the fear he stood in of the King our Master was not so great that it could force
person Then I demanded of him againe how many he had lost and he answered neuer but one which was this we now bereaued him of adding that he receiued greater dishonor by returning home after this sort than he had obtained honor in winning the other nine Of this communication I aduertised the King who said he was a dangerous knaue and that some meanes must be found to stop his mouth whereupon he sent for him and made him dine at his owne table offering him verie large offers and goodly offices if he would tarry in Fraunce But seeing he would by no meanes be woon thereunto he gaue him a thousand crownes in money promising also a good turne to his brethren that were on this side the sea and I gaue him a watchword in his eare to employ his credit to continue the friendship and amity begun betweene the two Princes The King feared especially aboue all things least some word should escape him at vnawares whereby the English men might gather that he derided them And by chaunce the next morning after this meeting as he was in his closet and not past three or fower of vs with him he spake a merrie word touching the wines and presents sent to the English campe and as he turned about espied a merchant of Gascoine that dwelt in England who was come to mooue a sute to him for a licence to ship certaine Gascoine wines into England without impost which was a sute that might much benefit the said merchant if he could obtaine it The King woondered when he saw him how he was gotten in thither and asked him of what towne he was in Guienne and whether he were a merchant and married in England The merchant answered yea but that his wealth was not great Incontinent before his departure thence the K. appointed one to accompanie him to Bordeaux and I communed with him by his commandement Further a good office in the towne where he was borne was giuen him the licence for the wines which he demanded was granted him and besides this 1000. franks were deliuered him for his wiues charges vpon the way and he sent a brother of his into England for hir but went not himselfe Thus the King condemned himselfe in this penaltie for his ouer large speech The Notes 1 The old copie saith the 19. day Meyer the 31. day Gaguin the 28. of October 2 The like reparteth Iouius of the French How the Constable after the truce made with the English men sought to excuse himselfe to the King and how truce was also concluded for nine yeeres betweene the King and the Duke of Burgundie Chap. 11. THe selfesame day aboue mentioned being the next day after the enteruiew the Constable sent letters to the King by a seruant of his named Rapine who was a trustie seruant to his Master and whom also the King preferred afterwarde Monseur de Lude and my selfe were commanded to heare his message Now you shall vnderstand that Monseur de Contay was already returned from the Duke of Burgundie to the Court about the practise aboue mentioned deuised against the Constable so that the said Constable knew not to what Saint he should vow himself but remained in vtter despaire Rapines message was very humble tending to excuse his Master of the sundry euill reports that he knew had been made of him to the King for that the end sufficiently declared that he neuer meant to do otherwise than dutie required And to the intent he might the better assure the King of his true dealing he promised so to practise with the Duke of Burgundy that he would perswade him to helpe to destroy the King of England and his whole army if it so pleased the King And it seemed by his speech that his Master was in vtter despaire We told him that we were in perfect amity with the English men and would no war But Monseur de Lude who was with me aduentured to aske him if he knew where his Masters treasure lay I maruelled to heare such a word passe him for seeing this Rapine was a very trustie seruant to his Master this speech was sufficient to haue caused the Constable to flie and to vnderstand in what estate he was and what was a brewing for him especially seeing the danger he had been in not past a yeere before But I neuer knew man in my life neither heere nor elsewhere that could dislodge in time and shun the danger hanging ouer his head some bicause they thinke they shall not be receiued nor be in safetie in strange countries and other some bicause they are too much affectionate to their goods wiues and children which two reasons haue been the cause of many a good mans vndooing After we had made report to the King of Rapines message he called for one of his Secretaries none being with him but the Lord Hovvard the King of Englands seruant who vnderstood nothing of this practise against the Constable the Lord of Contay who was returned from the Duke of Burgundy and we two that had talked with the said Rapine Then he indited a letter to the Constable wherein he aduertised him of all that was done the day before namely the treaty of peace Further he senâ—â—â—â— word that he was busied with diuers affaires of great importance and had neede of such a head as his which word was no sooner vttered but he turned to the Englishmen and the Lord of Contay saying softly to them I meane not that we should haue the body but the head without the body This letter was deliuered to Rapine who liked it maruellous well especially those words that the King had need of such a head as his Masters but he vnderstood not the mystery thereof The King of England also sent the King the two letters of credit that the Constable had written to him and disclosed all the messages that he had sent him whereby you may perceiue how the Constable had behaued himselfe towards these three great Princes and in what estate he was euery one of the three desiring his death The King of England vpon the receit of his money departed and marched in great haste towards Callice fearing the D. of Burgundies malice his subiects and not without cause for whensoeuer his men scattered singled themselues some of them came short home At his departure he left for hostages with the King till his returne into England according to his promise the Lord Hovvard and the Master of his horse called Sir Iohn Cheiny You haue heard before at the entrance into these English affaires that K. Edward had no great deuotion to this voyage into Fraunce for being come to Douer before he embarked he began to practise with vs. But there were two causes that mooued him to passe the seas one the desire his whole realme had according to their natural humor to make war in Fraunce and the rather at this present bicause the Duke of Burgundy pressed the war so
Flaunders were cleerely lost And secondarily that the King should pay the one halfe of the English army and the King of England the other The King yeelded great thanks to the King of England for this curteous message and gaue a goodly present of siluer plate to the said Sir Thomas Notwithstansting as touching the war he excused himselfe saying that the truce was already concluded being the very same that the King of England and he had made for the terme of nine yeeres saue that the Duke would haue his letters apart Thus to content the ambassador he excused the matter the best he could and the said Sir Thomas returned into England and the hostages with him The King maruelled much at the King of Englands offers at the report whereof I onely was present But it seemed to him a dangerous thing to cause the King of England to passe the seas againe both bicause euery trifle would breede quarrels betweene the French and English being in campe togither and also bicause it was to be feared that the Burgundians and they would easily concile themselues wherefore he was so much the more desirous to conclude the truce with the Duke of Burgundy The Notes 1 The French hauing onely Monseur de Narbonne made Sleidan translate it the Bishop of Narbonne whereas in deed he was Vicount of Narbonne not Bishop as other authors affirme and these words Qui an iourd'huy s'appele Monseur de Fouez plainly prooue wherefore for auoiding of Sleidans error I haue put this word Vicount into the text though it be not in the French How the Constables death was fully concluded and sworne betweene the King and the Duke of Burgundie and how he went into the Dukes dominions where by his commandement he was staied and deliuered to the King and after put to death Chap. 12. THe truce being concluded the old practise against the Constable was reuiued and to the end the processe thereof should be short they ratified all that was done before at Bouuines and the writings there made as before you haue heard were againe interchangablie deliuered In the said writings the King promised the Duke Saint Quintins Han Bohain and all the lands that the Constable held of the Duke and all his moouables wheresoeuer they were found 1 Further the maner how to besiege him in Han where he lay was deuised It was also agreed that whether of the two Princes could first take him should either put him to death within eight daies or deliuer him to the other All men incontinent began to feare this confederacie so far foorth that the Constables principall seruants forsooke him namely Monseur de Genly and diuers others Further he being aduertised that King Edward had deliuered his letters to the King and discouered all that he knew of him and seeing also that his enimies had made truce fell into great feare and sent to the Duke of Burgundie humbly beseeching him to giue him a safe conduct to come and speake with him about certaine affaires that greatly imported him The Duke at the first made dainty to grant a safe conduct but in the end sent him one This mighty noble man had oft debated whither he should flie to saue himselfe for he was informed of all that was done and had seene the writings deuised against him at Bouuines Sometime he consulted with certaine of his seruants being Lorrains determining to flie with them into Almain carying a great sum of money with him for the way was very safe therewith to buy som place vpon the riuer of Rhene to remaine in till he were reconciled to one of the two Princes Somtime he resolued to put himselfe into his strong castel of Han which had cost him so much money and which he had fortified to serue him at such a pinch and furnished of al things as well as any castell that euer I knew But he could not finde men to his minde to put into the place bicause all his seruants were borne vnder the Dominions of one of the two Princes And peraduenture his feare was so great that he durst not wholy discouer himselfe and his estate to them for I thinke a great many of them would not haue forsaken him neither was it so dangerous for him to be besieged of both the Princes as of one for it had been impossible for the two armies to agree But in the end he concluded to go to the Duke of Burgundy vnder this safe conduct being accompanied onely with fifteene or twenty horse and rode to Montz in Hainault where the Lord Desmeriez great bailife of Hainault and his especial friend lay With him he soiourned a certaine space attending newes from the Duke of Burgundy who had lately begun war vpon the Duke of Lorraine bicause he had defied him when he lay at the siege before Nuz and done much harme in the countrey of Luxembourg The King being aduertised of the Constables departure purposed so to order the matter that he should neuer recouer the Duke of Burgundies fauor for he leuied seauen or eight hundred men of armes and rode with them in all haste to Saint Quintins knowing well what force was within the towne neere to the which when he approched certaine of the Citizens came foorth to receiue him The King commanded me to enter the towne and appoint euery captaine to his quarter and so I did First the soldiers entred and then the King who was very honorably receiued of the townes men whereupon certaine of the Constables seruants retired into Hainault The King immediately aduertised the Duke by a letter of his own hand of the taking of Saint Quintins thereby to put him vtterly out of hope to recouer it by the Constables meanes Which newes when the Duke vnderstood he sent word to the Lord Desmeriez great bailife of Hainault to garde the towne of Montz in such sort that the Constable could not depart and farther to commaund him to keepe his lodging which commandement the bailife executed accordingly for he durst do no lesse Notwithstanding the garde was not strong enough for such a personage if he had been disposed to escape What shall we say heere of Fortune This noble man dwelt vpon the frontiers of both these Princes dominions being enimies hauing strong townes in his hands and fower hundred men of armes well paied of the which he was Comptroller himselfe and placed whom it pleased him and had been their Captain the space of twelue yeeres He was a wise and a valiant knight and of great experience and had great treasure in ready coine yet notwithstanding at this last pinch his courage so failed him that he wist not what shift to make We may well say that fickle Fortune behelde him with a frowning countenance or rather if we will speake like good Christians we must say that such great miseries depend not vpon Fortune for Fortune is buâ—â— phantasticall fiction of Poetrie Wherefore we must thinke if we will well weigh both
the reasons aboue alleaged and diuers others heere vnrehearsed that God had vtterly forsaken him and giuen him ouer And if it were lawfull for man to iudge as I know it is not especially for me I would say that in mine opinion all this misery fell vpon him bicause he trauelled continually to the vttermost of his power to nourish the war betweene the King and the Duke of Burgundy knowing his great authority and estate to depend therupon although to say the truth the matter needed no great labor for there was a naturall antipathy between them Who is so rude or ignorant to thinke that Fortune or any other like chance was able to cast so wise a man into the disgrace of both these Princes at once who in their liues neuer agreed in any thing saue onely this especially into the King of Englands disgrace who had maried his neece and loued entirely all his wiues kinsmen especially those of this house of Saint Paul It is like therefore yea it is most certaine that God had withdrawne his grace from him in that he had purchased himselfe such hatred of all these three Princes and had not one friend in the world that durst giue him a nights lodging Neither was it fained Fortune that strake this stroke but God alone The like whereof hath hapned and shall happen to diuers others who after great and long prosperity fall into great aduersity and trouble After the Constable was arrested in Hainault by the Duke of Burgundies commandement the King sent word to the Duke either to deliuer him into his hands or execute him according to the tenure of the writings aboue mentioned The Duke answered that he would so do and commanded the Constable to be led to Peronne and there straightly kept Further you shall vnderstand that the Duke had already taken diuers places in Lorraine and Barrois and at this present helde the siege before Nancy which was valiantly defended The King had great force of men of armes in Champaigne which held the Duke in feare for the King was not bound by the truce to suffer him to destroy the Duke of Lorraine who was retired into Fraunce The Lord of Bouchage and diuers other ambassadors sent by the King pressed the Duke earnestly to performe his promise oth and he answered euer that he would so do but yet delaid it more than a moneth ouer and aboue the eight daies wherin he should either haue deliuered the Constable or put him to death Notwithstanding in the end seeing the matter so earnestly pressed and fearing that the King would hinder his enterprise in Lorraine which he so much desired to atchieue to the end he might haue the passage open from Luxembourg into Burgundy and ioine all these Seniories togither for this little Duchy of Lorraine being his he might come vpon his owne dominions from Holland almost as far as Lions 2 For these considerations I say he wrote to his Chancellor and the Lord of Himbercourt so often already mentioned which two had absolute authority in his absence and were both of them the Constables enimies and euill willers to go to Peronne and deliuer the Constable at a day by him prefixed to those that the King should there appoint to receiue him sending word withall to the Lord Desmeriez to deliuer him to the said Chancellor and Himbercourt The Duke of Burgundy in the meane time beat continually the towne of Nancy but there were good soldiers within it which valiantly defended it Further one of the Dukes owne Captaines called the Earle of Campobache a Neapolitane born but banished thence for the house of Anious faction was lately entred into intelligence with the Duke of Lorraine heire apparant of the house of Aniou after the death of King Rene his mothers father This Earle of Campobache promised to prolong the siege and finde meanes that such things should be lacking as were necessary for the taking of the towne 3 Which his promise he was very well able to performe being then the greatest man in the Dukes army but a false traitor to his Master as heerafter you shall heare more at large This was a preparatiue as it were of all those euils and miseries that fell afterward vpon the Duke of Burgundy The said Duke meant as I suppose if he had taken the towne before the day appointed for the Constables deliuery not to deliuer him at all And on the otherside I thinke if the King had had him he would haue done more in the Duke of Lorraines fauor than he did for he was aduertised of the Earle of Campobaches traiterous practises but medled not with them yet was he not bound to let the Duke of Burgundy do what him listed in Lorraine notwithstanding for diuers respects he thought it best so to do besides this he had great forces vpon the frontiers of the said countrey of Lorraine The Duke could not take Nancy before the day appointed for the Constables deliuery 4 which being come the two aboue mentioned executed willingly their Masters commandement 5 and deliuered him at the gate of Peronne to the bastard of Bourbon Admirall of Fraunce and to Monseur de Saint Pierre who led him to Paris Diuers haue told me that within three howers after his departure messengers came in poste from the Duke with a countermaund to wit that he should not be deliuered before Nancy were taken but it was too late At Paris the Constables proces was made and the Duke deliuered all his letters that were in his hands and all such euidence as serued for the proces The King pressed the Court earnestly and Iustices were appointed for the hearing of his cause who seeing the euidence that both the King of England and the Duke gaue against him condemned him to die 6 and confiscated all his goods The Notes 1 Vnderstand this as wel of the moouables he had in the Kings dominions as vnder the Duke 2 The Duke desired Lorraine not onely for the cause heere alleaged by our author but also to proclaime himselfe vnder that colour King of Sicile and Hierusalem 3 This Campobache as some report wrought this treason for that the Duke had once in his rage giuen him a blow Meyer 4 He tooke Nancy about the 19. of Nouember but la Marche saith in the ende of Nouember Meyer 28. Nouemb. 1475. and the Constable was deliuered the 30. of Nouember 5 The Chancellor and Hymbercourt deliuered him with such speede through euill will whereas they ought to haue staide till the second message had come from the Duke for as saith Meyer Ferebat consuetudo exiure militari ciuilique desumpta vt in talibus grauibus rebus secundam semper praetores ministrique expectarent iussionem at hoc isti duo odio grauissimo deflagrantes in comitem stabuli gratúmque volentes facere regi mirum in modum sanguinem illius sitienti non obseruauerunt Si obseruassent vt debeant fortassis virum ipsum ducem Dominum
suum seque ipsos planè seruassent Siquidem statim post Caroli interitum ambo apud Gandauum accepêre talionem 6 The Constable died the 19. of December 1475. Annal. Franc. Gaguin Meyer in whom read the causes of his death fol. 368. A discourse of the fault the Duke of Burgundie committed in deliuering the Constable to the King contrarie to his safe conduct and what ensued thereof Chap. 13. THis deliuerie of the Constable was maruellous strange notwithstanding I speake it not to excuse his faults neither to accuse the Duke for sure he had iust cause to seeke his death But me thinke that he being so great a Prince and of so noble and honorable an house should not haue giuen him a safe conduct and then arrest him And vndoubtedly it was great crueltie to deliuer him where he was sure to die especially for couetousnes But soone after he had thus dishonored himselfe by this deede he receiued great losses and began to fall to ruine So that if we well consider the workes that God hath done in these our daies and daily doth we shal easily perceiue that he will leaue no fault vnpunished and that these strange punishments are inflicted onely by him bicause they surmount far the works of nature For his punishments are sudden especially vpon those that vse violence and cruelty who can not be meane persons but mighty men either in seniories or authority This house of Burgundy had long florished for by the space of a hundred yeeres or thereabout during the which time raigned fower of this house it was more esteemed than any other house in Christendome For all those that were mightier then it had suffered great afflictions and aduersities but it liued continually in perpetual felicity honor The first great Prince of this house was Philip surnamed the Hardy brother to Charles the fift King of Fraunce who maried the daughter and heire of the Earle of Flaunders being Countesse not onely of that countrey but also of Artois Burgundy 1 Neuers and Rethell The second was Iohn the third was the good Duke Philip who ioined to his house the Duchies of Brabant Luxembourg Lambourg and the Counties of Holland Zeland Hainault and Namur The fourth was this Duke Charles who after his fathers death was one of the richest and most redoubted Princes of Christendome and had in moueables namely iewels plate tapestry bookes and naprie more than three of the greatest Princes in Christendome Of treasure in coine I haue seene greater abundance in other Princes Courts for Duke Philip by the space of many yeeres leuied neither subsidies nor taskes yet notwithstanding at his death he left his sonne aboue three hundred thousand crowns in ready money and in peace with all his neighbors which long indured not notwithstanding I will not impute the whole occasion of the wars to him for others were as busie as he His subiects immediately after his fathers death vpon a small request graunted him very willingly a subsidie euerie countrey apart for the terme of ten yeeres amounting yeerly to the summe of 350000. crownes Burgundy not being comprehended therein Yea and at the time he deliuered the Constable he leuied yeerely ouer and aboue the former summe more then 300000. crownes and had aboue 300000. crownes in coine and all the Constables goods that came to his hands amounted hardly to the value of 80000. crownes for he had but 76000. in coine So that the Duke committed this foule fault for small gaine yet was the punishment thereof great for God raised vp an enimie against him of small force of yoong yeeres and of little experience in all things and caused his seruant whom he then most trusted to become false and traiterous He made also the Duke himselfe to mistrust his owne subiects faithfull seruants Are not these such manifest tokens and preparatiues as God vsed in the old Testament against those whose good fortune and prosperitie he meant to chang into misery and aduersitie Yet he neuer humbled himselfe before God but euen till the hower of death attributed all his good successe to his owne wisedome and prowesse before his death he was mightier than any of his predecessors and more esteemed through the whole world Before the Constables deliuerie he was fallen into a maruellous mistrust or great disdaine of his owne subiects for he had sent into Italie for a thousand men of armes Italians Before Nuz also he had great forces of Italians in his campe for the Earle of Campobache had vnder his charge fower hundred men of armes and better This Earle had no possessions for his maintenance for bicause of the wars the house of Aniou had made in the realme of Naples which house he serued he was banished his countrey and lost all his landes and serued euer since his departure out of Italie in Prouence or Lorraine vnder King Rene of Sicile or Duke Nicholas sonne to Duke Iohn of Calabria After whose death the Duke of Burgundie gaue entertainment to most of his seruants especially all his Italians namely this Earle of Campobache Iames Galeot a valiant honorable and faithfull gentleman and diuers others The said Earle of Campobache when he went into Italie to leuie his men receiued of the Duke of Burgundie 40000. duckets in prest for his companie But as he passed through Lions he fell in acquaintance with a Phisition named Master Simon of Pauy by whom he aduertised the King that if he would grant him certaine demands he would promise him at his returne to deliuer the Duke of Burgundy into his hands the like offer made he also to Monseur de Saint Pray then ambassador in Premont for the King Againe at his returne hauing his men of armes lying in the County of Marle he offered the King that so soone as he should be in campe with his Master he would not faile either to kill him or take him prisoner shewing withall the maner how he would do it which was this The Duke rode often about his campe to viewe it mounted vpon a little nagge and very slenderly accompanied at some such time this Earle said he would assault him and execute his enterprise He made yet also another offer to the King namely if the King and the Duke met togither in battell to turne with his men of armes on the Kings side vnder condition that the King would grant him certaine demands The King detested much the treason of this man and of a noble courage aduertised the Duke of his practises by the Lord of Contay aboue mentioned Notwithstanding the Duke would not credit the message supposing that the King sent him this aduertisement to some other end but loued the Earle all the better Wherefore you may see how God had troubled his wits in that he would giue no credit to those manifest demonstrations the King shewed him Well this Earle of Campobache was not so false and traiterous but Iames Galeot was as true and trusty who liued many
with him it might haue turned them to displeasure During this sixe weekes space or thereabout that he soiorned at La Riuiere with small force which was no maruell hauing lost two so great battels many new enimies arose against him his friends fell from him his subiects being defeated and discomfited began to murmur and despise him which is a thing vsuall as before I haue said in such aduersities Further many places in Lorraine were either razed or woon from him namely Vaudemont Espinall and diuers others and on euery side enimies prepared to inuade him and the miserablest slaues were the hardiest In this hurliburly the Duke of Lorraine assembled a small force came before Nancy of the little townes thereabout he held the greatest part notwithstanding the Burgundians kept still Pont-Ã -mousson being fower leagues distant from Nancy Among those that were besieged within the said towne of Nancy was a worshipfull knight called Monseur de Beures of the house of Croy who had vnder him certaine harquebusiers within the towne was also an English captaine though but of meane parentage yet very valiant called Colpin 2 whom I my selfe preferred with certaine others of the garrison of Guisnes to the Dukes seruice This Colpin had within the towne vnder his charge a band of three hundred English men the which grew wearie of the siege though they were troubled neither with batterie nor approches bicause the Duke made no more haste to succour them And to say the truth he committed a foule ouersight in that he approched no neere to Lorraine but lay thus in a place far off where he could do no seruice sith it stood him more vpon to defend that he had already gotten than to inuade the Swissers in hope to reuenge his losses But his obstinacie turned him to great inconuenience in that he would aske no mans aduise but trusted wholy to his owne braine for notwithstanding that they that were besieged continually and earnestly sollicited him to succour the place yet lay he still vpon no necessitie at the said towne of Riuiere sixe weekes or thereabout whereas if he had done otherwise he might easily haue releeued the towne For the Duke of Lorraine had no force before it and by defending the countrie of Lorraine the passage from his other seniories into Burgundy should euer haue been open through Luxembourg and Lorraine Wherefore if his wits had been such then as before time I had knowen them he would sure haue vsed greater diligence During the time that they within Nancy looked daily for succours Colpin aboue mentioned Captaine of the English band within the towne was slaine with a canon shot greatly to the Duke of Burgundies losse For the presence of one man alone endued with vertue and wisedome though but of base race and parentage oftentimes deliuereth his Master from great incoueniences As touching the which point I commend aboue all others the wisedome of the King our Master for neuer Prince feared so much the Losse of his men as he did Colpin being thus slaine the English men within the towne began to mutine and despaire of succours for neither knew they of how small power the Duke of Lorraine was nor what goodly meanes the Duke of Burgundie had to leuie new forces Further bicause of long time the English men had made no wars out of their owne realme they vnderstood not what the siege of a towne meant Wherefore they resolued in the end to parlament and told Monseur de Beures captaine of the towne that if he would not fall to composition with the Duke of Lorraine they would compound without him He notwithstanding that he were a trustie Knight lacked courage and fell to intreaties and perswasions whereas in mine opinion stouter language would better haue preuailed but God had already disposed heerof If the towne had been held but three daies longer it had been releeued To conclude the said de Beures agreed to the English men and yeelded the place to the Duke of Lorraine 3 and so departed he and all that were within it with bag and baggage The next day or at the furthest within two daies after the towne was yeelded the Duke of Burgundie arriued there well accompanied considering his estate for certaine bands were come to him from Luxembourg which had beene leuied in his other seniories Before Nancy the Duke of Lorraine and he met but no great exploit was done bicause the Duke of Lorrains force was small The said Duke of Burgundie continuing still his former enterprise determined to lay his siege againe before Nancy wherefore better it had beene for him not to haue delaide so long vpon selfewill the succouring of the towne But God giueth such extraordinarie mindes to Princes when he is purposed to alter their good successe If the Duke would haue followed good aduise and manned well the small places about the towne he might easily in short space haue recouered it for it was vnfurnished of victuals and he had men ynow yea too many to haue held it in greater distresse In the meane time he might commodiously haue refreshed and repaired his army but he tooke the contrary course The Notes 1 Cardanus giueth three natural remedies or purgations of sorrow fasting weeping sighing 2 This Colpin the new copy calleth throughout Cohin but the old Colpin and La Marche Iehannin Collepin wherefore I haue been bould to amend it according to the old copie 3 Nancy vvas yeelded the 6. of October Meyer Of the Earle of Campobaches great treasons and how he kept the Duke of Burgundy from hearing a gentleman that would haue reuealed them to him before he was put to death and how the said Duke made no account of the aduertisement the King sent him Chap. 6. DVring the time the Duke of Burgundy held before Nancy this siege vnfortunate to himselfe to all his subiects and to many others whom this quarrell in no wise concerned diuers of his men began to practise his destruction For as you haue heard many enimies were now risen against him on all sides and among others Nicholas Earle of Campobache in the realm of Naples whence he was banished for the house of Anious faction This Earle after the death of Nicholas Duke of Calabria whom he serued hauing as I said before neither lands nor liuing was receiued with diuers others of the said Duke of Calabrias seruants into the Duke of Burgundies house who at his first comming deliuered him 40000. ducats in prest to go into Italy to leuy therewith fower hundred launces that were vnder the said Earles charge and paied by himselfe From the which day forward euen till this present he euer sought his Masters destruction and now seeing him in this aduersitie began to practise a fresh against him both with the Duke of Lorraine and also with certaine of the Kings captaines and seruants that lay in Champaigne neere to the Dukes campe To the Duke of Lorraine he promised so to order the
matter that this siege should take no effect For he would finde meanes that such things as were necessary both for the siege and battery should be lacking which promise he was well able to performe for the principall charge thereof was committed to him neither had any man so great authority in the army vnder the Duke of Burgundy as he But his practises with the Kings captaines touched the quick neerer for he continually promised them either to kill his Master or take him prisoner demaunding for recompence thereof the charge of these fower hundred launces twenty thousand crowns to be deliuered him in ready money and some good Earledome in Fraunce While this Earle was practising these treasons certaine of the Duke of Lorraines gentlemen attempted to enter the towne of Nancy Some of the which entred and some were taken among whom was one Cifron a gentleman born in Prouence who was the onely man that entertained these practises betweene the Earle of Campobache and the said Duke of Lorraine The D. of Burgundy presently commanded this Cifron to be hanged alleaging that by the law of armes after a Prince hath laid his siege before a place and made his battery if any man attempt to enter to comfort those that are besieged he ought to die Yet is this law not practised in our wars which are much crueller then the wars of Italy or Spaine where it is put in vse But law or no law the D. would that in any wise this gentleman should die who seeing no remedy sent word to the D. that if it would please him to giue him audience he would reueale a secret to him that touched his life whereof certaine gentlemen to whom he vttered this speech went to aduertise the Duke with whom at their arriuall they found the Earle of Campobache come thither either by chance or of purpose to be alwais at hand fearing least Cifron whom he knew to be taken should reueale all his conspiracies for he was priuy to them all and that was indeed the secret he would haue discouered The Duke made answer to these gentlemen that brought him this message that he vsed this delay onely to saue his life commanding him to open the matter to them vpon the which word the Earle of Campobache laid hold perswading the Duke that so it should be best For you shall vnderstand that none of the Dukes counsell neither any other persons were present with him at the debating of this matter but this Earle onely who had charge of the whole army and a Secretary that was writing The prisoner answered that he would vtter it to no man but to the Duke onely whereupon the Duke commanded him againe to be led to execution and so he was But vpon the way thitherward he desired diuers gentlemen to intreat the Duke their Master for him affirming this to be such a secret as the Duke would not for a Duchy but know Many that were acquainted with him pitied him went to desire the Duke to vouchsafe him the hearing But this traiterous Earle who kept the Dukes chamber being of timber so straightly that no man might enter in refused the doore to these gentlemen saying that the Duke had commanded him to be hanged with speed and further sent diuers messengers to the Prouost to hasten the execution Thus was this Cifron hanged to the Duke of Burgundies great preiudice and better had it been for him to haue vsed lesse cruelty and gently to haue heard this gentleman which if he had done peraduenture he had been yet liuing his house florishing his dominions in safety yea and much inlarged considering the broiles that haue hapned since in this realme But it is to be thought that God had otherwise disposed heereof bicause of the dishonorable part the Duke had plaide the Earle of Saint Paule Constable of Fraunce not long before For you haue already heard in this historie how notwithstanding his safe conduct he took him prisoner deliuered him to the King to put him to death and sent also all the letters and writings he had of the said Constables seruing for his processe And although the Duke had iust cause to hate him euen to the death and to procure his death for diuers considerations too long to rehearse so that he might haue done it without stayning his honor yet all the reasons that may be alleaged on his behalfe cannot excuse his fault in that contrarie to his promise honor hauing giuen him a sufficient safe conduct he tooke him and sold him for couetousnes partly to recouer the towne of S. Quintin with other the said Constables places lands and goods and partlie to stay the King from hindering his enterprise at Nancy when he first besieged it For lying at that siege after many delaies he deliuered the Constable fearing least the Kings army being in Champaigne would haue hindered his said enterprise if he had done otherwise For the King threatened him by his ambassadors bicause it was agreed betweene them that whether of them could first lay hands vpon him should deliuer him to the other within eight daies or put him to death But the Duke had passed the terme of the Constables deliuerie many daies as you haue heard so that the onely feare of losing Nancy and the greedie desire of hauing it caused the Duke to deliuer him to the King But euen as in this place of Nancy he committed this foule fault and afterward also in the same place at the second siege put Cifron to death refusing to heare him speake as one hauing his eares stopped and wits troubled euen so in the selfesame place was he himselfe deceiued and betraied by him whom he most trusted and peraduenture iustly punished for his false dealing with the Constable in deliuering him for couetousnes to haue the said towne But the iudgement heerof appertaineth to God alone neither speake I it to any other end but to declare this matter at large and to shew how much a good Prince ought to eschew such false and faithlesse dealing what counsell soeuer be giuen him thereunto For oftentimes those that giue a Prince such aduise do it either to flatter him or bicause they dare not gainsay him and yet when the fault is committed they are sorrie for it knowing the punishment both of God and man that is like to ensue But such councellors are better far from a Prince than neere about him You haue heard how God appointed this Earle of Campobache his deputie in this world to take reuenge of the Constables death committed by the Duke of Burgundie in the selfesame place and after the same manner or rather a crueller For euen as the Duke contrarie to his safe conduct and the trust the Constable had reposed in him deliuered him to death euen so was himselfe betraied by the trustiest man in his armie I meane by him whom he most trusted and whom he had receiued into his seruice being old poore and destitute of liuing and
all good counsell and sought all meanes to hurt themselues In the which vale of misery they are still like to continue or if happily they wade out of it for a season like they are to fall into it againe Wherefore I am of a certaine wise mans opinion of my acquaintance that God giueth to subiects Princes according as he will punish or chastise them and likewise towards the Prince disposeth the subiects harts according as he will aduaunce or abase him and euen so dealt he with the subiects of this house of Burgundie For after three great good and sage Princes who gouerned them the space of 120. yeers or more with great wisedome and vertue he gaue them in the end this D. Charles who held them in continuall wars trauell and charges almost as much in winter as sommer so that a great number of rich wealthy men were either slaine in these wars or starued in prison Their great miseries began before Nuz and continued with the losse of three or fower battels till the hower of the Dukes death who in this last battell wasted and consumed the whole force of his countrie and lost all his seruants that could or would haue defended the estate and honor of his house It seemeth therefore as before I said that this aduersity hath counteruailed all the time of their felicitie For as I say that I haue seene him a great mighty and honorable Prince so may I say also of his subiects for I haue trauelled the best part of Europe in mine opinion yet saw I neuer countrey in my life of the like greatnes no nor far greater abound with such wealth riches sumptuous buildings large expences feasts bankets and all kinde of prodigality as these countries of Burgundy did during the time that I was there And if those that knew them not during the time that I speake of thinke my report too large I am sure others that knew them then as well as my selfe will thinke it too little But God with one blowe hath laid flat on the ground this sumptuous building I meane this mighty house that bred and maintained so many woorthy men that was so greatly esteemed both far and neere and obtained greater victories and liued in greater honor during the time it florished than any other which great felicity and grace of God towards them continued the space of a hundred and twenty yeeres During the which time all their neighbors suffered great afflictions namely Fraunce England and Spaine so far foorth that all these at one time or other haue come to craue helpe and succor of this house of Burgundy as you haue seene by experience of the King our Master who in his youth while his father King Charles the seuenth raigned liued in Burgundy the space of sixe yeeres with good Duke Philip who louingly receiued him As touching the Princes of England I haue seene in the Duke of Burgundies court King Edvvards two brethren the Dukes of Clarence and Glocester who afterward named himselfe King Richard the third and on the contrary side of the house of Lancaster that tooke part with King Henry I haue seene in maner all the noble men suing to this house of Burgundy for aide To be short as I haue knowen this house honored of all men so haue I also seene it at one instant fall downe topsie turuy and become the most desolate and miserable house in the world both in respect of the Prince and also of the subiects Such like works hath God brought to passe before we were borne and wil also when we are dead For this we ought certainly to beleeue that the good or euill successe of Princes dependeth wholy vpon his diuine ordinance The Notes 1 Of the deuise of the Fuzill read the chronicles of Flanders pag. 345. Claude Paradin in his deuises heroiques pag. 46. and Annal. Burgund lib. 3. pag. 711. who saith that he gaue the striking iron bicause it is made in the forme of B. which is the first letter of Burgundie Further he giueth the said iron striking against a stone with infinite sparkles flying from them to signifie that the cruell wars betweene the Duke of Burgundie and the realme of Fraunce had set all their neighbours on fire 2 His meaning is that bicause he bestowed vpon euerie man he could not bestow much vpon any one whereby his liberalitie was the lesse apparant 3 He meaneth in hearing their sutes for as touching matters of counsell he hath said before in diuers places that he would neuer vse any mans aduise How the King was aduertised of the Duke of Burgundies last ouerthrow and how he gouerned his affaires after the said Dukes death Chap. 10. BVt to proceede in our historie the King who had now laid posts in his realme for before were neuer any looked howerly for the certaine newes of this battell of Nancy bicause of the occurrents he had alreadie receiued of the Almains arriuall and of all the other circumstances aboue rehearsed and was foorthwith aduertised of the Dukes ouerthrowe Diuers there were that waited diligently to beare him the first newes heerof for alwaies he gaue somwhat to him that first brought him tidings of any good newes withall not forgetting the messengers Further his delight was to talke of them before they came and to promise rewarde to him that could bring him some good newes Monseur de Bouchage and my selfe being togither receiued the first word of the battell of Morat whereof both of vs iointly aduertised the King who gaue to each of vs two hundred marks of siluer Monseur de Lude who lodged without Plessis was the first man that knew of the Courriers arriuall with the letters of this battell of Nancy and commanded the said Courrier to deliuer him his packet who durst not denie it him bicause of the Kings great fauour towards him The next morning by breake of day the said de Lude came rapping at the doore next to the Kings chamber which foorthwith was opened to him and in he went and deliuered these letters sent from the Lord of Cran and diuers others notwithstanding none of them writ any certaintie of the Dukes death but some reported that he was seene flie and was escaped This newes at the first so rauished the King with ioy that he wist not what countenance to shew notwithstanding two doubts there were that troubled him the one least the Almaines if the Duke were taken for greedines of monie whereof the Duke had plentie would not onely raunsome him but also conclude some treatie with him and of his foes become his friends The other if the Duke were escaped thus thrise discomfited whether he should seaze into his hands his seniories of Burgundy or no knowing them easie to be taken bicause in manner all the force of the countrie was slaine in these three battels Touching the which point his resolution whereunto few I thinke but my selfe were priuy was if the Duke were escaped aliue to
command his army that lay in Champaigne and Barrois to enter incontinent into Burgundie during this great feare and astonishment of the people and hauing seazed all the countrie into his hands he meant to aduertise the Duke that he did it onely to saue it for him and defend it from the Almaines For bicause the said Duchie was held of the crowne he would for no good that it should be a pray for them but whatsoeuer he had taken he would faithfully restore as vndoubtedly he would though many happily will not credite it And no maruell for they know not the reasons that would haue mooued him thereunto but he altered this determination when he vnderstood of the Dukes death Immediately after the King being at Tours had receiued the letters aboue mentioned which reported nothing of the Dukes death he sent into the towne for all his captaines and diuers noble men to whom he read these letters whereat they seemed in apparance greatly to reioice but those that looked narrowlier into their behauiour perceiued that a great many of them forced their mirth and wished with all their harts notwithstanding their outward shew that the world had gone otherwise with the Duke The reason wherof peraduenture was bicause the K. heretofore had liued in great feare but now they doubted seeing him deliuered of so many enimies that he would alter many things especially offices and pensions For there were a great number in the companie that had borne armes against him both in the war called THE WEALE PVELIKE whereof you haue heard in the beginning of this historie and in diuers other broiles betweene him and the Duke of Guienne his brother After he had communed a while with these noble men and captaines he went to masse which being ended he caused the table to be couered in his chamber and made them all dine with him the Lord Chauncellor and certaine others of his counsell being also present All dinner-while he talked of these affaires but I and diuers others marked with what appetite those that sate at the table dined And vndoubtedly there was not one of them I wot not whether for ioy or sorrow that ate halfe a meales meate yet were they not ashamed to eate in the Kings presence for euery one of them had often before dined at his table When the King was risen from dinner he withdrew himselfe and gaue to diuers certaine of the Duke of Burgundies lands if he were dead and soone after dispatched the Admirall of Fraunce called the bastard of Bourbon and my selfe giuing vs commission to receiue into his allegeance as many as would become his subiects and further commanding vs to depart incontinent and to open all courriers packets that we should meet with to the end we might be certainly informed whether the Duke were dead or aliue We departed in great haste though in the extreamest colde weather that euer I felt and when we had ridden about halfe a daies iourney we met with a Poste whom we commanded to deliuer vs his letters the contents whereof were that the Duke was found among the dead bodies 1 and knowne by an Italian Page that serued him and by his Phisition called Master Louppe a Portugale borne who sent word to Monseur de Cran of the Duke his Masters death who incontinent aduertised the King thereof The Notes 1 By what markes the Dukes body was knuwne read Annal. Burgund How the King after the Duke of Burgundies death seazed into his hands the towne of Abbeuille and of the answer they of Arras gaue him Chap. 11. WHen we vnderstood these newes we rid foorthwith to the subburbs of Abbeuille and were the first that brought word of the Dukes death into those parts At our arriual we foūd the towns men in treaty with Monseur de Torcy whom they had loued of long time But the soldiers and those that had been the Dukes officers treated with vs about the deliuery of the towne by a messenger whom we sent thither before vs so far foorth that vpon our promises they caused fower hundred launces to depart the towne which the townes men seeing immediately opened the gates to Monseur de Torcy greatly to the hinderance of the captaines and the other officers of the towne to seauen or eight of the which we had promised both money and pensions for we had commission from the Kïng so to do wherof nothing was performed bicause the towne was not yeelded by their meanes This towne of Abbeuille was parcell of those lands that King Charles the seauenth engaged to Duke Philip of Burgundy at the treaty of Arras vnder this condition that for default of heire male they should returne to the crowne Wherefore it is not to be maruelled if so lightly they opened to vs their gates From Abbeuille we rid to Dourlans and sent to sommon Arras the chiefe towne of Artois the ancient inheritance of the Earles of Flaunders which hath alwaies descended as wel to the heires females as males Monseur de Rauastain and Monseur de Cordes who were within the towne condescended to come treat with vs at an abbey neere the towne called Mont Saint Eloy bringing with them certaine of the towne To the which treaty we agreed that I should go and certain with me for bicause we supposed they would not yeeld to our requests it was thought good that the Admirall should not go Immediately after my arriuall at the place assigned the Lords of Rauastaine and Cordes being accompanied with diuers gentlemen and certaine also of the towne repaired thither Among those that came to negotiate with vs for the towne was their Recorder called Master Iohn de la Vaquerie since that time chiefe president in the court Parlament at Paris We required them at this meeting to open vs the gates and to receiue vs into the towne for the King saying that he claimed both towne and countrey as his by way of confiscation adding that if they refused so to do they were like to be forced thereunto seeing both their Prince was slaine and their countrey vtterly vnfurnished of men of war bicause of these three battels they had lost The Lords aboue named made vs answer by the said Master Iohn de la Vaquerie that this countie of Artois appertained of right to the Lady of Burgundie daughter and heire to Duke Charles and descended to hir by inheritance from the Lady Margaret somtime Countesse of Flaunders Artois Burgundie Neuers and Retell the which married with Philip the first Duke of Burgundie sonne to King Iohn of Fraunce 1 and yoongest brother to King Charles the fift wherefore they humbly besought the King to keepe the truce concluded betweene him and the late Duke Charles Our communication was but short for we supposed before our meeting that this should be our answer But the chiefe cause of my going into those parts was to commune with certaine of mine acquaintance there and to draw them to the Kings seruice with
and put his forces into it Diuers others also he named whom he had sent to other great townes and this matter he made Monseur de Lude and two or three others to debate with me It became not me to reason against him nor gainsay his pleasure but I told him that I feared Master Oliuer and the others whom he named would not so easily take these great townes as they supposed The King vsed this communication with me bicause he had altered his minde and hoped by reason of his good successe in the beginning that all the countrie would yeeld vnto him Moreouer he was counselled by diuers and was also of himselfe inclined thereunto vtterly to destroy this house of Burgundie and to disperse the seniories therof among diuers men some of the which he named vpon whom he was purposed to bestow the Earldoms namely Henault and Namur that border vpon Fraunce with the greater seniories as Brabant Holland and the rest he meant to win certaine Princes of Almaine to his friendship to the end they might aide him in the atchieuing of his enterprise All the which matters it pleased him to acquaint me with bicause I had counselled him before to take the other course aboue rehearsed wherefore he would that I should vnderstand the reasons why he followed not mine aduise Further he alleaged that this course should be most beneficiall for his realme the which had sustained infinite troubles bicause of the greatnes of this house of Burgundie and the mightie seniories that it possessed And sure as touching the world his reasons carried great shew though in conscience me thought otherwise notwithstanding such was his wisedome that neither I nor any of his seruants could see so far into his affaires as himselfe did for vndoubtedly he was one of the wisest and subtilest Princes that liued in his time But in such waightie affaires God disposeth the harts of Kings and great Princes which he holdeth in his hands and directeth them into those waies that best serue for the executing of his determinations for vndoubtedly if it had pleased him that the King should still haue continued in that course which he of himselfe had deuised before the Dukes death the wars that haue been since and yet are had neuer happened But we were vnwoorthie on both sides to enioy that quiet peace that was then offered vs which sure was the onely cause of the Kings error not want of wit for as you haue heard in wit no man excelled him I write of these affaires at large to shew that when a man attempteth any great enterprise he ought at the first thoroughly to debate it to the end he may choose the wisest way but especially to submit himselfe to God and humbly to beseech him to direct him into the best course which is the principall point as appeereth both by the scriptures and by experience I minde not heere to blame the King nor say that he erred in this behalfe for peraduenture diuers which knew and vnderstood more than my selfe were then and yet are of his opinion notwithstanding the matter was not debated there nor elsewhere Further those that write Chronicles frame their stile commonly to their commendation of whom they speake omitting diuers points somtimes bicause they know not the truth of them But as touching my selfe I minde to write nothing but that is true and which I my selfe either haue seen or learned of such parties as are woorthie of credite not regarding any mans commendation For no Prince is to be thought so wise but that he erreth somtime yea oftentimes if he liue long as should well appeere by their actions if they were alwaies truly reported The greatest Senates and Consuls that be or euer haue beene haue erred and do erre as we may reade and daily see When the King had reposed himselfe one day in this village neere to Peronne he determined the next morning to make his entry into the towne for it was yeelded him as you haue heard And at his departure he drew me aside and commanded me to go into the countrey of Poictou and the frontiers of Britaine telling me in mine eare that if neither Master Oliuers enterprise tooke effect nor Monseur de Cordes reuolted to him he would cause all the countrey of Artois called La Leuée lying vpon the riuer of Lis to be burned and that done returne againe into Touraine I desired him to be good to certaine who by my means were become his seruants and to whom I had promised in his name pensions and great rewards whereupon he tooke their names of me in writing and performed all that I had promised Thus I tooke my leaue of him for that time But euen as I was taking horse Monseur de Lude came to me whom the King for certaine considerations fauored greatly He was a man much giuen to his owne priuate gaine and as he cared not to deceiue and abuse any man so was he also very light of beliefe and often beguiled himselfe He had been brought vp with the King from his childhood knew which way to feed his humor and had a very pleasant head He came and said thus to me wisely after a iesting maner what depart you now when you should be made or neuer seeing the great things that fall daily into the Kings hands wherewith he may enrich those that he loueth For my part I looke to be gouernor of Flaunders and to make my selfe all of golde in vttering the which words he brake foorth into great laughter but I had no lust to laugh bicause I feared that this proceeded of the King Mine answer was that I would be right glad if his fortune might be such and that I trusted the King would not forget me A certaine knight of Hainault was come to me not past halfe an hower before my departure who brought me newes of diuers with whom I had peswaded by letters to put themselues into the Kings seruice The said knight and I are kinsemen and he is yet liuing wherfore neither wil I name him nor those of whom he brought me this aduertisement His offer in few words was to yeeld vnto the King the chiefe places and townes in Hainault Whereof I aduertised the King euen as I was taking my leaue who after he had talked with the said knight told me that neither he nor those others whom I named were such as he had need of He misliked one for this point and another for that and their offer seemed vnto him nothing for he thought to obtaine all that he desired without them Againe after my departure the King made Monseur de Lude to commune with the same knight who was much discontented with the said de Ludes words and departed incontinent without entring into farther treaty bicause the said de Lude and he would neuer haue agreed in any point For whereas this knight was come out of Hainault to get somwhat at the Kings hands whereby to inrich
of Burgundie in hir childhood and further when the Duke of Burgundie died he was gouernor of Picardie Seneschall of Ponthieu Captaine of Contray gouernor of Peronne Montdidier and Roye and Captaine of Bolloin and Hedin All the which offices he holdeth yet at this present of the King in such maner and forme as after the Dukes death the King our Master confirmed them vnto him After the King had fortified the citie of Arras as you haue heard he departed thence to besiege Hedin leading thither with him the said de Cordes who had beene captaine of the place not past three daies before and his men were yet within it and made shew as though they would defend it for the Lady of Burgundie saying that they had sworne to be true vnto hir but after the artillerie had beaten it two or three daies they fell to parlament with the said de Cordes their late captaine and yeelded the towne to the King But this was indeede a compact matter betweene the King and them From thence the King went before Bolloin where the like was also done but they held as I remember a day longer than the others This was a very dangerous enterprise if there had been soldiers in the countrie and that the King knew well ynough as he afterward told me for diuers in Bolloin perceiuing this to be a meere collusion between the soldiers and him trauelled to put men into the towne if they could haue leuied them in time and to haue defended it in good earnest During the space of fiue or sixe daies that the King lay before Bolloin they of Arras perceiuing how they had beene abused and considering in what danger they stood being enuironed on euery side with a great number of soldiers and great force of artillery trauelled to leuy men to put into their town and write thereabout to their neighbors of Lisle and Douay At the said towne of Douay was Monseur de Vergy and diuers others whose names I remember not with a fewe horsemen escaped out of the battell of Nancy These determined to enter the towne of Arras and leuied all the force they could being to the number of two or three hundred horse good and bad and fiue or sixe hundred footemen But they of Douay whose pecockes feathers were not yet all pulled constrained them spite of their teeths to depart the towne at noone day which was great folly and so came of it For the countrey beyond Arras is as plaine as a mans hand and betweene Douay and Arras are about siue leagues If they had taried till night as they would if they might haue been suffered they had sure accomplished their enterprise But when they were vpon the way they whom the King left in the city of Arras namely Monseur de Lude Iohn de Fou and the Marshall of Loheacs companie being aduertised of their comming determined with all speed to issue foorth and encounter them and to put all in hazard rather then to suffer them to enter the towne for they well perceiued that if they entered the towne the city could not be defended Their enterprise was verie dangerous yet they executed it valiantly and put to flight this band issued out of Douay the which also they so speedily pursued that they were all in a maner either slaine or taken and amongst the prisoners was Monseur de Vergy himselfe The next day the King arriued there in person reioicing much because of this discomfiture and caused all the prisoners to be brought before him and of the footemen commanded a great number to be slaine to put thereby those few men of war yet remaining in those quarters into the greater feare Moreouer Monseur de Vergy he kept long in prison bicause he would by no meanes be brought to do him homage notwithstanding that he lay in close prison in irons But in the end hauing been prisoner a yeere and more by his mothers perswasion he yeelded to the Kings pleasure wherein he did wisely For the King restored him to all his lands and al those he was in sute for He gaue him farther ten thousand franks of yeerely reuenewes and diuers other goodly offices They which escaped out of this discomfiture being verie fewe in number entred the towne before the which the King brought his artillerie and laide his batterie The artillery was goodly and great and the batterie terrible but the towne wall and the ditch nothing strong wherefore they within were in great feare the rather bicause the town was vtterly vnfurnished of soldiers Furher Monseur de Cordes had intelligence within it to say the truth the citie being in the Kings hands the towne could not be defended wherefore they fell to parlament and yeelded it by composition which notwithstanding was euil obserued wherof Monseur de Lude was partly to blame For diuers burgesses and honest men were slaine in the presence of him and Master VVilliam de Cerisay who maruellously inriched themselues there for the said de Lude told me that he got during the time of his being there twenty thousand crownes and two timbers of Marterns Moreouer they of the towne lent the King 60000. crownes which summe was much too great for their abilitie but I thinke it was repaied them for they of Cambray lent 40000. which I am sure were restored as I thinke were these also The Notes 1 This request the King made as Tutor and Godfather to the yoong Ladie in which respect also the said ambassadors did as he required 2 Arras was cut in two to wit into the towne and the citie the towne vnder the Dukes of Burgundie was fortified and the dravve bridge was drawen into the towne but the King beat downe the fortification of the towne and fortified the citie and altered also the drawe bridge and drew it vp into the ccitie whereas before it was drawen vp into the towne 3 If the King had demanded the towne of Arras the ambassadors would neuer haue granted it bicause it was the whole strength of the countrey but by obtaining the citie at that time not greatly accompted of bicause it was vtterly vnfortified he got the said de Cordes discharge who soone after procured him both the towne of Arras and the greatest part of the countrey of Artois 4 For they vvere vvilling to yeeld it but bicause they vvould depart like souldiers and vvithout suspicion of treason they desired to haue the cannon brought before it How the citizens of Gaunt hauing vsurped authority ouer their Princesse after hir fathers death came in ambassage to the King as from the three estates of their countrey Chap. 16. THe same time the siege lay before Arras the Ladie of Burgundie was at Gaunt in the hands of hir mutinous subiects greatly to hir losse but to the Kings profit for alwaies ones losse is an others gaine These citizens of Gaunt so soone as they vnderstood of Duke Charles his death thinking themselues thereby cleerely deliuered out
of captiuitie apprehended their Senators being to the number of sixe and twenty and put them all or the greatest part to death pretending that they did it bicause the said Senators the day before had commanded one to be beheaded though not without desert yet without authority as they said their commission being determined with the Dukes death by whom they were chosen into that office They slew also diuers honest men of the towne that had beene the Dukes freinds amongst whom were some that when I serued him disswaded him in my presence from destroying a great parte of the towne of Gaunt which he was fullie resolued to haue done Further they constrained their Princes to confirm al their ancient priuileges both those they lost in the time of Duke Philip by the treatie of Gauures those also that Duke Charles tooke from them The said priuileges serued them onely for firebrands of rebellion against their Princes whom aboue all things they desire to see weake and feeble Moreouer during their Princes minoritie and before they begin to gouerne they are maruellous tender ouer them but when they are come to the gouernment they cannot away with them as appeereth by this Ladie whom they loued deerely and much tendered before hir comming to the state Further you shall vnderstand that if after the Dukes death these men of Gaunt had raised no troubles but had sought to defend the countrey they might easily haue put men into Arras and peraduenture into Peronne but they minded onely these domesticall broiles Notwithstanding while the King laie before the towne of Arras certaine ambassadors came to him from the three estates of the said Ladies countries For at Gaunt were certaine deputies for the three estates but they of the towne ordered all at their pleasure bicause they held their Princesse in their hands The King gaue these ambassadors audience who among other things said that they made no ouerture of peace but with consent of their Princesse who was determined in all matters to follow the aduise and counsell of the three estates of hir countrie Further they required the King to end his war in Burgundie and Artois and to appoint a day when they might meete to treate friendly togither of peace and in the meane time that he would cause a surcease of armes The King had now in a maner obtained all he desired and hoped well of the rest For he was certainly informed that most of the men of war in the countrie were dead and slaine and knew well that a great manie others had forsaken the said Ladies seruice especiallie Monseur de Cordes of whom he made great reckoning and not without cause for he could not haue taken by force in long time that which by his intelligence he obtained in few daies as before you haue heard wherefore he made small account of these ambassadors demaunds Further he perceiued these men of Gaunt to be such seditious persons and so inclined to trouble the state of their countrie that his enimies by meanes thereof should not be able to aduise nor giue order how to resist him For of those that were wise and had been in credit with their former Princes none were called to the debating of any matter of state but persecuted and in danger of death especially the Burgundians whom they hated extremely bicause of their great authoritie in times past Moreouer the King who sawe further into these affaires than any man in his realme knew well what affection the citizens of Gaunt had euer borne to their Princes and how much they desired to see them affeebled so that they in their countrie felt no smart thereof Wherefore he thought it best to nourish their domesticall contentions and to set them further by the eares togither which was soone done for these whom he had to do with were but beasts most part of them townes men vnacquainted with those subtill practises wherein he had been trained vp and could vse for his purpose better than any man liuing The King laide hold vpon these words of the ambassadors that their Princesse would do nothing without the consent and aduise of the three estates of their countrie and answered that they were euill informed of hir pleasure and of certaine particular men about hir for he knew very perfectly that she meant to gouerne all hir affaires by the aduise of certaine particular persons who desired nothing lesse than peace and as touching them and their actions he was well assured they should be disaduowed Whereunto the ambassadors being not a little mooued as men vnacquainted with great affaires made a hot answer that they were well assured of that they said and would shew their instructions if neede so required Whereunto answer was made that they should see a letter if it so pleased the King written by parties woorthie of credit wherein the King was aduertised that the said Lady would gouerne hir affaires by fower persons onely Whereunto the others replied that they were sure of the contrarie Then the King commanded a letter to be brought foorth which the Chauncellor of Burgundie and the Lord of Himbercourt deliuered him at their last being with him at Peronne The said letter was written partly with the yoong Ladies owne hand partly by the Dowager of Burgundie Duke Charles his widow and sister to King Edward of England and partly by the Lord of Rauastain brother to the Duke of Cleues and the said yoong Ladies neerest kinsman so that it was written with three seuerall hands but signed with the name of the yoong Lady alone for the other twaine set to their hands onely to giue it the greater credit The contents of the letter were to desire the King to giue credit to those things whereof the Chauncellor and Himbercourt should aduertise him And further it was therein signified vnto him that she was resolued to gouerne all hir affaires by fower persons namely the Dowager hir mother in law the Lord of Rauastain the aboue named Chauncellor and Himbercourt by whom onely and none others she humbly besought him to negotiate with hir bicause vpon them she would repose the whole gouernment of hir affaires When these citizens of Gaunt and the other ambassadors had seene this letter it heated them throughly and I warrant you those that negotiated with them failed not to blowe the fire In the end the letter was deliuered them and no other dispatch of importance had they neither passed they greatly of any other for they thought onely vpon their domesticall diuisions and how to make a new world neuer looking further into this busines notwithstanding that the losse of Arras ought to haue greeued them much more than this letter but they were townes men as I said before vnacquainted with these affaires They returned straight to Gaunt where they found their Princesse accompanied with the Duke of Cleues hir neerest kinsman and of hir blood by his mother 1 he was an ancient man brought vp continually in
spend both goods and liues in the wars wherefore it is reason they should vnderstand the cause of them before they begun Their subiects they poule in such sort that they leaue them nothing for notwithstanding that they pay them taskes and subsidies aboue their abilitie yet seeke they not to redresse the disorder of their men of armes which liue continually vpon their people without paiement dooing besides infinite mischiefes and iniuries as all the world knoweth For they are not contented with such cheere as they finde in the husband mans house and is set before them but beat also the poore men and constraine them to go foorth to buie them wine bread and victuals and if the good man haue a faire wife or a daughter he shall do wisely to keepe hir out of their sight Notwithstanding seeing these men of armes are duly paied this inconuenience might easily be redressed and order giuen that their paie should be made at euery two moneths ende at the furthest so should they not be able to alleage any pretence of their mischieuous dooings vnder colour that they want paie for the money is leuied and at the yeeres ende there is not one penie owing them I speake this for our realme which is more afflicted and plagued with these men of armes than any other countrey that I knowe But none can redresse this matter but a wise Prince other realmes bordering vpon vs haue other scourges Wherefore to continue this discourse is there any King or Prince that hath power to leuy one penie vpon his subiects besides his demaines without leaue and consent of those that must paie it vnlesse it be by tyrannie and violence A man will say that somtime the Prince can not tarie to assemble his estates bicause it would require too long time Whereunto I answer that if he mooue a war offensiue there needeth no such haste for he may haue leasure inough at his owne pleasure to make preparation And further he shall be much stronger and much more feared of his enimies when he mooueth war with the consent of his subiects than otherwise Now as touching a war defensiue that cloud is seene long before the tempest fall especially when it is forraine war and in this case good subiects ought not to complaine nor refuse any thing that is laid vpon them Notwithstanding such inuasion cannot happen so suddenly but that the Prince may haue leasure at the least to call togither certaine wise personages to whom he may open the causes of the war vsing no collusion therein neither seeking to maintaine a trifling war vpon no necessitie thereby to haue some colour to leuy money Money is also necessarie in time of peace to fortifie the frontiers for defence of those that dwell vpon them least they be taken vnprouided but this must be done measurably In all these matters the wisedome of a sage King sufficeth for if he be a iust Prince he knoweth what he may do and not do both by Gods law and mans To be short in mine opinion of all Seniories in the world that I know the realme of England is the countrey where the common wealth is best gouerned the people least oppressed and the fewest buildings and houses destroied in ciuill wars and alwaies the lot of misfortune falleth vpon them that be authors of the war Our King is the Prince in the whole world that hath least cause to alleage that he hath priuileges to leuy what him listeth vpon his subiects considering that neither he nor any other Prince hath power so to do And those that say he hath do him no honor neither make him to be esteemed any whit the mightier Prince thereby but cause him to be hated and feared of his neighbors who for nothing woulde liue vnder such a gouernment But if our King or those that seeke to magnifie and extol him should say I haue so faithfull and obedient subiects that they deny me nothing I demand and I am more feared better obeied and better serued of my subiects than any other Prince liuing they endure patiently whatsoeuer I lay vpō them and soonest forget all charges past This me thinke yea I am sure were greater honor to the King than to say I leuy what me listeth and haue priuileges so to do which I will stoutly maintaine King Charles the fift vsed no such termes neither did I euer heare such language proceede from any King but from diuers of their seruants who thought they did their Masters great seruice in vttring such speeches but in mine opinion they misbehaued themselues towards their Prince and vsed such language partly bicause they would seeme to be good seruants and partly bicause they knew not what they said But for a manifest proofe of the French mens loialty and obedience to their Prince we neede alleage none other example than that we our selues haue seene of late by experience when the three estates were assembled at Tours after the death of our Master King Lewis the eleuenth which was in the yeere of our Lord 1483. A man might then haue thought that this good assembly was dangerous for the Kings estate yea and diuers there were of meane calling and lesse honesty that said then and haue often said since that it is treason to make mention of assembling the estates and a thing tending to the diminishing of the Kings authority but they themselues are those that worke treason against God the King and the common wealth neither do any vse these speeches but either such as are in authority without desert and vnwoorthy thereof or such as are common tale-carriers and accustomed to talke of trifling matters or such as feare great assemblies least their doings should there be ripped vp and reprehended At this assembly I now speake of all men of what estate soeuer they were thought the realme much weakned and impouerished bicause it had paied by the space of 20. yeeres or more great and excessiue subsidies yea so great that they surmounted yeerely by the summe almost of three millions of francks all subsidies that euer were leuied in Fraunce For King Charles the seuenth leuied yeerely but eighteene hundred thousand franks 7 but King Levvis his sonne leuied at his death seauen and fortie hundred thousand 8 besides the charges of the artillerie and such like expences And sure it was a pitifull thing to behold the miserable estate of the poore people But one good propertie had the King our Master that he hoorded vp no treasure he tooke all and spent all and bestowed more vpon fortification of towns and places for the defence of his realme than all his predecessors ioined togither He gaue also much to churches but in some respects he had done better to haue giuen lesse for he tooke from the poore to giue to them that had no need But there is no man perfect in the whole world Well to proceed Notwithstanding that this realme were so impouerished and oppressed diuers waies did the people
yet after the King our Masters death raise any sedition against the K. that now is the nobilitie and commons tooke they armes against their yoong King went they about to chuse an other sought they to diminishe his authoritie or to bridle him that he should not vse the authoritie of a King I thinke no and to say the truth how could they though diuers glorious fooles said they might But his subiects did cleane contrarie for they all repaired to him as well the Princes as the gentlemen and Burgesses of good townes they all acknowledged him for their King and did him homage and fealtie and the Princes and nobilitie presented their requests in writing humbly kneeling vpon their keenes Further they chose among themselues a counsell of twelue men and the King being but thirteen yeeres of age commanded vpon report of the said counsell Moreouer at this assemblie certaine supplications were made and bils exhibited in the presence of the King and his Counsell in great humilitie for the common wealth of the realme referring all to the King and his Counsels pleasure They granted the King without any deniall all that was demanded and all that was shewed in writing to be necessarie for the maintenance of his estate The summe the King demanded was two millions and a halfe of franks 9 which was ynough and ynough againe yea rather too much than too little without some extraordinarie accident Further the said estates humbly required that at two yeeres end they might assemble againe saying that if the King had not money ynough they would giue him more at his pleasure They promised moreouer if he had wars or that any enimie should inuade him to aduenture their bodies to spend their goods not to refuse any thing for his seruice Are subiects that giue thus liberally to be choked with priuileges whereby the Prince may take what him listeth shall not the King do iustlier both before God and the world to leuie after this sort rather than by extraordinarie will seeing no Prince as I haue said before hath authoritie to command money but by grant vnlesse he will vse tyrannie and incurre the danger of excommunication But a number of Princes are verie beasts not knowing what is lawfull or vnlawfull for them to do in this behalfe Subiects there are also that offend their Prince and refuse to obeie him and succour him in time of neede yea in stead of aiding him when he hath great affaires in hand contemne him and stir vp rebellion and sedition against him contrarie to the allegeance that they owe him When I say Kings or Princes I meane either themselues or such as gouerne vnder them when I say subiects I mean such subiects as haue preheminence beare swaie in the common wealth The greatest mischiefes are wrought commonly by those that are mightie for the weake desire peace quietnes When I say mighty I meane aswell women as men somtime in some places where they haue rule and authoritie either bicause of their husbands affection towards them or bicause they gouerne their affaires or for that their Seniories are their wiues inheritance If I should write of men of meane calling in this world my discourse would be too tedious Wherefore it shall suffice to speake of great estates bicause in them the power and iustice of God is most apparant For although two hundred thousand mishaps chaunce to a poore man no man regardeth them but attributeth them either to pouertie or euill looking to as for example if he be drowned or breake his necke they say this chaunced bicause he was alone so that hardly men will giue eare to it But if some misfortune fall vpon a great citie it is otherwise talked of yet not so much as when it chanceth to a Prince What is the reason then that God sheweth his iustice rather vpon Princes and great men than vpon men of low degree bicause meane and poore men finde ynowe in this world to punish them when they offend yea oftentimes they are punished without desert either for examples sake or for their goods or peraduenture through the iudges fault sometime also they deserue punishment and then it is reason that iustice be done But as touching great Princes or Princesses and their gouernors and counsellors againe as touching prouinces and townes rebellious and disobedient to their Princes and gouernors who wil search out their liues Who wil informe the Iustice of their actions What Iustice will take notice thereof or who will punish their faults I speake of the euill not of the good but few there are of those What is the cause then that mooueth both them and all others to commit these faults aboue rehearsed and many mo which for breuitie I ouerpasse not regarding the power and iustice of God I answer that it is lacke of faith and in those that are ignorant lacke of wit and faith togither but especially of faith which in mine opinion is the onely fountaine of all mischiefes I meane such mischiefes as fall vpon those that complaine that they are troden vnder foote oppressed by those that are mightier than they For if men were fully perswaded the paines of hell to be such as indeede they are and beleeued firmely as we ought all to beleeue that who so hath taken ought by violence or possesseth ought that his father or grandfather tooke wrongfully shall neuer enter into the ioies of paradise vnles he make full satisfaction and restitution of all that he withholdeth from his neighbor whether it be Duchies Earldoms townes castels mooueables medowes ponds or mils euery man according to his estate there is no man liuing be he poore or rich or of what estate and condition soeuer he be that would withhold ought that is not his owne No if all men beleeued this firmely it is not to be thought that there is either Prince Princesse or any other man through the whole world what estate or condition soeuer he be of be he high or low spirituall or temporall man or woman that would wittingly withhold any thing from his subiect or neighbor wrongfully put any man to death hold him in prison take from one to giue to enrich another or seeke to procure dishonesty to his kinsfolks and seruants for his wanton pleasures as for women and such like which is the filthiest attempt that may be made No vndoubtedly we would neuer do as we do if we had a stedfast faith and beleeued that which God and his Church commandeth vs to beleeue vnder paine of damnation knowing our daies to be short and the paines of hell horrible and endlesse Wherefore we may conclude that all mischiefes proceede of want of faith For example whereof when a King or Prince is taken prisoner and feareth to die in prison is there any thing in the world be it neuer so deere vnto him that he will refuse to giue for his deliuerance as appeereth by King Iohn who being taken prisoner by
the Prince of Wales at the battell of Poictiers paied for his raunsome three millions of franks and yeelded to the English men all Aquitaine at the least all that he held in his hands with a number of other cities townes and places yea in a maner the thirde foote of his realme whereby he brought his realme into such pouertie that manie yeeres after they vsed leather monie with a little stud or naile of siluer in the middest thereof And all this gaue he and his sonne King Charles surnamed the VVise for his raunsome And if they would haue giuen nothing yet would not the English men haue put him to death but his greatest paine had beene imprisonment But admit they had put him to death yet had not that pain been so great by the hundred thousandth part as the least paine in hell Why gaue he then all this great raunsome aboue rehearsed destroying his children and subiects but onely bicause he beleeued that which he saw and perceiued well that he could not otherwise be deliuered But peraduenture when he committed the fault for the which this punishment fell vpon him his children and subiects he beleeued not firmely that the offence he made against God and his commandements should be punished Now to conclude there is no Prince or very few that will restore one towne they withhold from their neighbor for the loue of God or to eschew the paines of hell and yet King Iohn gaue all this to deliuer his bodie out of prison I asked a question before who will search out great mens faults who will informe the Iustice of them and who will be the Iustice to punish them Whereunto I now answer that the information shall be the lamentable crie and plaint of their subiects whom they tyrannize and oppresse so many waies without any compassion the sorrowfull lamentation of widowes and orphans whose husbands and fathers they haue wrongfully put to death by meanes whereof their wiues and children haue euer after liued in affliction and miserie and generally the complaints of all those whom they haue persecuted either in their persons or goods These I say shall giue information against them by their great mourning wailing and pitious teares and shall accuse them before the Lord God who will be the iust iudge thereof and peraduenture will not delay the punishment till the world to come but will also punish them in this world which punishment proceedeth of lacke of faith bicause they had not a firme and stedfast beleefe in Gods commandements We must therefore of necessitie confesse that God is forced to shew such tokens and examples to the end both Princes themselues and all the world may beleeue that these punishments fall vpon them for their misbeleefe and sinnes and that God sheweth his mightie power and iustice vpon them bicause none other in this world but he hath power ouer them At the first happily they amend not their liues for Gods scourges be they neuer so great and long But no misfortune falleth vpon a Prince vpon those that gouerne his affaires or vpon those that rule great commonalties but the issue is hurtfull and dangerous to the subiects When I say misfortunes I meane none but such as cause the subiects to smart for to fall from a horse to breake a leg to be punished with a sharpe ague are no misfortunes to a Prince bicause he may be cured of them and peraduenture they may do him good and teach him wit but I call these misfortunes when God is so displeased with a Prince that he will no longer suffer him to raigne but shew his power and iustice vpon him For then first he weakeneth his wits which is a shrewd blowe for all those that haue to do with him he troubleth his house and suffereth it to fall into diuision and disquietnes and the Prince himselfe is so far in Gods disgrace that he flieth the counsell and companie of the wise and aduaunceth none but yoong fooles voide of wit oppressors flatterers and such as soothe him in all his sayings If he take one penie they bid him take two if he threaten a man they bid hang him and after that sort in all other actions Further they giue him counsell in any wise to cause himselfe to be feared and they also behaue themselues cruelly and proudly trusting by this meanes to hold men in awe of them as though authoritie were their inheritance Those whom such Princes by the aduise of these new Counsellors haue banished and displaced hauing serued many yeeres and being well acquainted and friended in their countrie will storme at this vsage and for their sakes their friends and well willers also and peraduenture such iniurie shall be offered them that they shall be forced either to defend themselues or to flie to some Prince their neighbor who perchance is enimy to him that banisheth and chaseth them and so by inward diuision stangers shall enter into the land Is any plague or miserie so great as wars betwixt friends and acquaintance Is any malice so ranke and deadly As touching forren enimies when the subiects are linked togither they may easily make resistance bicause their enimies haue no intelligence nor acquaintance in the realme Thinke you that an vnwise Prince being accompanied with fooles can smell a far off how great a mischiefe diuision among his subiects is or beleeue that it can hurt him or proceedeth of God he eateth and sleepeth no whit the woorse for it he hath neither fewer horses in his stable nor fewerrobes in his wardrobe but many mo companions For he allureth men vnto him by promises and by parting among them the spoiles and offices of those whom he hath banished he giueth also of his owne to win thereby fame and renowme but when he shall least thinke of it God will raise vp an enimie against him whom peraduenture he neuer mistrusted Then will he waxe pensiue and suspect those whom he hath iniuried yea he will feare such as indeede owe him no euill will yet notwithstanding he will not haue his refuge to God in this extremitie but seeke to redresse this inconuenience by force Haue we not seene in our daies examples heerof euen among our next neighbors Haue we not seene the late King of England Edward the fourth of that name heire of the house of Yorke vtterly destroy the house of Lancaster vnder the which both his father and he had liued many yeeres Further the said King Edward hauing done homage to King Henry the 6. being of the house of Lancaster did he not afterward hold him prisoner many yeeres in the tower of London the chiefe citie of the realme where in the end he was put to death Haue we not also seene the Earle of Warwicke principall gouernor of all the said King Edwards affaires after he had put to death all his enimies especially the Duke of Sommerset in the end become deadly enimy to his Master giue his daughter in mariage to the
put from the crowne vnder colour of adulterie committed by hir mother But the matter ended not without great contention and war for the King of Portugale tooke part with his neece and diuers great Lords of Castile ioined with him yet notwithstanding the said Dom Henries sister wife to the son of Dom Iohn King of Arragon obtained the crowne and possesseth it yet at this day and thus this partage was made in heauen as diuers others are Further you haue seene of late daies the King of Scotland and his sonne being thirteene yeeres of age in battell the one against the other the sonne and his faction preuailed and the King was slaine vpon the place 13 This King murthered his owne brother and was charged with diuers other crimes namely the death of his sister and such like You see also the Duchy of Gueldres out of the right line and haue heard what impietie the Duke last deceased vsed against his father Diuers other examples I could rehearse which should manifestly appeere to be punishments and scourges of God which scourges are the principall cause of wars whereof insue mortality and famine all the which euils proceede of lacke of faith Wherefore I conclude considering the wickednes of men especially of great men who know not themselues neither beleeue that there is a God that it is necessarie for euery Prince and gouernor to haue an aduersary to keepe him in feare and humilitie otherwise no man should be able to liue vnder them or neere them The Notes 1 He meaneth that this towne of Gaunt is situate where it is for a plague to the whole countrey of Flaunders which otherwise bicause of the great abundance thereof would soone forget God 2 Fregosi and Fregosini in other histories 3 This diuision began anno 1309. betweene the Abbot of Einsidlen and the village of Suitz and the said Abbot demanded aide of Leopolde Duke of Austrich 4 As for example Leopolde Duke of Austrich brothers sonne to the former that began this diuision whom they slue at the battell of Sempache 9. Iulij ann 1386. 5 The reason heerof reade in Aristot Politic. lib. 1. cap. 2. Problem Anthonii Zimarae 12. 6 Shame commeth of knowledge so that if a man do a fault and for lacke of learning know not that it is a fault he can neuer be ashamed of it nor seeke to amend it 7 1800000. franks are 225000. pound starling after eight souse to the English shilling and the French liuer at two shillings sixe pence starling 8 4700000. franks are 587500. pound starling 9 That is 2500000. franks which amounteth to 312500. pound starling 10 For it was due by the conditions of the treatie 11 How King Henry the seuenth was next heire of the house of Lancaster the pedegree in the end of the worke will declare where also Philip de Commines error is controlled 12 Our Chronicles say but 3000. and some 5000. 13 This King that slue his father in battell was Iames the 4. who married Margaret sister to King Henry the 8. THE SIXT BOOKE How the Duchie of Burgundie was yeelded to the King Chap. 1. NOw to returne to the principal matter and to proceede in this historie written at your request my Lorde of Vienna while the King brought vnder his subiection the places and townes aboue named in the marches of Picardie his armie lay in Burgundie the generall wherof in apparance was the Prince of Orenge 1 that now is who was borne in the countie of Burgundie and a subiect thereof but lately reuolted the second time from Duke Charles wherefore the King vsed his helpe for he was a great Lord well friended and well beloued both in the said countie and also in the Duchie of Burgundie But the Lord of Cran was the Kings lieutenant and he it was in truth that had the charge of the whole armie and in whom the King reposed his principall trust and sure he was a wise man and faithfull to his Master but somwhat too greedie of his owne gaine The said Lord of Cran when he drew neere the countrie of Burgundie sent the Prince of Orenge before him with certaine others to Digeon to perswade with the citizens to become the Kings subiects which enterprise so well they atchieued by the said Princes meanes that the towne of Digeon and all the other places of the Duchie of Burgundie yeelded to the King Aussonne and certaine castels excepted which held yet for the Ladie of Burgundie The King had promised the Prince of Orenge many goodly estates and to restore him to all his grandfathers inheritance in the countie of Burgundie for the which he was in sute with the Lords of Chauuerguion his vncles 2 whom as he said Duke Charles had fauored to his preiudice For this cause had been often pleaded before him with great solemnitie and once the Duke being accompanied with a number of lawyers gaue iudgement against the Prince at the least thus he reported wherefore he forsooke the Dukes seruice and went to the King But Monseur de Cran after he was entred into all these townes aboue mentioned and had gotten into his hands all the best places that should descend to the said Prince by right of inheritance refused to yeeld them to him notwithstanding both the Kings promise and the said Princes request The King also wrote often to him about this matter without all collusion knowing that he much misused the Prince notwithstanding he feared to displease the said de Cran bicause he had the charge of the whole countrie neither thought he that the Prince either would or could haue caused the countrie of Burgundie to rebel as afterward he did at the lest the greatest part therof But I will heere leaue these Burgundies affaires till another conuenient place shall serue to speake further thereof The Notes 1 This Prince of Orenge was Iohn de Chaslons the Prince of Orenge that now is is of the house of Nassaw 2 The olde copie hath Chasteauguion Annal. Burgund Chaumergnon Annal. Franc. Chauuerguion and so vndoubtedly it is to be read for Chasteauguion was brother to this Prince of Orenge Gaguin How the King entertained the English men after the death of Charles Duke of Burgundie to the end they should not hinder his conquest of the said Dukes dominions Chap. 2. THose that heerafter shall reade this historie and happily vnderstand the affaires both of this realme and the countries bordering vpon it better than my selfe will maruell that since the death of Duke Charles I haue hitherto by the space almost of one whole yeere made no mention of the English men and will woonder that they suffered the King to take the townes bordering so neere vpon them namely Arras Bolloin Ardres and Hedin with diuers other castels and to lie so long with his campe before Saint Omer 1 But you shall vnderstand that the reason thereof was for that our King in wisedome and sense surmounted far Edward King of England then
raigning for notwithstanding that the said King Edward were a most valiant Prince and had woon in England eight or nine battels wherein he fought alwaies himselfe on foote greatly to his renowme yet were these troubles but by fits so that his head was not continually busied in matters of state for immediately after the victorie obtained he returned to his former sports and pleasures till another storme arose For you shall vnderstand that when war beginneth in England in ten daies or lesse the one or the other getteth the garland But our affaires in Fraunce passed not after that sort for besides the war it selfe the K. was forced to haue an eie continually vpon diuers places as well of his owne realme as of his neighbors but especially by all means possible to content the King of England and to entertain him by ambassadors presents and smooth words to the end he should not entermeddle with our affaires For the K. knew well the English men as well Nobles and Commons as the Cleargie to be naturally inclined to make war vpon this realme aswell vnder colour of the title they pretende thereunto as also in hope of gaine For they trust to haue euer such successe heere as their predecessors haue had whom God permitted to obtaine in this realme many great victories and large dominion both in Normandie and in Guienne the which they had possessed by the space of three hundred and fiftie yeeres 2 when King Charles the seuenth first recouered it During the which time they inriched the realme of England with great spoiles and much treasure that they got aswell of the Princes and noble men of Fraunce a great number of whom they tooke prisoners as also of the townes and places which they subdued Notwithstanding they should hardly haue had such successe in the King our Masters time for he would neuer haue indangered his estate in battell as King Charles the sixt did at Agincourt where all the nobility of Fraunce lighted on foote to fight with the English men but would haue proceeded more warily if the matter had come to execution as you may perceiue by the course he held in sending King Edvvard home Wherefore the King well perceiued that he must in any wise keepe the King of England and his principall seruants his friends whom he sawe altogither inclined to quietnes and very greedy of his money for the which cause he paid duly at London the pension of fiftie thousand crownes which they called tribute And further gaue yeerely sixteene thousand crownes to the said Kings principall seruants whose names were these the Lord Chauncellor the Master of the Rols who now is Chauncellor the Lord Hastings Lord great Chamberlaine a man of singular wisdome and vertue and in great authority with his Master and not without cause for he euer serued him faithfully Sir Thomas Montgomery the Lord Hovvard afterward Duke of Norfolke partaker with the wicked King Richard the Master of the Horse called Master Cheiny Master Challenger and the Marques Dorset the Queene of Englands sonne by hir first husband Further he gaue goodly presents to all the ambassadors that came to him were their messages neuer so sharpe and bitter and sent them home with such goodly words Princely rewards that they returned well contented And notwithstanding that some of them vnderstood that he did all this onely to win time the better to atchieue his enterprise in the conquest of the Duke of Burgundies dominions yet winked they at it bicause of the great riches they receiued at his hands To all these aboue named he gaue besides their pensions many goodly presents so largely that the Lord Hovvard ouer and aboue his pension receiued of him in lesse then two yeeres space in money and plate fower and twentie thousand crownes To the Lord Hastings also L. great Chamberlaine of England he gaue at one time a present of plate to the value of ten thousand marks The acquittances of all which great personages are yet to be seene in the chamber of accounts at Paris saue of the Lord Hastings Lord great Chamberlaine of England which is an high office for there is neuer but one alone in it This L. Chamberlaine was long labored before he would become the Kings pensioner my selfe being the onely man that perswaded him thereunto For I wan him first to Charles Duke of Burgundies friendship during the time I serued him who gaue him yeerly a pension of a thousand crownes whereof when I had aduertised the King he would in like maner that I should be a meanes to make him his friend and pensioner for in times past during Duke Charles his life and after his death also in fauor of the Lady of Burgundy he had alwaies beene the Kings extreme enimy and trauelled once to perswade the King of England to aide the said Lady against the King our Master I began this friendship by letters and the King gaue him a pension of two thousand crownes which was double the summe he receiued of the Duke Further the King sent to him one of the stewards of his house called Peter Cleret charging him to bring with him the said Lord Chamberlains acquittance to the end heereafter it might appeere that the great Chamberlaine Chauncellor Admirall and Master of the Horse of England besides diuers others had beene the French Kings pensioners The said Peter Cleret was a wise fellow and communed priuily alone with the Lord Chamberlaine at his lodging in London where after he had declared his message from the King he presented him his two thousand crownes in golde for the King neuer gaue but gold to strangers which money when the Lord Chamberlaine had receiued Peter Cleret humbly besought him for his discharge to giue him an acquittance wherein the said Lord Chamberlaine made difficultie Then Cleret desired him to giue him onely a letter of three lines to the King to testifie the receit of the money least the King being a suspitious Prince should thinke that he had conuerted it to his owne vse Which reasonable demand the Lord Chamberlaine hearing answered thus Sir you require but reason but this gift proceedeth of the King your Masters liberality not of my request if it please you that I shall receiue it put it heere into my sleeue and other letter or testimoniall get you none of me For I will not for my part that any man shall say that the Lord great Chamberlaine of England hath beene pensioner to the French King nor that my acquittances be found in his chamber of accounts Whereunto the said Cleret replied not but departed leauing the money behinde him and at his returne made report thereof to the King who was not a little displeased with him for that he brought no acquittance but as touching the said Chamberlaine he commended and esteemed him more than all the King of Englands other seruants and his pension was euer after paied without acquittance After this sort liued the King with
the English men Notwithstanding the King of England was oftentimes earnestly pressed by this yoong Princes for aide and therefore sent ambassadors often to negotiate with the King our Master about these affaires desiring him to grant hir either peace or truce Now you shall vnderstand that those that were at the debating of these matters in England especially in their parlament which is an assembly of the three estates where diuers wise men were present that smelt our dissimulation a far off and receiued no pension of the King as the others did were verie desirous and yet the commons of the realme more desirous that the King of England should send aide without further delay to the saide Ladie saying that we heere did but abuse them and that the marriage should neuer be accomplished alleaging that at the treatie made at Picquigny betweene the two Kings we had faithfully sworne and promised that the King of Englands daughter whom they had already called the Ladie Daulphinesse should be sent for into Fraunce within a yeere which terme was now long expired But what reasons soeuer the subiects made the King would giue no eare thereunto but alleaged diuers excuses to the contrarie And to say the truth he was a verie corpulent man and much giuen to pleasures neither could his body endure the toile of the wars Further he had wound himselfe out of great troubles and was loth to enter into them againe The couetousnes also of the 50000. crownes yeerly paid him in the tower of London qualified his minde Besides all this his ambassadors that came hither were so courteously entertained and so well rewarded that they departed euer well contented but they neuer receiued any resolute answere for the King sought onely to protract the time euer saying that ere it were long he would send to the King their Master certain noble men with such assurance of those matters he stood in doubt of as he knew well would content him According to the which promise within three weekes or a moneth after these ambassadors departure sometime more sometime lesse which was no small delaie in such a case he vsed to send ambassadors to the K. of England but at euery voiage sundrie men to the end that if the former had made any ouerture not performed the latter might plaid ignorance therin They also that were sent perswaded so well the King of England that we meant nothing but good faith that he lay still and neuer stirred for both he and the Queen his wife so much desired this marriage that partly for this cause and partly for the other reasons aboue alleaged he was content to winke at this war which some of his Counsell tould him plainely to be verie preiudiciall to his realme But he feared the breach of this marriage bicause men began alreadie to scoffe at it in England especially such as desired rebellion and ciuill war Now to discourse a little vpon this point You shall vnderstand that the King our Master neuer meant to accomplish this mariage bicause there was no equalitie betweene the age of the two parties for King Edwards daughter at this present Queene of England was much elder than the Daulphin now raigning But by these dissimulations a moneth or two was gayned in running to and fro by which meanes the King foded foorth his enimie one whole sommer wherein he might haue done him harme For vndoubtedly if the King of England had not hoped vpon this marriage he would neuer haue suffered the King to take the places bordering so neere vpon the English dominions but haue sought to defend them and if at the beginning he had declared himselfe for the Ladie of Burgundie the King who was by nature timorous and would put nothing in aduenture had neuer weakened this house of Burgundie as he hath Thus much I write chiefly to shew how these affaires passed and secondarily to the end that if heerafter those that haue to manage great affaires happen to reade this historie they may thereby learne how to helpe themselues in the like case for be their wisedome neuer so great yet a small aduertisement doth good many times True it is that if this Lady of Burgundy would haue consented to marrie the Lord Riuers the Queene of Englands brother she should haue beene aided with great force but this had been an vnequall match for he was but a poore Earle and she one of the greatest inheritors in hir time Many practises were entertained betweene the Kings of Fraunce and England and amongst others the King offered him that if he would ioine with him and passe ouer in person into the Lady of Burgundies countries he would be contented that the King of England should hold the countrie of Flaunders without homage and also the Duchie of Brabant offering further to conquer for him at his proper costs and charges fower of the greatest townes in Brabant and to put them into the King of Englands hands to wage him 10000. English men for fower moneths to the end he might the better sustaine the charge of the wars and to lend him great store of artillerie and men and carriage to conuey it and attend vpon it with this condition that the King of England should conquer the countrie of Flaunders during the time the King our Master inuaded on the other side Whereunto the King of England made answer that the townes of Flaunders were strong and great and both that countrey and also the countrey of Brabant hard to be kept if they were conquered adding further that this war liked not the English men bicause of their entercourse with those countries But seeing it pleased the King to make him partaker of his conquest if he would giue him certaine townes he had alreadie conquered in Picardie as Bolloin and diuers other which he named he would then be contented to declare himselfe for him and send men to serue him if he would pay them which was a verie wise answer The Notes 1 The King could not take Saint Omer for the Lord of Chanteraine valiantly defended it Reade De la Marche lib. 2. cap. 9. pag. 410. 2 Others write but 295. others 296. and others 299. How the marriage betweene the Ladie of Burgundie and Maximilian Duke of Austrich afterwards Emperor was concluded and accomplished Chap. 3. DIuers practises were entertained as before you haue heard betweene these two Kings to delay time but in the meane while the Ladie of Burgundies force still diminished for of those few men that remained aliue after hir fathers death diuers reuolted from hir to the King especially after Monseur de Cordes was entred into his seruice for he led away a great troupe with him Others necessitie forced to shrinke from hir bicause they dwelt either within the townes the King had already conquered or neere vnto them Some also put themselues into his seruice to be enriched for no Prince dealt so liberally with his men as the King our Master did Moreouer
ciuill dissentions and factions among themselues encreased daily in the great townes especially in Gaunt which bare the greatest sway in the countrie as you haue heard For the Lady of Burgundie diuers marriages were mentioned for all men were of opinion that either she must get hir a husband to defend that she yet held or marrie the Daulphin thereby quietly to possesse all Some desired greatly that this marriage with the Daulphin might take effect she hir selfe especially before the King deliuered the letters aboue mentioned sent vnto him by hir Chauncellor and the Lord of Himbercourt but others disallowed of this marriage both bicause of the said Daulphins yoong age for he was but nine yeeres olde and also bicause of the marriage promised in England and these labored for the Duke of Cleues sonne Others there were that trauelled for the Emperors sonne Maximilian now King of Romans The said Lady had conceiued extreme hatred against the King for the deliuerie of the letters aboue mentioned which was the onely cause of the two noble mens death and of the dishonor she receiued when hir letters were openly redeliuered hir before the assemblie whereof you haue heard Further the deliuerie of the said letters seemed also to be the onely occasion that mooued them of Gaunt to banish so many of hir seruants from hir to remooue from about hir hir mother in lawe and the Lord of Rauastaine and to put hir women in such feare that they durst not open a letter before they of Gaunt had seene it nor commune with their Mistres in hir eare Wherefore she began now to remooue from about hir the Bishop of Liege who was of the house of Bourbon and an earnest suter for hir marriage with the Daulphin which sure had been a very honorable match for hir had not the said Daulphin been so yoong notwithstanding the Bishop had no regarde thereof To be short the said Bishop departed to Liege whereupon euery man gaue ouer that sute It had been hard to deale in this busines to the contentation of all parties and I thinke who so should haue intermedled in it should haue had but small thanke for his labour in the end wherfore euery man forbare to speake therin Notwithstanding before hir marriage was fully concluded there was an assemblie held about it wherat the Lady of Halleuin the Princesse of Burgundies principall woman was present who said as I haue heard reported that they had neede of a man not a child and that hir Mistres was a woman growen and able to beare children which should be the onely stay of the countrey This opinion tooke place notwithstanding some blamed this Lady for speaking thus frankly but others commended hir saying that she had spoken but of such mariage as was most necessary for the estate of the countrey There was now no more to do but to finde a fit man And I thinke verily if it had so pleased the K. she would willingly haue married the Lord of Angoulesme that now is 1 so much desired she to continue hir alliance with the house of France But God was minded to make another match wherof peraduenture the sequel is yet vnknown Notwithstanding this we are able to say by that is already past that of the said marriage many great wars haue arisen both heere and there which perchance had neuer happened if she had married the Lord of Angoulesme wheras by reason of this other match both the countries of Flaunders and Brabant haue suffered great afflictions The Duke of Cleues was at Gaunt with the said Lady making friends there in hope to conclude a marriage betweene hir and his son but she had no fansie therunto for both she those that were about hir misliked much his sons conditions Wherfore some began to motion a marriage betweene hir and the Emperors sonne now King of Romans the which in times past had been so far foorth treated of betweene the Emperor and Duke Charles that it was concluded betweene them two Further the Emperor had a letter written with the Ladies owne hand by hir fathers commandement and a ring set with a diamond The contents of the which letter were that according to the pleasure of hir Lord and father she promised to the said Duke of Austrich the Emperors sonne to accomplish the marriage concluded betweene both their parents in such manner and forme as hir said Lord and father should appoint From the Emperor came certaine ambassadors to the said Lady being at Gaunt who receiued letters at Bruxels commanding them to stay there bicause Commssioners should be sent thither to treat with them which was the Duke of Cleues doing who was loth of their comming and sought to send them home discontented But the said ambassadors passed foorth that notwithstanding for they had good intelligence in the Ladies court especially with the Dowager of Burgundy who was remooued from the said Lady as you haue heard bicause of the letter aboue mentioned She aduertised them as it was reported that they should not stay at Bruxels notwithstanding these letters instructing them further what they should do at their comming to Gaunt and assuring them that the said Lady and diuers about hir were well disposed to their sute The Emperors ambassadors followed hir aduise and rid straight to Gaunt notwithstanding the message aboue mentioned Wherewith the Duke of Cleues was not a little discontented but he was not acquainted with the disposition of the said Lady and hir women The Councell concluded that these ambassadors should haue audience their message being heard the Princesse should bid them hartily welcome tell them that she would take aduise with hir Councel which words being vttered she should withdraw hirselfe without farther communication Whereunto she agreed The ambassadors when audience was giuen them presented their letters and declared their message which was that hir mariage had been concluded betweene the Emperour and the Duke of Burgundy hir father with hir consent as appeered both by hir letters written with hir owne hand which they there shewed and also by the diamond which they said she had sent and giuen in token of marriage Moreouer the said ambassadors required hir on their Masters behalfe that it would please hir to accomplish the said marriage according to the will and promise both of hir said Lord and father and also of hirselfe Further desiring hir to declare before the assembly there present whether she had written the said letter or not and whether she minded to performe hir promise Whereunto the said Ladie without further deliberation answered that she had sent the saide diamond and written the letter by the commandement of hir Lord and father and would performe all that was conteined therein Then the ambassadors gaue hir humble thanks and returned with ioifull minds to their lodging But the Duke of Cleues was highly displeased with this answer being cleane contrary to hir councels resolution and told hir that she had done vnaduisedly
promised yeerely to the said Swissers gouernors and to certaine particular men that should further his affaires Moreouer he enrolled himselfe one of their Burgesses desired to be their principall confederate and to haue writings thereof wherein though they made some difficultie at the first bicause the Duke of Sauoy had euer been their chiefe confederate yet in the end they granted him his demaunds and promised to send continually to his seruice 6000. men vnder this condition that their entertainment should be monethly fower gildons and a halfe which band continued in pay till the Kings death 6 A poore Prince had not been able to do this but sure it turned greatly to the Kings profit though in the end I thinke it will be their destruction For now they flowe so with monie especially with gold wherewith before they were vnacquainted that they are readie to fall at variance among themselues otherwise no man should be able to annoy them For their countrie is so poore and so full of mountaines and themselues so good soldiers that few woulde seeke to inuade them After these treaties were ended and all the Almaines in Burgundie woon to the Kings seruice the Burgundians force was cleane broken To be short after diuers new enterprises atchieued by the gouernor the Lord of Chaumont he besieged Rochfort a castell neere to Dolle defended by Master Claude de Vauldray and yeelded by composition Afterward he besieged the towne of Dolle from the siege whereof his predecessor in this office was raised as before you haue heard and tooke it by assault The report was that some of these Almaines lately receiued into the Kings seruice thought to haue entered the towne to defend it but so many franke archers thronged in with them not vnderstanding their treason but onely for desire of gaine that after they were once entred they fell all to the spoile and burned and destroied the towne A few daies after the taking whereof the gouernor besieged Aussonne a very strong town but he had good intelligence within it And before he brought the siege thither he writ to the King desiring that the offices of the towne might be bestowed vpon certaine whom he named which request was foorthwith granted Although I were not present at these actions yet vnderstood I of them both by the reports made thereof to the King and also by the letters written to him the which oftentimes I my selfe perused to make answer therunto by his commandement The force within Aussonne was but small and the captaines had intelligence with the gouernor by meanes whereof within fiue or sixe daies the place was yeelded Thus was all Burgundie conquered saue three or fower castels situate vpon mountaines namely Ieu and certaine others and the towne of Bezanson which is imperiall not subiect to the countie of Burgundie but enuironed therewith and therefore at the commandement of the Prince thereof The gouernor entred into it for the King and came foorth againe they of the towne doing vnto him all such seruices as they were accustomed in times past to do to the Princes of Burgundie Thus was all Burgundie subdued by the gouernors great diligence whereunto the King earnestly pressed him doubting that he would leaue some place vnconquered to the end his helpe might be needed there still and he not be called from thence to serue the King in some other place For Burgundie is a fruitfull countrie whereof he disposed as of his owne so that both the Lord of Cran before named and this gouernor also filled their bags wel there The countrie remained quiet awhile vnder the gouernment of the said Lord of Chaumont notwithstanding certaine places namely Beaune Verdun and others 7 rebelled soone after at the which time I my selfe was there sent thither by the King with the pensioners of his house who neuer had captaine ouer them before but sithence continually The said places aboue rehearsed were soone recouered by the wisedome and conduct of the gouernor and by his enimies lacke of conduct and good order Whereby you may perceiue what difference God of his goodnes hath set betweene man and man for to that part which he meaneth to protect and defend he giueth the wisest men and likewise wisedome to those that are in authoritie to imploy the wisest Further he hath alwaies shewed and doth daily shew himselfe in all things a defender and protector of our Kings not onely of our Master that dead is but of the King likewise now raigning notwithstanding that somtime they taste also of his scourges They that lost againe these townes thus reuolted were force sufficient to haue defended them if they had with speede put themselues into them but through their negligence they gaue the gouernor leisure to leuie men which was great follie for they knew well ynough his estate considering the great fauor all the countrie bare them Wherefore they ought to haue entred with speed into Beaune being a strong towne and of defence as the others were not The selfesame day that the gouernor went to besiege a little beggerly towne called Verdun being well informed of the state thereof these Burgundians entered there minding to put themselues into Beaune They were sixe hundred choise men horsemen and footmen partly Almaines and partly of the countie of Ferrette led by certaine expert gentlemen of Burgundie of the which Simon of Quinchy was one But they spent time at Verdun while they might haue entred into Beaune which the gouernor could neuer haue recouered if they had once been within it But for lack of good counsell they staied a night too long in Verdun where they were besieged and taken by assault Afterward Beaune was also besieged and all that was lost recouered since the which time our enimies were neuer of any force in Burgundie I was at this present in the countrie with the Kings pensioners as you haue heard from whence the King reuoked me bicause of a certaine letter written to him wherein he was aduertised that I forbare to lodge our men of armes in certaine Burgesses houses of Dyion This with another small suspicion conceiued of me caused him suddenly to send me to Florence to which his commandement I obeied as reason was and departed so soone as I had my dispatch The Notes 1 This Sigismund was not vncle to Maximilian as other histories report but cosin germane to his father for Ernestus father to the Emperor Friderick and Fridericus Seinor this Duke Sigismunds father were brethren sonnes to Leopold Duke of Austriche slaine in battell by the Swissers anno 1386. 2 He sold it ann 1469. 3 Others write that the monie was paied to a merchant of Basill to the Duke of Burgundies vse and the paiement signified to the said Duke who would not accept it vnles it were paied at Bezanson 4 This vvas the Prince of Orenges brother vvho came to leuie the siege that Monseur de Cran held before Gy vvhere he had besieged the said Prince of Orenge vvith
his conditions As touching suspicious all great Princes are suspicious especially those that be wise and haue had many enimies and haue offended many as the King our Master had Further he knew himselfe not to be beloued of the nobilitie of his realme nor of a great number of the commonalty Besides this he had more charged his people than euer had any of his predecessors notwithstanding he was desirous now in his latter daies as before I said to haue eased them but he should haue begun sooner King Charles the seuenth by the perswasion of diuers wise and valiant Knights that had serued him in the conquest of Normandie and Guyenne which the Englishmen held was the first that began to leuy subsidies at his pleasure without the consent of the States of his realme and to say the truth cause there was then so to do for the charges were maruellous great as well for the manning of the countries newly conquered as also for the defeating of the companies of robbers which went about spoiling the realme For the which cause the nobility of Fraunce consented to the King and had certaine pensions promised them in consideration of the summes of money that should be leuied vpon their lands If this King had alwaies liued and those of his councel that were about him he would sure greatly haue enlarged his realme But considering what hapned after his death is like further to happen he charged maruellously his soule and the soules of his successors by this fact for he gaue his realme a cruell wound which will bleed this many a yeere by entertaining in continuall pay a terrible band of men of armes after the maner of the Italian Princes The said King Charles leuied in his realme at the hower of his death but 1800000. franks all maner of waies and had in ordinary about seuenteene hundred men of armes the which he kept in good order and so placed in diuers prouinces for the defence of his realme that many yeeres before his death they rid not spoiling vp and downe the countrey to the great quietnes comfort of his people But the King our Master leuied at his death 4700000. franks he had in pay fower or fiue thousand men of armes and of footemen for the campe and in garrison aboue fiue and twenty thousand wherefore it is not to be maruelled if he had many phansies and imaginations in his head and thought himselfe not welbeloued But sure as these matters caused him greatly to feare some so had he a sure confidence in many of those whom he had brought vp and highly aduanced of the which I thinke there were a number whom death it selfe could neuer haue withdrawen from dooing their duty There came into Plessis du Parc which was the place where he lay very few besides his household seruants and the archers of his guarde being fower hundred of whom a great number all the day long kept watch and warde at the gate walking vp and downe the place No noble man or great personage lodged within the castell neither might be suffered to enter in saue onely the Lord of Beauieu Duke of Bourbon his sonne in law The said stell of Plessis he had made to be enuironed with a grate of great iron bars at the entrie into the ditches thereof had caused sharpe speares of iron euery one of them hauing many heads to be masoned into the wall He caused also fower strong watch houses of iron to be built and a place to be made in them where men might stande and shoote at ease which was a sumptuous thing to behold and cost aboue 20000. franks In the end he put into these houses fortie crossebowe men which were day and night in the ditches had commission to shoote at euery man that approched neere the castell after the shutting of the gates til they opened in the morning Further he had an imagination that his subiects would be very ready to take the gouernment into their owne hands when they should see conuenient time And sure some there were that consulted to enter into Plessis and dispatch the affaires at their pleasure bicause nothing was dispatched but they durst not attempt it wherein they did wisely for the K. had giuen good order for that matter He changed often both the groomes of his chamber and al his other seruants saying that nature delighteth in varietie and he had with him to beare him company one or two very meane men and of euill report who might well haue thought if they had been wise that immediately after his death they should at the least be put out of office and spoiled of all they had as also it hapned These informed him of no message that was sent him not of any matter that was written to him were it neuer so important vnlesse it touched the preseruation of the State or the defence of his realme for that was his onely care to be in truce and peace with all men He gaue to his Phisition ordinarily euery moneth ten thousand crownes and in fiue moneths he receiued of him 54000. He gaue also goodly lands to churches but this gift was made voide and not without cause for the clergie men had too much The Notes 1 It was fortie daies but bicause the old copie hath 15. daies and that himselfe also afterward in this very chapter saith thus This sicknes held him about fifteene daies I haue been bold to amend it 2 King Lewis was suspected to haue poisoned his father by Adam Fumée his fathers physition who was imprisoned by King Charles but soone after aduaunced to honor by King Lewis who so maruellously reioiced at the first newes of his fathers death being the selfe same day that his father died which was strange King Lewis being then at Genappe in Brabant that in the selfe same place he built a chappell to our Lady 3 It was 15000. but the olde copie had 1500000. and so vndoubtedly it is to be read for for 15000. franks will hardly maintaine 100. soldiers a yeere How the King caused the holy man of Calabria to come to Tours thinking that he could heale him and what strange things the said King did to maintaine his authoritie during his sicknes Chap. 8. AMong men famous for deuotion he sent into Calabria for one Frier Robert whom he called the holy man bicause of his holy life and in whose honor the King that now is caused a Church to be built at Plessis du Parc in place of the chappell neere to Plessis at the bridge foote This heremite being twelue yeeres of age entred into a rocke where he remained till he was fortie three yeeres old or there about to wit euen till this present that the King sent for him by one of the stewards of his house whom the Prince of Tarente the King of Naples sonne accompanied thither For the said heremite would not depart thence without permission both of the Pope and of his Prince which
was great wisedome in so simple a man He builded in the place where he liued two Churches and neuer ate since the time he entred into this strait kinde of life either fish flesh egs any kinde of whitmeate or of fat I neuer saw in my time a man of so holy life nor by whose mouth the holy Ghost seemed rather to speake for he neuer had been scholler but was vtterly vnlearned true it is that his Italian toong caused somwhat the greater admiration of him This heremite passed through Naples being honored and receiued as if he had been a great Legate sent from the Sea Apostolike both by the King and by his children with whom he communed of the affaires of the Court as if he had beene a Courtier all the daies of his life From thence he went to Rome where he was visited by al the Cardinals and had audience giuen him thrise of the Pope communing with him alone and sitting each time hard by him in a goodly chaire three or fower howers togither which was great honor to so simple a person His answers were so wise that all men woondered at them so far foorth that our holy Father gaue him leaue to erect a new order called the heremites of Saint Francis From thence he came to the King who honored him as if he had been the Pope himselfe falling downe before him and desiring him to prolong his life whereunto he answered as a wise man should I haue often heard him talke with the King that now is in presence of all the nobilitie of the realme and that within these two moneths and sure he seemed by his words to be inspired with the holy Ghost otherwise he could neuer haue communed of such matters as he did He is yet liuing and may change either to better or woorse wherefore I will speake no further of him Some mocked at this heremites comming whom they called the holy man but they knew not the deepe cogitations of this wise King neither had seene the occasions that mooued him to send for him The King lay in his castle of Plessis accompanied with few besides the archers of his gard and troubled with these suspitions aboue rehearsed Notwithstanding he had giuen good order for this inconuenience for he left none of those whom he suspected either in towne or countrey but made his archers to cause them to depart and to conueigh them away No man debated any matter with him vnlesse it were of some great importance that concerned himselfe he seemed rather a dead corps then a liuing creature for he was leaner then a man would beleeue he appare lled himselfe sumptuously yea more sumptuously then in all his life before for he ware no gowne but of crimsin sattin furred with good marterns he gaue gifts to whom it pleased him without any sute for no man durst mooue any sute to him nor debate any matter with him he punished faults sharpely to the end he might be feared and not lose his authoritie as himselfe tould me he changed officers cassed companies of men of armes diminished pensions or tooke them cleane away and told me but a few daies before his death that he passed away the time in making vndoing of men To be short he caused himselfe to be more spoken of within his realme then euer was any King and all for feare lest men should thinke him dead For as I said few saw him but when they hard of his doings all men stood in feare of him so far foorth that they hardly beleeued him to be sicke Out of the realme he had men in all places as for example in England he had some to feede K. Edward still with hope of his daughters marriage he paied truely both him and his seruants all that was due vnto them Out of Spaine he receiued goodly words and faire promises of perfect freindship and amitie and great presents from all places he made a good horse or a good mule to be bought for him whatsoeuer it cost but this he did not in this realme but in some strange countrey to perswade men that he was in health Dogs he sent for round about into Spaine for a kinde of Spanish greyhound called in French Allans into Britaine for little beagles greyhounds and spaniels which he paied deere for into Valence for little rugged dogs which he made to be bought aboue the owners own price into Sicily he sēt for good mules especially to some officer of the countrey for the which he paied double the value to Naples for horses for diuers strange beasts into diuers countries as into Barbarie for a kind of little lions no greater then litle foxes which he called Adites into Denmarke and Sweden for two kinde of strange beasts one of the which were called Helles 1 being of shape like a Hart and of the greatnes of a buffe with horns short and thicke the other Rengiers 2 being of the bignes and colour of a bucke saue that their hornes be much greater for each of the which two beasts he gaue to the merchants that solde them 4500. guildons But when all these strange things were brought him he made no account of them no very seldome spake with those that brought them To be short he did so many such like strange things that he was more feared now both of his neighbors and subiects than euer before which was his onely desire for to that end did he all this The Notes 1 Gesnerus de Quadrupedibus lib. 1. fol. 1. and Munster in the third booke of his Cosmographie in his treatise of Prussia where this beast is found name this beast in Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Latine Alces in Dutch Elch Ellend Hellend and Ellent which is not far from the name heere giuen The Moscouites name it Lozzos 2 This beast saith Munster Cosmog lib. 4. is found in Lapponia or Lappenland a countrie in Sweden The Lapponians call it Reen as he writeth in the same place and Gesner also de Quadrup lib. 1. fol. 950. The Romans saith Gesner name it Rangiferus the Germans Rein and Reinen saith Munster Reiner Rainger Renschieron the French men Rangier as he is heere named or Ranglier How the marriage betweene the Daulphin and the Lady Margaret of Flaunders was concluded and how she was brought into Fraunce whereupon Edward King of England died for sorrow Chap. 9. BVt to returne to the principall matter namely the perfect conclusion of this our historie of King Lewis and of the affaires of all those great Princes that liued in his time we must shew how the treatie of marriage was concluded betweene the King that now is then Daulphin and the daughter of the Duke and Duchesse of Austriche by meanes of the citizens of Gaunt to the King of Englands great greefe who then well perceiued the hope to be frustrate which he had conceiued of the marriage betweene his daughter and the said Daulphin now King of Fraunce which he
and the Queene his wife had so greatly desired that they would neuer credit any man that aduertised them to the contrarie were he English man or stranger For the Councell of England had debated this matter with him at the same time that the King conquered that part of Picardie that ioineth to Calice alleaging that after he had subdued that he might easily attempt to take Calice and Guisnes The like was also told him by the ambassadors resident in England for the Duke and Duchesse of Austriche and by the Britons and diuers others but he beleeued no whit of all this which incredulitie turned much to his losse Notwithstanding I suppose it proceeded rather of couetousnes than ignorance for he feared the losse of the fiftie thousand crownes the King paid him besides that he was loth to leaue his ease and pleasures whereunto he was maruellously addicted About the conclusion of this marriage an assembly was held at Halots in Flaunders whereat the Duke of Austriche now King of Romans was present togither with certaine deputies for the three estates of Flaunders Brabant and the other countries belonging to the saide Duke and his children The citizens of Gaunt did many things there contrarie to the Dukes minde for some they banished and some they remooued from about his sonne in the end they told him how great desire they had to see this marriage accomplished therby to obtaine peace forced him to consent therunto The Duke was very yoong and accompanied with few noble men for all the subiects of this house of Burgundie very few excepted I meane of great personages that could haue giuen him counsell or aide in these affaires were as you haue heard either dead or reuolted to the King As touching himselfe he was come thither very slenderly accompanied and now hauing lost his wife being Lady of the countrie he durst not giue them so stout language as before he was accustomed To be short the King being aduertised of all these actions by Monseur de Cordes reioiced much thereat and a day was appointed when this Lady should be brought to Hedin Not long before the conclusion of this marriage to wit in the yeere 1481. the towne of Ayre was yeelded for a summe of monie to Monseur de Cordes by the Lord of Croy of the countrie of Artois who held it for the Duke of Austriche and the Lord of Beures his captaine The towne is very strong situate in the countrie of Artois and the deliuerie thereof increased the Flemmings desire to further this marriage bicause it standeth vpon the very entrance into Flaunders For notwithstanding that they wished the weakening of their Prince yet were they not willing to haue the King so neere a neighbor to their frontiers After these matters aboue mentioned were fully concluded ambassadors came to the King out of Flaunders and Brabant but all depended vpon them of Gaunt both bicause of their force bicause the children were in their hands and for that they were alwaies the ringleaders of all tumults There came also from the King of Romanes for the pacifying of his dominions certaine Knights yoong men like himselfe and of small experience whose names were Master Iohn de Bergues and Master Baudouin de Launoy and certaine Secretaries The King was brought maruellous low with sicknes so that hardly he suffered himselfe to be seene and made great difficultie to sweare the treatie bicause he was loth to come abrode in sight notwithstanding in the end he sware it It was very auantageous for him for in all assemblies that had beene held heeretofore about this marriage he neuer required but the countie of Artois or Burgundie one of the two but now the Lords of Gaunt as he termed them caused them both to be yeelded vnto him togither with the counties of Masconnois Charolois and Auxerrois yea and if it had lien in them to haue put into his hands Hainault and Namur and all the seniories of this house of Burgundie being of the French language they would willingly haue done it thereby to affeeble their Prince The King our Master being a wise Prince vnderstood well that no account was to be made of Flaunders nor the Earle thereof without he had the countrie of Artois which lying betweene the King of Fraunce and the Flemmings is as it were a bridle to them For in the countrie of Artois are leuied very good soldiers to scourge the Flemmings when they play the fooles Wherefore by taking away from the Earle of Flaunders the countrie of Artois he left him the poorest Prince in the world and without all obedience of his subiects saue onely at the pleasure of them of Gaunt After this ambassage was returned home the said Lady was led to Hedin and deliuered into the hands of Monseur de Cordes in the yeere 1483. She was conueied thither by the Lady of Rauastain bastard daughter to Duke Philip of Burgundie and was receiued there by the Duke and Duchesse of Bourbon that now are and by the Lord of Albret and diuers others sent thither by the King who led hir to Amboise where the Daulphin lay If the Duke of Austriche could haue rescued hir before she was passed out of his dominions from them that conueied hir he would willingly haue done it but they of Gaunt had sent hir well accompanied And as touching the said Duke all his subiects began to disobey him so far foorth that a great number tooke part with them of Gaunt bicause they had his sonne in their hands and remooued from him and placed about him such as pleased them and among the rest that were resident at Gaunt was the Lord of Rauastain brother to the Duke of Cleues principall gouernor of the said yoong infant called Duke Philip who is yet liuing and like to be a great Prince if God spare him life Whosoeuer reioiced at this marriage the King of England was highly displeased therewith for he accounted it great reproch and dishonor to be thus deluded and feared both the losse of the pension the King paid him which the English men called Tribute and also that the contempt heereof would stir his subiects to rebellion against him bicause he would giue no eare to good aduice Further he saw the King with great force neere to his dominions for the which causes he conceiued such inward griefe when he heard these newes that soone after he ended his life some say of a catarrhe But whatsoeuer his disease were the report goeth that the sorrow conceiued of this marriage caused the disease whereof he died soone after in the moneth of Aprill anno 1483. It is a foule fault in a Prince to trust more to his owne braine than to the aduice of a great number for it causeth oftentimes both great sorrow and also losse irrecouerable Immediately after King Edvvards death the King our Master was aduertised therof and seemed nothing ioifull of the newes but soone after receiued letters from the D. of
Glocester who had vsurped the crowne of England signing his letters by the name of Richard cruelly murthered the King his brothers two children This King Richard sought the Kings friendship was desirous as I suppose to haue this pension paid also vnto him But the K. would make no answer to his letters neither giue his messenger audience but esteemed him a wicked cruell tyrant For after K. Edvvards death the said Duke of Glocester had done homage to his nephew as to his soueraigne Lord and King and yet immediately thereupon committed this murther and caused in open parlament the said King Edvvards two daughters to be degraded proclaimed bastards vnder colour of a certaine matter which he prooued by the testimonie of a bishop of Bathe who somtime had been in great credit with King Edvvard but afterward fell into his disgrace and was laid in prison and made to fine for his deliuerance This Bishop affirmed that King Edvvard being in loue with a certaine gentlewoman in England whom he named promised hir marriage to haue his pleasure of hir which promise he said was made in his presence and thereupon the King lay with hir minding onely to abuse hir Such pastimes are very dangerous especially when such poofe may be brought foorth But I haue knowne many a courtier that would not haue lost a good aduenture that liked him in such a case for want of promise This wicked Bishop buried reuenge in his hart the space of twenty yeeres But God plagued him for his wickednes for he had a sonne whom he loued entirely and whom King Richard so much fauored that he meant to giue him to wife one of these two daughters degraded from their dignitie at this present Queene of England and mother of two goodly children The said sonne being in a ship of war by King Richard his Masters commandement was taken vpon the coast of Normandie and bicause of the contention that fell betweene those that tooke him led to the court parlament of Paris and there put in prison in the petit Chastellet where in the end he starued for hunger and pouertie As touching King Richard he liued not long vnpunished for God raised vp an enimy against him euen at This error you are admonished of before that very instant being poore hauing no right to the crowne of England as I suppose and of no estimation saue that as touching his owne person he was well conditioned and had endured many troubles For the greatest part of his life he had been prisoner in Britaine to Duke Francis who entertained him well for a prisoner from the eighteenth yeere of his age This Earle of Richmond being furnished by the King with a small summe of money and three thousand men leuied in Normandie of the vnthriftiest persons in the countrey passed ouer into Wales where his father in lawe the Lord Stanley met him with sixe and twenty thousand men at the least And within three or fower daies after he encountred this cruell King Richard who was slaine in the field and the Earle crowned King and raigneth yet at this day in England Of this matter I haue made mention before but it was not amisse to rehearse it heere againe to shew thereby how God hath plagued in our time such crueltie almost immediately after the fault committed Diuers other such like punishments hath he shewed also in this our age if a man would stand to rehearse them all How the King behaued himselfe towards his neighbors and subiects during the time of his sicknes and how diuers things were sent him from diuers places for the recouerie of his health Chap. 10. THis mariage of Flaunders so much desired by the King was thus accomplished as you haue heard by meanes wherof he had the Flemmings at his commandement Britaine which he so much hated was in peace with him but liued in continuall ielousie bicause of the great number of soldiers he had in garrison vpon their frontiers Spaine was quiet and the King and Queene thereof desired nothing more then his amity and friendship for he kept them in feare and continuall charge bicause of the countrey of Roussillon which he held from the house of Arragon being engaged to him by Iohn King of Arragon father to the King of Castile now raigning vnder certaine conditions yet vnperformed As touching the Princes Seniories of Italy they desired to haue him their friend and were in league with him and sent often their ambassadors to him In Almaine he had the Swissers as obedient to him as his owne subiects The King of Scotland and Portugale were his confederates part of the realme of Nauarre was wholie at his deuotion his subiects trembled before him and his commandements were executed incontinent without delay or excuse As touching those things that were thought necessarie for his health they were sent him out of all parts of the world Pope Sixtus that last died being informed that the King of deuotion desired to haue the corporall vpon the which Saint Peter song masse sent it him incontinent with diuers other relickes which were conueied backe againe to Rome The holie viole which is at Reims and neuer had been remooued thence was brought into his chamber to Plessis and stood vpon his cupboord at the hower of his death he was determined to be annointed therwith as at his coronation But many supposed that he wold haue anointed all his body with it which is vnlikely for the said holy viole is very small and containeth not much oile I saw it both at the time I now speake of and also when the King was buried at Nostre-dame-de-Clery The Turke that now raigneth sent an ambassador to him who came as far as Rhiue in Prouence 1 but the King would not heare his message neither permit him to passe any further The said ambassador brought him a great role of relickes remaining yet at Constantinople in the Turks hands all the which he offered him togither with a great summe of money if he would keepe in safe custodie the said Turks brother who was then in this realme in the hands of the knights of the Rhodes and is now at Rome in the Popes keeping By all this aboue rehearsed a man may perceiue how great the King our Masters wisdome and authority was how he was esteemed through the whole world and how all things 2 as well spirituall of deuotion and religion as also temporall were imploied for the prolonging of his life But all would not helpe there was no remedy needes he must go the way his predecessors went before him one great grace God shewed him that as he created him wiser liberaller and more vertuous in all things than the Princes that raigned in his time being his enimies and neighbors and as he surmounted them in all good things so did he also passe them in long life though not much For Duke Charles of Burgundy the Duchesse his daughter King Edvvard Duke Galeas of
Milan King Iohn of Arragon were all dead a fewe yeeres before him but betweene the death of the said Duches of Austrich of King Edvvard and of him there was no space to speake of In all these Princes there was both good and euill for they were all men but to speake vprightly there were in him many mo vertues ornaments appertaining to the office of a King than in any of the rest I haue seene them in maner all and knew what was in them and therefore I speake not at randon The Notes 1 It was Reims in the French but that vndoubtedly was false the old copie hath Rhine or Rhine others Rins the Italian Ries 2 King Lewis dranke childrens blood to recouer his health Gaguin How King Lewis the 11. caused Charles the Daulphin his sonne to come to him a little before his death and of the commandements and precepts he gaue both him and certaine others Chap. 11. IN this yeere 1483. the King desired to see the Daulphine his sonne whom he had not seene of long time for he kept him close and permitted no man to come to him both bicause of the childes health and also for feare least he should be taken from the place where he remained and vnder colour of him some rebellion arise in the realme For so had certaine noble men in times past by meanes of himselfe made an assembly against King Charles the seuenth his father he being then but eleuen yeeres of age 1 which war was called la Praguerie but it soone ended for it was rather a broile of court than a warre Aboue all things he recommended vnto his said sonne the Daulphine certaine of his seruants and commanded him expressely not to change certaine officers rehearsing to him how after King Charles his fathers death he comming to the State put out of office all the valiant and woorthie knights of this realme that had serued his father in the conquest of Normandy and Guienne in chasing the English men out of Fraunce and restoring the realme to peace and quietnes for himselfe found it both quiet and rich which his hard dealing with the said knights turned greatly to his preiudice for thereof sprang the war called THE WEALE PVBLIKE in this storie aboue mentioned which had almost set him besides his crowne Soone after his communication with the Daulphine his sonne and the accomplishment of this marriage aboue mentioned he fell vpon a monday into the disease whereof he died his sicknes endured til the saturday after being the 30. of August in the yeer 1483. And bicause I was present at his death I minde to speake somwhat thereof When this disease tooke him he lost his speech as before which being recouered he felt his body weaker than euer it was notwithstanding that he were so lowe brought before that he could hardly lift his hand to his mouth and looked so poorely and miserably that it pitied euery mans hart that sawe him he accounted himselfe now as dead Wherefore he sent incontinent for the Lord of Beauieu now Duke of Bourbon his sonne in law commanding him to go to Amboise to the King his son for so he termed him he recommended also vnto him diuers of his seruants and gaue him the whole charge and gouernment of the yoong King and commanded expressely that certaine whom he named should not come neere his sonne alleaging diuers good reasons on that behalfe And if the said Lord of Beauieu had obserued his commandements at the least part of them for some were vnreasonable and not to be obserued I thinke he should thereby haue benefited both the realme and himselfe considering what hath hapned since in Fraunce Soone after he sent also the Chauncellor and all the officers of the law to the said King his sonne and in like maner part of the archers of his guarde and his Captaines and all his haukes and hounds with all that appertained thereunto Further as many as came to visit him he commanded to go to Amboise to the King for so he termed him desiring them to serue him faithfully and by euery one of them he sent him some message or other but especially by Steuen de Vers who brought vp the said yoong King and was the first groome of his chamber and already aduanced to the bailiwicke of Meaux by the King our Master His speech neuer failed him after he recouered it neither were his wits so fresh at any time as then for he purged continually by meanes whereof all fumes voided that troubled his head In all the time of his sicknesse he neuer complained as other men do when they feele paine at the least I my selfe am of that nature and so haue I knowne diuers others and men say that complaining asswageth greefe The Notes 1 Others write that he was 16. yeeres olde this was was anno 1439. and King Lewis was borne anno 1423. so that he was 16. yeeres old when the Praguerie began and so vndoubtedly it should be read heere A comparison betweene the sorrowes and troubles that King Lewis suffered and those he caused diuers others to suffer with a rehearsall of all that he did and all that was done to him till his death Chap. 12. HE discoursed continually of some matter or other and that very grauely and his disease endured from monday till saturday night Wherefore I will now make comparison betweene the troubles and sorrowes he caused others to suffer and those he suffered himselfe before his death bicause I trust they haue caried him into paradise and been part of his purgatorie For notwithstanding that they were not so grieuous neither endured so long as those which he caused diuers others to suffer yet bicause his vocation in this world was higher then theirs by meanes whereof he had neuer beene contraried but so well obeied that he seemed a Prince able to haue gouerned all Europe this little trouble that he endured contrarie to his accostomed nature was to him a great torment He hoped euer in this good heremite that was at Plessis whom he had caused to come to him out of Calabria and continually sent to him saying that if it pleased him he could prolong his life For notwithstanding all these commandements giuen to those whom he sent to the Daulphine his sonne yet came his spirits againe to him in such sort that he was in hope to recouer and if it had so happened he would easily haue disparckled the assembly sent to this new King But bicause of the vaine hope he had in this heremite a Doctor of diuinitie and certaine others thought good to aduertise him that his onely hope must be in the mercie of God and they deuised that Master Iames Cothier his Phisition in whom he had reposed his whole confidence and to whom he gaue monethly ten thousand crownes in hope he would prolong his life should be present when this speech should be vsed to him This was Master Oliuer his barbars deuise to the end he might
wholie thinke vpon his conscience and leaue all his other imaginations conceiued of this holie man and of the said Master Iames his Phisition But euen like as he had aduanced the said Master Oliuer and others too suddenly without any desert to a higher estate than was fit for them euen so they tooke vpon them boldlie to do such a message to so great a Prince otherwise than became them not vsing that reuerence and humilitie that was to be vsed in such a case and such as they would haue vsed whom he had brought vp of long time and lately commanded out of his presence for the suspicions conceiued of them And againe like as vnto two great personages whom he had put to death in his time to wit the Duke of Nemours and the Earle of Saint Paule for one of the which he repented him at his death and for the other not he had sent a sharpe message of death by Commissioners appointed thereunto the which briefly pronounced their sentence vnto them and foorthwith gaue them confessors and but a verie short space to dispose of their consciences euen so the aboue named signified his death vnto him rudely and in fewe words saying Sir it is reason we do our duties hope no more in this holie man nor any other thing for sure you are but dead therefore thinke vpon your conscience for your hower is come and euery one of them said somwhat briefly to him to that effect But he answered I trust God will helpe me and peraduenture I am not so sicke as you suppose What a sharpe corosife was it to him to heare these newes and this cruell sentence for neuer man feared death more than he nor sought so many waies to auoide it as he did Moreouer in all his life time he had giuen commandement to all his seruants as well my selfe as others that when we should see him in danger of death we should onely mooue him to confesse himselfe dispose of his conscience not sounding in his eares this dreadfull word Death knowing that he should not be able patiently to heare that cruel sentence notwithstanding he endured both that and diuers other punishments till the verie hower of death more patiently than euer I sawe any man To his sonne whom he called King he sent many messages and confessed himselfe verie deuoutly and said diuers praiers answerable to the Sacraments he receiued which also he himselfe demanded He spake as hartily as if he had not beene sicke and talked of all matters touching the King his sonnes estate and among other things gaue commandement that the Lord of Cordes should not depart from his sonne by the space of halfe a yeere after his death and further that he should be entreated to attempt nothing against Calice nor elsewhere saying that notwithstanding he had deuised these enterprises for the Kings profit and the benefit of the realme yet were they verie dangerous especially that of Calice for feare of moouing the English men thereby to war Further he willed especially that after his death the realme should rest in peace the space of fiue or sixe yeeres a matter which he would neuer yeeld vnto during his life though verie needfull for notwithstanding that it were great and large yet was it in poore miserable estate especially bicause of the passing to and fro of the men of armes who continually remooued from one countrey to an other He gaue order also that no quarrell should be picked in Britaine but that Duke Francis should be suffered to liue in quiet and not be put in any doubt or feare of warre neither yet any other neighbour bordering vpon the realme to the end the King and the realme might rest in peace till the King were of yeeres to dispose thereof at his owne pleasure Thus you see how vndiscreetly his death was signified to him which I haue rehearsed bicause I began to make a comparison betweene those euils which he had caused diuers of his subiects to suffer and those he himselfe suffered before his death to the end you may perceiue that notwithstanding they were not so greeuous nor so long as I haue said yet were they greeuous to him considering his nature which demanded obedience had been better obeied than any Prince in his time so that one halfe word contrarying his minde was to him a greeuous punishment Fiue or sixe daies before his death he had al men in suspition especially all that were woorthie of credit and authoritie yea he grew iealous of his owne sonne and caused him to be straightly guarded neither did any man see him or speake with him but by his commandement at the length he began to stand in doubt also of his daughter and of his sonne in law now Duke of Bourbon and would needs know what men entred into Plessis with them and in the end brake off an assembly that the Duke of Bourbon his sonne in law held there by his commandement Moreouer at the same time that his said sonne in law and the Earle of Dunois returning from the conuoie of the ambassage that came to Amboise to the marriage of the King his sonne and the Queene entred into the castle of Plessis with a great bande of men the King who caused the gates to be straightly kept being in the gallerie that looketh into the court of the said castle caused one of the captaines of his guard to come to him whom he commanded to feele as he talked with the said noble mens seruants whether they wore any brigandines vnder their cloakes not making shewe as though he came purposely for that intent Heereby you may perceiue if he caused diuers others to liue in feare and suspicion vnder him whether he were paid now with the like himselfe for of whom could he be assured mistrusting his sonne his daughter and his sonne in lawe Wherefore thus much I will say not onely of him but of all other Princes that desire to be feared that they neuer feele the reuenge thereof till their age and then their penance is to feare all men What great greefe thinke you was it to this poore King to be troubled with these passions He had a Phisition called Master Iames Cothier to whom he gaue in fiue moneths 54000. crownes after the rate of 10000. the moneth and 4000. ouer besides the Bishopricke of Amiens for his nephew and other offices and lands for him and his friends The said Phisition vsed him so roughly that a man would not giue his seruant so sharpe language as he gaue the King and yet the King so much feared him that he durst not command him out of his presence for notwithstanding that he complained to diuers of him yet durst he not change him as he did all his other seruants bicause this Phisition once said thus boldly vnto him I know that one day you will commaund me away as you do all your other seruants but you shall not liue eight daies after binding
on no day but saturday and that our Lady in whom he had euer put his confidence and alwaies deuoutly serued had purchased him this grace and sure so it happened for he ended his life vpon saturday the 30. of August in the yeere 1483. at eight of the clocke at night in the said castell of Plessis where he fell sicke the monday before His soule I trust is with God and resteth in his blessed realme of paradise A discourse vpon the miserie of mans life by the examples of those Princes that liued in the authors time and first of King Lewis Chap. 13. SMall hope may meane and poore men haue in worldly honors seeing this mightie King after so long trouble and trauell about them forsooke them al could not prolong his life one hower for all that he could do I knew him serued him in the flower of his age in his great prosperitie yet neuer saw I himfree from toile of body and trouble of minde Aboue al pastimes he loued hunting hauking in their seasons hunting especially As touching women he was free from that vice all the time that I serued him for a little before my comming to him he lost one of his sonnes whose death he much lamented and soone after made a solemne vow to God in my presence neuer to accompanie with any woman but the Queene his wife Whereunto notwithstanding that he were bound by the lawes of marriage yet was it much that he had such stay of himselfe especially the Queene being none of those in whose beautie a man could take great delight but otherwise a very vertuous Lady In this pastime of hunting he tooke almost as much paine as pleasure for the toile was great bicause he ran the Hart to death by force Besides that he arose very early in the morning and oftentimes went far neither could any weather make him leaue his sport Somtime also he returned very wearie and in maner euer displeased with one or other for this game is not alwaies made as they wish that haue the ordering thereof notwithstanding in all mens opinions he for his part vnderstood it better than any man in his time In this pastime he exercised himselfe continually lodging about in the villages till wars began For almost euery sommer there was somewhat to do betweene Duke Charles of Burgundie and him but when winter approched they vsed to make truce He had great wars also for the countie of Roussillion with King Iohn of Arragon the King of Spaines father that now liueth For notwithstanding that they were very poore and in war with their subiects namely them of Barselonne and others and that the sonne were of no force for he expected the inheritance of King Friderike 1 of Castile his wiues brother which afterward fell to him yet bicause they had the harts of the subiects of the saide countrie of Roussillion they made great resistance against him which cost the King and his realme full deere for many a good man died and was slaine there and infinite treasure was consumed in those wars for they endured long Thus you see that the pleasure the King had was but one small time in the yeere and that ioined with great toile and trauell of his person when his body was at rest his minde was occupied for he had to do in many places and busied himselfe as much with his neighbors affaires as with his own seeking to place men in their houses 2 and to bestow the offices therin at his pleasure When he was in war he desired peace or truce which notwithstanding when he had obtained he could not long away with He medled with many trifling matters in his realme which he might well haue passed ouer but such was his disposition and life And to say the truth his memory was so excellent that he forgat nothing but knew all the world all countries and all men of estimation round about him so that he seemed a Prince woorthier to gouern the whole world than one realm alone Of his youth I am able to say nothing for I was not with him at that time notwithstanding what I haue heard that I will report Being but eleuen yeeres of age he was busied by certaine Princes and others of the realme in a war against K. Charles his father called la Praguerie which endured not long And when he was growen to mans estate he married the King of Scotlands daughter 3 and during hir life neuer ioied with hir 4 after hir death bicause of the factions and troubles that were in the King his fathers court he retired into his owne countrey of Daulphine whither a great number of gentlemen accompanied him yea many mo than he was able to maintaine While he was in Daulphine he married the Duke of Sauoies daughter and soone after fel at variance with his father in law so that sharpe war arose betweene them King Charles seeing his sonne so well accompanied with gentlemen and men of armes determined to go against him in person with great force and to chase him out of the countrey by strong hand wherefore he put himselfe vpon the way and endeuored to withdraw his sonnes men from him commanding them as his subiects vnder paine of his displeasure to repaire vnto him Whereunto diuers obeied to the King our Masters great griefe who seeing his fathers indignation against him determined notwithstanding that his force were great to depart thence and leaue the countrey to his fathers disposing And in this estate trauelled he through Burgundy with a small traine to Duke Philip who receiued him very honorably furnished him with money to maintaine his estate and gaue yeerely pensions to his principall seruants namely to the Earle of Cominges the Lord of Montauban others and bestowed also during his being there diuers large gifts vpon his other seruants Notwithstanding bicause he entertained such a number his mony failed often to his great griefe so that he was forced to borow som where or other otherwise his men would haue forsaken him which vndoubtedly is a great trouble to a Prince vnaccustomed thereunto Thus you see that he was not without vexation and anguish of minde during his abode in this house of Burgundy for he was forced to faune both vpon the Duke and his principall seruants least they should waxe weary of him for he was there a long time to wit the space of sixe yeeres Besides that his father sent ambassadors continually to the Duke requiring him either to put him foorth of his dominions or send him backe to him Wherefore it is to be thought that he was not idle nor without great vexation of minde All these things considered when may a man say that he liued in ioy and pleasure Sure in mine opinion from his childhood till his death he was in continuall toile and trouble so that if all his pleasant and ioyfull daies were numbred I thinke they should be found but fewe yea I am fully
Princes namely Mathias King of Hungarie and Mahomet Ottoman Emperor of Turkie This King Mathias was sonne to a valiant knight called the white knight of Vallachie 8 a gentleman of great wisdome and vertue who gouerned long the realme of Hungarie and obtained many goodly victories against the Turks 9 who border vpon the said realme by reason of the Seniories they haue vsurped in Greece and Slauonie 10 Soone after his death King Lancelot came to mans estate 11 who was right heire not onely of the realme of Hungary but also of Bohemia and Polonia He by the counsell of certaine caused the white knights two sonnes to be apprehended alleaging that their father had vsurped too great rule and authoritie in the realme and that the sonnes being gentlemen of great courage might peraduenture attempt the like Wherefore the said King Launcelot resolued to lay them both in prison and incontinent put the elder to death 12 and sent the said Mathias prisoner to Bude the chiefe towne of Hungary where he remained not long And I suppose that God tooke in good part the great seruices his father had done For soone after King Launcelot was poisoned at Prage in Bohemia 13 by a gentlewoman of a good house whose brother my selfe haue seene of whom he was enamored she likewise of him so far foorth that she being displeased with his mariage with the daughter of Charles the seuenth King of Fraunce now called Princesse of Vienna against his promise made to hir poisoned him in a bathe as she gaue him a peece of apple to eate hauing conueighed the poison into the haft of hir knife Incontinently after King Lancelots death the Barons and Nobles of the realme assembled to choose a new King for the custome of the countrey is when the King dieth without issue that the Nobles may proceed to an election And while they were there in great diuision about their chose the white Knights widow mother to Mathias came into the towne with a goodly traine for bicause she had great treasure left hir by hir husband she was soone able to leuie great forces and further I thinke she had good intelligence both in the towne and also among the Nobilitie bicause of the great sway hir husband had borne in the realme She rode straight to the prison and tooke hir sonne out of it 14 Whereupon part of the Barons and Prelats there assembled for the election fled for feare the rest chose the said Mathias King who raigned in the realme with as great prosperitie as any King these many yeeres and hath been as highly praised and commended yea more in some points than any of his predecessors He was one of the valiantest men that liued in his time and obtained great victories against the Turks without all damage to his owne realme the which he inlarged on all sides aswell towards Bohemia the greatest part whereof he held as also towards Valachie where he was borne and towards Sclauonie In like maner vpon the frontiers of Almaine he wan the greatest part of Austrich from the Emperor Frederic now raigning and possessed it till his death which hapned in the yeere 1491. in Vienna the chiefe towne of Austrich This King gouerned his affaires with great wisdome aswell in peace as war but a little before his death perceiuing himselfe to be feared of his enimies he grew maruellous pompous and sumptuous in his Court and amassed an infinite quantitie of goodly stuffe iewels and plate for the furniture of his house All his affaires were dispatched by himselfe or by his direction Before his death his subiects stood in great feare of him for he waxed cruell and soone after fell into a greeuous and vncurable disease being but yoong to wit eight and twenty yeeres of age 15 or thereabout He died hauing spent his life in much more labor and trauell than pleasure The Turke aboue mentioned 16 was a wise and noble Prince but vsing wiles and subtiltie more than courage and valor True it is that his father left him great for he had been a hardy Prince and wan Adrianople 17 which is as much to say as the citie of Adrian This Turke that I now write of tooke in the three and twentith yeere of his age the citie of Constantinople 18 I haue seene his pourtraiture when he was of those yeeres the lineaments whereof made shew of an excellent wit It was a shame for all Christendome to suffer the towne so to be lost for he tooke it by assault and the Emperor of the East whom we call Emperor of Constantinople was slaine himselfe at the breach 19 with a number of valiant men diuers women of great estate and noble houses rauished to be short no crueltie was omitted This was his first exploit but not his last for he continued till his death in atchieuing great enterprises so that I heard once an ambassador of Venice tell Duke Charles of Burgundy that he had conquered two Empires fower realmes and two hundred cities He meant the Empires of Constantinople Trapezonde 20 the realmes of Bosne 21 Syria Armenia and I thinke Morea 22 was the fowerth in the which the Venetians held two places He conquered also diuers goodly Iles in the sea called Archipell 23 neere to the said Morea with the Iles of Nigrepont 24 and Mitilene he subdued in like maner the greatest part of Albanie and Sclauonie And as his conquests were great against the Christians so were they also against them of his owne law of whom he destroied many a great Prince as the Caraman 25 and diuers others The greatest part of his affaires he gouerned by his owne wisdome as did our King and the King of Hungarie also who were three of the greatest Princes that raigned these hundred yeers But the curtesie and course of life of the King our Master and his good vsage both of his owne seruants and strangers far passed both the others and no maruell for he was the most Christian King As touching worldly pleasures this Turke had his fill for he spent the greatest part of his life in them and had he not been so much addicted to them vndoubtedly he would haue done much more mischiefe There was no fleshly vice that he was free from but in gluttony he passed and according to his diet diseases fell vpon him for euery spring as I haue heard those report that haue seene him his legs swelled as big as a mans body notwithstanding they brake not but the swelling asswaged of it self No surgeon could tell the cause of this disease saue onely that it proceeded of gluttonie and it may be that it was some speciall punishment of God His said disease was the cause he came so seldome abroad and kept himselfe so close in his chariot fearing that the miserable estate he was in would cause his subiects to despise him He died being two and fifty yeeres of age 26 or there about in maner suddenly notwithstanding he made his
Testament which I my selfe haue seene wherin he made conscience of a subsidie lately leuied vpon his subiects if the said Testament be true Let Christian Princes then weigh well what they ought to do considering that they haue no authoritie in right and reason to leuy any thing vpon their subiects without their permission and consent The conclusion of the Author YOw see heere a great number of great personages dead in short space who trauelled so mightily and indured so many anguishes and sorrowes to purchase honor and renoume whereby they abridged their liues yea and peraduenture charged their soules I speake not this of the Turke for I make account he is lodged with his predecessors but our King and the rest I trust God hath taken to his mercy Now to speake of this point as a man vnlearned but hauing some experience had it not been better both for these great Princes themselues and all their subiects that liued vnder them and shall liue vnder their successors to haue held a meane in all things that is to say to haue attempted fewer enterprises to haue feared more to offend God and persecute their subiects and neighbors so many sundry waies aboue rehearsed and to haue vsed honest pleasures and recreation Yes sure For by that meanes their liues should haue been prolonged diseases should not so soone haue assailed them their death should haue been more lamented and lesse desired yea and they should haue had lesse cause to feare death What goodlier examples can we finde to teach vs that man is but a shadowe that our life is miserable and short and that we are nothing neither great nor small For immediately after our death all men abhorre and loath our bodies and so soone as the soule is seuered from the body it goeth to receiue iudgement yea vndoubtedly at the very instant that the soule and body part the iudgement of God is giuen according to our merits and deserts which is the particular iudgement of God The Notes 1 For ought I can reade in any historie this Frederike should be Henry and so appeereth by our author himselfe lib. 5. cap. 7. cap. 18. 2 Asin Britaine Sauoye and Prouence vnder King Rene. 3 Others write that he was but 14. yeeres olde when he married hir which was in the yeere 1437. and she died ann 1445. 4 This Ladies name was Margaret she was sister to Iames the second King of Scotland she was of a lothsome complexion and had an vnsauorie breth wherefore the King loued hir not 5 This is agreeable with Pompeies saying to Sylla that the Romanes did Orientem potius quà m occidentem solem venerari 6 The Earle of VVarwicks father was Richard Neuill Earle of Salisburie who was not slaine at the battell of VVakefield with Richard Duke of Yorke but taken and within a day or two after beheaded and his head sent to Yorke as the said Dukes had beene 7 Commines saith heere that King Edward had liued sixteene yeeres in delicacies when the Earle of VVarwicke chased him out of his realme yet before lib. 3. he saith twelue or thirteene yeeres somwhat neerer to the truth for indeede he was chased the 10. yeere of his raigne 8 This white knight is named Iohannes Huniades Coruinus his fathers name was Buth of the countrie of Valachie corruptly printed in the French Vallagine 9 To wit 20. and fought in one day against Amurathes and his Bashaes sixe great battels and obtained victorie in them all 10 Sclauonie is the countrie of Illyria 11 Some write that this Launcelot called in Latin stories Ladislaus came to full yeeres before Huniades death and gaue him in recompence of his seruice the Earledome of Bristrich and yet afterward sought to kill him by the perswasion of Vlrich Earle of Cilie the said Ladislaus vncle but Huniades valiantly defended himselfe and soone after died But indeede the truth is that Ladislaus was borne the 21. of February 1440. and Huniades died the 10. of September 1456. so that at Huniades death Ladislaus was almost 17. yeeres of age and by the perswasion of this Earle Vlrich had taken the gouernment vpon himselfe 12 The elder brothers name was Ladislaus The cause of his death was for that in defence of himselfe he had slaine the Earle Vlrich who assaulted him as before he had done his father and continually sought both his blood and his brothers VVherefore the King caused both the brethren deceitfully to be taken and beheaded the elder being fiue or sixe and twenty yeeres of age It is written that the hangman gaue him three strokes with the sword before he could pearse his skin 13 King Ladislaus died of poison the 21. of Nouember 1457. 14 Other histories varie much in this point from Commines for they make no mention of Mathias deliuerie by his mothers meanes but say that King Ladislaus being hated in Hungarie for Huniades elder sonnes death departedinto Bohemia leading Mathias with him as prisoner where soone after this Ladislaus died of poison as heere befoâ—â—â—ention is made After his death George Boiebrac vsurped the realme of Bohemia this Mathias being still prisoner at Prague but the nobles of Hungarie bicause of his fathers great seruices chose him their King and sent to the said Boiebrac requiring his deliuerie who not onely accomplished their request on that behalfe but also gaue the said Mathias his daughter in mariage and sent him into Hungarie nobly accompanied 15 This place is maruellously corrupted for King Mathias was borne the 24. of Februarie 1443. and died the fift of Aprill at Vienna of an Apoplexie the yeere 1490. or as our author saith 1491. so that by this computation he liued about 48. yeeres and so vndoubtedly this 28. must be read 48. 16 This Turke is Mahomet the second 17 Others write that Amurathes the third Emperor of Turkie wan Adrianople and it may be that the name deceiued our author for this Turks fathers name was also Amurathes but this was Amurathes the second and he that wan Adrianople Amurathes the first 18 Constantinople vvas taken ann 1453. the 29. of May. 19 This Emperor vvas named Constantinus Paleologus but as others vvrite he vvas not slaine at the breach but thronged to death in the gate as he would haue fled 20 Hovv he conquered Trapezonde Syria Armenia appeereth after in the figure 25 21 It is corruptly in the French Bressanne This realme of Bosne he conquered ouer Stephen King of that countrie ann 1463. but Mathias King of Hungarie soone after recouered it againe 22 Morea vvas in times past Peloponnesus 23 This Archipell is Mare Aegeum in the vvhich the yles called Cyclades lie 24 Nigrepont in times past vvas Euboea 25 The French bookes haue some of them the Carnian some the Carmanian and some bicause they vvill be sure not to erre nothing But vndoubtedly it is to be read as I haue heere translated it For further declaration vvhereof vve must vnderstand that about the yeere 1250. fovver
noble houses came out of Persia vvith their captaines and armies the Otthomans Assembecs Scandelors or Candelors and the Caramans All these fovver houses subdued euery one of them some region the Otthomans vvan Bithynia Phrygia Galatia The Assembecs Syria Armenia Cappadocia Paphlagonia The Scandelors held the greatest part of Pontus and the Caramans Cilicia Lycia Lycaonia Pamphylia But the house of Otthoman in the end deuoured all the other three The Assembecs vvere vanquished by this Mahomet ann 1459. For you shall vnderstand that Vsumcassanes King of the Assembecs fought three great battels vvith this Mahomet In the tvvo first he ouerthrevv him but in the third he vvas vtterly ouerthrovven by reason that Mahomet had great artillerie in his campe vvhich noueltie vnknovven before to the easterly nations discomfited Vsumcassanes armie vvho in this battell lost also his sonne Zeinalde After this battell Mahomet vvan all Cappadocia Paphlagonia and tooke Trapezonde the seate of the Assembecs empire vvith the greatest part of Armenia and Syria as mention is heere made Further after this battell Mahomet tooke from Pyramitus Prince of the Caramans the greatest part of Cilicia and after this Mahomets death Baiazet his sonne slue in battell Abraham the last Prince of the Caramans and vtterly destroied that house As touching the Scandelors after the Assembecs and Caramans vvere destroied the Prince of the Scandelors yeelded his countrie to Baiazet and in exchange thereof had certaine reuenues giuen him in Natolia And thus vvere all the three houses subdued by the house of Otthoman vvhich discourse for the better vnderstanding of this place I haue been forced to vvrite somvvhat at large 26 Others vvrite 58. and others 56. but sure our author reporteth his age truliâ—â—â— for he vvas borne ann 1430. the 24. of March and died of the collicke 1481. the thirde of May so that he vvas entred into his tvvo and fiftith yeere A SVPPLY OF THE HISTORIE OF PHILIP DE COMMINES FROM THE death of King LEWIS the II. till the beginning of the wars of Naples to wit from 1483. till 1493. of all the vvhich time Commines vvriteth nothing Of King Charles his comming to the crowne of the death of Oliuer King Lewis his Barber and others and of the reuoking of King Lewis his superfluous gifts Chap. 1. AFter the death of Lewis the eleuenth Charles the 8. his onely sonne being 13. yeeres of age and two moneths succeeded to the crowne notwithstanding his coronation was deferred till the moneth of Iune in the next yeere to the end he might be full fowerteen when he should be crowned The King his father had brought him vp at Amboise in such solitarines that none besides his ordinarie seruants could haue accesse vnto him neither permitted he him to learne any more Latine than this one sentence He that cannot dissemble cannot raigne which he did not for that he hated learning but bicause he feared that studie would hurt the tender and delicate complexion of the childe Notwithstanding King Charles after he was come to the crowne grew verie studious of learning aod gaue himseife to the reading of stories and bookes of humanitie written in the French toong and attempted to vnderstand Latine Before the Kings coronation the Princes of the blood and the nobles of the realme who so often had beene iniuried in the late King Levvis his time by Oliuer le Dain his barber by Daniell a Flemming the said Oliuers seruant and by Iohn D'oyac which three had wholie gouerned the said King Levvis caused informations secretly to be exhibited against them for diuers murthers rapines and other heinous crimes that they had committed in King Levvis his time yea and some of them by his commandement the which informations being seene by the court Parlament they were foorthwith apprehended their processe made and in the end all three condemned and the next yeere being 1484. the said Oliuer and Daniell his man were hanged at Paris and D'oyac had his eares cut off and his toong bored through with a hot iron One of the crimes committed by Oliuer and Daniell for the which they were executed was this A gentleman was committed to prison by King Levvis his commandement whose wife being yoong and beutifull was contented to abandon hir selfe to the lust of this Oliuer vpon promise that he should deliuer hir husband out of prison to hir but the next day he caused Daniell his man to put him into a sacke and to throwe him into the riuer where he was miserably drowned This Oliuer was a Flemming borne and had been barber to King Levvis and of greater credit with him than any man in all Fraunce which his credit grew by vile and slauish offices that he did about the King so far foorth that he ordinarily sucked the Kings hemorrhoides wherewith he was often troubled which base seruice he did not for good will that he bare the King but onely for couetousnes and to maintaine his credit which ended soone after the King his Masters death as you haue heard notwithstanding the great charge that the King vpon his death-bed had giuen his sonne to loue the said Oliuer and not to suffer him to be spoiled of that which he had bestowed vpon him bicause his seruice had long preserued his life But howsoeuer Princes maintaine such lewd ministers in their liues and how ready soeuer such seruants be to execute their Masters vnlawfull and wilfull commandements supposing that they shall neuer be called to account therefore yet in the end they finde that credit in Court is no inheritance and that God who leaueth nothing vnpunished findeth a time to reward them according to their deserts Further soone after King Lewis his death consultation was had of the superfluous superstitious gifts made by him in his life all the which were reuoked and all that was giuen reunited to the crowne Of the assemblie of the States held at Touars of the Duke of Orleance pursute for the regencie of the mad war raised by him and of his departure into Britaine Chap. 2. THe King in the moneth of Iuly after his coronation being the yeere 1484. held a generall and free assembly of the States of 1484 his realme at Touars far otherwise than had beene vsed in his fathers daies for none came to these generall assemblies in his time but such as were of his owne denomination neither durst any man speake his minde freely but was forced in all matters to yeeld to the Kings will which was for the most part vnreasonable and violent But at this assemblie the presence was great the voices free the complaints lamentable the Nobilitie Commons and Clergie euery one of them presented their griefes complaining of the burdens that the late King contrary to the lawes of the realme and customes of their ancestors had laid vpon them In this assembly it was enacted that there should be no Regent in Fraunce but that Anne Lady of Beauieu the Kings eldest sister should haue the
said The towne was spoiled by the soldiers bicause Maximilian was behinde with them for certaine moneths paie Saint Omers was also taken at the same time though some refer it to an other time but whensoeuer it was taken this is most certaine that the negligence of the watch was the losse thereof For the enimies being led by George Deberfin made shew at their first comming before the towne as though they would haue scaled it at which time the French soldiers were ready to withstand them vpon the wals being strong and very defensible both by nature and by Arte whereupon the enimies vnder pretence of feare retired into their campe yea and further when the French issued foorth to skirmish with them they euer retired faining the like feare which dissimulation they vsed by the space of eight daies and by this their pollicie caused the French to remit much of their accustomed industry and diligence which when the Burgundians and Almaines perceiued they with great expedition reared ladders against the wals and bulwarks of the town which they easily entered the watch being fast a sleepe and in some place no watch at all Then brake they open the gates slew the French soldiers and the citizens and so became Masters of the towne At the same time was Amiens also attempted by the Burgundians in the night and like to haue been surprised by the like negligence of the watch but Katherine de Liques a woman of a manlike courage awaked the watch out of their dead sleepe by meanes whereof the alarme was sounded and all the towne arose in armes and part went to defend the wals and the rest issued foorth and skirmished and put to flight Maximilians bands who plainly confessed that the diligence and industrie of one woman had wrong the victory out of their hands Of the restitution of the Counties of Roussillon Parpignan to the King of Spaine of the Emperor Fridericks death of the peace between the King of Romaines and the King and of the Duke of Orleans deliuery out of prison Chap. 8. FErdinand King of Arragon desired nothing more than to recouer 1492 out of the Kings hands the counties of Roussillon and Parpignan engaged by him as he said to King Lewis the eleuenth for fiftie thousand crownes But the nobles of Fraunce would not condescend to this restitution bicause the two Counties were a rampier for the realme on that side towards Spaine adding that they were not engaged to King Lewis but absoulutely solde And notwithstanding that the King of Spaine alleaged that King Lewis by his last will and Testament had commanded the said Counties to be restored knowing that they were wrongfully withheld yet his perswasions and allegations little auailed Wherefore he perceiuing that this way no good would be done fell to practise with men of religion hoping by their preaching of conscience to King Charles to win that of him that otherwise he saw no meanes to obtaine Wherefore he corrupted with a great summe of mony Oliuer Maillard or as others write Iohn de Mauleon a frier Franciscane confessor to the Lady of Beauieu the Kings sister who vnder his coule of religion cloking his hypocrisie and couetousnes perswaded hir that except restitution were made of these territories to the King of Spaine the King hir brothers gouerment could not prosper nor please God She being mooued in conscience by this friers perswasions brake this matter to Lewis of Amboise bishop of Alby the Kings schoolmaster who togither with hir so terrified the Kings conscience that he did not onely make restitution of the said territories by the hands of the said bishop whom he sent thither to deliuer them but also freely released to the King of Arragon all the money that King Levvis his father had paid for them with these conditions that the said King of Arragon and his successors should euer after loue and honor the realme of Fraunce that he should make no war against it nor aide with money victuals or councell any of the enimies thereof nor permit them to haue passage through his dominions And thus were these countries restored greatly to the French mens griefe and dammage but in truth the King the rather inclined to restore them bicause hee began already by the perswasion of those that were about him to phansie a voiage into Italie for the recouerie of the realme of Naples which afterward tooke effect though the King both now long after this kept his purpose secret to himselfe and one or two more which voiage I thinke was the principall cause that induced him to restore the foresaid countries thereby to tie the King of Spaine to him that he should not trouble him in his enterprise but he misreckoned himselfe for he was no sooner past the mountaines but the King of Spaine forgot all his kindnes and fell to practise a league with his enimies While these matters passed thus in Fraunce Friderick the Emperor died to The Emperor Frederick died 19. of August 1493. whom his sonne Maximilian succeeded who notwithstanding was neuer crowned neither greatly desired so to be although with a small request he might haue obtaied it The Emperor Maximilian purposing to quiet the state of the Empire troubled by his fathers death seemed more enclined to peace with the King than heertofore he had beene which happened verie fortunately for the Kings affaires for without Maximilian were pacified his voiage into Italie must of force haue staide but both the parties by this meanes inclining to concord the peace was soone concluded the Emperors daughter was restored vnto him and the countie of Artois togither with all the townes he quarrelled And thus the King being in peace with all his neighbours namely with the Emperor and the Kings of England and Spaine and possessing the Duchie of Britaine quietly by his mariage and by that meanes hauing no body to feare began wholie to dispose himselfe to his voiage into Italie whereupon his minde was altogither fixed Further about this verie time the King at the earnest sute and continuall teares of his sister Iane a Ladie of singular pietie and chastitie restored not onely to liberty but also to his fauor and familiaritie Lewis Duke of Orleans husband to the saide Ladie taken prisoner at the battell of Saint Albin in Britaine as before you haue heard whereby as the King deserued great commendations for his clemencie in preseruing his enimie taken in battell and restoring him to his former dignitie and honor so did he also thereby prouide that no discontented subiect at home should trouble his estate in his absence in his voiage to Naples whereunto the historie of Commines now calleth vs which from the death of King Lewis the eleuenth till this present I haue supplied out of other good authors bicause the said Commines being imprisoned or in disgrace almost euer sithence King Lewis his death till the saide voiage of Naples whereat he was present was silent and left nothing
in writing to the posteritie of all those yeeres THE SEVENTH BOOKE OF THE HISTORIE OF PHILIP DE COMMINES TREATING OF THE PRINCIPALL ACTES OF KING CHARLES THE EIGHT SONNE TO LEWIS THE ELEVENTH THE PROLOGVE OF THE AVTHOR containing that which he mindeth to treate of in this historie following TO continue the Historie written by me Philip de Commines of the reigne of King Lewis the eleuenth whom God assoile I wil now declare the occasion that mooued King Charles the eight his sonne to make his voiage into Italie wherat my selfe was present The said King departed from Vienna in Daulphine the 23. of August the yeere 1494. and returned into his realme about October the yeere 1495. Before the enterprise was fully resolued on the matter was often debated whether he should go or not for the voiage seemed very dangerous to all men of wisdome and experience neither did any allow therof but the King himselfe and one Stephen de Vers borne in Languedoc a man of meane parentage and vtterly vnacquainted with the wars and all things thereunto appertaining One other also being of the receit was a furtherer thereof till his hart failed him namely the generall Brissonnet who afterward by occasion of this voiage was preferred to many goodly dignities and spirituall promotions and created a Cardinall The former had already gotten goodly possessions for he was Seneschall of Beaucaire and president of the Comptes at Paris he had serued the King in his youth very faithfully being a groome of his chamber and by his meanes the generall was woon to fauor this voiage so that they two were the onely authors thereof for the which fewe commended but many blamed them for all things necessarie for so great an enterprise were wanting The King was yoong a weake body wedded to his owne will slenderly accompanied with wise men or good captaines and so vtterly vnfurnished of money that before his departure he borrowed of the banke of Soly at Genua a hundred thousand franks vpon great enterest from Mart to Marte 1 In diuers other places also he borrowed money as heereafter you shall heare His army was vnprouided of tents and pauillions and winter was begun when he entred into Lombardy One onely good thing he had to wit a couragious company of yoong gentlemen yet not in such obedience as was requisite Wherefore we must of necessitie conclude that this voiage was gouerned by God alone both at our going foorth and our returne home for the wisdome of the authors thereof aboue mentioned serued to no great purpose notwithstanding they might iustly vaunt themselues to be the occasion of the great honor and renowme their Master wan thereby The Notes 1 The interest of this money as he saith in the end of the fourth Chapter amounted in fovver moneths to fovverteene thousand franks Further there are at Genua certaine Marts in the yeere from the one of the vvhich to the other they let out their money it is betvveene euery Marte fovver moneths How René Duke of Lorrain came into Fraunce to demaund the Duchie of Bar and the Earledome of Prouence which King Charles held and how he failed to enter into the realme of Naples whereunto he pretended title as the King did and what right both of them had thereunto Chap. 1. THe yeere of the Kings coronation 1 being the 14. or 15. of his age the Duke of Lorraine came into Fraunce to demaund the Duchy of Bar which King Levvis the eleuenth had withholden from him and likewise the Earledome of Prouence left to the said King Levvis by the last will and Testament of King Charles of Aniou his cosen germaine 2 who died without issue The Duke of Lorraine pretended title to it as sonne and heire to the daughter of Rene King of Sicilie Duke of Aniou and Earle of Prouence alleaging that the said King Rene had done him wrong 3 in preferring King Charles of Aniou being but his brother the Earle of Maines sonne before him being his daughters sonne 4 The other answered that by their ancestors testaments Prouence could not descend to the female In the end Bar was yeelded to him for the which the King demanded onely a summe of money Further bicause the said Duke of Lorrain was highly fauored and friended by diuers of great authoritie in Fraunce especially by Iohn Duke of Bourbon who was old and desirous to marrie his sister it was agreed that during the space of fower yeeres in the which his title to the Earledome of Prouence should be examined his estate should be wholy defraied by the King and that he should haue charge of an hundred launces togither with a yeerely pension of sixe and thirtie thousand franks during the said fower yeeres I my selfe was present at the debating and ending of all these controuersies being one of the commissioners purposely chosen for the determination thereof both by the Kings neerest kinsmen and by the three estates of his realme so was also Stephen de Vers aboue mentioned who bicause he had gotten certaine possessions in Prouence caused the King as yoong as he was in the presence of his sister the Duchesse of Bourbon to say to Monseur de Comminges and to Monseur de Lau who were both also in the commission and to my selfe that we should do our endeuor that he might not lose the Earledome of Prouence which words he vttered before the agreement aboue mentioned was made Before the fower yeeres expired certaine Lawyeres of Prouence brought foorth the testaments of King Charles the first brother to Saint Levvis and of other Kings of Sicilie 5 of the house of Fraunce These Lawyeres among other proofes alleaged that not onely the Earledome of Prouence but also the realme of Sicilie with all the house of Anious other possessions appertained of right to the King and that the Duke of Lorrain had no right thereto notwithstanding others maintained the contrary All these Lawyers depended wholy vpon Stephen de Vers who nourished his Master in this language that King Charles Earle of Prouence last deceased sonne to Charles of Aniou Earle of Maine and nephew 6 to King Rene left Prouence to King Lewis by his last will and Testament and that King Rene before his death made the said Charles his heire preferring him before the Duke of Lorraine his daughters sonne bicause of the testaments of King Charles the first and his wife Countesse of Prouence wherein they had willed that the realme 7 and the countie of Prouence should not be seuered nor descend to the heire female so long as there was issue male remaining The like Testaments they alleaged also to haue beene made by their next successors in the said realme namely by Charles the second During these fower yeeres space those that gouerned the King that is to saie the Duke and Dutchesse of Bourbon and certaine of the Kings chamber namely Monseur de Grauille 8 and others who at that time bare great sway in Fraunce called to the
the feast of Saint Iohn Baptist in the yeere 1498. at which time he was bound to restore them also to the said Archduke and so he promised and sware to do Whether the alteration of these mariages agreed with the lawes of holy Church or no let others iudge for many Doctors of diuinitie said yea and many nay but were these lawfull or vnlawfull sure all these Ladies were vnfortunate in their issue Our Queene had three sonnes successiuely one after another in fower yeeres one of them 3 liued almost three yeeres and then died and the other two be dead also The Lady Margaret of Austriche was afterward married to the Prince of Castile onely sonne to the King and Queene of Castile and heire both of Castile and diuers other realmes The said Prince died the first yeere of his marriage in the yeere of our Lord 1497. leauing his wife great bellied 4 who immediately after hir husbands death fell in trauel before hir time and was deliuered of a dead borne childe which misfortune the King and Queene of Castile and their whole realme lamented a long time The King of Romanes immediately after this change aboue mentioned married the daughter of Galeas Duke of Milan sister to Duke Iohn Galeas before named the which marriage was made by the Lord Lodouics onely procurement but it displeased greatly both the Princes of the Empire and many also of the King of Romanes friends bicause she was not of a house noble ynough in their opinion to match with their Emperor For as touching the Viscounts of whom the Dukes of Milan are descended small nobilitie is in them and lesse yet in the Sforces for the first of that house was Francis Sforce Duke of Milan whose father was a shoomaker 5 dwelling in a little towne called Cotignoles but a very valiant man though not so valiant as his sonne who by meanes of the great fauour the people of Milan bare his wife being bastard daughter to Duke Philip Marie made himselfe Duke and conquered and gouerned the whole countrie not as a tyrant but as a good and iust Prince so that in woorthines and vertue he was comparable to the noblest Princes that liued in his daies Thus much I haue written to shew what followed the change of these marriages neither know I what may yet heerafter ensue further thereof The Notes 1 Annal. Burgund vvrite vvith Philip the King of Romaines sonne but the best vvriters agree vvith our author 2 Maximilian vvas chosen King of Romaines anno 1486. Funccius 3 Of this childes death he vvriteth lib. 8. cap. 13. 4 Of this Princes death he vvriteth at large lib. 8. cap. 17. 5 Francis Sforces father as some write vvas first a cooke in the campe after he became a soldier and lastly for his valor vvas made a captaine and a knight How the King sent to the Venetians to practise with them before he enterprised his voiage to Naples and of the preparation that was made for the said voiage Chap. 4. NOw to returne to the principall matter you haue heard of the Earle of Caiazzes the other ambassadors departure from the King at Paris and of diuers practises entertained in Italy and how the King as yoong as he was greatly affected this voiage notwithstanding that as yet he discouered his meaning but to the Seneschall and generall onely Further he required the Venetians to giue him aide and counsell in this enterprise who answered him that he should be welcome into Italy but that aide him they could not bicause they stood in doubt of the Turke yet were they in peace with him and as touching counsell it should be too great presumption in them to giue counsell to so wise a Prince hauing so graue a counsell about him but they promised rather to helpe him than hinder him This they tooke to be a wise answer and so was it I confesse But notwithstanding that they gouerne their affaires more circumspectly than any Prince or commonaltie in the world yet God will alwaies haue vs to know that wisedome and forecast of man auaile nought when he is purposed to strike the stroke For he disposed of this enterprise far otherwise than they imagined for they thought not that the King would haue come in person into Italy neither stoode they in any feare of the Turke notwithstanding their forged excuse for the Turke then raigning was a man of no valor 1 but they hoped by this meanes to be reuenged of the house of Arragon which they hated extremely both the father and the sonne bicause by their perswasion as they said the Turke came to Scutary 2 I meane the father of this Turke called Mahumet Ottoman who tooke Constantinople and greatly endammaged the said Venetians But apart to Alphonse D. of Calabria they had many other quarrels for they charged him first as the onely author of the war the D. of Ferrara mooued against them wherin they consumed such infinit treasure that it had well neere cleane vndone them of the which war a word or two hath been spoken before Secondarily that he had sent a man purposely to Venice to poison their cesterns at the least as many as might be come vnto for diuers of them be enclosed and locked They vse there none other water for they are inuironed with the sea and sure that water is very good 3 as my selfe can witnes for twice I haue been at Venice and in my last voiage dranke of it eight moneths togither But the chiefe cause of their hatred against this house of Arragon was none of these aboue rehersed but for that the said house kept them frō growing great as well in Italy as Greece on both the which countries they had their eies fixed notwithstanding they had lately conquered the I le of Cyprus vpon no title in the world 4 For all these considerations the Venetians thought it their profit that war should arise betweene the King and the house of Arragon but they supposed that it could not haue ended so soon as it did that it shuld but weaken their enimies not vtterly destroy them and further that if the woorst fell either the one partie or the other to haue their helpe would giue them certaine townes in Pouille lying vpon their sea coast as also in the end it hapned but they had well neere misreckoned themselues Lastly as touching the calling of the King into Italy they thought it could not be laid to their charge seeing they had giuen him neither counsell nor aide as appeered by their answer to Peron of Basche In the yeere 1494. the King went to Lyons to attend to his affaires but no man 1494. thought he would passe the mountaines Thither came to him the aboue named Master Galeas of Saint Seuerin brother to the Earle of Caiazze with a goodly traine sent from the Lord Lodouic whose lieutenant and principall seruant he was He brought with him a great number of braue horses and armours to run in
so had his father done also but so wisely that they held themselues in maner contented therewith In the second ambassage the said Peter sent to Lions one called Peter Capon with diuers others by whom he excused himselfe as before he had done for not accomplishing the Kings requests saying that King Levvis the eleuenth had commanded the towne of Florence to enter into league with King Ferrande in the time of Duke Iohn of Aniou and to depart from their league with the said Duke wherefore seeing by the Kings commandement they were entred into this league which endured yet certaine yeeres they could not abandon nor forsake the house of Arragon But if the King hapned to come into their countrey they promised to do him great seruices which offer they made bicause they thought as the Venetians did that the King would not come into Italy In both these ambassages there was some one enimy to the said de Medicis especially in the latter this Capon who oftē aduertised vs by what meanes the citie of Florence might be brought to rebell against the said Peter and deliuered also his message in far woorse termes than indeed it was sent and further gaue aduise to banish all the Florentines out of Fraunce and so were they 8 Thus much haue I written to the end you may the better vnderstand that which afterward ensued for the King became mortall enimy to the said Peter and the Seneschall and generall had great intelligence with his enimies in the citie especially with this Capon yea and with two also of the said Peters cosin germaines being both of his owne name The Notes 1 The King came to Ast the 9. of September 1494. Guicciar 2 The King abode at Ast till the 6. of October Annal. Franc. Aquit 3 Alphonse in person leuied men in Abruzzo to haue fought with Duke Aubigny but in an assembly held between him and the Pope at Vicouare the third of Iuly it was agreed that he should passe no further but giue the charge of the armie to his sonne Guicciar 4 This Duke Aubigny was a Scottish man and a Steward and of him the now King of Scots is by his father lineally descended 5 Genua was euer diuided into the factions of Fregosi called here in many places Fourgousi Adorni Dorei and Spinoli 6 The Italians haue Aretio which is a towne betweene Florence and Perouse but Guazzo de Regio which is a little towne neere to Parma 7 That was after the rate of one hundred ducats for euery man of armes for the Italian men of armes haue not their archers as the French and therefore their wages is lesse by the halfe 8 They gaue this counsell to the end the Florentines being barred their trafficke in Fraunce might murmur against Peter of Medicis for what misfortune soeuer happeneth the Prince is alwaies blamed as cause thereof How the King remaining yet in Ast resolued to passe foorth towards Naples at the earnest sute of Lodouic Sforce How Philip de Commines was sent ambassador to Venice of the Duke of Milans death after whose decease the said Lodouic seized vpon the Duchie to the preiudice of a sonne the said D. left behinde him Chap. 6. I Haue told you alreadie what happened vpon the sea at Rapalo Dom Frederike retired to Pisa and Ligorne leauing his footemen behinde him whom he had landed The Florentines waxed maruellous wearie of him for they be and euer haue been better affected to the house of Fraunce than to that of Arragon Our armie that was in Romaine notwithstanding that it were the weaker furthered greatly our affaires for it made Dom Ferrande D. of Calabria by little little to retire which when the K. perceiued he resolued to passe forward being earnestly sollicited therunto by the Lord Lodouic and the others aboue named The said Lodouic at his first meeting with the King spake thus vnto him Sir feare not this enterprise there are in Italie but three mightie estates one of the which taketh part with you which is Milan another mooueth not to wit the Venetians so that you haue onely to do with the force of Naples But diuers of your ancestors haue ouerthrowen vs all three being ioined togither Sir if you will credit me I will helpe to make you greater than euer was Charleman for we will easily chase the Turke out of the Empire of Constantinople hauing subdued the realme of Naples And sure he said true of the Turke that now raigneth 1 if all things had been well ordered on our side Then the King began to gouerne all his affaires by the order and direction of the said Lodouic wherewith certaine of our men I meane some of the Kings chamber and such like were not a little discontented which was great folly for without him we could do nothing and this that they did was onely to flatter the Duke of Orleance who pretended title to the Duchie of Milan 2 But the Generall especially was highly offended therewith for now he thought himselfe a great man and some breach was happened betweene the Seneschall and him for the which cause the L. Lodouic mooued both the K. and the saide Seneschall that the Generall might be sent home which his words caused the saide Generall openly to babble against him and to say that he would deceiue the whole companie but silence would better haue becommed him Notwithstanding as touching him neuer wise man made account of him in matter of estate both bicause he vnderstood not what it meant and also bicause he was light of talke but sure he was well affected to his Master They concluded in the end to send abrode diuers ambassadors and my selfe among the rest was appointed to go to Venice but my dispatch was delaied awhile bicause the King was sicke of the small pocks and in danger of death for an ague was ioined with his disease but it endured not past sixe or seuen daies Then I departed leauing the King in Ast and verily beleeuing that he would passe no further in sixe daies I went to Venice with my mules and carriage for the way was maruellous faire But I departed from the said towne of Ast in great feare doubting the Kings returne home notwithstanding God had otherwise disposed of this enterprise for he went straight to Pauie and passed through Casall where the Marchionesse of Montferrat lay which was a good Lady and great friend to vs but deadly enimie to the Lord Lodouic and he also to hir When the King arriued at Pauie some small ielousie began to arise for they would haue lodged him in the towne and not in the castell but he would not lodge but in the castell and so he did Those that were neere about him haue told me that he was there in some danger Wherefore the selfesame night the watch was r'enforced whereat the Lord Lodouic maruelled greatly so far foorth that he communed thereof with the King demanding if he had conceiued any suspicion of him
To be short their behauiour was such on both sides that their amitie could not long endure but we babbled much more than they not the King himselfe but certaine of his neerest kinsmen 3 In this castell of Pauie was Iohn Galeas Duke of Milan and his wife daughter to King Alphonse in very pitious estate for hir husband being sicke was held in this castell as vnder garde and hir sonne who is yet liuing with a daughter or two The childe was then about fiue yeeres old and him euery man might see but no man might see the Duke for my selfe passed that way three daies before the King and could by no meanes be suffered to come to him Euery body said he was extreme sicke notwithstanding the King spake with him for he was his cosin germane 4 and he hath told me that their communication was onely generall talke bicause he would in no wise offend the Lord Lodouic notwithstanding that he were very desirous to haue aduertised his said cosin of diuers matters At the same time the Duchesse fell vpon hir knees before the said Lodouic desiring him to haue pitie vpon hir father and brother He answered that it could not be But to say the truth she might better haue intreated for hir husband and hir selfe being at that time a goodly yoong Lady From thence the King remooued to Plaisance where the said Lodouic receiued letters that his nephewe the Duke Milan lay at the point of death wherefore he tooke his leaue of the King to go to him The King desired him to returne and so he promised to do Before he came to Pauie the Duke died whereupon he rid incontinent as it were in poste to Milan Al these newes I vnderstood by a letter that the Venetian ambassador resident with the said Lodouic sent to Venice wherein also he aduertised the Seniorie that he meant to make himselfe Duke whichboth the Duke of Venice and the Seniorie vtterly misliked so far foorth that they asked me whether the King would not defend the childe which though reason required that he should yet I made the matter doubtfull considering how necessary an instrument the said Lord Lodouic was at that time for the Kings affaires To be short he made himselfe to be receiued at Milan as Duke which was the onely end as some said why he had caused vs to passe the mountaines Manie also charged him with his nephewes death whose kinsfolkes and friends in Italy were in armes to haue taken the gouernment from him which they would easily haue done had not the Kings comming stopped them For they were already in Romaine as you haue heard But the Earle of Caiazze and the Lord of Aubigny made them to retire For the said Lord of Aubigny had with him a company of a hundred fifty or two hundred men of armes French and a good band of Swissers Dom Ferrande and his forces retired towards their friends dislodging euer halfe a daies iourney before our men and marched towards Furly 5 which belonged to a Lady being a bastard of Milan and widow of the Earle Hieronime nephew to Pope Sixtus 6 This Lady fauored them as the report went notwithstanding after our men had taken by assault a little towne of hirs being first beaten halfe a day with the canon she reuolted to vs being indeed well affected to vs before Further the people of Italy began in all places to take hart and to desire change and alteration for they sawe that which before they had neuer seene I meane the feate of artillerie which they were vnacquainted with which in Fraunce was neuer more practised than at that time The said Dom Ferrande approched still neerer and neerer to his realme and went to Sesenne a faire citie of the Popes in the Marque of Anconne but the people spoiled his carriage stuffe whensoeuer they tooke his men at aduantage And through all Italy they would haue rebelled if the wars had been ordered on our side without spoile but all was done cleane contrary to my great griefe bicause of the honor and renowme the French nation might haue obtained by this voiage For at our first arriuall the people honored vs as saints supposing all faith and vertue to be in vs but their opinion endured not long partly bicause of the disorder and spoile our men vsed and partly bicause of the slanderous reports our enimies made of vs in all places charging vs that we forced women and robbed and carried away money and whatsoeuer we could lay hands on of heinouser crimes they could not haue accused vs in Italy for no nation is so ielous and couetous as the Italian As touching women they belied vs but the rest was not altogither vntrue The Notes 1 He meaneth bicause he vvas a man of no vertue as before is said 2 VVhat right the Duke of Orleans had to it the petegree in the end of the booke will declare 3 He meaneth the Earle of Ligny the King and vvho vvere sisters children 4 King Charles his mother vvas Charlotte and this Dukes mother Bonne both daughters to the Duke of Sauoy 5 It vvas corruptly in the French Sorly for Furly vvhich the old Romaines called Forum liuii 6 Octauian sonne to Hieronime of Riare vvas Lord of Furly and Imola vvith title of Vicar of the Church but he vvas vnder the gouernment of Katherin Sforce his mother heere mentioned Guicciar How Peter of Medices yeelded fower of the Florentines strongest places to the King and how the King restored Pisa being one of them to their ancient liberty Chap. 7. THe King as before you haue heard was at Plaisance where he caused a solemne funerall to be made for his cosin germaine the Duke of Milan for other thing wist he not what to do the new Duke of Milan being departed from him They that best vnderstood the course of these affaires haue told me that the whole cōpany desired to returne home aswel for that they were vnprouided of all things necessarie as also bicause of diuers doubts that were arisen for certaine that at the first seemed to haue great good liking of this voiage began now vtterly to disallow thereof namely the Lord of Vrfé Master of the horse who was not with the King but lay sicke at Genua whence he wrote him a letter giuing him therein to vnderstand of diuers doubts and iealousies whereof he was aduertised But as before I haue said in diuers places God manifestly declared that he himselfe gouerned this enterprise For suddenly in the necke of this letter newes came to the King that the Duke of Milan would shortly return and that the Florentines began to fauor vs in hatred of Peter de Medicis who gouerned them as if he had been their Prince to the great discontentation both of many of his owne neere kinsmen and of diuers also the best citizens namely the Capons the Sonderini 1 the Nerly and in maner the whole citie Wherefore the King departed from
who practised continually after the manner of Italy They being in Rome the Pope in the night receiued Dom Ferrand with his whole forces into the towne whereupon our ambassadors and some fewe of their seruants were staied but the selfe same day the Pope dismissed them Notwithstanding he held still in prison the Cardinall Ascaigne his vicechauncellor and brother to the Duke of Milan and Prospere Coulonne some said by their owne accord Of all these accidents I was aduertised incontinent by the Kings letters but the Seniorie more amplie by their ambassadors All this hapned before the King entred into Viterbe for neither party staied aboue two daies in a place But as touching our affaires they prospered better than we could wish and no maruell for the Lord of Lords gaue them successe as all men might manifestly perceiue This army that lay in Ostie could do no seruice bicause of the foule weather further you shall vnderstand that the force which the Lord of Aubigny led was returned to the King and himselfe also neither had he further charge thereof The Italians were also dismissed that had been with him in Romaine vnder the leading of the Lord Rodolph of Mantua the Lord Galeot of Mirandula and of Fracasse brother to the L. Galeas of Saint Seuerin the which with their said company being to the number of fiue hundred men of armes were well paied by the King for they serued him as before you haue heard The King after his departure from Viterbe remooued to Naples 5 which the Cardinall Ascaigne held Further it is most certaine that while our men lay in Ostie aboue twenty fathomes of Rome wals fell to the ground on the same side they should haue entred The Pope seeing this yoong King come thus suddenly with such successe agreed that he should enter the citie for to saie the truth he could not otherwise choose and desired a safe conduct 6 which the King willingly granted for Dom Ferrand Duke of Calabria and onely son of K. Alphonse who in the night retired to Naples the Cardinall Ascaigne conueying him to the gate 7 Then the King entred the citie in armes as a Prince hauing power to dispose of all things at his pleasure and diuers Cardinals with the gouernors and Senators of the towne came foorth to receiue him He lodged in Saint Markes pallace which is the Culonnois quarter who were his friends and seruants at that time But the Pope retired into the castle of Saint Ange. The Notes 1 This Cardinall was afterwards Pope Iulius the second and prooued a deadly enimie to the French Further this towne of Ostie distressed Rome by meanes that being the very entrie into the riuer of Tyber it kept all victuals from comming to Rome by vvater for the vvhich cause the olde Romanes called the towne Ostia bicause it vvas the very doore or mouth as it vvere of the riuer 2 The factions of Houc and Caballan began in Holland 1444. Berlandus Reade Meyer lib. 16. fol. 300. pag. 2. 3 The King gaue to Fabrice Colonne the countrie of Albe and Taillecousse vvhich vvere before Virginio Vrsins and to Prosper the Duchie of Tracette and the citie of Fondi 4 This Corsique being corrupted in the French vve haue restored according to Panlus Iouius Guicciar hath Corse 5 This is not the citie of Naples but a little tovvne called in the Annales of Fraunce Neple in Latin Nepesum of the Italians Nepi 6 Ferdinande Duke of Calabria refused the pasport Guicciar 7 Ferdinande vvas sonne to Hypolitie sister to Duke Galeas of Milan to the Lorde Lodouic and to this Cardinall How King Alphonse caused his sonne Ferrande to be crowned King and then fled himselfe into Sicilie with a discourse of the euill life that his father the olde Ferrande and he had led Chap. 11. WHo would haue thought that this proude King Alphonse hauing beene trained vp all the daies of his life in martiall affaires that his son and al these Vrsins whose faction was so great in Rome would thus haue abandoned the citie through cowardise especially seeing they knew and vnderstood perfectly that the Duke of Milan began to wauer and the Venetians to stir and to treate of a league which had then been concluded as I was certainly informed if they had made any resistance at Viterbe or Rome to stay the King but a few daies but God meant to shew that all these proceedings passed far the reach and compasse of mans braine And heere note by the way that as the citie wall fell downe so did fifteene fathoms also of the vaumure of the castell of Saint Ange as I haue beene aduertised by diuers especially by two Cardinals there present Now I must returne to speake a word or two of King Alphonse So soone as the Duke of Calabria called the yoong Ferrande was returned to Naples his father King Alphonse iudged himselfe vnwoorthie longer to raigne bicause of the euils he had committed and the manifold cruelties he had vsed against diuers barons and Princes of his realme For you shall vnderstand that whereas his father King Ferrande and he had taken notwithstanding their safe conduct to the number of 24. of them and had held them in prison from the time of their rebellion against the said Ferrande 1 till the hower of his death this Alphonse immediately after his fathers decease for a surplusage of all crueltie caused them miserably to be murthered and with them two other whom his father had also taken vnder safe conduct the one Duke of Sesse 2 a man of great authoritie and the other Prince of Rosane who had married the said Ferrandes sister and had issue by hir a sonne a very goodly gentleman True it is that the said Prince had wrought great treason against him for the which he had well deserued death if he had not been taken vnder safe conduct but King Ferrande to rid himselfe of all feare tooke him that notwithstanding being come to him by his commandement and laide him in a maruellous stinking prison and afterward his said sonne also being betweene fifteene and sixteene yeeres of age Thus had the Prince of Rosane liued a prisoner when King Alphonse came to the state about fower and thirty yeeres But the said Alphonse immediately after his coronation commanded these prisoners to be led into an Iland neere to Naples called Iscle 3 whereof heereafter more mention shall be made and there villanously to be slaine all saue one or two whom he held still in the castell of Naples namely the said Prince of Rosans sonne and the noble Earle of Popoli I haue diligently inquired after what sort he caused them thus cruelly to be murthered for many supposed they had been yet liuing when the King entred into the good towne and citie of Naples and diuers of their principall seruants haue informed me that he caused them villanously and horribly to be slaine by a Moore of Afrike not sparing these ancient Princes some of the which
enimies many came to the hauen of Bougen 4 neere to Plambin whence it departed not the space of two moneths so that our men might without all danger haue succoured the said castels for the nature of this hauen of Bougen is such that a ship cannot come foorth of it but with one winde which bloweth seldome in winter The said Arban was a valiant soldier and a very good sea man 5 While the King lay at Thurin diuers treaties were entertained between him and the Duke of Milan in one of the which the Duches of Sauoy was a dealer she was daughter to the Marques of Montferratte and a widow and mother to the yoong Duke of Sauoy then liuing Others negotiated also as well as she and among the rest my selfe laboured for conclusion of the peace as before I haue made mention and the confederats that is to say the captaines that were in the enimies campe before Nouarre desired to deale with me and sent me a safe conduct But enuie euer raigneth in Princes courts for the Cardinall so often aboue named ouerthrew all that I did and would that the Duches of Sauois negotiation should go forward which was committed to the said Cardinals hoste who was Treasurer of Sauoy a wise man and a faithfull seruant to his Mistres This treatie endured so long without effect that in the end all hope of peace ceasing the Bailife of Digeon was sent ambassador into Swisserland to leuy there fiue thousand men I haue made mention already how the Kings Nauie that departed from Nice in prouence to succour the castels of Naples could not succour them for the reasons there rehearsed Wherefore the Lord of Montpensier and the other gentlemen that were with him in the castels vnderstanding of this misfortune espied a conuenient time when the army that the King left behinde him in diuers parts of the realme lay neere to the said castles and by helpe therof salied foorth leauing within force sufficient for their defence according to the proportion of their victuals which was very smal and departed themselues with two thousand and fiue hundred soldiers appointing Ognas and two other gentlemen captaines of the castles The said L. of Montpensier the Prince of Salerne the Seneschall of Beaucaire and the rest that were with them departed to Salerne for the which cause King Ferrand said that he might lawfully put to death the hostages deliuered to him a few daies before whose names were these the Lord of Alegre one called de la Marche-d ' Ardaine the Lord de la Chapelle d'Aniou one named Roquebertin Catelin and one Genly for you shall vnderstand that not past three moneths before the said King Ferrand was entred into Naples by intelligence or rather through the negligence of our men who vnderstood of all their practises in the towne and yet neuer sought to countermine them But heereof I will write no farther bicause I speake but vpon report for notwithstanding that I had mine intelligence from the principall of those that were there yet do I not willingly discourse long of any matter that I haue not been present at my selfe The said K. Ferrand being in Naples was aduertised that the King was slaine at the battell of Fornoue as were our men also within the castle by the Duke of Milans letters to the which credit was giuen notwithstanding that they reported no thing but lies And thereupon the Coulonnois whose maner is alwaies to turne with the strongest reuolted incontinent from vs though sundry waies bound to the King as before you haue heard Wherefore our men partlie through these vntrue reports but especially bicause a great number of them were retired into the castell being vtterly vnfurnished of victuals and partly also bicause they had lost their horses and all their goods within the towne made a composition the sixt day of October in the yeere 1495. after they had been besieged three moneths fowerteen daies promising if they were not succoured within a certaine space to depart into Prouence and yeeld the castels without making further war either by sea or land vpon the realme of Naples for the performance of which conditions they deliuered these hostages aboue named and yet within twentie daies after the composition departed as you haue heard for the which cause King Ferrand said that they had broken the composition in that they departed without leaue and notwithstanding that our men maintained the contrary yet were the hostages in great danger and not without cause For although I will not denie but that our men did wisely to depart notwithstanding the composition yet had they done much better if the day of their departure they had yeelded the castles for their hostages safetie and receiued again the said hostages For the castels held but twenty daies after they were departed partly for lacke of victuals and partly bicause they despaired of succours To conclude the losse of the castell of Naples was the losse of the whole realme The Notes 1 This Peron vvas sent to Nice being a hauen tovvne in Prouence to prepare this nauie 2 I suppose this to be some hauen tovvne not far from Naples or rather thinke it should be read the I le of Prusse vvhereof mention is made cap. 14. vvhich Guicciar calleth the I le of Poreze 3 To the I le of Elbe Guicciar 4 The place is corrupted for this hauen is aftervvard called Bengon vvherefore the French Corrector readeth it as Blondus and the description of Italy lead him Porto Barato pres Piombino 5 Guicciar saith Arban vvas vnskilfull on the sea and I doubt this place be corrupted heere Of the great famine and miserie the Duke of Orleans and his men were in at Nouarre of the Marchiones of Montferrats death and likewise of Monseur de Vendosmes and how after long deliberation the King enclined to peace to saue those that were besieged Chap. 9. THe King being at Thurin as you haue heard and at Quiers whither he went sometime to solace himselfe attended daily for newes of the Almains whom he had sent for and trauelled to recouer the Duke of Milan whose freindship he much desired neither cared he greatly for the Duke of Orleans successe who began now to be sore distressed for victuals and wrote daily for succours bicause the enimies were approched neerer the towne Besides that their force was increased with a thousand Almain horsemen and eleuen thousand footemen called launce Knights leuied in the King of Romaines dominions the horsemen being led by Master Frederic Capelare of the countie of Ferrette a valiant knight who long had been trained vp both in Fraunce and Italy and the footemen by a couragious knight of Austriche called Master George d'Abecfin 1 the selfe same that tooke Saint Omer for the King of Romaines The King therefore seeing his enimies forces daily to increase and that no honorable end could be made was aduised to remooue to Verceil there to deuise some way to saue the Duke of
bicause he was neere about him I asked his aduise whether I should presse forward the matter whereunto he earnestly perswaded me for al men desired to repaire home The King was in a garden and when I came to him I began to perswade with him as the daie before in presence of the Cardinall who answered me that it appertained to him being a church man to be the first moouer of the King to peace whereunto I replied that if he would not I would For I perceiued well that both the King and those that were neerest about him desired to returne home Then I tooke my leaue and at my departure told the Prince of Orenge who had the principall charge of the army that if I entred into any communication of peace I would addresse my selfe wholy to him This being done I tooke my iourney towards Casall where I was well receiued by the whole kinred of this house of Montferrat and found the greatest part of them inclined to the Lord Constantine whose gouernment was thought by them all most conuenient for the childrens safetie bicause he could pretend no title to the succession as the Marques of Saluce did I assembled by the space of certaine daies both the Nobles of the countrey the Spirituall men and the Burgesses of the good townes and at the request of them at the least the greatest part of them declared the Kings pleasure to be that the Lord Constantine should remaine gouernor For I was sure they would not withstande the Kings commandement both bicause of the force he had then on that side the mountaines and also bicause of the good affection the whole countrey beareth to the house of Fraunce About three daies after my arriuall at Casal the Marquesse of Mantua the Venetians Generall sent the steward of his house thither to condole the late deceased Marchionesse death for the said Marquesse was of kin to this house of Montferrat The same Steward and I entered into communication how we might agree these two armies without battell for both the parties disposed themselues to fight and the King lay in campe neere to Verceil but to say the truth he did but passe the riuer onely 2 and lodge his campe which was vtterly vnprouided of tents and pauilions for our men had brought foorth but few with them and those few also were lost Moreouer the ground was wet both bicause winter approched and bicause the countrey lieth low The King lodged in his campe but one night and the next day returned to the towne but the Prince of Orenge abode still with the army so did also the Earle of Foix and the Earle of Vendosme who fell into a fluxe there whereof he died which sure was great pitie for he was a goodly gentleman yoong and wise and was come thither in poste bicause the brute ran that there we should fight For you shall vnderstand that he had not beene with the King in this voiage into Italy Besides these the Marshall of Gie abode also in the campe and diuers other captaines but the greatest force were the Almaines that had beene with the King in this voiage for the French men would by no meanes lodge abrode the towne being so neere besides that diuers of them were sicke and many returned home some with leaue some without leaue Nouarre was distant from our campe ten great Italian miles containing six French leagues at the lest the way is cumbersome for the ground is tough and soft as in Flaunders bicause of ditches that are on both sides of the way much deeper than the ditches of Flaunders In winter the waies there are very foule and in sommer maruellous dustie Moreouer betweene our campe and Nouarre there was a little place which we held called Bourg about a league from vs and another that they held about a league from their campe called Camarian But the waters were risen so high that a man could hardly passe between vs and them The Marquesse of Mantuas steward aboue mentioned that was come to Casall and I continued still our communication of peace and diuers reasons I alleaged to him to perswade his Master to shun the battell First I put him in minde of the great danger he had beene in at Fornoue secondarily I told him that he fought for them that neuer had aduaunced him notwithstanding the great seruices he had done them wherefore his best way should be to incline to peace which I for my part promised to further on our side as much as in me lay He answered that his Master desired nothing more than peace but that we must make the first motion thereof as word had been sent me heertofore considering that their league that is to say the Pope the Kings of Romanes and Spaine the Venetians and the Duke of Milan were more woorthie than the King alone I answered that to make such a ceremonie about so small a trifle was meere follie notwithstanding if any ceremonie were to be obserued that the King ought to haue the preheminence and honor thereof considering that himselfe was there in person and the others had but their lieutenants there But to auoid all such fond cauillation I offered that he and I iointly as mediators if he so thought good would breake the yce so that I were sure his Master the Marquesse of Mantua would agree therunto and proceeded accordingly Whereupon we concluded that the next day I should send a trumpeter to their campe by whom I should write to Master Lucas Pisan and Master Melchior Treuisan the two Venetian Prouisors the which are officers appointed to consult with their captains and to prouide things necessarie for their armie According to the which resolution the next morning I writ vnto them the effect of that I had said before to the steward for I had good colour to continue still a mediator bicause I had promised so to do at my departure from Venice Besides that I was sure the King desired peace and me thought that also our affaires required it Lastly there are euer men ynow to breake off a good appointmēt but few that haue skil wil withal to trauel for the pacifying of so great a controuersie nor that will endure so many hard speeches as are vsed of them that deale in such affaires for in great armies all are not of one humor The said Prouisors were glad of these newes and promised that I should shortly haue answer of my letter whereof foorthwith they sent word to Venice in post and receiued answere with great expedition from the Seniorie and not long after sent an Earle that serued the Duke of Ferrara to our campe The said Duke had men in their armie for his eldest sonne was in pay with the Duke of Milan 3 but another of his sonnes with the King our Master This Earles name was Albertin and he pretended openly that the occasion of his arriuall was to visite Master Iohn Iames of Treuoul with whom he had a sonne
able to succour the castle without these two ships for the enimies lay before it with a great Nauie as well of their owne as of the Venetians and the King of Spaines Three daies I abode with the Duke and one day he sate in counsell with me seeming to be discōtented that I misliked his answer touching the said ships and alleaged that by the treatie of Verceil he had promised to serue the King with two ships but not that they should be manned with French men Whereunto I answered that this seemed to me a verie slender excuse for if he should lend me a good mule to passe the mountaines withall and afterward make me lead hir in my hand and not to ride vpon hir but looke vpon hir onely what pleasure did he me After much debating he and I withdrew our selues into a gallery where I declared vnto him what great paines both I and others had taken to conclude this treatie of Verceil and into how great danger he brought vs by contrariyng thus his promise and causing the King by that meanes to lose these castles and consequently the whole realme whereby he should also ingender perpetuall hatred between the King and him Further I offered him the Princedome of Tarente and the Duchie of Bary the which Duchie he held already Lastly I shewed him the danger he put both himselfe and the whole estate of Italy into by suffering the Venetians to hold these places in Pouille 2 And he confessed I said true especially touching the Venetians but his last resolution was that he could finde no faith nor assurance with the King After this communication I tooke my leaue of him he accompaning me vpon the way about a league But euen at our very departure he deuised yet a cunningerly than all the rest if a man may vse such termes of a Prince for bicause I seemed to depart sad and Melancholick he said vnto me as a man suddenly altered that he would do me a friendly turne to the end the King might haue good cause to welcom me for the next day he would send Master Galeas to Genua more I could not wish when he named him to me to cause the two ships to depart and ioine with our armie by meanes whereof he would saue the King the castle of Naples and consequently the whole realme as he should indeed if he had done as he promised He said further that immediately after their departure he would aduertise me thereof with his owne hand to the end I might be the first man that should bring newes to the King of this great seruice that I had done him adding also that the Courrier should ouertake me with his letters before my arriuall at Lyons In this good hope departed I and tooke my iourney to passe the mountaines thinking euerie Poste that came after me to be the same that should haue brought me these letters Notwithstanding I doubted somewhat thereof knowing the nature of the man so well as I did But to proceed in my voiage I came to Chambery where I found the Duke of Sauoy who honorably entreated me and staied me with him a day Afterward I arriued at Lyons without my Courrier to make report to the King of all that I had done whom I found banketting and iusting and wholy giuen to sport and pastime Those that had misliked this treatie of Verceil were glad that the Duke of Milan had thus deluded vs for their credit increased thereby but me they potted at as in such cases is vsuall in Princes courts greatly to my griefe and discontentment I made report to the King by mouth and shewed him also in writing the Venetians offers aboue rehearsed whereof he made small account and the Cardinall who gouerned all much lesse But that notwithstanding I mooued it to him afterward againe for me thought it better to accept this offer then to lose all Besides that the King had no men about him able to deale in so waightie an enterprise 3 for those that were able and of experience they that had all the credit neuer or very seldome called to counsell in any matter The King would gladly they should oftner haue beene called but he feared to displease those that were of authority about him especially those that gouerned his treasure namely the said Cardinall and his brethren and kinsmen Wherefore let all other Princes learne by the example of this how fit and conuenient it is for themselues to take paines in the gouerning of their owne affaires at the least sometimes how requisite it is to call more than one or two to counsell according to the varietie of the matters that are debated and how necessarie it is to hold their counsellors almost in equall authority for if one of them be so great that the rest feare him as one was both then and euer since about King Charles he is King and Lord in effect and the Prince himselfe is euill serued as this King was by his gouernors who sought onely their owne profit and little regarded his whereby himselfe was the lesse esteemed and the worse thought of The Notes 1 The Venetians hauing sent aide to King Ferrand had won Monopoly and Pulignane Guicciar 2 For King Ferrand since King Charles his departure had in ingaged to the Venetians 6. townes in Pouille vnder certaine conditions which are rehearsed heerafter cap. 14. 3 He meaneth the enterprise of succouring the castle of Naples How the King after his returne into Fraunce forgot those that he left behinde him in the realme of Naples and how the Daulphin died whose death the King and Queen much lamented Chap. 13. I Returned to Lyons the yeere 1495. the twelfe of December where the King was already arriued with his army a yeere and two moneths after his departure out of his realme The castles of Naples held yet for him as before you haue heard and Monseur de Montpensier his lieutenant there was yet at Salerne in the realme of Naples with the Prince of Salerne likewise Monseur de Aubigny was yet in Calabria where he had done great seruice notwithstanding that he had been sicke almost euer since the Kings departure Master Gracien des Guerres was yet also in l' Abruzzo Dom Iulian at Montsaint-Ange and George of Suly at Tarente but they were all so distressed as a man would not beleeue Besides that they could hardly receiue any newes or letters out of Fraunce and those few they did receiue were but lies and faire promises without effect For the K. as you haue heard they dispatched nothing himselfe and if it had beene furnished in time but of the sixte part of the money that was spent afterward they had neuer lost the realme But in the end when all was yeelded they receiued forty thousand ducats onely for part of a yeeres pay already passed and yet if this small summe had come but a moneth sooner the miseries and diuisions they afterward fell into and the dishonor they receiued
had neuer chanced All the which inconueniences hapned bicause the King dispatched nothing himselfe neither would giue the messengers audience that came from them And as touching his seruants to whom he committed the gouernment of his affaires they were men of small experience idle and negligent and some of them I thinke had intelligence with the Pope whereby it manifestly appeered that God had now altogither withdrawen his grace from the King which at his going to Naples he had poured down so plentifully vpon him After the King had soiourned at Lyons about two monethes word was brought him that the Daulphin his sonne lay at the point of death and within three daies after that he was dead which newes he tooke heauily as nature would notwithstanding his sorrow soone ended But the Queene of Fraunce and Duchesse of Britaine called Anne lamented the death of hir sonne and that a long time as much as was possible for a woman to do And I thinke verily that besides the naturall griefe that women vse to conceiue in such cases hir minde gaue hir that some greater euill hung ouer hir head The King hir husband as I haue said mourned not long but sought to comfort hir by causing certaine yoong gentlemen to daunce before hir of the which the Duke of Orleans was one being of the age of fower and thirty yeeres who seemed to reioice at the Daulphins death bicause he was heire apparant to the crowne next after the King for the which cause the K. and he saw not one another in a long time after The Daulphin was about three yeeres olde a goodly childe bold in speech and no whit fearing those things that commonly children vse to feare Wherefore to be plaine with you his fathers sorrow soone ended for he began already to doubt if this childe grew to yeeres and continued in his noble conditions that happily he might diminish his estimation and authoritie for the King himselfe was a man of very small stature and no great sense but of so good a nature that it was impossible to finde a gentler creature Heerby you may perceiue in how miserable estate Kings and Princes liue who stand in feare of their owne children King Lewis the eleuenth who was so wise and vertuous a Prince stood in feare of this King Charles his sonne but he prouided well for it and afterward died leauing his said sonne King being but fowerteene yeeres of age The said King Lewis also had put King Charles the seuen his father in feare of him for being but thirteene yeeres of age he mooued war against him with certaine noble men and gentlemen of the realme that misliked those that bare the sway in Court gouerned the estate as K. Lewis himselfe hath eftsoones told me but this broile soone ended Afterward also being come to mans estate he fell at great variance with his father and retired himselfe into Daulphine and from thence into Flaunders leauing the countrie of Daulphin to the said King his father as I haue made mention about the beginning of this historie written of King Lewis the 11. Wherefore it is manifest that no creature is exempt from trouble but that all men eate their bread in trauell and sorrow as God promised vs that we should soone after he had created man the which promise he hath truly performed to all sorts of men But great diuersitie there is of troubles and sorrowes for those of the bodie are the lesse and those of the minde the greater the sorrowes of wise men are of one sort and the sorrowes of fooles of another but much greater griefe and passion endureth the foole than the wise man and lesse comfort receiueth he in his sorrowes though many suppose otherwise The poore man that trauelleth and toileth his body to get foode to sustaine himselfe and his children and paieth customs and subsidies to his Prince should liue in too great descomfort and despaire if Princes and great men had nothing but pleasure in this world and he nothing on the contrarie side but trauell and miserie But God hath otherwise disposed thereof for if I should take vpon me to rehearse the sundrie griefes sorrowes and passions that I haue seene diuers great personages sustaine as well men as women within these thirty yeeres onely a great volume would hardly containe them I meane not such great persosonages as Bocace writeth of in his booke 1 but such as we see abound with wealth liue in health and prosperitie yea such as those that haue not beene conuersant with them as I haue been would account in all respects happie bâ—â— I haue often sâ—â—ne their sorrowes and griefes arise of so small occasions that they that were vnacquainted with them would hardly beleeue it the most part being grounded vpon ielousies and reports which is a disease that lurketh secretly in great Princes Courts and traineth with it infinite mischiefs both to their owne persons their seruants and all their subiects and so much shorteneth their liues that hardly any King of Fraunce since Charles the great hath passed the age of sixtie yeeres For the which cause when King Lewis the eleuenth approched neere to that age being sicke of this disease he accounted himselfe a dead man His father King Charles the seuenth who had done so many noble acts in Fraunce conceiued an imagination in his sicknes that his seruants went about to poison him and therefore refused to receiue sustenance Likewise his father King Charles the sixt was troubled with so many suspicions that he lost his wits and all by reports And sure this is a fault greatly to be blamed in Princes that in these cases they cause not such matters as concerne themselues be they of neuer so small importance to be ripped vp which if they did they should not so often be troubled with false tales For if they would examine the parties the one before the other I meane the accuser and him that is accused no man durst report any thing to them that were vntrue But some Princes there are of so doltish disposition that they will promise and sweare to the accusers neuer to disclose their reports whereby they are often troubled with these anguishes before mentioned and hate and iniurie their trustiest and faithfullest seruants and subiects at the pleasure and vpon the complaint many times of lewd and naughtie persons The Notes 1 Of vnfortunate noble men How the King was aduertised of the losse of the castle of Naples and how the Florentines places were sold to diuers men of the treatie of Atelle in Pouille to the great dammage of the French and of the death of King Ferrande of Naples Chap. 14. THe Daulphin the Kings onely sonne died about the beginning of the yeere 1496. which was the greatest misfortune that euer happened or could happen to the King for he neuer had childe after that liued But this mischeife came not without company for at the very same time receiued he newes that the
Kings of Romanes and England 10 for the Prince of Wales was at that time very yoong were comprehended therein they had fower daughters the eldest of the which was a widow and had been married to the King of Portugales sonne that last died who brake his necke before hir as he passed a carrier vpon a ginnet within three moneths after their marriage The second and the third were married the one in Flaunders and the other in England and the fourth is yet to marrie After the Lord of Bouchage was returned and had made his report the King perceiued that de Clerieux had beene too credulous and that he had done wisely in sending du Bouchage thither bicause he was now assured of that which before he stood in doubt of The said de Bouchage aduertised him further that he could effect nothing but the conclusion of the truce the which he had libertie either to accept or refuse at his pleasure The King accepted it and sure it serued him to good purpose for it was the breach of their league which so much had troubled his affaires and which hitherto he could by no means dissolue notwithstanding that he had attempted all waies possible Thirdly the said de Bouchage informed the King that the King and Queene of Castile had promised him at his departure to send ambassadors immediately after him cause of their attainture was for that they had attempted to make him King of Portugale that now raigneth These Lords therefore and gentlemen were by meanes of this marriage recompensed in Castile by the King and Queene and their lands which they had forfaited in Portugale by attainture assigned to the Queene of Portugale now mentioned daughter to the said K. and Queene of Castile But notwithstanding all these considerations the said K. Queene repented them of this marriage for you shall vnderstand that there is no nation in the world that the Spaniards hate more than the Portugales so far foorth that they disdaine scorne them wherfore the said King Queene lamented much that they had bestowed their daughter vpon a man that should not be beloued in the realm of Castile their other dominions if the marriage had been then vnmade they would neuer haue made it which vndoubtedly was a great corrosiue to them yet nothing so great as this that she should depart from them Notwithstanding after all their sorrowes ended they led their said daughter and sonne in law through all the chiefe cities of their realme and made the said King of Portugale to be receiued for Prince and their daughter for Princesse and proclaimed them their successors after their death Some comfort they receiued after all these sorrowes for they were aduertised that the said Lady Princesse of Castile and Queene of Portugale was great with childe but this ioy prooued in the end double greefe so that I thinke they wished themselues out of the world for this Lady whom they so tenderly loued and so much esteemed died in trauell of the said childe not past a moneth agone and we are now in October in the yeere 1498. but the childe liueth 4 and is called Emanuell after his fathers name All these greatmisfortunes hapned to them in the space of three moneths Now to returne to the estate of Fraunce You shall vnderstand that about fower or fiue moneths before the said Ladies death a great misfortune happened also in this realme I meane the death of King Charles the eight whereof heereafter you shall heare at large It seemed therefore that God beheld both these houses with an angrie countenance and would not that the one realme should scorne the other For although the death of a Prince seeme but a trifle to many yet is it sure far otherwise for change of the Prince neuer happeneth in any realme but it traineth with it great sorrowes and troubles and notwithstanding that some gaine by it yet an hundred fold more lose bicause at an alteration men are forced to change their maner and forme of liuing for that that pleaseth one Prince displeaseth another Wherefore as before I haue said if a man well consider the sharpe and sudden punishments that God hath laide vpon great Princes within these thirty yeeres in Fraunce Castile Portugale England Naples Flaunders and Britaine he shall finde that they haue beene heauier and greeuouser than happened in two hundred yeeres before and whosoeuer would take in hand to discourse vpon all the particular misfortunes that I my selfe haue seene and in a maner knowen all the persons as well men as women to whom they happened should make thereof a huge volume and that of great admiration yea though it contained onely such as haue chanced within these ten yeeres By these punishments the power of God ought to be the better knowen for the plagues he powreth downe vpon great personages are sharper grieuouser and endure longer than those he sendeth to the poorer sort To conclude therefore me thinke all things well waied that Princes are in no better estate in this world than other men if they consider by the miseries they see happen to their neighbours what may happen to themselues For as touching them they chastice their subiects at their pleasures and God disposeth of them at his pleasure bicause other than him they haue none ouer them but happie is the realme that is gouerned by a Prince that is wise and feareth God and his commandements I haue briefly rehearsed the misfortunes that happened in three moneths space to these two great and mightie realmes which not long before were so inflamed the one against the other so busied in enlarging their dominions and so little contented with that they already possessed And notwithstanding that alwaies some as before I said reioice at changes and gaine by them yet at the first euen to them the death especially the sudden death of their Prince is very dreadfull and dangerous The Notes 1 This he seemeth to adde bicause the empire was greater but it was not the Emperors inheritance 2 Vnderstand the two first murthers of his wiues father and brother for his sonne was dead before he slue his owne brother 3 Vnderstand hir dowrie for hir first marriage 4 But the childe died also afterward and the crowne of Spaine descended to Iane the second daughter wife to Philip Duke of Austrich and mother to the Emperor Charles the fift Further you shall vnderstand that our authors memorie failed him heere for this Princes name was not Emanuel as Commines heere writeth but Michael according to all good authors and pedegrees both of Spaine and Portugale Of the sumptuous building King Charles began a little before his death of the great desire he had to reforme the Church and himselfe to diminish his reuenues and to redresse the processes of the law and how he died suddenly in this good minde in his castel of Amboise Chap. 18. I Will heere cease further to discourse of the affaires of Italie and Castile
and returne to our owne particular sorrowes and troubles in Fraunce which notwithstanding were pleasant newes happily to those that gained by them I will write of the sudden death of King Charles the 8. who being in his castel of Amboise had begun the sumptuousest building both in the castell and the towne that any King tooke in hand these hundred yeeres as appeereth by the towers vp to the which men ride on horsebacke and by the foundātion laid in the towne the platformes whereof were drawen of such exquisitenes that they well declared it to be a worke of maruellous charge and that could not haue beene finished in long time For you shall vnderstand that the King had brought with him from Naples many excellent workmen in all kinde of arts especially grauers and painters and sure it seemed by the foundation an enterprise of a yoong King that thought not to die but hoped of long life for he ioined togither all the goodly things that were commended to him were they in Fraunce Italie or Flaunders Further he continued still desirous to returne into Italie and confessed that he had committed many errors in his voiage thither and oftentimes rehearsed them determining if his fortune were to returne againe and recouer his losses to giue better order for the defence of the countrie The recouerie also wherof bicause he had great intelligence in all places he purposed to attempt and to send thither fifteene hundred men of armes Italians vnder the leading of the Marquesse of Mantua the Vrsins the Vitellies and the Prefect of Rome brother to the Cardinall Saint Peter ad Vincula Moreouer Monseur d' Aubigny who had done him so great seruice in Calabria was ready to take his iourney towards Florence for the Florentines offered to beare the halfe of these charges for sixe moneths to the end the King with these forces aboue mentioned might first take Pisa 1 at the least the small places about it and then all togither enter into the realme of Naples from whence messengers came daily to him Alexander the Pope that now is practised with him and offered to become his perfect friend for there was a breach betweene him and the Venetians so far foorth that he sent a secret messenger into Fraunce whom myselfe conueied into the Kings chamber a little before his death The Venetians were ready to practise against Milan as touching Spaine you haue heard how it was affected to him The King of Romanes desired nothing so much as his friendship and that they two might ioine their forces togither to recouer that which appertained to them in Italie for the said Maximilian was great enimie to the Venetians bicause they withhold diuers things both from the house of Austrich whereof he is heire and also from the empire 2 Moreouer the King was wel disposed a little before his death to lead his life according to the commandements of God to reforme al abuses in the law the Church and to diminish his receits reuenues purposing to leuy of his people onely twelue hundred thousand franks ouer and aboue his demains which sum the three estates granted him by way of subsidie at Towers at his first comming to the crowne and this money he meant to employ vpon the defence of the realme But as touching himselfe he would haue liued vpon his demaines according to the maner of the ancient Kings of Fraunce and so might he well haue done for the demaines are great yea so great if they were well ordered that they surmount a million of franks certaine customes and subsidies being annexed to them If this his determination had taken effect he should thereby much haue eased his people who pay at this present aboue two millions and a halfe of franks by way of subsidie Moreouer he tooke great pains in reforming the abuses of the order of Saint Benet and other orders of religion he called neere about him holy religious men and often heard them preach he would willingly haue brought to passe if he could that a Bishop should haue had but one bishopricke and a Cardinall but two and that the clergie should haue beene resident vpon their benefices but it had been a hard matter to reforme the church men He gaue great almes to poore people a little before his death as his confessor the Bishop of Anger 's who was a woorthie prelate enformed me Lastly he had built a publike audience where himselfe heard the sutes of all men especially of the poore and dispatched many matters I my selfe sawe him in this place two houres togither but eight daies before his death which was the last time that euer I sawe him no matters of great importance were dispatched there but by this meanes he held men in feare especially his officers some also of the which he displaced for extortion and briberie But the eight day of Aprill the yeere 1498. vpon Palme sunday euen the King being in this glory as touching the world and in this good minde towards God departed out of the chamber of Queene Anne Duches of Britaine his wife leading hir with him to see the tennice plaiers in the trenches of the castle whither he had neuer led hir before and they two entred togither into a gallery called Haquelebacs gallerie bicause the said Haquelebac had in times past held watch and warde in it It was the vncleanest place about the castell for euery man made water there and the entrie into it was broken downe moreouer the King as he entred knocked his browe against the doore notwithstanding that he were of very small stature Afterward he beheld a great while the tennice playing talking familiarly with al men I my selfe was not present there but his said confessor the Bishop of Anger 's and those of his chamber that were neerest about him haue enformed me of this I write for as touching my selfe I was gone home eight daies before to my house The last word he spake being in health was that he hoped neuer after to commit deadly sin nor veniall if he could in vttering the which words he fell backeward and lost his speech about two of the clocke at afternoone and abode in this gallerie till eleuen of the clock at night Thrise he recouered his speech but it continued not with him as the said confessor told me who had shriuen him twise that weeke once of ordinarie and once for those that came to be cured of the Kings euill Euery man that listed entred into the gallerie where he laie vpon an old mattresse of strawe from the which he neuer arose till he gaue vp the ghost so that nine howers he continued vppon it The said confessor who was continually by him tolde me that all the three times he recouered his speech he cried My God and the glorious virgin Marie Saint Claude and Saint Blase helpe me Thus departed out of this world this mightie puissant Prince in this miserable place not being able to recouer one poore
chamber to die in notwithstanding that he had so many goodly houses and built one so sumptuous at that present These two examples aboue rehearsed declare the greatnes of Gods power and the shortnes and miserie of mans life which traineth with it great cares for the purchasing of worldly goods and honors and shew withall that death is common to all men the which a Prince can no more auoid than a poore plowman The Notes 1. Vnderstand to the end he might deliuer it to the Florentines 2 They withhold from the house of Austrich a part of Istria and Furly and from the empire Padoa and Veronne How the holy man Frier Hierom was burned at Florence by the procurement of the Pope and of diuers Florentines and Venetians his enimies Chap. 19. I Haue told you before in this discourse of our voiage to Naples that there was at Florence a Frier Iacobin called Hierome who had been resident there the space of fifteen yeeres being a man famous for his holy life and whom my selfe saw and communed with in the yeere of our Lord 1495. The said Frier as aboue is mentioned foretolde diuers things and affirmed alwaies that the King should passe ouer the mountaines into Italie and preached so openly saying that he vnderstood both this and all the other things whereof he spake by reuelation He said further that the King was chosen of God to reforme the estate of the Church with the sword and to chastice Tyrants But bicause he affirmed that he vnderstood these things by reuelation many murmured against him and he procured himselfe the displeasure of the Pope and of diuers others in the towne of Florence He led the holiest life that any man could leade as appeered both by his conuersation and also by his sermons wherein he preached against all kinde of vice so that he reformed the loose liues of many in the said citie But in this yeere 1498. about the selfe same time that King Charles ended his life died also this Frier Hierom within fower or fiue daies the one of the other The cause why I write this vnto you is for that he preached alwaies openly that the K. should return again into Italy to execute the commission that God had giuen him which was to reforme the Church by the sword and to chase tyrants out of the countrie and that in case he did it not God would punish him cruelly and all his former sermons and all that he made at this present he put foorth in print and are to be sold This threatning that he vsed against the King saying that God would punish him cruelly vnlesse he returned the said Frier writ also diuers times to him before his death and the like told he me with his owne mouth when I spake with him at our returne out of Italie saying that God had pronounced sentence against the King in heauen vnlesse he executed that which he had commanded him and restrained his men from spoile Now you shall vnderstand that about the time of the Kings death the Florentines were at great variance within the citie some desired the Kings returne and waited daily for it bicause of the great hope Frier Hierom gaue them thereof but in the meane time they consumed themselues and waxed maruellous poore by reason of the great charges they sustained in hope to recouer Pisa and the other places that they had put into the K. hands whereof the Venetians held Pisa But other some gaue aduice to take part with the league and vtterly to abandon the King saying that they were abused that it was folly to looke for his returne and that Frier Hierom was an heretike and a whoormaster and that it were almes to put him into a sacke and throwe him into the riuer but he was so friended in the towne that they durst not attempt it The Pope also and the Duke of Milan writ often against this Frier offering the Florentines to cause Pisa and their other places to be restored them if they would depart from their league with the King and take Frier Hierom and punish him And by chance at that present a new Seniorie was chosen in Florence whereof many were enimies to this Frier For you shall vnderstand that the said Seniorie changeth at euery two moneths end Wherefore the said Hieroms enimies suborned a Frier Franciscan to picke a quarrell to him and call him heretike affirming that he abused the people in saying he vnderstood any thing by reuelation for proofe whereof he offered himselfe to the fire and these words he spake before the Seniorie Frier Hierom would not present himselfe to the fire but a companion of his said that he would enter into the fire for him and then another companion of the Frier Franciscans presented himselfe on the other side whereupon a day was assigned when they should enter into the fire Vpon the which they both came accordingly accompanied each of them with his couent but the Iacobine brought the sacrament in his hand which the Frier Franciscans and the Seniorie also commanded him to lay downe which he refused to do wherfore they returned againe to their couents Then the people mooued by the said Frier Hieroms enimies went with the Seniories commission and tooke him with two others of his companions in his conuent and at the very first racked him cruelly they slue also the chiefest citizen in the towne called Francis Vallorie bicause he was the said Friers great friend Moreouer the Pope sent his commission whereby he authorized them to make their processe and in the end they burned them all three They charged him with these two points onely first that he raised discord in the towne and secondarily that he vnderstood by his friends of the councell all that he vaunted to know by reuelation For my part I will neither accuse them nor excuse them for this deed neither know I whether they did well or euill in putting him to death but sure he told many things that prooued true which he could not receiue from the councel of Florence And as touching the King and the euils he said should happen to him they came to passe as he prophesied for first he tolde him of the Doulphin his sonnes death and after of his owne as my selfe can witnesse for I haue seene the letters he writ thereof to the King Of the obsequies and funerals of King Charles the eight and of the coronation of King Lewis the 12. his successor with the genealogies of the Kings of Fraunce continuing to the said Lewis Chap. 20. THe Kings disease was a Catarre or an Apoplexie his Phisitions hoped it would haue fallen down into one of his armes the losse whereof they somwhat doubted but feared no whit any danger of death notwithstanding the contrarie to their expectation hapned He had fower Phisitions but gaue credit onely to the woorst of them and that so great that the others durst not vtter their minds for they would gladly haue
purged him fower daies before he died bicause they sawe in his bodie the occasions of his death Euery man ran to the Duke of Orleans who was to succeede him as next heire to the crowne But King Charles his chamberlains caused him to be richlie buried and immediately after his death began solemne seruice for him which continued both day and night for when the canons ended the friers Franciscans began and when they ended the Bons-hommes 1 which was an order founded by himselfe his body remained at Amboise eight daies partly in his chamber which was richly hanged and partly in the church All solemnities belonging to his funerals were more sumptuous than euer were any K. of Fraunce for his chamberlains officers those that were neere about him neuer departed from his body till it was laid in the ground which was about a moneth after his death al the which space this solemne seruice continued so that the charges of his funerals amounted to fiue and fortie thousand franks as diuers of the receit haue informed me I arriued at Amboise two daies after his death and went to say my praiers ouer his body where I abode fiue or sixe howers And to saie the truth I neuer saw so great mourning and lamentation nor that continued so long for any Prince as for him and no maruel for he had bestowed vpon those that were neere about him namely his chamberlaines and ten or twelue gentlemen of his priuie chamber greater offices and gifts than euer did King of Fraunce yea too great to saie the truth Besides that he was the mildest and courteousest Prince that euer liued for I thinke he neuer gaue foule word to any man wherefore in better hower could he not die both to leaue his fame behinde him in histories and to be bewailed of those that serued him And I thinke verily that my selfe am the man whom of all other he vsed roughliest but bicause I knew it to be the fault of his youth and not to proceede of himselfe I could neuer loue him the woorse for it After I had staied one night at Amboise I went to the newe King with whom I had been more familiar than any man and further for his sake had susteined all my troubles and losses which now he seemed little to remember notwithstanding with great wisdome he tooke possession of the crowne for he changed no pensions that yeere though halfe the yeere were yet to come neither displaced many officers but said that he would maintaine euery man in his estate whereby he wan great honor Moreouer with all speede possible he went to his coronation whereat my selfe was present And these that follow represented the peeres of Fraunce The first was the Duke of Alençon who represented the Duke of Burgundie the second the Duke of Bourbon who represented the Duke of Normandie the third the Duke of Lorraine who represented the D of Guienne The first Earle was Philip L. of Rauastaine who represented the Earle of Flaunders the second Engilbert of Cleues who represented the Earle of Champaigne the third the Earle of Foix who represented the Earle of Tholouze And the said King Levvis the twelfth now raigning was crowned at Reims the 27. of Maie the yeere 1498. and is the fourth that hath come to the crowne by collaterall line The two first were Charles Martell or Pepin his sonne and Hugh Capet who were both of them Masters of the pallace or gouernors of those Kings whom they deposed from the crowne which afterwarde themselues vsurped the thirde was King Philip of Valois and the fourth the King that now raigneth but these two latter came to the crowne by iust and lawfull title The first genealogie of the Kings of Fraunce beginneth at Meronee two Kings had raigned in Fraunce before the said Meronee namely Pharamond who was first chosen King of Fraunce for his predecessors were called Dukes or Kings of Gaule and his sonne Claudio The said Pharamond was chosen King the yeere of grace 420. and raigned ten yeeres and his sonne Claudio eighteene so that these two Kings raigned eight and twentie yeeres and Meronee who succeeded next after was not sonne but cosen to the said Claudio Wherefore it seemeth that the right line of the Kings of Fraunce hath failed fiue times notwithstanding as before I said men begin the first line at Meronee who was crowned King in the yeere of our Lord 448. from the which time to the coronation of King Levvis the twelfth are numbred 1050. yeeres But if you reckon from Pharamond you must adde eight and twentie more which make 1078. yeeres since there was first King of Fraunce From Meronee to the raigne of Pepin when the line of the said Meronee failed are numbred 333. yeeres From Pepin to Hugh Capet raigned the true line of the said Pepin and Charlemaine his son the space of 237. yeeres The right line of Hugh Capet raigned 339. yeeres and ended in King Philip of Valois and the right line of the said King Philip of Valois continued till the death of King Charles the eight which hapned in the yeere of our Lord 1498. The said King Charles was the last of this line the which had continued 169. yeeres during the which space these seuen Kings raigned in Fraunce Philip of Valois King Iohn Charles the fift Charles the sixt Charles the seuenth Levvis the 11. and Charles the eight in whom the right line of Philip of Valois ended The Notes 1 This vvas an order of religion deuised by the King How Charles Duke of Burgundie was of the house of Lancaster as Commines mentioneth lib. 1. cap. 5. and in other places Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster m. Blaunch daughter and heire of Henry Duke of Lancaster and Darby Philippa m. Iohn the tenth King of Portugale bastard to King Ferrande of Portugale Isabella m. Philip Duke of Burgundie Charles Duke of Burgundie of whose wars and death this history treateth How Elizabeth wife to King Edward the fourth was neece to the Constable of Fraunce as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 5. Peter of Luxembourg m. Margaret Countesse of Saint Paul Conuersane Briane Lignac c. Petrus Earle of Saint Paul c. m. Margaret daughter to William D. of Andre in Prouence Iaquelna or Iaquette m. Iohn Duke of Bedford m. Richard Wooduile Earle of Riuers Elizabeth m. Sir Iohn Gray Thomas Marques Dorset m. Edward the fourth King of England Edwardus quintus R. Ang. Lewis of Luxembourg Earle of Saint Paul Constable of FrauÌ„ce m. Iane daughter heire to Robert Earle of Marle c. Anthonie Earle of Roussv mentioned by Commines lib. 2. cap. 11. lib. 4. ca. 4. Iohn Earle of Marle slaine at the battell of Morat Peter Earle of Saint Paul and Brienne m. Margaret daughter to Lewis D. of Sauoye Marie Francis m. Marie daughter to Lewis Duke of Sauoye Lewis Eaâ—â— of Ligny How Brabant Lambourg Luxembourg and Namurs came to Philip Duke of Burgundie as mentioneth Commines lib.
4. cap. 13. Brabant Lambourg Iohn the first of that name Duke of Brabant and Lambourg 1 Lambourg was erected into a Duchie 1172. and Henrie the last Duke thereof who died without issue 1293. solde it to Iohn the first of that name Duke of Brabant But Henrie Earle of Luxembourg father to Henrie the Emperor the Bishop of Colyn and one called the Earle Ghelric inuaded the Duchie of Lambourg with them Duke Iohn fought neere to the castell of Voronc and tooke the Earle Ghelric who pretended title to Lambourg and the Bishop of Colin prisoners the Earle of Luxembourg with two of his brethren was slaine the castell of Voronc razed since the which time Lambourg hath remained quiet vnder the Dukes of Brabant m. Margaret daughter to Guy Earle of Flaunders Iohn Duke of Brabant and Lambourg m. Margaret daughter to Edward the first King of England Iohn Duke of Brabant and Lambourg m. Marie daughter to Philip of Valois King of Fraunce Iane the eldest daughter died 1397. m. Wenceslaus son to Iohn King of Boheme 2 Wenceslaus succeeded Iohn Duke of Brabant but he died 1383. without issue and after his wife dying anno 1393. left Brabant and Lambourg to Anthonie second sonne to Philip the Hardie the said Ianes grand nephew by Margaret hir yoonger sister after whose death and his two sonnes Iohn and Philip Brabant and Lambourg descended to Philip Duke of Burgundie as mentioneth Commines in the place aboue rehearsed died 1383. Margaret m. Lewis Maleaâ—â—â— Earle of Flaundres Margaret m. Philip the hardy Margaret wife to William Earl of Haynault Anthony slaine in the battel of Agincourt m. Iane daughter to Walleran Earle of Saint Paul Ligny the first wife Iohn succeeded his father in Brabant and Lambourg Philip succeeded his brother m. 3 Elizabeth second wife to Anthonie Duke of Brabant was daughter to Iohn Duke of Gorlic brother to the Emperours Wenceslaus and Sigismundus who partly in respect of this marriage partly for money gaue to Duke Anthonie the Duchie of Luxembourg but after his death they and VVilliam Duke of Saxonie who had married Sigismundus daughters daughter sought to dispossesse hir of it but Duke Philip of Burgundie euer defended hir and after hir death succeeded hir as well by hir gift as also as heire to Duke Anthonie his two sonnes being dead who had paid money to VVenceslaus and Sigismundus for it afterward also Charles Duke of Burgundie bought the title of Isabella wife to Cassimirus King of Polonia and neece to the Emperor Sigismund to the Duchie of Luxembourg to hold it without quarrell Elizabeth the second wife Luxembourg Iohn Duke of Burgundie m. Margaret sisteâ— to William Earl of Haynault Holland Namurs Philip Duke of Burgundie 4 As touching Namurs Duke Philip bought it for his money of diuers that pretended title to it especially of Iohn Earle of Namur who sold it to Duke Philip vnder condition to hold it during his life which happened anno 1428. How Holland Hainault and Zeland came to Duke Philip as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13. where also the Queenes Maiesties title to the said countries is somwhat touched Holland Hainault Zeland William Earle of Holland Hainault and Zeland m. Iane sister to Philip of Valois after K. of Fraunce Philippa the eldest daughter wife to Edward the third King of England William declared by the Emperor ann 1337. Earle of Holland Zeland Hainault and Lord of Friseland slaine by the Frizons 1345. Margaret daughter as some write to William 1 This Margaret Guicchiardin writeth to haue been daughter to VVilliam the yoonger Earle of Hainault Holland and Zeland but Annales Genealogiques Franciae say that she was sister not daughter to VVilliam as do also other most approoued Authors And if she were but sister then the Queenes Maiestie being descended of Philippa the said VVilliams eldest sister is right heire of all these countries Meyerus lib 12. fol. 140. pag. 2. and fol. 147. pag. 1. saith that Margaret was sister not daughter to Duke VVilliam which also is the more manifestly prooued bicause the wife of this VVilliam was Iane the eldest daughter to Iohn Duke of Brabant who ouerliued hir husband and after married VVenceslaus brother to the Emperor Charles the fourth which woman neuer had issue yet finde we no mention of any other wife that VVilliam the yoonger Earle of Hainault had as others sister m. Lewis of Bauierâ— Emperor William the eldest brother died without issue Albert succeeded his brother m. Margaret daughter to the Duke of Brida William succeeded his father m. Margaret daughter to Philip the Hardy Iaqueline daughter and heire had fower husbands but died without issue and to hir succeeded Philip D. of Burgundie Margaret m. Iohn Duke of Burgundy sonne to Philip the Hardy Philip Duke of Burgundy succeeded Iaqueline in all these Seniories as heere mentioneth Commines A daughter married to the Duke of Iuliers How Margaret of Flaunders was heire of Flaunders Neuers and Rethel as mentioneth Commines lib. 4. cap. 13. lib. 5. cap. 11. the which Margaret married with Philip the Hardy yoongest sonne to Iohn King of Fraunce Ottho yoonger sonne to Hugh the fourth of that name Duke of Burgundy m. Isabella daughter heire of Arnulfe Earle of Neuers which Arnulfe died anno 1243. Neuers Yolande Flaunders m. Robert of Bethune the 22. Earle of Flaunders died 1323. Lewis Earle of Neuers Baron of Douzy died before his father ann 1322. Rethel m. Mary daughter and heire of Iames â— of Rethel Lewis Earle of Flaunders Neuers Rethel slain at the battell of Crecy 1346. m. Margaret yoongest daughter to Philip le Longue King of Fraunce Lewis Earle of FlauÌ„ders surnamed of Malain slain by Iohn Duke of Berry brother to Charles the fift anno 1383. m. Margaret daughter to Iohn the 3. Duke of Brabant Margaret daughter and heire heere mentioned married two Dukes of Burgundie as in the next leafe more at large shall appeere m. Philip Duke and Earle of Burgundy the first husband m. Philip the Hardy yoongest sonne to Iohn K. of Fraunce How Arthois and the County of Burgundy descended to the said Lady Margaret aboue mentioned and how she married two Dukes of Burgundy and how Philip the Hardy hir second husband obtained the Duchy of Burgundie after the death of Philip Duke of Burgundie hir first husband Burgundie Duchie Robert Duke of Burgundy died 1308. m. Agnes daughter to King Saint Lewis Margaret the eldest daughter m. Lewis Huttin King of Fraunce Iane wife to Phillip Earle of Eureux Iane. m. Philip of Valois King of Fraunce Iohn King of Fraunce 3 Touching the Duchie of Burgundie note that after the death of Philip Duke of Burgundie nephew to Ottho the 16. Duke of Burgundie King Iohn of Fraunce being sonne to Iane the said Otthos yoonger sister seazed the Duchie of Burgundie into his hands excluding Iane daughter to Margaret the elder sister as suspected of bastardie and after gaue the said Duchie
the 11 K. of France Charles the 8. K. of Fraunce Reue so often meÌ„tioned in this historie adopted by the last Qu. Iane after Lewis his brothers death Lorraine m. Isabella daughter and heire to Charles D. of Lorraine Iohn Duke of Calabria died before his father Nicholas died before his grandfather Yoland wife to Frederic of Vandemonne Rene. This is hee that claimed Prouence and Bar of K. Charles Charles Earle of Maine mentioned Lib. 1. cap. 3. Charles whom king Rene made his heire of Naples Prouence and Bar and he after made King Lewis his heire lib. 7. c. 1. Lewis the third of Aniou Duke adopted by Iane the second died anno 1433. Heereby appeereth that the Duke of Lorraine had the best title to Prouence as heire to Lewis the first of that name Duke of Aniou to whom Queene Iane gaue it to Naples likewise as heire to the house of Aniou by being daughters sonne to Rene to whom Queene Iane the second left it by hir last will and testament of Bar he was heire as heire to Yolande his great grandmother and as touching the testaments of the two first Charles kings of Naples who as it is alleaged so vnited Prouence that it could not be seuered from the realme of Naples nor descend to the heire female as long as a male was liuing First the example of Queene Iane who succeeded Robert hir grandfather diuers males liuing prooueth there was neuer any such testament besides that king Charles was no more heire male to those kings than the Duke of Lorraine for they both descended of them by a woman namely Clementia wife to Charles of Valois So that the King had no colour to Naples or Prouence but at this daâ—e the whole title of the house of Aniou thereto resteth in the now Duke of Lorraine who is lineally descended of king Rene. Lastly the reason whereupon Commines groundeth the house of Anious title to the realme of Naples to be best is onely bicause Lewis of Aniou was made heire thereof by Queene Ianes last testament which reuoketh all former testaments The storie of this pedegree of Naples and Sicilie 1. Charles brother to Saint Lewis King of Fraunce obtained Prouence by marriage of Betrice daughter to Raymond or Robert or Berengarius Earle of Prouence who made hir his heire though she were his yoonger daughter after Vrbanus the fourth Pope of Rome called him into Italie against Manfredus King of Naples and Sicilie whom Charles slew in battell and after beheaded Conradinus also who quarreled the realmes of Naples Sicilie but soone after Peter King of Arragon who had married King Mansridus daughter reuolted Sicilie from him flew all the French men in an euening and possessed Sicilie as his posteritie namely King Philip doth yet at this day Charles was crowned King of Naples by Vrbane the fourth anno 1255. and after confirmed by Clement the fourth and died anno 1274. 2. Charles his sonne in his fathers time seeking to recouer Sicilie was taken prisoner by King Peters forces and caried into Arragon where he should haue been executed in reuenge of Conradinus death as 200. gentlemen and nobles taken with him were had not Constance king Peters wife saued his life after he was restored to Naples paying for his raunsome 30000. marks and married the daughter and heire of Stephen king of Hungarie by whom he had nine sonnes and fiue daughters whose ofspring looke in Onufrius pag. 309. he died anno 1319. These two kings are they that our author mentioneth lib. 7. cap. 1. that were said to haue made testaments that Prouence could not be seuered from the realme of Naples nor descend to the female as long as there was an heire male liuing which appeereth to be false in the example of Queene Iane. 3. Robert king of Nâ—ples crowned by Clement the fift died without issue male anno 1342. and left his realme to Iane his sonnes daughter vnder condition that she should marrie Andrew yoonger sonne to Cornumbere king of Hungarie hir cosin germain remooued heere is to be obserued that this Robert was yoonger sonne to king Charles but the said king gaue to Charles his eldest sonne his realme of Hungarie and Naples to this Robert In his time liued Petrarcha and Boccace 4. Iane daughter to Charles sans terre succeeded hir grandfather Robert and married Andrew sonne to the king of Hungarie as hir said grandfather had appointed whom within three yeeres she strangled whereupon Lewis king of Hungarie his brother came into Italy chased Q. Iane out of Naples executed Charles of Durazzo as consenting to his brothers death and carried Charles his sonne with him into Hungarie after whose departure Iane by helpe of Pope Clement returned and recouered Naples but after she fell out with Pope Vrbanus the sixt who chased hir into Prouence where she adopted Lewis of Aniou sonne to King Iohn of Fraunce and so returned to Naples against whom the Pope called out of Hungarie Charles sonne to Charles of Durazzo who recouered Naples but Prouence Lewis enioied she was hanged ann 1381. 5. Charles sonne to Charles of Durazzo beheaded was led prisoner into Hungarie by king Lewis as before is mentioned after whose death he succeeded him in Hungarie as his next heire male he was inuested King of Naples by Vrbane the sixt against Queene Iane whom he tooke prisoner anno 1381. and hung at the same window she had hung hir husband and beheaded also Marie Queene Ianes sister whom Boccace was enamored of as consenting to hir sisters husbands death he slew in battell anno 1385. Lewis of Aniou adopted by Queene Iane after he fell at variance with Pope Vrbane He was slaine in Hungarie by the treason of the old Queene king Lewis his wife and hir daughter at a feast anno 1386 his wife was Margaret Queene Ianes sister 6 Ladislaus lost Hungarie by his fathers murther but was at length receiued and crowned king of Naples by Pope Boneface the ninth anno 1 90. and then he chased Lewis the second out of Italie who after his fathers death was come thither and had got some part of the realme After Ladislaus fell out with Alexander the fift and tooke Rome whereupon the Pope gaue the realme of Naples to Lewis of Aniou who returned and vanquished Ladislaus and recouered Rome but not knowing how to vse the victorie Ladislaus recouered himselfe forced Lewis to retire into Fraunce and then againe tooke Rome and died anno 14â—4 7. Iane the second succeeded hir brother Ladislaus after she fell out with the Pope who called Lewis of Aniou the third of that name against hir then she adopted Alfonse of Arragon who chased Lewis out of Italie but Alfonse and she falling at variance she adopted Lewis of Aniou hir enimie who recouered Naples anno 1424. and raigned with hir till anno 1432. or 1433. when they both died and then she made Rene brother to Lewis hir heire but he being then prisoner with Philip Duke of
Burgundie could not come to Naples and then Alfonse being dismissed out of prison by Philip Maria Duke of Milan where he was also prisoner at the same time preuailed and conquered Naples and was inuested by Pope Eugenius Since the which time the Aniouins haue but quarelled Naples and as for the succession of this Alfonse you shall see it in the last pedegree in the end of this worke Why the Venetians had no right to the realme of Cyprus as Commines writeth Lib. 7. cap. 4. 1 Peter taken prisoner by the Genuois but deliuered vnder condition to pay them a yeerely tribute 2 Ianus so named bicause he was born at Genua which was founded by Ianus Anne married Lewis Duke of Sauoy Iohn Amadis Duke of Sauoy right heire of Cyprus by his mother after Charlotte was dead Philip Duke of Sauoy Charles Duke of Sauoy Phibbert Duke of Sauoy 4 Lewis married Charlotte he was crowned King but was chased away by Iames the bastard He died sans issue m. Charlotte maried first Iohn King of Portugale who was poisoned then this Lewis She died sans issue 3 Iohn liued like Sardanapalus Charlotte maried first Iohn King of Portugale who was poisoned then this Lewis She died sans issue 4 m. Lewis married Charlotte he was crowned King but was chased away by Iames the bastard He died sans issue 5 Iames a bastard by the Soldan of Aegypts helpe chased Lewis his sisters husband out of Cyprus and made himselfe King m. Katharine daughter to Marke Comaire Senator of Venice the Venetians adopted hir and vnder that colour conquered Cyprus hir husband and sonne being dead 6 A sonne borne after his fathers death of whom the Venetians were tutors but was poisoned as some write by them as his father had beene After his death the Venetians conquered Cyprus vnder colour of adoption ann 1473. or as Meyer saith fol. 349. anno 1470. Heereby appeereth that the Duke of Sauoy hath the right to Cyprus not the Venetians for Iames husband to their adopted daughter was a bastarde and an vsurper and their adopted daughter a stranger to the crowne and could pretend no title to it Sed malè parta malè dilabuntur The house of Medices whereof so ample mention is made Lib. 7. Cap. 5. Iohn of Medices Cosmus mentioned Lib. 7. cap. 5. died anno 1464. the â—8 yeere of his age Countessinâ— of Bardy Peter Commines seemeth to ouerpasse this man m. Lucretia Tornaboni Julian slaine in Florence Commines Lib. 6. c. 5. Iulius called Pope Clement the seuenth Laurence so often mentioned in Commines m. Clarice Vrsine Iohn called Pope Leo the tenth Peter fled out of Florence when K. Charles came thither m. Alfonsine Vrsine Clarice married Philip Sâ—rozzi Laurence made Duke of Vrbin by Pope Leo the tenth m. Maudeleine daughter and heire to the Earle of Boloine Alexander D. of Florence slaine by his cosin Laurence of Medices m. Margaret base daughter to Charles the Emperor m. Octauio Farnese Pope Paulus nephew secoÌ„d husbande to Margaret These were both bastards Iulia married Restagno Canteline a gentleman in L'Abruzzo Iulius married a Lady of the county of Piombi Alexander Iulian. Katharine Q. mother of Fraunce Iulian Duke of Nemours married Philibert sister to Louyse King Francis mother Duches of Nemours Hippolitus a Cardinal but a bastard Laurence Peter Francis Iohn m. Katharine Sforce Iohn the valiant soldier m. Maria Saluâ—â—ti Cosmus chosen Duke of Florence after Alexanders death and confirmed by Charles the Emperor m. Leonor of Toledo daughter to Peter Duke of Alua. Isabella Duches of Ferrara and two other daughters Francis D. of FloreÌ„ce died 1584. Ferdinand Iohn a Cardinal Gracian Peter How Lewis Duke of Orleans called after King Lewis the 12. pretended title to the Duchie of Milan as Commines mentioneth Lib. 7. cap. 6. and in diuers other places 1 Iohn Galeas made first Duke of Milan by the Emperor Wenceslaus This is he that lieth buried at Pauia Commines Lib. 7. cap. 7 died anno 1402. m. Elizabeth daughter to the King of Boheme the first wife Valentine m. Lewis Duke of Orleans brother to Charles the sixth Ianâ—â— Iohn Duke of Angoulesme Charles Duke of Angoulesme Francis King of Fraunce m. Claude the eldest daughter Francis died before his father Henry the second King of Fraunce c. Charles died before his father Orleans Charles Duke of Orleans Lewis the 12. K. of Fraunce Claude the eldest daughter m. Francis King of Fraunce Francis died before his father Henry the second King of Fraunce c. Charles died before his father Reneé married Hercules Duke of Ferrara Philip Earle of Vertu Margaret wife to Richarde Earle of Estampes m. Katharine Visconti the second wife 2 Iohn Maria succeeded his father died sans issue he was slaine by his people 3 Philip Maria succeeded his brother died without lawfull issue Appointed by Testament King Alfonse of Naples his heire Blaunche a bastard Sforce 4 m. Francis Sforce notwithstanding Philips Testament vsurped the Duchie by fauor of the people Hyppolita married Alfonse King of Naples 5 Galeas slaine in the Church of Milan m. Boâ—â—â— daughtâ—â— to the Duke of Sauoy Blaunche married Maximilian the Emperor 6 Iohn Galeas died when K. Charles came into Italie m. Isabella daughter to Alfonso King of Naples Francis led into Fraunce by Lewis the 12. Bonne maried Sigismund K. of Poland Katharine married Iohn de Medices Iohn the valiant soldier in Charles the fifts time Cosmus Duke of Florence Ascanio a Cardinall 7 Lodouic called King Charles into Italie Died prisoner in France vnder Lewis the twelfth m. Betrice daughter to Hercules Duke of Ferrara 8 Maximilian recouered the Duchie from Lewis the 12. after carried away prisoner by King Francis 9 Francis restored by Charles the Emperor died sans issue Philip. Octauian The French King claimeth from Valentine who ought to haue succeeded hir brother Philip Maria before Blaunche being his base daughter After this Duke Francis death the Emperor Charles seased the Duchie partly by composition with Duke Francis at his restitution which was to make the Emperor his heire if he died without issue and partly by gift from Philip Maria who by his â—estament gaue it to Alfonse king of Naples whose heire the Emperor was and partly in right of the house of Austrich which pretended title to it as writeth Commines Lib. 7. cap. 2. The pedegree of Hercules Duke of Ferrara of whom so often mention is made in this historie The familie of Este ancestors of this Nicholas gouerned Ferrara from the yeere 1202. or not long after it is held of the Pope Nicholas Lord or Marques as some call him of Ferrara Obizone was made generall of the church and had therefore a pension of ten thousand ducats Nicholas vanquished Bernabo Visconti Succeeded his father Albertus succeeded his brother Nicholas a bastard vnder him was a councell at Ferrara whereat the Emperour of Greece was present Lionello a bastard succeeded his father m. Daughter to Iohn
of the realme and how an enterprise attempted on his behalfe against the Turke was discouered by the Venetians Chap. 14. KIng Ferrand at his departure from Naples left the Marques of Pescare with certaine Almains to defend the castle 1 and sailed himselfe for aide into Sicilie to his father Dom Frederic lay still vpon the sea with a few gallies and came twise to parle with the King vnder safe conduct His demands were that some part of the realme might remain to his nephew with the title of King 2 and that he himselfe might enioy all his owne lands and his wiues His request in respect of himselfe was not great for his partage was small The King offered him possessions in Fraunce both for him and his nephew and I thinke would willingly haue giuen them a good and a great Duchie but they would not accept this offer neither would he grant their demands For what treatie soeuer had been made they would haue broken it when they had seen their aduantage being still resident in the realme The Kings artillerie was bent and shot against the castle of Naples within the which were onely the Almaines for the Marques of Pescare was departed thence And if we had sent but fower cannons to the I le of Iscle 3 we had taken it then al had been ours for from thence returned al the mischiefe 4 but if that had been once woon all the other places they held being not past fower or fiue would haue yeelded But our men fell to feasting to iusts and banketing were so puffed vp with pride that they accountcd the Italians no men Moreouer the King was crowned and lodged in Capouane and went sometime to Mont Imperial 5 True it is that he shewed great grace and fauor to the subiects of the realme for he abated their charges And I thinke verily the people of themselues would not haue reuolted from vs notwithstanding their great inconstancie if we had contented a fewe of the nobles but them no man regarded besides that they were very roughly vsed at the gates Those that were best dealt with were the Carraffes the house of Arragons greatest friends for their estates were but somwhat diminished but the offices and pensions of the rest cleane taken away yea the partakers with the house of Aniou woorse handled than the Arragonois Further into the county of Merillano a commandement was sent for the which the president Ganaye and the Seneschall newly created Duke of Nola and Lord great cchamberlaine of the realme were burthened to haue taken money By the said commandement euerie man was confirmed in his possession and the partakers with the house of Aniou barred from their lands vnlesse they could recouer them by proces Further as touching such as had made entries vpon their own head as for example the Earle of Celano aide was giuen to the parties greeued to dispossesse them againe by force All estates and offices were bestowed vpon two or three Frenchmen and all the prouision of victuales within the castell of Naples 6 when it yeelded being maruellous great giuen to euery man that demanded it at the least all that the King knew of In the meane time the Almaines by practise yeelded the castle 7 in the which they obtained infinit riches the castle of Oeuf 8 was also taken by battery By these faults aboue rehearsed a man may manifestly perceiue that this great conquest was atchieued by the meere grace of God and not by their wisdome that gouerned the enterprise but these foule faults were the works of men puffed vp with pride and vainglorie and not vnderstanding from whence all this their honor and good successe sprang Wherefore they proceeded according to their nature and experience by meanes whereof their good fortune changed as suddenly and as visibly as men may see the day spring in Island or Norway 9 where the daies in sommer are of greater length than in any other place in such sort that within a quarter of an hower after the one daies shutting in the next day light beginneth to appeere Euen so in as short space did euery wise man perceiue the alteration of our good and prosperous successe whereof all Christendome should haue reaped great profit and honor if we had acknowledged it to proceed from him who was indeed the giuer thereof For the Turke then raigning and yet liuing might as easily haue been chased out of Europe as King Alphonse was out of his realme both for that he was a man of no valor and also bicause the King had with him the said Turkes brother whom he feared aboue all men liuing But his said brother died soone after the Cardinall of Valences escape whereupon the report went that he was poisoned when the Pope deliuered him to the King Further there were so many thousand Christians in Greece readie to rebell as a man would hardly beleeue for from Otrante to Valonne 10 are but 60. miles 11 and from Valonne to Constantinople but eighteene reasonable daies iourneies as diuers that haue trauelled the way haue enformed me Betweene them are no strong places at the most not aboue two or three for all the rest be razed Those countries are maruellous populous and they that inhabite them be Albanois Sclauons and Greekes who vnderstood of our Kings good successe by their friends that were at Venice and in Pouille vnto whom also they sent letters and looked daily but for messengers to mooue them to rebell Whereupon the King sent thither the Archbishop of Duras 12 an Albanois borne who found a maruellous number ready to reuolt being sonnes or nephewes of many noble and valiant men of those parts namely the sonnes of Scanderbeg the nephewes of the Emperor of Constantinople and the nephewes of the Lord Constantine now gouernor of Montferrat who were also Nephewes or cosins to the King of Seruia In Thessalia more than fiue thousand would haue rebelled yea and Scutary should haue been surprised by intelligence that the Lord Constantine had within it as himselfe aduertised me at Venice where he lay hidden many daies in my lodging And sure he would easily haue atchieued his enterprise for Macedonie and Thessaly were his inheritance 13 which was the patrimony of Alexander the great Valonne also is part thereof and vpon his dominions Scutary and Croye 14 border the which in his youth his father 15 or vncle engaged to the Venetians who lost Croye and yeelded Scutary to the Turke by treatie The said Lord Constantine lay himselfe within three leagues of Scutarie and the enterprise had been executed had not the said Archbishop of Duras staied at Venice too long after the Lord Constantines departure I daily pressed him very earnestly to depart for he was a man light of talke and vaunted in all places that he would do some feate woorthie of immortall fame and renowme But as the deuill would the selfe same day that the Venetians were aduertised of the Turkes brothers death whom the Pope
had deliuered to the King they determined to send word thereof to the Turke by one of their Secretaries And bicause they knew well that he should be highly rewarded that first brought this newes to the Turke they commanded that no ship should passe that night betweene the two castles which make the very entrie into the gulfe of Venice 16 where also they caused watch and ward to be kept bicause they feared the departure of some of the small boates as gripes and such like whereof there were a great number of the ports of Albany and of their Iles adioining to Greece But the selfe same night this poore Archbishop would needes depart to this enterprise of the Lord Constantine who taried his comming conueighing with him great store of swords bucklers and iauelins to furnish those with whom he had intelligence for they are not permitted to haue weapons in those countries but as he passed betweene the two castels aboue mentioned he was taken and put into one of them both he and his men notwithstanding the ship that caried him was suffred to passe Letters were found about him which discouered the enterprise the L. Constantine hath told me since that the Venetians aduertised thereof both the Turkes garrisons that lay in those parts the Turke himselfe also had it not been for the gripe that was permitted to passe the patron wherof was an Albanois who informed him of all that was hapned he had himselfe been taken but he escaped by sea and fled into Pouille The Notes 1 He meaneth Castelnouo for there are in Naples fower castels The castell of Capoana where the King lodged Castel nouo situate partly in the sea partly on the land with a citadelle by it Castel del ouo situate on a rock in the sea with a great tower called of the French Prince faulay and betweene the castels Nouo and Del ouo is a fort vpon a rocke in the sea with a strong tower The fourth is castel S. Ermo and aboue Naples is an abbey that looketh into the towne called S. Martin in maner of a castell 2 Guicciar saith he desired Calabria for his nephew without title of King 3 The King sent to Iscle but the Frenchmen finding the towne desolate through negligence neuer assaulted the castell 4 He meaneth bicause all Ferrandes partie was retired thither 5 The French Corrector supposeth that this should be en mantean Imperial bicause some write that he was crowned Emperor of Constantinople at Rome but I thinke rather he meaneth Mont de la Crote or the hill Vesuuius whither the King often walked for recreation and per aduenture bicause of the singularities which he sawe there named one of these hils Mont Imperial 6 He meaneth Castel nouo 7 The Almaines yeelded the castell vnder condition that they might haue King Ferrandes mooueables that were within it 8 This castell was so named bicause it was built in forme of an egge 9 For Island and Norway the vnskilfull corrector had chopped in Holland and Auuergne making the author report a meere vntruth 10 Oricum in Latine as some write as others Apollonia 11 Others write but 55. 12 Dyrrachium 13 But the Turke held them from him 14 Troy in times past the strongest towne in Epirus 15 His fathers name was Commenus 16 He meaneth two castels standing at the entrie into the calme sea which is within the naturall banke that defendeth the towne from the rage of the sea without the banke the said castels be hard by Venice A discourse somewhat out of the course of the historie wherein Philip de Commines author of this present worke treateth amply of the estate and gouernment of the Seniorie of Venice and of those things that he saw there and were done there during the time of his ambassage to the said Seniorie for the King Chap. 15. I Will now leaue the King in Naples hauing atchieued his enterprise and will speake somewhat of the Venetians and the cause of mine ambassage thither My departure from Ast to Venice was partly to thanke them for the good answers they had made to two of the Kings ambassadors sent thither and partly to keepe them still his friends if it were possible by any meanes for bicause of their great forces wisedome and good gouernment they might easily haue mated his enterprise in Italie but they being his friends none in the countrie were to be feared The Duke of Milan helped to dispatch me and wrote to his ambassador there resident for he hath one there continually to accompanie me and to giue me instructions to whom I should addresse my selfe His said ambassador receiued monethly of the Seniorie an hundred ducats and had his house well furnished and three barges at their charge to conuay him vp and downe the towne Their ambassador hath the like allowance at Milan saue that he hath no barge for at Milan men ride altogither on horsebacke but at Venice they are caried by bote In my iournie thitherward I passed through their cities namely Bresse Veronne Vincense and Padua with diuers others at euery one of the which I was very honorably entertained bicause of the personage I represented for alwaies either the potestate or the captaine came to receiue me accompanied with a goodly traine but they both issued neuer foorth of the towne for the captaine vsed to come no further than the gate After I was entred the towne they conuaied me to my lodging commanding the host that I should be plentifully serued and all my charges they defraied entertaining me with very honorable words But if a man consider what he must bestowe vpon drums and trumpets he saueth not much though he lie vpon free cost notwithstanding the entertainment is very honorable The same day I entred into Venice they sent as far as Chafousine 1 to receiue me which is a place fiue miles from the towne where men leaue the botes that conuay them downe the riuer from Padua 2 and enter into other little botes very proper and neate couered with tapestrie and furnished within with goodly hangings and veluet cushions to sit vpon Thus far the sea floweth and this is the neerest passage from the firme land to Venice but their sea is maruellous calme vnles a tempest happen to arise which is the cause that so great plenty of all kinde of fish is taken there I woondred to behold the seate of this citie so many steeples so many religious houses and so much building and all in the water but especially that the people had none other passage to fro in the town but by botes wherof I thinke there are to the number of 30000. but they be very small Further about the citie I meane within the compas round about of lesse than halfe a French league are 70. houses of religion as well of men as women all in Ilands sumptuously built richly furnished within and hauing goodly gardens belonging to them Those within the citie I
to offend him but to defend themselues adding further that they aduertised me the day I departed from Padua by one of their prouisors who came with their army that they sent against vs that their force should not passe a certaine riuer in their dominions neere to Parma 4 called as I remember Olye vnlesse he inuaded the Duke of Milan The said Prouisor and I gaue secret tokens each to other by the which messengers might passe to and fro betweene vs if need should so require to treat of some good end for I would breake off no ouuerture of peace bicause I knew not what might happen to the King my Master At this our communication was present one Master Lewis Marcell who by the seniories appointment accompained me out of their dominions and gouerned for that yeere the Motz viere 5 which is a certaine treasure they haue in like maner certaine of the Marques of Mantuas men who caried money to their Master were also present at it but they heard not our talk From these or frō som others I brought the K. in writing the number of their horsemen footmen and Estradiots 6 and the names of their captaines but few of those that were neerest about him credited my words After the King had reposed himselfe two daies at Sene and well refreshed his horses and his company I earnestly pressed him to depart for his enimies were not yet assembled and I feared onely the Almaines arriuall of whom the King of Romaines mustered great force and leuied great summes of money for their paiement But notwithstanding all my solicitation the King put foorth two matters to his councell which were soone debated the one whether he should restore the Florentines places to them and accept the offers they made for the restitution of them being these to pay him the thirtie thousand ducats remaining yet vnpaide of the summe they gaue him 7 to lend him besides seauen tie thousand and to serue him as he passed out of Italie with three hundred men of armes and two thousand footemen vnder the leading of Master Frauncis Secco a valiant knight and in good credit with the King My selfe and diuers others were of opinion that he should accept these conditions retaining onely Ligorne in his hands till his returne to Ast And if he had so done he might haue paied his soldiers and reserued money ynough to haue withdrawen part of his enimies forces and then haue fought with them But this resolution tooke no place for Monseur de Ligny a yoong man cosin german to the King ouerthrew it not alleaging any reason to the contrarie but onely for pitie of the Pisans The other point debated was a matter that Monseur de Ligny himselfe caused to be propounded by Gaucher of Tinteuille by one of the factions of the Senois the which desired the said Monseur de Ligny for their captain For you shall vnderstand that these Senois are euer in diuision and gouerne their common wealth more fondly than anie other towne in Italie 8 I being first asked mine aduise said that I thought it best for the King to march forward not to busie himself with these foolish offers which could not stand him in steed one week to an end alleaging further that bicause this was an imperiall towne we should by this meanes prouoke the whole Empire against vs. All the rest were of the same opinion yet was the cleane contrarie done for the Senois receiued Monseur de Ligny for their Captaine and promised him yeerely a certaine summe of money whereof he neuer receiued peny This foolish matter staied the King there sixe or seauen daies during the which space he solaced himselfe with the Dames Further he left there three hundred of his men diminishing his force by so much and then remooued to Pisa passing by Poggibonzia a castle of the Florentines But they whom he left at Sene were chased thence within a moneth after I had forgotten to tell you how I being at Florence iourneying towards the King went with one of the stewards of his house named Iohn Francois a wise and discreet person to visite a Frier Iacobin called Frier Hieronime 9 a man of holie life as all men reported abiding in a reformed couent where he had remained fifteen yeeres The cause why I went to commune with him was for that he had euer preached very fauorablie on the Kings behalfe so far foorth that his words had staide the Florentines from reuolting from vs for neuer preacher caried so great credit in any citie he had euer assured them of the Kings comming whatsoeuer was said or written to the contrarie affirming that he was sent of God to chastice the tyrants of Italie and that no force should be able to withstand him He preached further that the King should come to Pisa and enter into the towne and that the selfe same daie the estate of Florence should be altered as also it happened for the same daie was Peter of Medicis banished the towne Diuers other things also foretold he long before they happened namely the death of Laurence of Medicis all the which he saide he vnderstood by reuelation He preached yet further that the estate of the church should be reformed by the sword This is not yet come to passe but was very neer and he auoweth still that it shall be Many found great fault with him bicause he saide that God reuealed these things to him but some beleeued him sure I for my part take him for a holie man I asked him whether the K. should passe out of Italie without danger of his person seeing the great preparatiō the Venetiās made against him whereof he discoursed perfectlier than my selfe that came from thence He answered me that the K. should haue som troble vpon the way but that the honor therof should be his though he were accompanied but with an hundred men and that God who had guided him at his comming would also protect him at his returne Adding notwithstanding that bicause he had not done his dutie in the reformation of the Church but had suffered his men to spoile and rob the people as well those that tooke his part voluntarily receiued him into their cities as his enimies God had pronounced sentence against him and would shortly scourge him Neuerthelesse he bad me tell him that if he would haue compassion one the poore people and endeuour himselfe to keepe his men from doing euill and punish the offenders as he was bound by his office to do that then God would reuoke his sentence at the least mittigate it adding thereunto that he ought not to thinke it a sufficient excuse that he in his owne person did no harme He said moreouer that himselfe would go and tel the King thus much and so indeed he did and perswaded with him to restore the Florentines places to them When he spake thus of Gods sentence the death of my Lord the Daulphin came suddenly to my minde for
I saw no other thing that could greatly trouble the King Thus much I haue written to the end it may yet more manifestly appeere that this voiage was in deed a meere miracle of God The Notes 1 He departed from Naples the 20. of May. Annal. Franc. Guicciar 2 The King departed Naples with 800. French launces two hundred gentlemen of his garde a hundred launces vnder Triuulce three thousand footmen Swissers a thousand French and a thousand Gascoines Guicciar 3 He arriued at Rome the first of Iune and a bode there two daies Annal. Franc. 4 For Parma it is better to reade Creme or Bergame for the Venetians dominions lay not neere to Parma besides that the riuer Olio is not neere Parma for the Pau runneth betweene Parma and it so that the Venetians must haue passed the Pau after they had passed Olie before they could haue come to Parma 5 The French Corrector readeth it Montvieil called in Italian Monte Vechio which is a certaine treasure the Venetians haue to pay the interests due vnto the ancientest creditors of their commonwealth as appeereth in the booke of Donato Giannotti 6 VVhat these Estradiottes were looke after Cap. 5. 7 They had giuen the King 120000. ducats as mention is made Cap. 9. lib. 7. 8 The people of Sene were diuided against the order of Montenoue which held a gard of soldiers in the palace The citizens promised de Ligny 20000. ducats a yeere to protect them against the said Montenoue but foorthwith after the Kings departure the faction of Montenoue chased Ligny and his men out of the towne Guicciar 9 This Friers surname was Sauanarola who hath written many goodly homilies and sermons he was borne at Ferrara How the King retained in his hands the towne of Pisa and certaine other of the Florentines places and how in the meane time the Duke of Orleans entred on the other side into Nouarre a towne of the Duchie of Milan Chap. 3. AFter the King was entred into Pisa as you haue heard all the Pisans both men and women besought their guests for Gods loue to make intercession to the King that they might no more returne vnder the Florentines tyrannie who in truth handled them extremely but diuers cities in Italy that be in subiection to others are as euill intreated as they besides that the Pisans and Florentines had been in wars togither the space of three hundred yeeres before the Florentines subdued them These lamentable words before mentioned ioined with teares mooued our men to pitie and caused them so far foorth to forget the Kings promise and oth made vpon the aultar of Saint Iohn at Florence that all sorts of men busied themselues in this matter euen the poore archers and the Swissers who also threatned those that they thought perswaded the King to performe his promise namely the Cardinall Saint Malo so often before named generall of Languedoc whom I my selfe heard an archer threaten There were in like maner that gaue very rough language to the Marshall of Gié The president Gannay by the space of three daies and more durst not lie in his lodging But the Earle of Ligny aboue all the rest fauored the Pisans cause who came in troupes weeping and lamenting to the King in such sort that we all pitied them and would willingly haue releeued them if it had lien in vs so to do One day after dinner fortie or fiftic gentlemen of the Kings house assembled themselues togither and went with their partisans into the Kings chamber where he was playing at tables with Monseur de Pienncs accompanied onely with two groomes of his chamber One of these gentlemen sonne to Sallezard the elder spake as mouth of the rest to the King desiring him to be gratious Lord to the Pisans and accusing certaine of those lately named as traitors to him But the King with so stout language commanded them to depart that after the like neuer hapned The King spent sixe or seuen daies needlesly in the towne of Pisa and then changed the garrison and made captaine of the Citadelle one Entragues a man of lewd conditions seruant to the D. of Orleans whom he thus preferred by Monseur de Lignis sute and left with him in the said Citadelle certaine footemen of the Duchie of Berrie Further the said Entragues procured such friendship I suppose by his money that he was also made captaine of Petrosancte and of another place neere to it called Mortron 1 and in like maner of Librefacto which is neere to Lugues The castle of Serzane being very strong was put at the request of the said Earle of Ligny into the hands of a bastard of Roussi and an other place called Serzanelle into the hands of another being both his owne seruants In these places the King left a great part of his forces notwithstanding that he shall neuer haue such need of men as he had at that time Moreouer he refused the Florentines aid and offers aboue mentioned and draue them into vtter despaire Yet was he aduertised before his departure from Sene that the Duke of Orleans whom he had left behind him in Ast 2 had taken the city of Nauarre in the Duchie of Milan and therefore was well assured that the Venetians would declare themselues his enimies for they sent him word that if he inuaded the Duke of Milan they would aide the Duke with their whole force according to their league lately made and their force was great and in a readines Now you shall vnderstand that presently vpon the conclusion of their league the Duke of Milan thought to haue surprised Ast supposing to finde it vtterly vnmanned but my letters had hastened the forces that the Duke of Bourbon sent thither and the first that arriued were about fortie launces of the Marshall of Gies companie which had tarried behinde in Fraunce and came thither in good time Soone after them arriued also fiue hundred footmen sent thither by the Marques of Saluce The comming of the which staied the Duke of Milans forces led by Master Galeas of Saint Seuerin who hearing these newes retired to Nom a castle of the Duchie of Milan two miles from Ast In the necke of these arriued also three hundred and fiftie men of armes and certaine gentlemen of Daulphine and two thousand Swissers with certain franke archers of the said countrey of Daulphine so that their whole number was 7500. men taking paie But they lingred so long vpon the way that they serued not to the purpose they were sent for For the K. sent for them to come succor him but instead of aiding him he was forced to aid them The K. had also giuen commandement to the D. of Orleans his captaines not to attempte any thing against the Duke of Milan but onely to defend the towne of Ast to meete him at the riuer of Thesin to helpe to conuey him ouer it for that was the onely riuer to trouble him But notwithstanding all